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Watson + </title> + <style type="text/css"> +/*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */ +<!-- + p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; + } + hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; + } + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + body{margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + } + + ul {list-style-type: none; margin-left: 20%;} + + .pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 1%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: left; + color: gray; + } /* page numbers */ + + + + .center {text-align: center;} + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + .lowercase {text-transform: lowercase;} + + .footnotes {border: dashed 1px;} + .footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + .footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + .fnanchor {vertical-align: super; font-size: .8em; text-decoration: none;} + + .poem {margin-left:10%; margin-right:10%; text-align: left;} + .poem br {display: none;} + .poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;} + .poem span.i0 {display: block; margin-left: 0em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 2em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i4 {display: block; margin-left: 4em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + // --> + /* XML end ]]>*/ + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +Project Gutenberg's The First Four Books of Xenophon's Anabasis, by Xenophon + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The First Four Books of Xenophon's Anabasis + +Author: Xenophon + +Translator: John Selby Watson + +Release Date: July 6, 2007 [EBook #22003] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK XENOPHON'S ANABASIS *** + + + + +<b>Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Taavi Kalju, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net</b> + + + + + + +</pre> + + + + +<h3>Handy Literal Translations</h3> + +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> + +<h3>THE</h3> + +<h2>FIRST FOUR BOOKS</h2> + +<h3>OF</h3> + +<h1><span class="smcap">Xenophon's Anabasis</span></h1> + +<h3><i>Literally Translated</i></h3> + +<h3><i>With Explanatory Notes</i></h3> + +<h3>BY</h3> + +<h2>J. S. WATSON</h2> + +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> + +<h4>ARTHUR HINDS & CO<br /> +4 <span class="smcap">Cooper Institute, New York City</span></h4> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>HANDY LITERAL TRANSLATIONS</h2> + + +<p>"<i>To one who is reading the Classics, a literal translation is a +convenient and legitimate help; ... and every well-informed person will +read the Classics either in the original or in a translation.</i>"</p> + +<p>Five volumes are now ready in this popular series. Uniform style and +price:</p> + +<ul> +<li>CAESAR'S GALLIC WAR.</li> + +<li>CICERO'S ORATIONS.</li> + +<li>XENOPHON'S ANABASIS.</li> +<li><span style="margin-left: 2em;">The 1st Four Books.</span></li> + +<li>VIRGIL'S AENEID.</li> +<li><span style="margin-left: 2em;">The 1st Six Books.</span></li> + +<li>HOMER'S ILIAD.</li> +<li><span style="margin-left: 2em;">The 1st Six Books.</span></li> +<li> </li> +<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">OTHERS TO FOLLOW.</span></li> +</ul> + + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>WE ARE ACTING</h2> + +<p>As the Agents of numerous Educational Institutions, large and small, +throughout the country, for the purchase and forwarding of all +Text-books used therein. Our exceptional facilities enable us to attend +to this line of business with the utmost promptness, and we save our +customers the delay and uncertainty of correspondence and dealings with +numerous publishers, express companies, etc.</p> + +<p>We can present no better testimony as to the success of our efforts in +this direction, than the cordial approval of our old patrons, who are +constantly sending us new customers.</p> + +<p><span style="margin-left: 4em;">ARTHUR HINDS,</span></p> + +<p><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>4 Cooper Institute, New York City.</i></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> +<h2>XENOPHON'S</h2> + +<h2>ANABASIS,</h2> + +<h3>OR</h3> + +<h2>EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.</h2> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>BOOK I.—CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<h4>Parentage of Cyrus the Younger. After the death of his father he is +accused of plotting against his brother Artaxerxes, who imprisons +him, but releases him on the intercession of his mother, and sends +him back to his province, where he secretly collects forces, of +which a large proportion are from Greece, to make war on his +brother.</h4> + + +<p>1. Of Darius<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and Parysatis were born two sons,<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the elder +Artaxerxes,<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and the younger Cyrus. After Darius had fallen sick, and +suspected that the end of his life was approaching, he was desirous that +both of his sons should attend him.</p> + +<p>2. The elder then happened to be present; Cyrus he sent for from the +province of which he had made him satrap. He had also appointed him +commander of all the forces that muster in the plain of Castolus.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span></p> + +<p>Cyrus accordingly went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as a friend, and +having also with him three hundred heavy-armed Greeks,<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and Xenias of +Parrhasia,<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> their captain.</p> + +<p>3. But when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was placed upon the throne, +Tissaphernes brought an accusation against Cyrus before his brother, +saying that he was plotting against him. Artaxerxes was induced to give +credit to it, and had Cyrus arrested, with the intention of putting him +to death; but his mother, having begged his life, sent him back to his +province.</p> + +<p>4. When Cyrus had departed, after being thus in danger and disgrace, he +began to consider by what means he might cease to be subject to his +brother, and make himself king, if he could, in his stead. Parysatis, +their mother, was well disposed towards Cyrus,<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> as she loved him +better than Artaxerxes, who was on the throne. 5. Whatever messengers +from the king<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> came to visit him, he let none of them go till he had +inclined them to be friends to himself, rather than the monarch.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> He +also paid such attention to the Barbarians<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> that were with him, that +they were in a condition to take the field, and well inclined towards +himself. 6. His Greek force he collected as secretly as he could, that +he might surprise the king as little prepared as possible.</p> + +<p>He collected troops in the following manner. Whatever garrisons he had +in his towns, he sent orders to the commanders of them to procure +respectively as many Peloponnesians as they could, of the best class of +soldiers, on pretence that Tissaphernes was forming designs upon those +towns.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> For the cities of Ionia had formerly been, under the government +of Tissaphernes, having been assigned to him by the king, but had at +this time all revolted to Cyrus except Miletus. 7. Tissaphernes, +discovering that the people of Miletus were forming a similar design, +[to go over to Cyrus,<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>] put some of them to death, and sent others +into banishment. Cyrus, receiving the exiles under his protection, and +assembling an army, laid siege to Miletus by land and sea, and used +every exertion to restore these exiles; and he had thus another pretext +for augmenting the number of his forces. 8. He then sent to the king, +and requested that, as he was his brother, these cities should be given +to him rather than that Tissaphernes should govern them; and in this +application his mother supported him. Thus the king had no suspicion of +the plot against him, but supposed that Cyrus, from being at war with +Tissaphernes, was spending the money upon troops; so that he was not at +all concerned at the strife between them, especially as Cyrus remitted +to him the tribute arising from the cities which Tissaphernes had had.</p> + +<p>9. Another army was collected for him in the Chersonesus opposite +Abydos, in the following method. Clearchus, a Lacedæmonian, happened to +be in exile. Cyrus, having met with him, was struck with admiration for +him, and made him a present of ten thousand darics.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> Clearchus, on +receiving the gold, raised, by means of it, a body of troops, and making +excursions out of the Chersonesus, made war upon the Thracians that are +situated above the Hellespont, and was of assistance to the Greeks; so +that the towns on the Hellespont willingly contributed money for the +support of his men. This too was a force thus secretly maintained for +Cyrus.</p> + +<p>10. Aristippus, also, a Thessalian, happened to be a guest-friend<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> of +Cyrus, and, being pressed by an adverse faction at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> home, came to him, +and asked him for two thousand mercenary troops, and three months' pay +for them, representing that he would thus be enabled to overpower his +enemies. Cyrus granted him four thousand, and six months' pay, desiring +him not to terminate the strife until he should consult him. Thus +another body of troops was clandestinely supported for him in Thessaly.</p> + +<p>11. He then requested Proxenus a Bœotian, who was also his +guest-friend, to join him with as many men as he could procure, stating +that he intended to make war on the Pisidians, as they molested his +territories. He also desired Sophænetus of Stymphalus,<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> and Socrates, +an Achæan, both of them his guest-friends, to come to him, and bring as +many men as possible, pretending that he was going to war with +Tissaphernes on behalf of the Milesian exiles; and they acted as he +wished.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<h4>Cyrus begins his march, proceeding from Sardis through Lydia into +Phrygia, where he is joined by new forces. The city of Celænæ; the +plain of Caystrus, where the soldiers demand their arrears of pay, +which Cyrus discharges with money received from the queen of +Cilicia. The town of Thymbrium; the fountain of Midas. Cyrus enters +Cilicia, and is met at Tarsus by Syennesis, the king of the +country.</h4> + + +<p>1. When it seemed to him time to march up into the country, he made it +his pretext for doing so that he wished to expel the Pisidians entirely +from the territory, and mustered, as if for the purpose of attacking +them, the whole of the troops, as well Barbarian as Greek, that were on +the spot.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> He also<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> sent word to Clearchus to join him, bringing +whatever force was at his command; and to Aristippus, as soon as he had +come to terms with the party at home, to send him back the troops that +he had. He also desired Xenias the Arcadian, who commanded for him the +mercenaries in the several towns, to bring him all his men except such +as would be required to garrison the citadels. 2. He summoned, too, the +army that was besieging Miletus, and invited the exiles to accompany him +on his expedition; promising them, that if he successfully accomplished +the objects for which he undertook it, he would never rest till he had +re-established them in their country. They cheerfully consented, as they +had confidence in him, and, taking their arms, joined him at Sardis.</p> + +<p>3. To Sardis also came Xenias, bringing with him the troops from the +several towns, to the number of four thousand heavy-armed men. Thither +came also Proxenus, with heavy-armed men to the number of fifteen +hundred, and five hundred light-armed; Sophænetus the Stymphalian with a +thousand heavy-armed; Socrates the Achæan with five hundred; and Pasion +of Megara with three hundred heavy-armed, and the same number of +peltasts.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> Both Pasion and Socrates were among those serving in the +army at Miletus.</p> + +<p>4. These joined him at Sardis. Tissaphernes, observing these +proceedings, and considering the force to be greater than was necessary +to attack the Pisidians, set out, with all possible speed, to give +notice of the matter to the king, taking with him about five hundred +cavalry; 5. and the king, as soon as he heard from Tissaphernes of the +preparations of Cyrus, made arrangements to oppose him.</p> + +<p>Cyrus, at the head of the force which I have stated, commenced his +journey from Sardis,<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> and proceeded through<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> Lydia, three days' +march,<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> a distance of twenty-two parasangs,<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> as far as the river +Mæander. The breadth of this river is two plethra,<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> and a bridge was +thrown over it, constructed of seven boats. 6. Having crossed the +stream, he went forward through Phrygia, one day's march, eight +parasangs, till he reached Colossæ, a populous city, wealthy and of +considerable magnitude. Here he halted seven days; when Menon the +Thessalian joined him with a thousand heavy-armed troops and five +hundred peltasts, consisting of Dolopians, Ænianes, and Olynthians.</p> + +<p>7. Hence he proceeded in three days' march, a distance of twenty +parasangs, to Celænæ, a populous, large, and rich city of Phrygia. Here +Cyrus had a palace, and an extensive park full of wild beasts, which he +was accustomed to hunt on horseback whenever he wished to give himself +and his horses exercise. Through the middle of this park flows the river +Mæander; its springs issue from the palace itself; and it runs also +through the city of Celænæ. 8. There is also at Celænæ a palace of the +Great King,<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> situated near the source of the river Marsyas, under the +citadel. This river too runs through the city, and falls into the +Mæander. The breadth of the Marsyas is twenty-five feet. Here Apollo is +said to have flayed Marsyas, after conquering him in a trial of musical +skill, and to have hung up his skin in the cave, where the source of the +stream rises: and on this account the river is called the Marsyas. 9. +Xerxes is said to have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> built both this palace and the citadel of +Celænæ, when he was returning from Greece after his discomfiture in +battle.</p> + +<p>Cyrus remained here thirty days; during which time Clearchus, the +Lacedæmonian exile, joined him with a thousand heavy-armed men, eight +hundred Thracian peltasts, and two hundred Cretan archers. At the same +time Sosis<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> of Syracuse arrived with three hundred heavy-armed men, +and Sophænetus, an Arcadian, with a thousand. Here Cyrus held a review +of the Greeks in the park, and took their number; and they were in all +eleven thousand heavy-armed troops, and about two thousand peltasts.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> +10. Hence he proceeded two days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, to +Peltæ, a well-peopled city, where he halted three days, during which +Xenias the Arcadian celebrated the sacred rites of Lycæan Jove,<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> and +held public games on the occasion; in which the prizes were golden +strigiles.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> Cyrus was present at the games as a spectator. Thence he +proceeded, two days' march, twelve parasangs, to Ceramon Agora, a +populous city, the last on the side of Mysia.</p> + +<p>11. Hence he proceeded, in three days' march, the distance of thirty +parasangs, to the Plain of Caystrus, a populous city. Here he halted +five days; and at this time more than three months' pay was due to the +troops, which they frequently went to his tent to demand. Cyrus put them +off, giving them<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> hopes, but was evidently distressed; for it was no +part of his character not to pay when he had the means. 12. But while he +was there, Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis king of the Cilicians, paid him +a visit, and was said to have presented him with a large sum of money. +He in consequence gave the troops pay for four months. The Cilician +queen had with her a body-guard of Cilicians and Aspendians; and it was +reported that Cyrus had connexion with her.</p> + +<p>13. Hence he proceeded two days' march, ten parasangs, to Thymbrium, a +populous city. Here, by the road-side, was a fountain, called the +fountain of Midas, king of Phrygia; at which Midas is said to have +captured the Satyr,<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> by mixing wine with the water.</p> + +<p>14. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, ten parasangs, to Tyriæum, a +well-peopled city, where he stayed three days. The Cilician queen is +said to have requested Cyrus to show her his army. With the desire +therefore of exhibiting it to her, he reviewed his troops, as well Greek +as Barbarian, in the plain. 15. He ordered the Greeks to be marshalled, +and to take their places, as they were accustomed to do for battle, each +captain arranging his own men. They were accordingly drawn up four deep; +Menon and his troops took the right wing; Clearchus and his men the +left; and the other captains occupied the centre. 16. First of all, +then, Cyrus reviewed the Barbarians, who marched past him, drawn up in +troops and companies;<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> and afterwards the Greeks, riding by them in +his chariot, with the Cilician queen in her car.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> They had all brazen +helmets, scarlet tunics, greaves, and polished shields. 17. When he had +ridden past them all, he stopped his chariot in front of their phalanx, +and sent Pigres the interpreter to the Greek officers, with orders for +them to present arms,<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> and to advance with their whole phalanx. The +officers communicated these orders to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> their soldiers; and, when the +trumpeter gave the signal, they presented arms and advanced. Then, as +they proceeded with a quicker pace and loud shouts, the soldiers of +their own accord took to running, bearing down upon the tents of the +Persians. 18. Upon this, there arose great terror among the rest of the +Barbarians; the Cilician queen fled from her car; and the people in the +market deserted their goods and took to their heels; while the Greeks +marched up to the tents with laughter. The Cilician queen, on beholding +the splendour and discipline of the army, was struck with admiration; +and Cyrus was delighted when he saw the terror with which the Greeks +inspired the Barbarians.</p> + +<p>19. Hence he advanced, three days' march, a distance of twenty +parasangs, to Iconium, the last town of Phrygia; where he halted three +days. He then went forward through Lycaonia, five days' march, a +distance of thirty parasangs; and this country, as being that of an +enemy, he permitted the Greeks to ravage.</p> + +<p>20. From hence Cyrus despatched the Cilician queen, by the shortest +road, into Cilicia; and sent with her the troops which Menon had, and +Menon himself. Cyrus, with the rest of the army, proceeded through +Cappadocia, four days' march, a distance of twenty-five parasangs, to +Dana, a populous, large, and wealthy city. Here he stayed three days; in +the course of which he put to death a Persian, named Megaphernes, a +wearer of the royal purple,<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> and a certain other person in power, one +of the provincial governors having accused them of conspiring against +him.</p> + +<p>21. They then made an attempt to enter Cilicia; but the sole entrance +was a road broad enough only for a single carriage, very steep, and +impracticable for an army to pass, if any one opposed them. Syennesis, +besides, was said to be stationed on the heights, guarding the defile; +on which account Cyrus halted for a day in the plain. The next day, a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> +messenger came to inform him that Syennesis had quitted the heights, on +receiving information that Menon's army was already in Cilicia within +the mountains, and hearing that Tamos had a number of galleys, belonging +to the Lacedæmonians and Cyrus himself, sailing round from Ionia to +Cilicia. 22. Cyrus accordingly ascended the mountains without any +opposition, and saw<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> the tents in which the Cilicians kept guard. +Hence he descended into a large and beautiful plain, well watered, and +abounding with all kinds of trees, as well as vines. It also produced +great quantities of sesamum, panic, millet,<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> wheat, and barley. A +chain of hills, strong and high, encompasses it on all sides from sea to +sea. 23. Descending through this plain, he proceeded, in four days' +march, a distance of twenty-five parasangs, to Tarsus, a large and +opulent city of Cilicia. Here was the palace of Syennesis, the king of +the Cilicians; and through the midst of the city runs a river, called +the Cydnus, the breadth of which is two plethra. 24. This city the +inhabitants, with Syennesis, had deserted for a strong-hold upon the +mountains, except those who kept shops.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Those also remained behind, +who lived near the sea at Soli and at Issi.</p> + +<p>25. Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, had arrived at Tarsus five days +before Cyrus. But in passing over the mountains which skirt the plain, +two companies of Menon's troops had perished; some said that they had +been cut to pieces by the Cilicians,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> while committing some +depredations; others, that being left behind, and unable to find the +rest of the army or their road, they had been destroyed while wandering +about. They amounted to a hundred heavy-armed men. 26. When the rest of +Menon's troops came up, full of resentment at the fate of their +comrades, they plundered both the city of Tarsus and the palace in it. +Cyrus, on entering the city, sent for Syennesis to come to him; but +Syennesis answered, that he had never yet put himself in the power of +one stronger than himself; nor would he then consent to go to Cyrus, +until his wife prevailed upon him, and he received solemn assurances of +safety. 27. Afterwards, when they had met, Syennesis gave Cyrus a large +sum of money for the support of his army, and Cyrus in return presented +him with such gifts as are held in estimation by a king, a horse with a +golden bit, a golden chain and bracelets, and a golden scimitar and +Persian robe. He also engaged that his country should no more be +plundered, and that he should receive back the captured slaves, if they +anywhere met with them.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<h4>Cyrus is forced to stay twenty days at Tarsus by a mutiny of the +Greek soldiers, who, suspecting that they were led against the +king, refuse to go farther, and offer violence to Clearchus, who +endeavours to force them to proceed. But being told by Cyrus that +the expedition is directed against Abrocomas, and promised an +increase of pay, they agree to continue their march.</h4> + + +<p>1. Here Cyrus and the army remained twenty days; for the soldiers +refused to proceed farther, as they now began to suspect that they were +marching against the king, and said that they had not been hired for +this purpose. Clearchus, first of all, endeavoured to compel his +soldiers to proceed; but, as soon as he began to advance, they pelted +him and his baggage-cattle with stones. 2. Clearchus, indeed, on this +occasion, had a narrow escape of being stoned to death. At length, when +he saw that he should not be able to proceed by force, he called a +meeting of his soldiers; and at first, standing before them, he +continued for some time to shed tears, while they, looking on, were +struck with wonder, and remained silent. He then addressed them to this +effect:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span></p> + +<p>3. "Wonder not, soldiers, that I feel distressed at the present +occurrences; for Cyrus engaged himself to me by ties of hospitality, and +honoured me, when I was an exile from my country, both with other marks +of esteem, and by presenting me with ten thousand darics. On receiving +this money, I did not treasure it up for my own use, or squander it in +luxury, but spent it upon you. 4. First of all, I made war upon the +Thracians, and, in the cause of Greece, and with your assistance, took +vengeance upon them by expelling them from the Chersonesus, when they +would have taken the country from its Grecian colonists. When Cyrus +summoned me, I set out to join him, taking you with me, that if he had +need of my aid, I might do him service in return for the benefits that I +had received from him. 5. But since you are unwilling to accompany him +on this expedition, I am under the obligation, either, by deserting you, +to preserve the friendship of Cyrus, or, by proving false to him, to +adhere to you. Whether I shall do right, I do not know; but I shall give +you the preference, and will undergo with you whatever may be necessary. +Nor shall any one ever say, that, after leading Greeks into a country of +Barbarians, I deserted the Greeks, and adopted, in preference, the +friendship of the Barbarians.</p> + +<p>6. "Since, however, you decline to obey me, or to follow me, I will go +with you, and submit to whatever may be destined for us. For I look upon +you to be at once my country, my friends, and my fellow-soldiers, and +consider that with you I shall be respected, wherever I may be: but +that, if separated from you, I shall be unable either to afford +assistance to a friend, or to avenge myself upon an enemy. Feel assured, +therefore, that I am resolved to accompany you wherever you go."</p> + +<p>7. Thus he spoke; and the soldiers, as well those under his own command +as the others, on hearing these assurances, applauded him for saying +that he would not march against the king; and more than two thousand of +the troops of Xenias and Pasion, taking with them their arms and +baggage, went and encamped under Clearchus.</p> + +<p>8. Cyrus, perplexed and grieved at these occurrences, sent for +Clearchus; who, however, would not go, but sending a messenger to Cyrus +without the knowledge of the soldiers, bade him be of good courage, as +these matters would be ar<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span>ranged to his satisfaction. He also desired +Cyrus to send for him again, but, when Cyrus had done so, he again +declined to go.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> 9. Afterwards, having assembled his own soldiers, +and those who had recently gone over to him, and any of the rest that +wished to be present, he spoke to the following effect:</p> + +<p>"It is evident, soldiers, that the situation of Cyrus with regard to us +is the same as ours with regard to him; for we are no longer his +soldiers, since we refuse to follow him, nor is he any longer our +paymaster. 10. That he considers himself wronged by us, however, I am +well aware; so that, even when he sends for me, I am unwilling to go to +him, principally from feeling shame, because I am conscious of having +been in all respects false to him; and in addition, from being afraid, +that, when he has me in his power, he may take vengeance on me for the +matters in which he conceives that he has been injured. 11. This, +therefore, seems to me to be no time for us to sleep, or to neglect our +own safety; but, on the contrary, to consider what we must do under +these circumstances.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> As long as we remain here, it seems necessary +to consider how we may best remain with safety; or, if we determine upon +going at once, how we may depart with the greatest security, and how we +may obtain provisions; for without these, the general and the private +soldier are alike inefficient.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> 12. Cyrus is indeed a most valuable +friend to those to whom he is a friend, but a most violent enemy to +those to whom he is an enemy. He has forces, too, both infantry and +cavalry, as well as a naval power, as we all alike see and know; for we +seem to me to be encamped at no great distance from him. It is therefore +full time to say whatever any one thinks to be best." Having spoken +thus, he made a pause.</p> + +<p>13. Upon this, several rose to speak; some, of their own accord, to +express what they thought; others, previously instructed by Clearchus, +to point out what difficulty there would be, either in remaining or +departing, without the con<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span>sent of Cyrus. 14. One of these, pretending +to be eager to proceed with all possible haste to Greece, proposed that +they should choose other commanders without delay, if Clearchus were +unwilling to conduct them back; that they should purchase provisions, as +there was a market in the Barbarian camp, and pack up their baggage; +that they should go to Cyrus, and ask him to furnish them with ships, in +which they might sail home; and, if he should not grant them, that they +should beg of him a guide, to conduct them back through such parts of +the country as were friendly towards them.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> But if he would not even +allow them a guide, that they should, without delay, form themselves in +warlike order, and send a detachment to take possession of the heights, +in order that neither Cyrus nor the Cilicians, ("of whom," said he, "we +have many prisoners, and much money that we have taken,") may be the +first to occupy them. Such were the suggestions that he offered; but +after him Clearchus spoke as follows:</p> + +<p>15. "Let no one of you mention me, as likely to undertake this command; +for I see many reasons why I ought not to do so; but be assured, that +whatever person you may elect, I shall pay the greatest possible +deference to him, that you may see that I know how to obey as well as +any other man."</p> + +<p>16. After him another arose, who pointed out the folly of him who +advised them to ask for ships, just as if Cyrus were not about to sail +back,<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> and who showed, too, how foolish it would be to request a +guide of the very person "whose plans," said he, "we are frustrating. +And," he added, "if we should trust the guide that Cyrus might assign +us, what will hinder Cyrus from giving orders to occupy the heights +before we reach them? 17. For my own part, I should be reluctant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> to +embark in any vessel that he might grant us, lest he should send us and +the galleys to the bottom together; I should also be afraid to follow +any guide that he may appoint, lest he should conduct us into places, +from whence there would be no means of escape; and I had rather, if I +depart without the consent of Cyrus, depart without his knowledge; but +this is impossible. 18. I say then that such proposals are absurdities; +and my advice is, that certain persons, such as are fit for the task, +should accompany Clearchus to Cyrus, and ask him in what service he +wishes to employ us; and if the undertaking be similar to that in which +he before employed foreign troops,<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> that we too should follow him, +and not appear more cowardly than those who previously went up with him. +19. But if the present design seem greater and more difficult and more +perilous than the former, that they should ask him, in that case, either +to induce us to accompany him by persuasion, or, yielding himself to our +persuasions, to give us a passage to a friendly country; for thus, if we +accompany him, we shall accompany him as friends and zealous supporters, +and if we leave him, we shall depart in safety; that they then report to +us what answer he makes to this application; and that we, having heard +his reply, take measures in accordance with it."</p> + +<p>20. These suggestions were approved; and, having chosen certain persons, +they sent them with Clearchus to ask Cyrus the questions agreed upon by +the army. Cyrus answered, that he had heard that Abrocomas, an enemy of +his, was on the banks of the Euphrates, twelve days' march distant; and +it was against him, he said, that he wished to march; and if Abrocomas +should be there, he said that he longed to take due vengeance on him; +but if he should retreat, "we will consider there," he added, "how to +proceed."</p> + +<p>21. The delegates, having heard this answer, reported it to the +soldiers, who had still a suspicion that he was leading them against the +king, but nevertheless resolved to accompany him. They then asked for an +increase of pay, and Cyrus promised to give them all half as much again +as they received before, that is to say, instead of a daric, three +half-darics a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> month for every soldier. But no one heard there, at least +publicly, that he was leading them against the king.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<h4>The army reaches Issi, the last city in Cilicia, at which the fleet +then arrives. Cyrus proceeds into Syria, where two of the Greek +captains, Xenias and Pasion, desert the expedition; the good +feeling of Cyrus, in forbearing to pursue them, renders the other +Greeks more willing to accompany him. He arrives at Thapsacus on +the Euphrates, where he discloses the real object of his expedition +to the Greek troops, who express discontent, but are induced by +fresh promises, and the example of Menon, to cross the river.</h4> + + +<p>1. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, to +the river Psarus, the breadth of which was three plethra. He then went +forward, one day's march, five parasangs, to the river Pyramus, the +breadth of which is a stadium. Hence he advanced in two days' march, a +distance of fifteen parasangs, to Issi, the last city in Cilicia, +situate upon the sea-coast, a populous, large, and rich place.</p> + +<p>2. Here Cyrus remained three days, in which time the ships from +Peloponnesus, thirty-five in number, arrived, Pythagoras the +Lacedæmonian being their commander. But Tamos, an Egyptian, had +conducted the fleet from Ephesus, who had also with him five-and-twenty +other ships, belonging to Cyrus, with which he had blockaded Miletus +when it was in the interest of Tissaphernes, and had fought against him +on behalf of Cyrus. 3. In these vessels came also Cheirisophus the +Lacedæmonian, who had been sent for by Cyrus, and who had with him seven +hundred heavy-armed troops, which he commanded as part of the army of +Cyrus. The ships were moored opposite Cyrus's tent. Here, too, the Greek +mercenaries, who were in the pay of Abrocomas, four hundred heavy-armed +men, deserted him and came over to Cyrus, and joined in the expedition +against the king.</p> + +<p>4. Hence he proceeded, one day's march, five parasangs, to the Gates of +Cilicia and Syria. These were two fortresses;<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> of the part within +them, towards Cilicia, Syennesis and a guard of Cilicians had the +charge; the part without, towards Syria, a garrison of the king's +soldiers was reported to occupy. Between the two runs a river, called +Carsus, a plethrum in breadth. The whole space between the fortresses +was three stadia; and it was impossible to pass it by force; for the +passage was very narrow, the walls reached down to the sea, and above +were inaccessible rocks. At each of the fortresses were gates. 5. It was +on account of this passage that Cyrus had sent for the fleet, that he +might disembark heavy-armed troops within and without the Gates,<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> who +might force a passage through the enemy, if they still kept guard at the +Syrian gates; a post which he expected Abrocomas would hold, as he had +under his command a numerous army. Abrocomas however did not attempt +this; but, when he heard that Cyrus was in Cilicia, retreated out of +Phœnicia, and proceeded to join the king, having with him, as was +said, three hundred thousand men.</p> + +<p>6. Hence he proceeded through Syria, one day's march, five parasangs, to +Myriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited by Phœnicians; this place +was a public mart, and many merchant-vessels lay at anchor there. 7. +Here they remained seven days; and here Xenias the Arcadian captain, and +Pasion the Megarean, embarking in a vessel, and putting on board their +most valuable effects, sailed away; being actuated, as most thought, by +motives of jealousy, because Cyrus had allowed Clearchus to retain under +his command their soldiers, who had seceded to Clearchus in the +expectation of returning to Greece, and not of marching against the +king. Upon their disappearance, a rumour pervaded the army that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> Cyrus +would pursue them with ships of war; and some wished that they might be +taken, as having acted perfidiously; while others pitied their fate, if +they should be caught.</p> + +<p>8. But Cyrus, calling together the captains, said to them, "Xenias and +Pasion have left us: but let them be well assured, that they have not +fled clandestinely; for I know which way they are gone; nor have they +escaped beyond my reach; for I have triremes that would overtake their +vessel. But, by the gods, I shall certainly not pursue them; nor shall +any one say, that as long as a man remains with me, I make use of his +services, but that, when he desires to leave me, I seize and ill-treat +his person, and despoil him of his property. But let them go, with the +consciousness that they have acted a worse part towards us than we +towards them. I have, indeed, their children and wives under guard at +Tralles; but not even of them shall they be deprived, but shall receive +them back in consideration of their former service to me." 9. Thus Cyrus +spoke; and the Greeks, even such as had been previously disinclined to +the expedition, when they heard of the noble conduct of Cyrus, +accompanied him with greater pleasure and alacrity.</p> + +<p>After these occurrences, Cyrus proceeded four days' march, a distance of +twenty parasangs, to the river Chalus, which is a plethrum in breadth, +and full of large tame fish, which the Syrians looked upon as gods, and +allowed no one to hurt either them or the pigeons. The villages, in +which they fixed their quarters, belonged to Parysatis, having been +given her for her girdle.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> + +<p>10. Thence he advanced, five days' march, a distance of thirty +parasangs, to the source of the river Dardes, which is a plethrum in +breadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, the governor of Syria, and a +very large and beautiful garden, containing all that the seasons +produce. But Cyrus laid it waste, and burned the palace.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span></p> + +<p>11. Hence he proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteen +parasangs, to the river Euphrates, which is there four stadia in +breadth, and on which is situated a large and rich city, named +Thapsacus. The army remained there five days; and Cyrus sent for the +Greek captains, and told them, that his march was directed to Babylon, +against the Great King; and he desired them to make this announcement to +the soldiers, and to persuade them to accompany him.</p> + +<p>12. The leaders, assembling their troops, communicated this information +to them; and the soldiers expressed themselves much displeased with +their officers, and said that they had long known this, but concealed +it; and they refused to go, unless such a donative was granted them, as +had been given to those who had before gone up with Cyrus to his father, +and that, too, when they did not go to fight, but merely attended Cyrus +when his father summoned him. 13. This state of things the generals +reported to Cyrus; who in consequence promised to give every man five +minæ of silver,<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> when they should arrive at Babylon, and their full +pay besides, until he should bring back the Greeks to Ionia again. The +greatest part of the Grecian force was thus prevailed upon to accompany +him. But before it was certain what the other soldiers would do, whether +they would accompany Cyrus or not, Menon assembled his own troops apart +from the rest, and spoke as follows:</p> + +<p>14. "If you will follow my advice, soldiers, you will, without incurring +either danger or toil, make yourselves honoured by Cyrus beyond the rest +of the army. What, then, would I have you do? Cyrus is at this moment +urgent with the Greeks to accompany him against the king; I therefore +suggest that, before it is known how the other Greeks will answer Cyrus, +you should cross over the river Euphrates. 15. For if they should +determine upon accompanying him, you will appear to have been the cause +of it, by being the first to pass the river; and to you, as being most +forward with your services, Cyrus will feel and repay the obligation, as +no one knows how to do better than himself. But if the others should +determine not to go with him, we shall all of us return back again; but +you, as having alone complied with his wishes,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> and as being most worthy +of his confidence, he will employ in garrison duty and posts of +authority; and whatever else you may ask of him, I feel assured that, as +the friends of Cyrus, you will obtain it."</p> + +<p>16. On hearing these proposals, they at once complied with them, and +crossed the river before the others had given their answer. And when +Cyrus perceived that they had crossed, he was much pleased, and +despatched Glus to Menon's troops with this message: "I applaud your +conduct, my friends; and it shall be my care that you may applaud me; or +think me no longer Cyrus." 17. The soldiers, in consequence, being +filled with great expectations, prayed that he might succeed; and to +Menon Cyrus was said to have sent most magnificent presents. After these +transactions, he passed the river, and all the rest of the army followed +him; and, in crossing the stream, no one was wetted by its waters above +the breast. 18. The people of Thapsacus said, that this river had never, +except on that occasion, been passable on foot, but only by means of +boats; which Abrocomas, going before, had burnt, that Cyrus might not be +able to cross. It seemed, therefore, that this had happened by divine +interposition, and that the river had plainly made way for Cyrus as the +future king.</p> + +<p>19. Hence he advanced through Syria, nine days' march, a distance of +fifty parasangs, and arrived at the river Araxes, where were a number of +villages, stored with corn and wine. Here the army remained three days, +and collected provisions.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2> + +<h4>The army proceeds through Arabia, having the Euphrates on the +right. They suffer from want of provisions, and many of the beasts +of burden perish; but supplies are procured from the opposite bank +of the Euphrates. A dispute occurs between Clearchus and Menon, +which is quelled by Cyrus.</h4> + + +<p>1. Cyrus now advanced through Arabia, having the Euphrates on his right, +five days' march through the desert, a distance of thirty-five +parasangs. In this region the ground was entirely a plain, level as the +sea. It was covered with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> wormwood, and whatever other kinds of shrub or +reed grew on it, were all odoriferous as perfumes. But there were no +trees. 2. There were wild animals, however, of various kinds; the most +numerous were wild asses; there were also many ostriches, as well as +bustards and antelopes; and these animals the horsemen of the army +sometimes hunted. The wild asses, when any one pursued them, would start +forward a considerable distance, and then stand still; (for they ran +much more swiftly than the horse;) and again, when the horse approached, +they did the same; and it was impossible to catch them, unless the +horsemen, stationing themselves at intervals, kept up the pursuit with a +succession of horses. The flesh of those that were taken resembled +venison, but was more tender. 3. An ostrich no one succeeded in +catching; and those horsemen who hunted that bird, soon desisted from +the pursuit; for it far outstripped<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> them in its flight, using its +feet for running, and its wings, raising them like a sail.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> The +bustards might be taken, if a person started them suddenly; for they fly +but a short distance, like partridges, and soon tire. Their flesh was +very delicious.</p> + +<p>4. Marching through this region, they came to the river Mascas, the +breadth of which is a plethrum. Here was a large deserted city, of which +the name was Corsote, and which was entirely surrounded by the Mascas. +Here they stayed three days, and furnished themselves with provisions.</p> + +<p>5. Thence he proceeded, thirteen days' march through the desert, a +distance of ninety parasangs, still keeping the Euphrates on the right, +and arrived at a place called the Gates.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> In this march many of the +beasts of burden perished of hunger; for there was neither grass, nor +any sort of tree,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> but the whole country was completely bare. The +inhabitants, who quarried and fashioned millstones near the river, took +them to Babylon, and sold them, and lived upon corn which they bought +with the money. 6. Corn, too, failed the army, and it was not possible +to buy any, except in the Lydian market among Cyrus's Barbarian troops, +where they purchased a capithe<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> of wheat-flour or barley-meal for +four sigli. The siglus is equivalent to seven Attic oboli and a +half,<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> and the capithe contains two Attic chœnices. The soldiers +therefore lived entirely upon flesh.</p> + +<p>7. There were some of these marches which he made extremely long, +whenever he wished to get to water or forage. On one occasion, when a +narrow and muddy road presented itself, almost impassable for the +waggons, Cyras halted on the spot with the most distinguished and +wealthy of his train, and ordered Glus and Pigres, with a detachment of +the Barbarian forces, to assist in extricating the waggons. 8. But as +they appeared to him to do this too tardily, he ordered, as if in anger, +the noblest Persians of his suite to assist in expediting the carriages. +Then might be seen a specimen of their ready obedience; for, throwing +off their purple cloaks, in the place where each happened to be +standing, they rushed forward, as one would run in a race for victory, +down an extremely steep declivity, having on those rich vests which they +wear, and embroidered trowsers, some too with chains about their necks +and bracelets on their wrists, and, leaping with these equipments +straight into the mud, brought the waggons up quicker than any one would +have imagined.</p> + +<p>9. On the whole, Cyrus evidently used the greatest speed throughout the +march, and made no delay, except where he halted in order to obtain a +supply of provisions, or for some other necessary purpose; thinking that +the quicker he went, the more unprepared he should find the king when he +engaged him, and that the more slowly he proceeded,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> the more numerous +would be the force collected by the king. And an attentive observer +might see that the empire of the king was strong indeed in extent of +territory and number of inhabitants, but weak through the length of the +roads, and the dispersion of its forces, if an enemy invaded it with +rapid movements.</p> + +<p>10. On the other side of the Euphrates, over against their course +through the desert, was an opulent and extensive city, called Charmande; +from this place the soldiers purchased provisions, crossing the river on +rafts in the following manner. They filled the skins, which they had for +the coverings of their tents,<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> with dry hay, and then closed and +stitched them together, so that the water could not touch the hay. Upon +these they went across, and procured necessaries, such as wine made of +the fruit of the palm-tree, and panic<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> corn; for this was most +plentiful in those parts. 11. Here the soldiers of Menon and those of +Clearchus falling into a dispute about something, Clearchus, judging a +soldier of Menon's to be in the wrong, inflicted stripes upon him, and +the man, coming to the quarters of his own troops, told his comrades +what had occurred, who, when they heard it, showed great displeasure and +resentment towards Clearchus. 12. On the same day, Clearchus, after +going to the place where the river was crossed, and inspecting the +market there, was returning on horseback to his tent through Menon's +camp, with a few attendants. Cyrus had not yet arrived, but was still on +his way thither. One of Menon's soldiers, who was employed in cleaving +wood, when he saw Clearchus riding through the camp, threw his axe at +him, but missed his aim; another then threw a stone at him, and another, +and afterwards several, a great uproar ensuing. 13. Clearchus sought +refuge in his own camp, and immediately called his men to arms, ordering +his heavy-armed troops to remain on the spot, resting their shields +against their knees, while he himself, with the Thracians, and the +horse<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span>men that were in his camp, to the number of more than forty, (and +most of these were Thracians,) bore down towards the troops of Menon, so +that they and Menon himself were struck with terror, and made a general +rush to their arms; while some stood still, not knowing how to act under +the circumstances. 14. Proxenus happened then to be coming up behind the +rest, with a body of heavy-armed men following him, and immediately led +his troops into the middle space between them both, and drew them up +under arms, begging Clearchus to desist from what he was doing. But +Clearchus was indignant, because, when he had narrowly escaped stoning, +Proxenus spoke mildly of the treatment that he had received; he +accordingly desired him to stand out from between them.</p> + +<p>15. At this juncture Cyrus came up, and inquired into the affair. He +then instantly took his javelins in his hand, and rode, with such of his +confidential officers as were with him, into the midst of the Greeks, +and addressed them thus: 16. "Clearchus and Proxenus, and you other +Greeks who are here present, you know not what you are doing. For if you +engage in any contention with one another, be assured, that this very +day I shall be cut off, and you also not long after me; since, if our +affairs go ill, all these Barbarians, whom you see before you, will +prove more dangerous enemies to us than even those who are with the +king." 17. Clearchus, on hearing these remonstrances, recovered his +self-possession; and both parties, desisting from the strife, deposited +their arms in their respective encampments.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<h4>Traces of the king's troops are perceived. Orontes, a Persian +nobleman, a relation of Cyrus, offers to go forward with a body of +cavalry, and lay an ambush for the king's army. Before he sets out, +however, he is found to be in correspondence with the king, and is +put to death.</h4> + + +<p>1. As they advanced from this place, the footsteps and dung of horses +were observed, and the track was conjectured to be that of about two +thousand cavalry. These, as they went before, had burnt all the fodder, +and whatever else might have been of use to Cyrus. And here Orontes, a +Persian, by birth<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> connected with the king, and reckoned one of the +ablest of the Persians in the field, turned traitor to Cyrus; with whom, +indeed, he had previously been at strife, but had been reconciled to +him. 2. He now told Cyrus, that if he would give him a thousand horse, +he would either cut off, by lying in ambush, the body of cavalry that +were burning all before them, or would take the greater number of them +prisoners, and hinder them from consuming everything in their way, and +prevent them from ever informing the king that they had seen the army of +Cyrus. Cyrus, when he heard his proposal, thought it advantageous; and +desired him to take a certain number of men from each of the different +commanders.</p> + +<p>3. Orontes, thinking that he had secured the cavalry, wrote a letter to +the king, saying that he would come to him with as many horse as he +could obtain; and he desired him to give directions to his own cavalry +to receive him as a friend. There were also in the letter expressions +reminding the king of his former friendship and fidelity to him. This +letter he gave to a man, upon whom, as he believed, he could depend, but +who, when he received it, carried it to Cyrus. 4. Cyrus, after reading +the letter, caused Orontes to be arrested, and summoned to his own tent +seven of the most distinguished Persians of his staff, and desired the +Greek generals to bring up a body of heavy-armed men, who should arrange +themselves under arms around his tent. They did as he desired, and +brought with them about three thousand heavy-armed soldiers. 5. +Clearchus he called in to assist at the council, as that officer +appeared, both to himself and to the rest, to be held most in honour +among the Greeks. Afterwards, when Clearchus left the council, he +related to his friends how the trial of Orontes was conducted; for there +was no injunction of secrecy. He said, that Cyrus thus opened the +proceedings:</p> + +<p>6. "I have solicited your attendance, my friends, in order that, on +consulting with you, I may do, with regard to Orontes here before you, +whatever may be thought just before gods and men. In the first place, +then, my father appointed him to be subject to me. And when afterwards, +by the command, as he himself states, of my brother, he engaged in war +against me, having possession of the citadel of Sardis, I, too, took up +arms against him, and made him resolve to desist from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> war with me; and +then I received from him, and gave him in return, the right-hand of +friendship. 7. And since that occurrence," he continued, "is there +anything in which I have wronged you?" Orontes replied that there was +not. Cyrus again asked him, "And did you not then subsequently, when, as +you own yourself, you had received no injury from me, go over to the +Mysians, and do all the mischief in your power to my territories?" +Orontes answered in the affirmative. "And did you not then," continued +Cyrus, "when you had thus again proved your strength, come to the altar +of Diana, and say that you repented, and, prevailing upon me by +entreaties, give me, and receive from me in return, pledges of mutual +faith?" This, too, Orontes acknowledged. 8. "What injury, then," +continued Cyrus, "have you received from me, that you are now, for the +third time, discovered in traitorous designs against me?" Orontes saying +that he had received no injury from him, Cyrus asked him, "You confess, +then, that you have acted unjustly towards me?" "I am necessitated to +confess it," replied Orontes. Cyrus then again inquired, "And would you +yet become an enemy to my brother, and a faithful friend to me?" Orontes +answered, "Though I should become so, O Cyrus, I should no longer appear +so to you." 9. On this, Cyrus said to those present, "Such are this +man's deeds, and such his confessions. And now, do you first, O +Clearchus, declare your opinion, whatever seems right to you." Clearchus +spoke thus: "I advise, that this man be put out of the way with all +despatch; that so it may be no longer necessary to be on our guard +against him, but that we may have leisure, as far as he is concerned, to +benefit those who are willing to be our friends." 10. In this opinion, +Clearchus said, the rest concurred. Afterwards, by the direction of +Cyrus, all of them, even those related to the prisoner, rising from +their seats, took Orontes by the girdle,<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> in token that he was to +suffer death; when those to whom directions had been given, led him +away. And when those saw him pass, who had previously been used to bow +before him, they bowed before him as usual, though they knew he was +being led to execution.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span></p> + +<p>11. After he had been conducted into the tent of Artapatas, the most +confidential of Cyrus's sceptre-bearers,<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> no one from that time ever +beheld Orontes either living or dead, nor could any one say, from +certain knowledge, in what manner he died. Various conjectures were +made; but no burial-place of him was ever seen.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER VII.</h2> + +<h4>Cyrus enters Babylonia, and reviews his troops; he addresses the +Greeks, and promises them great rewards in case of victory. He +advances in order of battle, but afterwards, supposing that his +brother had no immediate intention to engage, proceeds with less +caution.</h4> + + +<p>1. Hence Cyrus proceeded through Babylonia, three days' march, a +distance of twelve parasangs; and at the end of the third day's march, +he reviewed his army, both Greeks and Barbarians, in the plain, about +midnight; for he expected that with the ensuing dawn the king would come +up with his army to offer him battle. He desired Clearchus to take the +command of the right wing, and Menon the Thessalian that of the left, +while he himself drew up his own troops.</p> + +<p>2. After the review, at the dawn of day, some deserters from the Great +King came and gave Cyrus information respecting the royal army. Cyrus, +assembling the generals and captains of the Greeks, consulted with them +how he should conduct the engagement, and then encouraged them with the +following exhortations: 3. "It is not, O Greeks, from any want of +Barbarian forces, that I take you with me as auxiliaries; but it is +because I think you more efficient and valuable than a multitude of +Barbarians, that I have engaged you in my service. See, then, that you +prove yourselves worthy of the liberty of which you are possessed, and +for which I esteem you fortunate; for be well assured, that I should +prefer that freedom to all that I possess, and to other possessions many +times as great. 4. But, that you may know to what sort of encounter you +are advancing, I, from my own experience, will inform you. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> enemy's +numbers are immense, and they make their onset with a loud shout; but if +you are firm against this, I feel ashamed to think what sort of men, in +other respects, you will find those in the country to be. But if you are +true men, and prove yourselves stout-hearted, I will enable those of +you, who may wish to go home, to return thither the envy of their +fellow-countrymen; but I think that I shall induce most of you to prefer +the advantages of remaining with me to those in your own country."</p> + +<p>5. Upon this, Gaulites, an exile from Samos, a man in the confidence of +Cyrus, being present, said, "Yet some say, O Cyrus, that you make many +promises now, because you are in such a situation of approaching danger; +but that if things should turn out well, you will not remember them;<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> +and some, too, say, that even if you have both the memory and the will, +you will not have the power of bestowing all that you promise."</p> + +<p>6. Hearing this, Cyrus said, "We have before us, my friends, the empire +that was my father's, extending, on the south, to the parts where men +cannot live for heat; and on the north, to the parts where they cannot +live for cold; and over all that lies between these extremes, the +friends of my brother are now satraps. 7. But if we conquer, it will be +proper for us to make our own friends masters of these regions. So that +it is not this that I fear, that I shall not have enough to give to each +of my friends, if things turn out successfully, but that I shall not +have friends enough to whom I may give it. And to each of you Greeks, I +will also give a golden crown."</p> + +<p>8. The Greeks who were present, when they heard these assurances, were +much encouraged, and reported what he had said to the rest. The +captains, too, and some others of the Greeks, went into his tent, +desiring to know for certain what would be their reward if they should +be victorious; and he did not let them go without satisfying the minds +of all.</p> + +<p>9. But all, who conversed with him, urged him not to engage in the +battle personally, but take his station behind their line. About this +time, also, Clearchus put a question to Cyrus to this effect: "And do +you think, Cyrus, that your brother<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> will come to battle with you?" "By +Jupiter," replied Cyrus, "if he be indeed the son of Darius and +Parysatis, and my brother, I shall not gain possession of these +dominions without a struggle."</p> + +<p>10. In mustering the Greeks under arms, their numbers were found to be +ten thousand four hundred heavy-armed men, and two thousand four hundred +peltasts; of Barbarian troops under Cyrus, there were one hundred +thousand, with about twenty chariots armed with scythes.</p> + +<p>11. Of the enemy the number was said to be one million two hundred +thousand, with two hundred scythed chariots. There were, besides, six +thousand cavalry, of whom Artagerses had the command; these were drawn +up in front of the king himself. 12. Of the royal army there were four +commanders, or generals, or leaders,<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> each over three hundred +thousand men; that is to say, Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and +Arbaces. But of this number only nine hundred thousand were present at +the battle, and one hundred and fifty scythed chariots; for Abrocomas, +who was marching from Phœnicia, did not arrive till five days after +the battle.</p> + +<p>13. This information was brought to Cyrus by some of the enemy who +deserted from the Great King before the battle; and such of the enemy as +were taken prisoners after the battle gave the same account.</p> + +<p>14. Hence Cyrus proceeded one day's march, a distance of three +parasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barbarian, drawn up in +order of battle; for he expected that on this day the king would give +him battle; as about the middle of the day's march, there was a deep +trench dug; the breadth of it was five fathoms,<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> and the depth three. +15. This ditch extended up through the plain, to the distance of twelve +parasangs, as far as the wall of Media.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> Here are the canals which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> +are supplied from the river Tigris;<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> there are four of them, each a +plethrum in breadth, and very deep; boats employed in conveying corn +sail along them. They discharge themselves into the Euphrates, are +distant from each other one parasang, and there are bridges over them. +Near the Euphrates was a narrow passage between the river and the +trench, about twenty feet in breadth. 16. This trench the Great King had +made to serve as a defence, when he heard that Cyrus was marching +against him. By this passage Cyrus and his army made their way, and got +within the trench.</p> + +<p>17. On this day the king did not come to an engagement, but there were +to be seen many traces of men and horses in retreat.</p> + +<p>18. Cyrus sent for Silanus, the Ambracian soothsayer, and gave him three +thousand darics,<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> because, on the eleventh day previous, while +sacrificing, he had told Cyrus that the king would not fight for ten +days; when Cyrus exclaimed, "He will not then fight at all, if he does +not fight within that time; but if you shall prove to have spoken truly, +I promise to give you ten talents." This money, therefore, he now paid +him, the ten days having elapsed.</p> + +<p>19. As the king made no attempt, at the trench, to prevent the passage +of Cyrus's army, it was thought both by Cyrus and the rest that he had +given up the intention of fighting; so that on the day following Cyrus +proceeded on his march with less caution. 20. On the day succeeding +that, he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> pursued his journey seated in his chariot, and having but a +small body of troops in line before him; while the far greater part of +the army observed no order on their march, and many of the soldiers' +arms were carried on the waggons and beasts of burden.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> + +<h4>The enemy are seen advancing in order of battle, and the army of +Cyrus hastily prepare for action. The Greeks, in the right wing, +put to flight the troops opposed to them, and pursue them some +distance. Cyrus, in the centre, directs his attack against the +king, and is killed.</h4> + + +<p>1. It was now about the time of full market,<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> and the station, where +he intended to halt, was not far off, when Pategyas, a Persian, one of +Cyrus's confidential adherents, made his appearance, riding at his +utmost speed, with his horse in a sweat, and straightway called out to +all whom he met, both in Persian and Greek, "that the king was +approaching with a vast army, prepared as for battle." 2. Immediately +great confusion ensued; for the Greeks and all the rest imagined that he +would fall upon them suddenly, before they could form their ranks; 3. +and Cyrus, leaping from his chariot, put on his breastplate, and, +mounting his horse, took his javelin in his hand, and gave orders for +all the rest to arm themselves, and to take their stations each in his +own place. 4. They accordingly formed with all expedition; Clearchus +occupying the extremity of the right wing close to the Euphrates, +Proxenus being next to him, and after him the other captains in +succession. Menon and his troops occupied the left wing of the Greeks.</p> + +<p>5. Of the Barbarian forces, about one thousand Paphlagonian cavalry were +stationed near Clearchus, and the Grecian peltasts on the right; and on +the left was Ariæus, Cyrus's lieutenant, with the rest of the Barbarian +troops. 6. In the centre<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> was Cyrus, and with him about six hundred +cavalry,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> the men all armed with breastplates, defences for the thighs, +and helmets, except Cyrus alone; for Cyrus presented himself for battle +with his head unprotected. [It is said, too, that the other Persians +expose themselves in battle with their heads uncovered.]<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> + +<p>7. All the horses of the cavalry, that were with Cyrus, had defensive +armour on the forehead and breast; and the horsemen had also Grecian +swords.</p> + +<p>8. It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight. But when it +was afternoon,<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> there appeared a dust, like a white cloud, and not +long after, a sort of blackness, extending to a great distance over the +plain. Presently, as they approached nearer, brazen armour began to +flash, and the spears and ranks became visible. 9. There was a body of +cavalry, in white armour, on the left of the enemy's line; (Tissaphernes +was said to have the command of them;) close by these were troops with +wicker shields; and next to them, heavy-armed soldiers with long wooden +shields reaching to their feet; (these were said to be Egyptians;) then +other cavalry and bowmen. These all marched according to their nations, +each nation separately in a solid oblong.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> 10. In front of their +line, at considerable intervals from each other, were stationed the +chariots called scythed chariots; they had scythes projecting obliquely +from the axletree, and others un<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span>der the driver's seat, pointing to the +earth, for the purpose of cutting through whatever came in their way; +and the design of them was to penetrate and divide the ranks of the +Greeks.</p> + +<p>11. As to what Cyrus had said, however, when, on calling together the +Greeks, he exhorted them to sustain unmoved the shout of the Barbarians, +he was in this respect deceived; for they now approached, not with a +shout, but with all possible silence, and quietly, with an even and slow +step. 12. Cyrus in the mean time, riding by with Pigres the interpreter, +and three or four others, called out to Clearchus to lead his troops +against the enemy's centre, for that there was the king; "and if," said +he, "we are victorious in that quarter, our object is fully +accomplished." 13. But though Clearchus saw that close collection of +troops in the centre of the enemy's line, and heard from Cyrus that the +king was beyond the left of the Greeks, (for so much the superior was +the king in numbers, that, while occupying the middle of his own line, +he was still beyond Cyrus's left,) nevertheless, he was unwilling to +draw off his right wing from the river, fearing lest he should be hemmed +in on both sides; and in answer to Cyrus he said, "that he would take +care that all should go well."</p> + +<p>14. During this time the Barbarian army advanced with a uniform pace; +and the Grecian line, still remaining in the same place, was gradually +forming from those who came up from time to time. Cyrus, riding by at a +moderate distance from his army,<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> surveyed from thence both the +lines, looking as well towards the enemy as to his own men. 15. +Xenophon, an Athenian, perceiving him from the Grecian line, rode up to +meet him, and inquired whether he had any commands; when Cyrus stopped +his horse, and told him, and desired him to tell everybody, that the +sacrifices and the appearances of the victims were favourable.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> 16. +As he was saying this, he heard a murmur passing through the ranks, and +asked what<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> noise that was. He answered,<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> "that it was the watchword, +passing now for the second time."<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> At which Cyrus wondered who had +given it, and asked what the word was. He replied that it was, "<span class="smcap">$1</span> and <span class="smcap">Victory</span>." 17. When Cyrus heard it, "I accept it as a +good omen," said he, "and let it be so." Saying this, he rode away to +his own station; and the two armies were now not more than three or four +stadia distant from each other, when the Greeks sang the pæan, and began +to march forward to meet the enemy. 18. And as, while they proceeded, +some part of their body fluctuated out of line,<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> those who were thus +left behind began to run: and at the same time, they all raised just +such a shout as they usually raise to Mars, and the whole of them took +to a running pace. Some say, that they made a noise with their spears +against their shields, to strike terror into the horses. 19. But the +Barbarians, before an arrow could reach them, gave way, and took to +flight. The Greeks then pursued them with all their force, calling out +to each other, not to run, but to follow in order. 20. The chariots, +abandoned by their drivers, were hurried, some through the midst of the +enemies themselves, and others through the midst of the Greeks.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> The +Greeks, when they saw them coming, opened their ranks to let them pass; +some few, however, were startled and caught by them, as might happen in +a race-course; but these, they said, suffered no material injury; nor +did any other of the Greeks receive any hurt in this battle, except +that, on the left of their army, a man was said to have been shot with +an arrow.</p> + +<p>21. Cyrus, though he saw the Greeks victorious, and pursuing those of +the enemies who were opposed to them, and though he felt great pleasure +at the sight, and was already saluted as king by those about him, was +not, however, led away to join in the pursuit; but keeping the band of +six hundred cavalry, that were with him, drawn up in close order around +him, he attentively watched how the king would proceed; for he well knew +that he occupied the centre of the Persian army. 22. All the commanders +of the Barbarians, indeed, lead<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> their troops to battle occupying the +centre of their own men; thinking that they will thus be most secure, if +they have the strength of their force on either side of them, and that +if they have occasion to issue orders, their army will receive them in +half the time. 23. On the present occasion, the king, though he occupied +the centre of his own army, was nevertheless beyond Cyrus's left wing. +But as no enemy attacked him in front, or the troops that were drawn up +before him, he began to wheel round, as if to enclose his adversaries. +24. Cyrus, in consequence, fearing that he might take the Greeks in the +rear, and cut them in pieces, moved directly upon him, and charging with +his six hundred horse, routed the troops that were stationed in front of +the king, and put the guard of six thousand to flight, and is said to +have killed with his own hand Artagerses, their commander.</p> + +<p>25. When this flight of the enemy took place, Cyrus's six hundred became +dispersed in the eagerness of pursuit; only a very few remaining with +him, chiefly those who were called "partakers of his table."</p> + +<p>26. While accompanied by these, he perceived the king and the close +guard around him; when he immediately lost his self-command, and +exclaiming, "I see the man," rushed upon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> him, struck him on the breast, +and wounded him through the breastplate, as Ctesias, the physician, +relates, stating that he himself dressed the wound. 27. As Cyrus was in +the act of striking, some one hit him violently with a javelin under the +eye; and how many of those about the king were killed, (while they thus +fought, the king, and Cyrus, and their respective followers in defence +of each,) Ctesias relates; for he was with him; on the other side, Cyrus +himself was killed, and eight of his principal officers lay dead upon +his body. 28. Artapates, the most faithful servant to him of all his +sceptre-bearers,<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> when he saw Cyrus fall, is said to have leaped from +his horse, and thrown himself upon the body of his master; 29. and some +say, that the king ordered some one to kill him on the body of Cyrus; +but others relate, that he drew his scimitar, and killed himself upon +the body; for he had a golden scimitar by his side, and also wore a +chain and bracelets, and other ornaments, like the noblest of the +Persians; since he was honoured by Cyrus for his attachment and fidelity +to him.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER IX.</h2> + +<h4>The character of Cyrus. All his personal friends are killed, except +Ariæus, who takes to flight.</h4> + + +<p>1. Thus then died Cyrus; a man who, of all the Persians since Cyrus the +elder, was the most princely and most worthy of empire, as is agreed by +all who appear to have had personal knowledge of him. 2. In the first +place, while he was yet a boy, and when he was receiving his education +with his brother and the other youths, he was thought to surpass them +all in everything. 3. For all the sons of the Persian nobles are +educated at the gates of the king;<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> where they may learn<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> many a +lesson of virtuous conduct, but can see or hear nothing disgraceful. 4. +Here the boys see some honoured by the king, and others disgraced, and +hear of them; so that in their very childhood they learn to govern and +to obey.</p> + +<p>5. Here Cyrus, first of all, showed himself most remarkable for modesty +among those of his own age, and for paying more ready obedience to his +elders than even those who were inferior to him in station; and next, he +was noted for his fondness for horses, and for managing them in a +superior manner. They found him, too, very desirous of learning, and +most assiduous in practising, the warlike exercises of archery, and +hurling the javelin. 6. When it suited his age, he grew extremely fond +of the chase, and of braving dangers in encounters with wild beasts. On +one occasion, he did not shrink from a she-bear that attacked him, but, +in grappling with her, was dragged from off his horse, and received some +wounds, the scars of which were visible on his body, but at last killed +her. The person who first came to his assistance, he made a happy man in +the eyes of many.</p> + +<p>7. When he was sent down by his father, as satrap of Lydia and Great +Phrygia and Cappadocia, and was also appointed commander of all the +troops whose duty it is to muster in the plain of Castolus, he soon +showed that if he made a league or compact with any one, or gave a +promise, he deemed it of the utmost importance not to break his word. 8. +Accordingly the states that were committed to his charge, as well as +individuals, had the greatest confidence in him; and if any one had been +his enemy, he felt secure that if Cyrus entered into a treaty with him, +he should suffer no infraction of the stipulations. 9. When, therefore, +he waged war against Tissaphernes, all the cities, of their own accord, +chose to adhere to Cyrus in preference to Tissaphernes, except the +Milesians; but they feared him, because he would not abandon the cause +of the exiles; 10. for he both showed by his deeds, and declared in +words, that he would never desert them, since he had once become a +friend to them, not even though they should grow still fewer in number, +and be in a worse condition than they were.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span></p> + +<p>11. Whenever any one did him a kindness or an injury, he showed himself +anxious to go beyond him in those respects; and some used to mention a +wish of his, that "he desired to live long enough to outdo both those +who had done him good, and those who had done him ill, in the requital +that he should make." 12. Accordingly to him alone of the men of our +days were so great a number of people desirous of committing the +disposal of their property, their cities, and their own persons.</p> + +<p>13. Yet no one could with truth say this of him, that he suffered the +criminal or unjust to deride his authority; for he of all men inflicted +punishment most unsparingly; and there were often to be seen, along the +most frequented roads, men deprived of their feet, or hands, or eyes; so +that in Cyrus's dominions, it was possible for any one, Greek or +Barbarian, who did no wrong, to travel without fear whithersoever he +pleased, and having with him whatever might suit his convenience.</p> + +<p>14. To those who showed ability for war, it is acknowledged that he paid +distinguished honour. His first war was with the Pisidians and Mysians; +and, marching in person into these countries, he made those, whom he saw +voluntarily hazarding their lives in his service, governors over the +territory that he subdued, and distinguished them with rewards in other +ways. 15. So that the brave appeared to be the most fortunate of men, +while the cowardly were deemed fit<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> only to be their slaves. There +were, therefore, great numbers of persons who voluntarily exposed +themselves to danger, wherever they thought that Cyrus would become +aware of their exertions.</p> + +<p>16. With regard to justice, if any appeared to him inclined to display +that virtue, he made a point of making such men richer than those who +sought to profit by injustice. 17. Accordingly, while in many other +respects his affairs were administered judiciously, he likewise +possessed an army worthy of the name. For it was not for money that +generals and captains came from foreign lands to enter into his service, +but because they were persuaded that to serve Cyrus well, would be more +profitable than any amount of monthly pay.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> 18. Besides, if any one +executed his orders in a superior manner, he never suffered his +diligence to go unrewarded; consequently, in every undertaking, the best +qualified officers were said to be ready to assist him.</p> + +<p>19. If he noticed any one that was a skilful manager, with strict regard +to justice, stocking the land of which he had the direction, and +securing income from it, he would never take anything from such a +person, but was ever ready to give him something in addition; so that +men laboured with cheerfulness, acquired property with confidence, and +made no concealment from Cyrus of what each possessed; for he did not +appear to envy those who amassed riches openly, but to endeavour to +bring into use the wealth of those who concealed it.</p> + +<p>20. Whatever friends he made, and felt to be well-disposed to him, and +considered to be capable of assisting him in anything that he might wish +to accomplish, he is acknowledged by all to have been most successful in +attaching them to him. 21. For, on the very same account on which he +thought that he himself had need of friends, namely, that he might have +co-operators in his undertakings, did he endeavour to prove an efficient +assistant to his friends in whatever he perceived any of them desirous +of effecting.</p> + +<p>22. He received, for many reasons, more presents than perhaps any other +single individual; and these he outdid every one else in distributing +amongst his friends, having a view to the character of each, and to what +he perceived each most needed. 23. Whatever presents any one sent him of +articles of personal ornament, whether for warlike accoutrement, or +merely for dress, concerning these, they said, he used to remark, that +he could not decorate his own person with them all, but that he thought +friends well equipped were the greatest ornament a man could have. 24. +That he should outdo his friends, indeed, in conferring great benefits, +is not at all wonderful, since he was so much more able; but, that he +should surpass his friends in kind attentions, and an anxious desire to +oblige, appears to me far more worthy of admiration. 25. Frequently, +when he had wine served him of a peculiarly fine flavour, he would send +half-emptied flagons of it to some of his friends, with a message to +this effect: "Cyrus has not for some time met with pleasanter wine than +this; and he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> has therefore sent some of it to you, and begs you will +drink it to-day, with those whom you love best." 26. He would often, +too, send geese partly eaten, and the halves of loaves, and other such +things, desiring the bearer to say, in presenting them, "Cyrus has been +delighted with these, and therefore wishes you also to taste of them."</p> + +<p>27. Wherever provender was scarce, but he himself, from having many +attendants, and from the care which he took, was able to procure some, +he would send it about, and desire his friends to give that provender to +the horses that carried them, so that hungry steeds might not carry his +friends. 28. Whenever he rode out, and many were likely to see him, he +would call to him his friends, and hold earnest conversation with them, +that he might show whom he held in honour; so that, from what I have +heard, I should think that no one was ever beloved by a greater number +of persons, either Greeks or Barbarians. 29. Of this fact the following +is a proof; that no one deserted to the king from Cyrus, though only a +subject, (except that Orontes attempted to do so; but he soon found the +person whom he believed faithful to him, more a friend to Cyrus than to +himself,) while many came over to Cyrus from the king, after they became +enemies to each other; and these, too, men who were greatly beloved by +the king; for they felt persuaded, that if they proved themselves brave +soldiers under Cyrus, they would obtain from him more adequate rewards +for their services than from the king.</p> + +<p>30. What occurred also at the time of his death, is a great proof, as +well that he himself was a man of merit, as that he could accurately +distinguish such as were trust-worthy, well disposed, and constant in +their attachment. 31. For when he was killed, all his friends, and the +partakers of his table who were with him, fell fighting in his defence, +except Ariæus, who had been posted, in command of the cavalry, on the +left; and, when he learned that Cyrus had fallen in the battle, he took +to flight, with all the troops which he had under his command.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER X.</h2> + +<h4>The head and right-hand of Cyrus cut off. Artaxerxes pursues +Ariæus, plunders the camp of Cyrus, and then returns to attack the +victorious Greeks, who put him to flight, recover what he had +seized, and return to their camp.</h4> + + +<p>1. The head and right-hand of Cyrus were then cut off. The king, and the +troops that were with him, engaging in pursuit, fell upon the camp of +Cyrus; when the soldiers of Ariæus no longer stood their ground, but +fled through their camp to the station whence they had last started; +which was said to be four parasangs distant. 2. The king and his +followers seized upon many other things, and also captured the Phocæan +woman, the mistress of Cyrus, who was said to be both accomplished and +beautiful. 3. His younger mistress, a native of Miletus, being taken by +some of the king's soldiers, fled for refuge, without her outer garment, +to the party of Greeks,<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> who were stationed under arms to guard the +baggage, and who, drawing themselves up for defence, killed several of +the pillagers; and some of their own number also fell; yet they did not +flee, but saved not only the woman, but all the rest of the property and +people that were in their quarters.</p> + +<p>4. The king and the main body of Greeks were now distant from each other +about thirty stadia, the Greeks pursuing those that had been opposed to +them, as if they had conquered all; the Persians engaged in plundering, +as if they were wholly victorious. 5. But when the Greeks found that the +king with his troops was amongst their baggage; and the king, on the +other hand, heard from Tissaphernes, that the Greeks had routed that +part of his line which had been opposed to them, and were gone forward +in pursuit, the king,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> on his part, collected his forces, and formed +them in line again; while Clearchus, on the other side, calling to him +Proxenus, who happened to be nearest to him, consulted with him whether +they should send a detachment to the camp, or proceed, all of them +together, to relieve it. 6. In the mean time, the king was observed +again approaching them, as it seemed, in their rear. The Greeks, +wheeling round, prepared to receive him, in the belief that he would +attack them on that quarter; the king, however, did not lead his troops +that way, but led them off by the same route by which he had before +passed on the outside of their left wing; taking with him both those who +had deserted to the Greeks during the engagement, and Tissaphernes with +the troops under his command.</p> + +<p>7. Tissaphernes had not fled at the commencement of the engagement, but +had charged through the Greek peltasts, close to the banks of the river. +In breaking through, however, he killed not a single man, for the +Greeks, opening their ranks, struck his men with their swords, and +hurled their javelins at them. Episthenes of Amphipolis had the command +of the peltasts, and was said to have proved himself an able captain. 8. +Tissaphernes, therefore, when he thus came off with disadvantage, did +not turn back again, but, proceeding onwards to the Grecian camp, met +the king there; and thence they now returned together, with their forces +united in battle-array. 9. When they were opposite the left wing of the +Greeks, the Greeks feared lest they should attack them on that wing, +and, enclosing them on both sides, should cut them off; they therefore +thought it advisable to draw back this wing,<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> and to put the river in +their rear. 10. While they were planning this manœuvre, the king, +having passed beyond them, presented his force opposite to them, in the +same form in which he had at first come to battle; and when<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> the Greeks +saw their enemies close at hand, and drawn up for fight, they again sang +the pæan, and advanced upon them with much greater spirit than before. +11. The Barbarians, on the other hand, did not await their onset, but +fled sooner<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> than at first; and the Greeks pursued them as far as a +certain village,<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> where they halted; 12. for above the village was a +hill, upon which the king's troops had checked their flight, and though +there were no longer any infantry<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> there, the height was filled with +cavalry; so that the Greeks could not tell what was doing. They said, +that they saw the royal standard, a golden eagle upon a spear,<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> with +expanded wings.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p> + +<p>13. But as the Greeks were on the point of proceeding thither, the +cavalry too left the hill; not indeed in a body, but some in one +direction and some in another; and thus the hill was gradually thinned +of cavalry, till at last they were all gone. 14. Clearchus, however, did +not march up the hill, but,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> stationing his force at its foot, sent +Lycius the Syracusan and another up the hill, and ordered them, after +taking a view from the summit, to report to him what was passing on the +other side. 15. Lycius accordingly rode thither, and having made his +observations, brought word that the enemy were fleeing with +precipitation. Just as these things took place, the sun set.</p> + +<p>16. Here the Greeks halted, and piling their arms, took some rest; and +at the same time they wondered that Cyrus himself nowhere made his +appearance, and that no one else came to them from him; for they did not +know that he was killed, but conjectured that he was either gone in +pursuit of the enemy, or had pushed forward to secure some post. 17. +They then deliberated whether they should remain in that spot and fetch +their baggage thither, or return to the camp; and it was resolved to +return, and they arrived at the tents about supper-time. 18. Such was +the conclusion of this day.</p> + +<p>They found almost all their baggage, and whatever food and drink was +with it, plundered and wasted; the waggons, too, full of barley-meal and +wine, which Cyrus had provided, in order that, if ever a great scarcity +of provisions should fall upon the army, he might distribute them +amongst the Grecian troops, (and the waggons, as was said, were four +hundred in number,) these also the king's soldiers had plundered. 19. +Most of the Greeks consequently remained supperless; and they had also +been without dinner; for before the army had halted for dinner, the king +made his appearance. In this state they passed the ensuing night.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span></p> +<h2>BOOK II.</h2> + + +<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<h4>The Greeks are surprised to hear of the death of Cyrus. Ariæus +resolves to return to Ionia, contrary to the advice of Clearchus, +who incites him to make an attempt on the throne of Persia. +Artaxerxes sends a message to the Greeks; their reply.</h4> + + +<p>1. How the Grecian force was collected for Cyrus, when he undertook his +expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, what occurred in his march up +the country, how the battle took place, how Cyrus was killed, and how +the Greeks returned to their camp and went to rest, in the belief that +they were completely victorious, and that Cyrus was still alive, has +been related in the preceding book.</p> + +<p>2. When it was day, the generals met together, and expressed their +surprise that Cyrus had neither sent any person to give directions how +they should act, nor had made his appearance himself. It seemed best to +them, therefore, to pack up what baggage they had, and, arming +themselves, to march forward till they could effect a junction with +Cyrus. 3. But when they were on the point of starting, just as the sun +was rising, there came to them Procles, the governor of Teuthrania, (who +was descended from Damaratus, the Lacedæmonian,) and with him Glus, the +son of Tamos, who told them that Cyrus was dead, and that Ariæus, having +fled, was, with the rest of the Barbarians, at the station whence they +started the day before; and that he said he would wait for the Greeks +that day, if they would come to him; but on the morrow, he said, he +should set off for Ionia, from whence he had come.</p> + +<p>4. The generals, on hearing this intelligence, and the other Greeks, on +learning it from them,<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> were grievously afflicted; and Clearchus +spoke thus: "Would that Cyrus were still alive; but since he is no more, +carry back word to Ariæus,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> that we at least are victorious over the +king, and that, as you see, no enemy any longer offers us battle; and if +you had not come, we should have marched against the king; and we +promise Ariæus that, if he will come hither, we will seat him on the +royal throne: for to those who conquer, it belongs also to rule." 5. +Saying this, he dismissed the messengers, and sent with them +Cheirisophus the Lacedæmonian, and Menon the Thessalian; for Menon +himself desired to go, as he was connected with Ariæus by ties of +friendship and hospitality.</p> + +<p>6. While they departed on their mission Clearchus waited where he was; +and the troops supplied themselves with food, as well as they could, +from the carcases of their baggage-cattle, slaughtering their oxen and +asses; and, going a little way in front of the line, to the place where +the battle was fought, they collected and used as fuel, not only the +arrows, which lay in great quantities, and which the Greeks had +compelled the deserters from the king to throw down, but also the wicker +shields of the Persians, and the wooden ones of the Egyptians; and there +were also many other light shields, and waggons emptied of their +contents<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> to be taken away; using all which materials to cook the +meat, they appeased their hunger for that day.</p> + +<p>7. It was now about the middle of the forenoon,<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> when some heralds +arrived from the king and Tissaphernes, all of them Barbarians, except +one, a Greek named Phalinus, who chanced to be with Tissaphernes, and +was highly esteemed by him, for he had pretensions to skill in the +arrangement of troops, and in the exercise of heavy arms. 8. These +persons having approached, and asked to speak with the commanders of the +Greeks, told them, "that the king, since he had gained the victory and +slain Cyrus, required the Greeks to deliver up their arms, and go to the +gates of the king,<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> and try to obtain, if they could, some favour +from him." 9. Thus spoke the king's heralds; and the Greeks heard them +with no small<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> concern: but Clearchus only said, "that it was not the +part of conquerors to deliver up their arms; but," he continued, "do +you, fellow-captains, give these men such an answer as you think most +honourable and proper; and I will return immediately;" for one of the +attendants just then called him away to inspect the entrails which had +been taken out of the victim, as he happened to be engaged in sacrifice. +10. Cleanor the Arcadian, the oldest of them, then answered, that "they +would die before they would deliver up their arms." "For my part," said +Proxenus the Theban, "I wonder, Phalinus, whether it is as conqueror +that the king asks for our arms, or as gifts in friendship; for if as +conqueror, why should he ask for them at all, and not rather come and +take them? But if he wishes to get them from us by means of persuasion, +let him say what will be left to the soldiers, if they gratify him in +this particular." 11. To this Phalinus replied, "The king considers +himself the conqueror, since he has slain Cyrus. For who is there now +that disputes the sovereignty with him? And he also looks upon +yourselves as his captives, having you here in the middle of his +dominions, and enclosed within impassable rivers; and being able to lead +such multitudes against you, as, though he gave them into your power, it +would be impossible for you to destroy."</p> + +<p>12. After him, Theopompus,<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> an Athenian, spoke thus: "O Phalinus, we +have now, as you see, nothing to avail us, except our arms and our +valour. While we retain our arms,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> we may hope to profit by our valour; +but if we were to give them up, we should expect to be deprived also of +our lives. Do not suppose, therefore, that we shall give up to you the +only things of value that we possess; but, with these in our hands, we +will even fight for whatever of value you possess." 13. On hearing him +speak thus, Phalinus smiled, and said, "You seem like a philosopher, +young man, and express yourself not without grace; but be assured that +you are out of your senses if you imagine that your valour will prove +victorious over the might of the king." 14. But it was reported that +certain others of the generals, giving way to their fears, said that +they had been faithful to Cyrus, and might likewise prove of great +service to the king, if he were willing to become their friend; and that +whether he might wish to employ them in any other service, or in an +expedition against Egypt, they would assist him in reducing it.</p> + +<p>15. In the mean time Clearchus returned, and asked whether they had yet +given their answer. Phalinus, in reply, said, "Your companions, O +Clearchus, give each a different answer; and now tell us what you have +to say." 16. Clearchus then said, "I was glad to see you, O Phalinus, +and so, I dare say, were all the rest of us; for you are a Greek, as we +also are; and, being so many in number as you see, and placed in such +circumstances, we would advise with you how we should act with regard to +the message that you bring. 17. Give us then, I entreat you by the gods, +such advice as seems to you most honourable and advantageous, and such +as will bring you honour in time to come, when it is related, that +Phalinus, being once sent from the king to require the Greeks to deliver +up their arms, gave them, when they consulted him, such and such +counsel; for you know that whatever counsel you do give, will +necessarily be reported in Greece."</p> + +<p>18. Clearchus craftily threw out this suggestion, with the desire that +the very person who came as an envoy from the king, should advise them +not to deliver up their arms, in order that the Greeks might be led to +conceive better hopes. But Phalinus, adroitly evading the appeal, spoke, +contrary to his expectation, as follows: 19. "If, out of ten thousand +hopeful chances, you have any single one, of saving yourselves by +con<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span>tinuing in arms against the king, I advise you not to deliver up +your arms; but if you have not a single hope of safety in opposing the +king's pleasure, I advise you to save yourselves in the only way in +which it is possible." 20. Clearchus rejoined, "Such, then, is your +advice; but on our part return this answer, that we are of opinion, +that, if we are to be friends with the king, we shall be more valuable +friends if we retain our arms, than if we surrender them to another; but +that if we must make war against him, we should make war better if we +retain our arms, than if we give them up to another." 21. Phalinus said, +"This answer, then, we will report: but the king desired us also to +inform you, that while you remain in this place, a truce is to be +considered as existing between him and you; but, if you advance or +retreat, there is to be war. Give us, therefore, your answer on this +point also; whether you will remain here, and a truce is to exist, or +whether I shall announce from you, that there is war." 22. Clearchus +replied, "Report, therefore, on this point also, that our resolution is +the same as that of the king." "And what is that?" said Phalinus. +Clearchus replied, "If we stay here, a truce; but if we retreat or +advance, war." 23. Phalinus again asked him, "Is it a truce or war that +I shall report?" Clearchus again made the same answer: "A truce, if we +stay; and if we retreat or advance, war." But of what he intended to do, +he gave no intimation.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<h4>The Greeks, joining Ariæus, form an alliance with him, and take +counsel with him in reference to their return. During the night +following the first day's march they are seized with a panic, which +Clearchus allays.</h4> + + +<p>1. Phalinus and his companions departed; and there now returned, from +their interview with Ariæus, Procles and Cheirisophus; Menon had +remained there with Ariæus. They reported, "that Ariæus said that there +were many Persians, of superior rank to himself, who would not endure +that he should be king; but," he adds, "if you wish to return with him, +he desires you to come to him this very night; if you do not, he says +that he will set out by himself early in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> morning." 2. Clearchus +rejoined, "And we must certainly do as you say, if we determine to go to +him; but if not, adopt for yourselves such measures as you may think +most for your advantage;" for not even to them did he disclose what he +intended to do.</p> + +<p>3. But afterwards, when the sun was setting, having assembled the +generals and captains, he spoke as follows: "My friends, when I offered +a sacrifice with reference to marching against the king, the signs of +the victims were not favourable, and indeed it was with good cause that +they were not so; for as I now learn, there is between us and the king +the river Tigris, a navigable river, which we could not cross without +vessels; and vessels we have none. Yet it is not possible to remain +here; for we have no means of procuring provisions. But for going to the +friends of Cyrus, the sacrifices were extremely favourable. 4. We must +accordingly proceed thus: when we separate, we must sup, each of us on +what he has; when the signal is given with the horn as if for going to +rest, proceed to pack up your baggage; when it sounds the second time, +place it on your baggage-cattle; and, at the third signal, follow him +who leads the way, keeping your baggage-cattle next the river, and the +heavy-armed troops on the outside." 5. The generals and captains, after +listening to this address, went away, and did as he directed; and +thenceforth he commanded, and the others obeyed, not indeed having +elected him commander, but perceiving that he alone possessed such +qualifications as a leader ought to have, and that the rest of them were +comparatively inexperienced.</p> + +<p>6. The computation of the route which they had come from Ephesus in +Ionia to the field of battle, was ninety-three days' march, and five +hundred and thirty-five parasangs, or sixteen thousand and fifty +stadia;<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> and the distance from the field of battle to Babylon was +said to be three hundred and sixty stadia.</p> + +<p>7. Here, as soon as it was dark, Miltocythes the Thracian deserted to +the king, with about forty horse that he com<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span>manded, and nearly three +hundred of the Thracian infantry. 8. Clearchus led the way for the rest, +in the prescribed order; and they followed, and arrived at the first +halting-place,<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> to join Ariæus and his troops about midnight; and the +generals and captains of the Greeks, having drawn up their men under +arms, went in a body to Ariæus; when the Greeks on the one hand, and +Ariæus and his principal officers on the other, took an oath not to +betray each other, and to be true allies; and the Barbarians took +another oath, that they would lead the way without treachery. 9. These +oaths they took after sacrificing a bull, a wolf,<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> a boar, and a ram, +over a shield, the Greeks dipping a sword, and the Barbarians a lance, +into the blood.</p> + +<p>10. When these pledges of mutual fidelity were given, Clearchus said: +"Since then, Ariæus, our route and yours is now the same, tell us, what +is your opinion with respect to our course; whether we shall return the +way we came, or whether you consider that you have thought of a better +way." 11. Ariæus replied: "If we were to return the way we came, we +should all perish of hunger; for we have now no supply of provisions; +and for the last seventeen days' march, even when we were coming hither, +we could procure nothing from the country through which we passed; or, +if anything was to be found there, we consumed it ourselves in our +passage. But now we propose to take a longer road, but one in which we +shall not want for provisions. 12. We must make the first days' marches +as long as we can, that we may remove ourselves to the greatest possible +distance from the king's army; for if we once escape two or three days' +journey from him, the king will no longer be able to overtake us; since +he will not dare to pursue us with a small force; and, with a numerous +army, he will not be able to march fast enough, and will pro<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span>bably +experience a scarcity of provisions." "Such," he concluded, "is my +opinion."</p> + +<p>13. This scheme for conducting the army was calculated for nothing else +than to effect an escape, clandestinely or openly, by flight.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> But +fortune proved a better leader; for as soon as it was day they began +their march, with the sun on their right, expecting to arrive about +sunset at some villages in the Babylonian territory; and in this +expectation they were not disappointed. 14. But, in the afternoon, they +thought that they perceived some of the enemy's cavalry; and those of +the Greeks who happened not to be in their ranks, ran to their places in +the ranks; and Ariæus (for he was riding in a waggon because he had been +wounded) came down and put on his armour, as did those who were with +him. 15. But while they were arming themselves, the scouts that had been +sent forward returned, and reported that they were not cavalry, but +baggage-cattle grazing; and every one immediately concluded that the +king was encamped somewhere near. Smoke also was seen rising from some +villages not far distant. 16. Clearchus however did not lead his troops +against the enemy; (for he was aware that his soldiers were tired and in +want of food; and besides it was now late;) yet he did not turn out of +his way, taking care not to appear to flee, but continued his march in a +direct line, and took up his quarters with his vanguard, just at sunset, +in the nearest villages, from which even the wood-work of the houses had +been carried off by the king's troops. 17. These, therefore, who were in +advance, encamped with some degree of regularity; but those who +followed, coming up in the dark, took up with such quarters as they +chanced to find, and made so much noise in calling to each other, that +even the enemy heard them; and those of the enemy who were stationed the +nearest, fled from their encampments. 18. That this had been the case, +became apparent on the following day; for there was no longer a single +beast of burden to be seen, nor any camp, nor smoke anywhere near. The +king had been alarmed, as it seemed, by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> the sudden approach of the +Grecian army; and of this he gave proof by what he did on the following +day.</p> + +<p>19. However, in the course of this night, a panic fell upon the Greeks +themselves, and there arose such noise and commotion in their camp as +usually ensues on the occurrence of sudden terror. 20. Upon this, +Clearchus ordered Tolmides, an Eleian, whom he happened to have with +him, the best<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> herald of his time, to command silence; and proclaim, +that "the generals give notice, that whoever will give information of +the person who turned the ass among the arms,<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> shall receive a reward +of a talent of silver." 21. On this proclamation being made, the +soldiers were convinced that their alarm was groundless, and their +generals were safe. At break of day, Clearchus issued orders for the +Greeks to form themselves under arms, in the same order in which they +had been when the battle took place.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<h4>The king proposes a truce, and supplies the Greeks with provisions +during the negotiation. Three days after he sends Tissaphernes to +them, to ask why they had engaged in hostilities against him; he is +answered by Clearchus. A treaty is then concluded, the king +engaging to send home the Greeks under the conduct of Tissaphernes, +and the Greeks promising to do no injury to the countries through +which they should pass.</h4> + + +<p>1. What I just now stated, that the king was alarmed at the approach of +the Greeks, became evident by what followed; for though, when he sent to +them on the preceding day, he desired them to deliver up their arms, he +now, at sunrise, sent heralds to negotiate a truce. 2. These heralds, +upon arriving at the outposts, requested to speak with the commanders. +Their request being reported by the guards, Clearchus, who happened then +to be inspecting the several divisions, told the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> guards to desire the +heralds to wait till he should be at leisure. 3. When he had arranged +the army in such a manner as to present on every side the fair +appearance of a compact phalanx, and so that none of the unarmed were to +be seen, he called for the heralds, and came forward himself, having +about him the best-armed and best-looking of his soldiers, and told the +other leaders to do the same. 4. When he drew near the messengers, he +asked them what they wanted. They replied, "that they came to negotiate +a truce, with full powers to communicate with the Greeks on behalf of +the king, and with the king on behalf of the Greeks." 5. Clearchus +answered, "Tell the king, then, that we must come to battle first; for +we have no breakfast;<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> and there is no one who will dare to talk to +the Greeks of a truce, without first supplying them with breakfast."</p> + +<p>6. On hearing this answer, the messengers departed, but soon returned; +from whence it was apparent that the king, or some other person to whom +a commission had been given to conduct the negotiation, was somewhere +near. They brought word, "that the king thought what they said was +reasonable, and that they now came with guides, who, in case the truce +should be settled, would conduct the Greeks to a place where they might +procure provisions." 7. Clearchus then inquired, whether the king would +grant the benefit of the truce to those only who went to him, on their +way thither and back, or whether the truce would be with the rest as +well.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> The messengers replied, "With all; until what you have to say +is communicated to the king." 8. When they had said this, Clearchus, +directing them to withdraw, deliberated with the other officers; and +they proposed to conclude the truce at once, and to go after the +provisions at their ease, and supply themselves. 9. And Clearchus said, +"I too am of that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> opinion. I will not, however, announce our +determination immediately, but will wait till the messengers begin to be +uneasy lest we should determine not to conclude the truce. And yet," +said he, "I suspect that a similar apprehension will arise among our own +soldiers." When he thought therefore that the proper time had arrived, +he announced to the messengers that he agreed to the truce, and desired +them to conduct him forthwith to the place where the provisions were.</p> + +<p>10. They accordingly led the way; and Clearchus proceeded to conclude +the truce, keeping his army however in battle-array; the rear he brought +up himself. They met with ditches and canals so full of water that they +could not cross without bridges; but they made crossings of the +palm-trees which had fallen, and others which they cut down. 11. Here it +might be seen how Clearchus performed the duties of a commander, holding +his spear in his left hand, and a staff in his right; and if any of +those ordered to the work seemed to him to loiter at it, he would select +a fit object for punishment,<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> and give him a beating, and would lend +his assistance himself,<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> leaping into the midst, so that all were +ashamed not to share his industry. 12. The men of thirty and under only +had been appointed by him to the work; but the older men, when they saw +Clearchus thus busily employed, gave their assistance likewise. 13. +Clearchus made so much the more haste, as he suspected that the ditches +were not always so full of water; (for it was not the season for +irrigating the ground;) but thought that the king had let out the water +upon the plain, in order that even now there might appear to the Greeks +to be many difficulties in the march.</p> + +<p>14. Proceeding on their way, they arrived at some villages, from which +the guides signified that they might procure provisions. In these +villages there was great plenty of corn, and wine made from dates, and +an acidulous drink obtained from them by boiling. 15. As to the dates +themselves, such as those we see in Greece were here put aside for the +use of the servants; but those which were laid by for their masters, +were choice fruit, remarkable for beauty and size; their colour was not +unlike that of amber; and some of these they dried and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> preserved as +sweetmeats. These were a pleasant accompaniment to drink, but apt to +cause headache. 16. Here too the soldiers for the first time tasted the +cabbage<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> from the top of the palm-tree, and most of them were +agreeably struck both with its external appearance and the peculiarity +of its sweetness. But this also was exceedingly apt to give headache. +The palm-tree, out of which the cabbage had been taken, soon withered +throughout.</p> + +<p>17. In this place they remained three days, when Tissaphernes arrived +from the Great King, and with him the brother of the king's wife, and +three other Persians; and a numerous retinue attended them. The generals +of the Greeks having met them on their arrival, Tissaphernes first spoke +by an interpreter, to the following effect: 18. "I myself dwell, O +Greeks, in the neighbourhood of your country; and when I perceived you +fallen into many troubles and difficulties, I thought it a piece of good +fortune if I could in any way press a request upon the king to allow me +to conduct you in safety back to Greece. For I think that such a service +would be attended with no want of gratitude either from yourselves or +from Greece in general. 19. With these considerations, I made my request +to the king, representing to him that he might reasonably grant me this +favour, because I had been the first to give him intelligence that Cyrus +was marching against him, and at the same time that I brought him the +intelligence,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> had come to him with an auxiliary force; because I alone, +of all those opposed to the Greeks, did not flee, but, on the contrary, +charged through the midst of them, and joined the king in your camp, +whither he came after he had slain Cyrus; and because, together with +these who are now present with me, and who are his most faithful +servants, I engaged in pursuit of the Barbarian part of Cyrus's army. +20. The king promised to consider of my request; and in the mean time +desired me to come and ask you, on what account it was that you took the +field against him; and I advise you to answer with moderation, in order +that it may be easier for me to secure you whatever advantage I can from +the king."</p> + +<p>21. The Greeks then withdrew, and, after some deliberation, gave their +answer, Clearchus speaking for them: "We neither formed ourselves into a +body, with the view of making war upon the king, nor, when we set out, +was our march directed against him; but Cyrus, as you yourself are well +aware, devised many pretences for his proceedings, that he might both +take you by surprise, and lead us up hither. 22. But when we afterwards +saw him in danger, we were ashamed, in the face of gods and men, to +desert him, as we had before allowed him to bestow favours upon us. 23. +As Cyrus, however, is now dead, we neither dispute the sovereignty with +the king, nor is there any reason why we should desire to do harm to the +king's territory; nor would we wish to kill him, but would proceed +homeward, if no one molest us; but we will endeavour, with the aid of +the gods, to avenge ourselves on any one that may do us an injury; +while, if any one does us good, we shall not be behind-hand in requiting +him to the utmost of our power." Thus spoke Clearchus. 24. Tissaphernes, +having heard him, said, "I will report your answer to the king, and +bring back to you his reply; and till I return, let the truce remain in +force; and we will provide a market for you."</p> + +<p>25. On the following day he did not return; so that the Greeks began to +be anxious; but on the third day he came, and said, that he returned +after having obtained the king's permission to be allowed to save the +Greeks; although many spoke against it, saying that it did not become +the king to suffer men to escape who had engaged in war against him. 26. +In conclusion he said, "You may now receive from us<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> solemn promises +that we will render the country, through which you will pass, friendly +to you; and will, without treachery, conduct you back to Greece, +affording you opportunities of purchasing provisions; and wheresoever we +do not afford you an opportunity of purchasing, we will allow you to +take for yourselves necessaries from the adjacent country. 27. On the +other hand, it will be incumbent upon you to swear to us, that you will +march, as through a friendly territory, without doing harm, only taking +a supply of meat and drink, whenever we do not give you an opportunity +of purchasing, but that if we give you such opportunity, you will +procure your supplies by purchase." 28. These conditions were assented +to; and they took the oaths, and Tissaphernes and the brother of the +king's wife gave their right-hands to the generals and captains of the +Greeks, and received from the Greeks theirs in return. 29. After this, +Tissaphernes said, "And now I shall go back to the king; and as soon as +I have accomplished what I wish, I will come again, after making the +necessary preparations, for the purpose of conducting you back to +Greece, and returning myself to my province."</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<h4>The Greeks conceive distrust both of Tissaphernes and Ariæus, and +resolve to march apart from the Persians. They commence their march +under the guidance of Tissaphernes, pass the wall of Media, and +cross the Tigris.</h4> + + +<p>1. After these occurrences, the Greeks and Ariæus, encamping near each +other, waited for Tissaphernes more than twenty days;<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> in the course +of which there came to visit Ariæus both his brothers and other +relations, and certain other Persians, to see his companions, and gave +them encouraging hopes; some too were the bearers of assurances<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> from +the king, that he would not remember to their disadvantage their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> +expedition against him under Cyrus, or anything else that was past. 2. +On these things taking place, the followers of Ariæus evidently began to +pay the Greeks less attention; so that, on this account, they rendered +most of the Greeks dissatisfied with them; and many of them, going to +Clearchus and the other generals, said, 3. "Why do we remain here? are +we not aware that the king would wish above all things to destroy us, in +order that a dread of going to war with the Great Monarch may fall upon +the rest of the Greeks? For the present, he craftily protracts our stay, +because his forces are dispersed; but, when his army is re-assembled, it +is not possible but that he will attack us. 4. Perhaps, too, he is +digging some trench, or building some wall, that the way may be rendered +impassable; for he will never consent, at least willingly, that we +should go back to Greece, and relate how so small a number as we are +have defeated the king at his own gates, and returned after setting him +at nought."</p> + +<p>5. To those who thus addressed him, Clearchus answered, "I have been +considering all these things as well; but I think that, if we now go +away, we shall be thought to go with a view to war, and to act contrary +to the terms of the truce. Moreover, in the first place, there will be +no one to provide us a market, or any means of procuring provisions; +and, in the next place, there will be no one to guide us; besides, the +moment that we do this, Ariæus will separate himself from us so that not +a friend will be left us; and, what is more, our former friends will +then become our enemies. 6. Whether there is any other river for us to +cross, I do not know; but as for the Euphrates, we know that it is +impossible to cross that, if the enemy try to prevent us. Nor yet, if it +should be necessary to fight, have we any horse to support us; while the +enemy's cavalry is most numerous and efficient; so that, though we were +victorious, how many of our enemies should we be able to kill? And, if +we were defeated, it would not be possible for a man of us to escape. 7. +With regard to the king, therefore, who is aided by so many advantages, +I know not, if he wishes to effect our destruction, why he should swear, +and give his right-hand, and perjure himself before the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> gods, and +render his pledges faithless both to Greeks and Barbarians." He said +much besides to the same effect.</p> + +<p>8. In the mean time Tissaphernes arrived, with his army, as if with the +view of returning home; and Orontes came with his army. Orontes also +brought<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> with him the king's daughter, whom he had received in +marriage.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> 9. From hence they now proceeded on their march, +Tissaphernes being their guide, and securing them opportunities of +buying provisions; Ariæus also, with the Barbarian troops of Cyrus, +marched in company with Tissaphernes and Orontes, and encamped in common +with them. 10. But the Greeks, conceiving a suspicion of these men, +began to march by themselves, taking guides of their own; and they +always encamped at the distance of a parasang, or little less, from each +other; and both parties kept on their guard against one another, as if +they had been enemies, and this consequently increased their mistrustful +feelings. 11. More than once, too, as they were gathering fuel, or +collecting grass and other such things, in the same quarter, they came +to blows with each other;<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> and this was an additional source of +animosity between them.</p> + +<p>12. After marching three days, they arrived at the wall of Media,<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> +as it is called, and passed to the other side of it. This wall was built +of burnt bricks, laid in bitumen; it was twenty feet in thickness, and a +hundred in height, and the length of it was said to be twenty parasangs; +and it was not far distant from Babylon. 13. Hence they proceeded, in +two days' march,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> the distance of eight parasangs; crossing two canals, +the one by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one formed of +seven boats. These canals were supplied from the river Tigris; and from +one to the other of them were cut ditches across the country, the first +of considerable size, and the next smaller; and at last diminutive +drains, such as are cut in Greece through the panic<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> fields. They +then arrived at the Tigris; near which there was a large and populous +city, called Sitace, distant from the banks of the river only fifteen +stadia. 14. In the neighbourhood of this city the Greeks encamped, close +to an extensive and beautiful park, thickly planted with all kinds of +trees. The Barbarians, though they had but just crossed the Tigris, were +no longer in sight.</p> + +<p>15. After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happened to be walking in front +of the place where the arms were piled, when a man approached, and +inquired of the sentinels where he could see Proxenus or Clearchus. But +he did not ask for Menon, though he came from Ariæus, Menon's intimate +friend. 16. Proxenus replying, "I am the person whom you seek," the man +said, "Ariæus and Artaozus, the faithful friends of Cyrus, who are +interested for your welfare, have sent me to you, and exhort you to +beware lest the Barbarians should fall upon you in the night; for there +is a considerable body of troops in the adjoining park. 17. They also +advise you to send a guard to the bridge over the Tigris, as +Tissaphernes designs to break it down in the night, if he can, in order +that you may not be able to cross the river, but may be hemmed in +between the river and the canal." 18. On hearing the man's message, they +conducted him to Clearchus, and told him what he had said. When +Clearchus heard it he was greatly agitated and alarmed.</p> + +<p>19. But a young man,<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> one of those who were present, after +reflecting a little on the matter, observed, "that the imputed designs +of making an attack, and of breaking down the bridge, were not +consistent; for," said he, "if they attack us, they must certainly +either conquer or be conquered; if then they are to conquer us, why +should they break down the bridge? for even though there were many +bridges, we have no place where we could save ourselves by flight; 20. +but if, on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> the other hand, we should conquer them, then, if the bridge +is broken down, they will have no place of retreat; nor will any of +their friends on the other side of the river, however numerous, be able +to come to their assistance when the bridge is destroyed." 21. After +listening to these observations, Clearchus asked the messenger what was +the extent of the country that lay between the Tigris and the canal. He +replied, "that it was of considerable extent, and that there were +several villages and large towns in it." 22. It was then immediately +concluded, that the Barbarians had sent this man with an underhand +object, "being afraid lest the Greeks, having taken to pieces<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> the +bridge, should remain in the island, where they would have, as defences, +the river Tigris on the one side, and the canal on the other; and might +procure a sufficient supply of provisions from the country which lay +between, and which was extensive and fertile, with people in it to +cultivate it; and which would also serve as a place of refuge to any +that might be inclined to annoy the king.</p> + +<p>23. They then prepared for rest, but did not neglect, however, to send a +guard to the bridge; but neither did any one attempt to attack them on +any quarter, nor did any of the enemies come near the bridge, as those +who were stationed on guard there reported.</p> + +<p>24. As soon as it was day they crossed the bridge, which was constructed +of thirty-seven boats, with every precaution in their power; for some of +the Greeks, who came from Tissaphernes, stated that the enemy meant to +attack them as they were crossing; but this report was also false. +However, as they were going over, Glus made his appearance, with some +others, watching to see if they were crossing the river; and when they +saw they were, he immediately rode away.</p> + +<p>25. From the Tigris they proceeded, in four days' march, a distance of +twenty parasangs, to the river Physcus, which was a plethrum in breadth, +and over which was a bridge. Here was situate a large town, called Opis; +near which an illegitimate brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was +leading a numerous army from Susa and Ecbatana, with the intention<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> of +assisting the king, met the Greeks, and, ordering his troops to halt, +took a view of the Greeks as they passed by. 16. Clearchus marched his +men two abreast, and halted occasionally on the way; and as long as the +van of the army halted, so long there was necessarily a halt throughout +the whole of the line; so that even to the Greeks themselves their army +seemed very large, and the Persian was amazed at the sight of it.</p> + +<p>27. Hence they proceeded through Media,<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> six days' march through a +desert country, a distance of thirty parasangs, when they arrived at the +villages of Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and the king; which +Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, gave permission to the Greeks to +plunder of everything except the slaves. There was found in them a great +quantity of corn, and sheep, and other property. 18. Hence they advanced +in a march of five days more through the desert, a distance of twenty +parasangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the end of the first +day's march there was situate on the opposite bank of the river a large +and opulent city, called Cænæ, whence the Barbarians brought over, on +rafts made of hide a supply of bread, cheese, and wine.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER V</h2> + +<h4>After a three days' halt on the river Zabatus, Clearchus endeavours +to put an end to the distrust between the Persians and the Greeks +by an interview with Tissaphernes. He is received so plausibly that +he is induced to return on the following day, accompanied by five +other generals and twenty captains, in expectation of being +informed of the persons who had excited, by false reports, ill +feelings between the two armies. The generals are conducted into +the tent and put to death; the captains and those with them are +massacred on the outside, one only escaping to tell the tale. +Ariæus calls on the rest of the Greeks to surrender their arms, but +is answered with defiance.</h4> + + +<p>1. Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatus, the breadth of which +was four plethra. Here they remained three days; during which the same +suspicions continued, but no open indication of treachery appeared. 2. +Clearchus therefore resolved to have a meeting with Tissaphernes, and, +if it was at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> all possible, to put a stop to these suspicions, before +open hostilities should arise from them. He accordingly sent a person to +say, that he wished to have a meeting with Tissaphernes; who at once +requested him to come. 3. When they met, Clearchus spoke as follows: "I +am aware, O Tissaphernes, that oaths have been taken, and right-hands +pledged between us, that we will do no injury to each other: +nevertheless, I observe you on your guard against us, as though we were +enemies; and we, perceiving this, stand on our guard against you. 4. But +since, upon attentive observation, I can neither detect you in any +attempt to injure us, and since, as I am certain, we have no such +intentions towards you, it seemed proper for me to come to a conference +with you, that we may put an end, if we can, to our distrust of one +another. 5. For I have, before now, known instances of men, who, being +in fear of another, some through direct accusations, and others through +mere suspicion, have, in their eagerness to act before they suffered, +inflicted irremediable evils upon those who neither intended nor wished +anything of the kind. 6. Thinking, therefore, that such +misunderstandings may be best cleared up by personal communications, I +have come here, and am desirous to convince you that you have no just +ground for mistrusting us. 7. In the first and principal place, the +oaths, which we have sworn by the gods, forbid us to be enemies to each +other; and I should never consider him to be envied who is conscious of +having disregarded such obligations; for from the vengeance of the gods +I know not with what speed any one could flee so as to escape,<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> or +into what darkness he could steal away, or how he could retreat into any +stronghold, since all things, in all places, are subject to the gods; +and they have power over all everywhere alike. 8. Such are my sentiments +respecting the gods, and the oaths which we swore by them, in whose +keeping we deposited the friendship that we cemented; but among human +advantages, I, for my own part, consider you to be the greatest that we +at pre<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span>sent possess; 9. for with your assistance, every road is easy, +every river is passable, and there will be no want of provisions; but +without you all our way would lie through darkness, (for we know nothing +of it,) every river would be difficult to pass, and every multitude of +men would be terrible, but solitude most terrible of all, as it is full +of extreme perplexity. 10. And even if we should be so mad as to kill +you, what else would be the consequence, than that, having slain our +benefactor, we should have to contend with the king as your most +powerful avenger?<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> For my own part, of how many and how great +expectations I should deprive myself, if I attempted to do you any +injury, I will make you acquainted. 11. I was desirous that Cyrus should +be my friend, as I thought him, of all the men of his time, the most +able to benefit those whom he wished to favour. But I now see that you +are in the possession both of the power and the territory of Cyrus, +while you still retain your own province, and that the power of the +king, which was opposed to Cyrus, is ready to support you, 12. Such +being the case, who is so mad as not to wish to be your friend?</p> + +<p>"But I will mention also the circumstances from which I derive hopes +that you will yourself desire to be our friend. 13. I am aware that the +Mysians give you much annoyance, and these, I have no doubt, I should be +able, with my present force, to render subservient to you; I am aware +also that the Pisidians molest you; and I hear that there are many such +nations besides, which I think I could prevent from ever disturbing your +tranquillity. As for the Egyptians, against whom I perceive you are most +of all incensed. I do not see what auxiliary force you could use to +chastise them better than that which I now have with me. 14. If, again, +among the states that lie around you, you were desirous to become a +friend to any one, you might prove the most powerful of friends; and if +any of them gave you any annoyance, you might, by our instrumentality, +deal with them<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> as a master, as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> we should serve you not for the +sake of pay merely, but from gratitude, which we should justly feel +towards you if we are saved by your means. 15. When I consider all these +things, it appears to me so surprising that you should distrust us, that +I would most gladly hear the name<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> of him who is so persuasive a +speaker as to make you believe that we are forming designs against you."</p> + +<p>Thus spoke Clearchus. Tissaphernes replied as follows: 16. "I am +delighted, O Clearchus, to hear your judicious observations; for, with +these sentiments, if you were to meditate anything to my injury, you +would appear to be at the same time your own enemy. But that you may be +convinced that you have no just cause for distrusting either the king or +me, listen to me in your turn. 17. If we wished to destroy you, do we +appear to you to be deficient in numbers either of cavalry or infantry, +or in warlike equipments, with the aid of which we might be able to do +you injury, without danger of suffering any in return? 18. Or do we seem +to you likely to be in want of suitable places to make an attack upon +you? Are there not so many plains, which, as the inhabitants of them are +friendly to us,<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> you traverse with exceeding toil? See you not so +many mountains before you to be crossed, which we might, by +pre-occupying them, render impassable to you? Or are there not so many +rivers, at which we might parcel you out<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> as many at a time as we +might be willing to engage? Some of these rivers, indeed, you could not +cross at all, unless we secured you a passage. 19. But even supposing +that we were baffled in all these points, yet fire at least would prove +its power over the produce of the soil; by burning which, we could set +famine in array against you, which, though you were the bravest of the +brave, you would find it difficult to withstand. 20. How then, having so +many means<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> of waging war with you, and none of them attended with +danger to ourselves, should we select from amongst them all this mode, +the only one that is impious in the sight of the gods, the only one that +is disgraceful in the sight of men? 21. It belongs, altogether, to men +who are destitute of means, deprived of every resource, and under the +coercion of necessity, and at the same time devoid of principle, to seek +to effect their purposes by perjury towards the gods, and breach of +faith towards men. We, O Clearchus, are not so foolish or so +inconsiderate; 22. or why, when we have the opportunity of effecting +your destruction, have we made no such attempt? Be well assured, that +the cause of this was my desire to prove myself faithful to the Greeks, +and, in consequence of doing them service, to return supported by that +very body of foreign troops, to whom Cyrus, when he went up, trusted +only on account of the pay that he gave them. 23. As to the particulars +in which you will be of service to me, some of them you have enumerated, +but of the greatest of all I am myself fully conscious; for though it is +permitted to the king alone to wear the turban upright on the head, yet +perhaps another than he may, with your assistance, wear that upright +which is on the heart."<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p> + +<p>24. Tissaphernes, in speaking thus, seemed to Clearchus to speak with +sincerity, and he replied, "Do not those, then, who endeavour by calumny +to make us enemies, when there are such strong inducements to friendship +between us, deserve the severest of punishment?" 25. "Well, then," said +Tissaphernes, "if you will come to me, as well generals as captains, in +a public manner, I will inform you who they are that tell<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> me that you +are forming plots against me and my army." 26. "I will bring them all," +said Clearchus, "and, on my part, will let you know the quarter whence I +hear reports respecting you." 27. After this conversation, Tissaphernes, +behaving to Clearchus with much courtesy, desired him to stay with him, +and made him his guest at supper.</p> + +<p>On the following day, when Clearchus returned to the camp, he plainly +showed that he considered himself to be on the most friendly footing +with Tissaphernes, and stated what he had proposed; and he said that +those must go to Tissaphernes, whose presence he required, and that +whoever of the Greeks should be proved guilty of uttering the alleged +calumnies, must be punished as traitors, and persons ill-affected to the +Greeks. 28. It was Menon that he suspected of making the charges, as he +knew that he had had an interview with Tissaphernes in company with +Ariæus, and was forming a party and intriguing against himself, in order +that, having gained the whole army over to his own interests, he might +secure the friendship of Tissaphernes. 29. Clearchus likewise wished the +whole army to have their affections fixed on himself, and troublesome +rivals to be removed out of his way.</p> + +<p>Some of the soldiers urged, in opposition to his advice, that all the +captains and generals should not go, and that they ought to place no +confidence in Tissaphernes. 30. But Clearchus pressed his proposal with +great vehemence, till he at length succeeded in getting five generals +and twenty captains to go; and some of the other soldiers followed them, +to the number of about two hundred, as if for the purpose of +marketing.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p> + +<p>31. When they had arrived at the entrance of Tissaphernes' tent, the +generals, who were Proxenus the Bœotian, Menon the Thessalian, Agias +the Arcadian, Clearchus the Lacedæmonian, and Socrates the Achæan, were +invited to enter; but the captains waited at the door. 32. Not long +after, at one and the same signal, those within were seized, and those +without massacred; and immediately afterwards a body of Barbarian +cavalry, riding through the plain, killed every Greek, slave or freeman, +that they met.</p> + +<p>33. The Greeks, observing the motions of these cavalry<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> from the camp, +were filled with astonishment, and wondered what they could be doing, +till Nicarchus an Arcadian came fleeing thither, wounded in the belly +and holding his intestines in his hands, and related all that had +occurred. 34. The Greeks, in consequence, ran to their arms in a state +of general consternation, expecting that the enemy would immediately +march upon the camp. 35. They however did not all come, but only Ariæus +and Artaozus and Mithridates, who had been Cyrus's most confidential +friends; and the interpreter of the Greeks said, that he saw with them, +and recognised, the brother of Tissaphernes. Other Persians, equipped +with corslets, to the number of three hundred, were in attendance on +them. 36. As they approached the camp, they called for whatever general +or captain of the Greeks might be there, to come out to them, that they +might deliver a message from the king. 37. There accordingly went forth +to them, with much caution, Cleanor the Orchomenian, and Sophænetus the +Stymphalian, generals of the Greeks, and with them Xenophon the +Athenian, that he might learn news of Proxenus. As for Cheirisophus, he +happened to be absent at some village looking for provisions.</p> + +<p>38. When they had stopped just within hearing, Ariæus said to them: +"Clearchus, O Greeks, having been found guilty of perjury, and of +violating the truce, has received his just punishment, and is dead; +Proxenus and Menon, as having denounced his treachery, are in great +honour; but the king demands of you your arms; for he says that they are +his, as they belonged to Cyrus his subject." 39. To this the Greeks +answered, (Cleanor the Orchomenian spoke for them,) "O Ariæus, most +wicked of men, and the rest of you, as many as were the friends of +Cyrus, have you no regard either for gods or men, that, after having +sworn that you would consider our friends and enemies to be likewise +yours, you have thus,<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> after treacherously deserting us in concert +with Tissaphernes, the most godless and most unprincipled of human +beings, murdered the very men to whom you swore alliance, and, +abandoning us who are left, have come against us in conjunction with our +enemies?" 40. Ariæus replied, "Clearchus had been previously detected in +treacherous designs against Tissaphernes and Orontes, and all of us who +accompany them." 41. To this Xenophon rejoined, "Clearchus, then, if he +infringed the truce in violation of his oath, is deservedly punished; +for it is just that those who violate their oaths should suffer death; +but as for Proxenus and Menon, as they are your benefactors and our +generals, send them hither; for it is clear that, being friends to both +parties, they will endeavour to advise what is best both for you and for +us." 42. The Barbarians, after conversing among themselves for some +time, departed without making any answer to this proposal.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<h4>The characters of the five generals that were put to death.</h4> + + +<p>1. The generals, who were thus made prisoners, were taken up to the +king, and put to death by being beheaded.</p> + +<p>One of them, Clearchus, by the general consent of all who were +acquainted with him, appears to have been a man well qualified for war, +and extremely fond of military enterprise. 2. For as long as the +Lacedæmonians were at war with the Athenians, he remained in the service +of his country; but when the peace took place, having induced his +government to believe that the Thracians were committing ravages on the +Greeks, and having gained his point, as well as he could, with the +Ephori, he sailed from home to make war upon the Thracians that lie +above the Chersonesus and Perinthus. 3. But when the Ephori, after he +was gone, hav<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span>ing for some reason changed their mind, took measures to +oblige him to turn back from the Isthmus, he then no longer paid +obedience to their commands, but sailed away to the Hellespont, 4. and +was in consequence condemned to death, for disobedience, by the chief +magistrates at Sparta. Being then an exile, he went to Cyrus; and by +what methods he conciliated the favour of Cyrus, has been told in +another place. Cyrus presented him with ten thousand darics; 5. and he, +on receiving that sum, did not give himself up to idleness, but having +collected an army with the money, made war upon the Thracians, and +conquered them in battle, and from that time plundered and laid waste +their country, and continued this warfare till Cyrus had need of his +army; when he went to him, for the purpose of again making war in +concert with him.</p> + +<p>6. These seem to me to have been the proceedings of one fond of war, +who, when he might have lived in peace without disgrace or loss, chose +war in preference; when he might have spent his time in idleness, +voluntarily underwent toil for the sake of military adventure; and when +he might have enjoyed riches in security, chose rather, by engaging in +warfare, to diminish their amount. He was indeed led by inclination to +spend his money in war, as he might have spent it in pursuits of +gallantry, or any other pleasure; to such a degree was he fond of war. +7. He appears also to have been qualified for military undertakings, as +he liked perilous adventure, was ready to march day and night against +the enemy, and was possessed of great presence of mind in circumstances +of difficulty, as those who were with him on all such occasions were +universally ready to acknowledge.</p> + +<p>8. For commanding troops he was said to be qualified in as great a +degree as was consistent with his temper; for he was excelled by no one +in ability to contrive how an army might have provisions, and to procure +them; and he was equally fitted to impress on all around him the +necessity of obeying Clearchus. 9. This he effected by severity; for he +was of a stern countenance and harsh voice; and he always punished +violently, and sometimes in anger, so that he occasionally repented of +what he had done. He punished too on principle, for he thought that +there could be no efficiency in an army undisciplined by chastisement. +10. He is also re<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span>ported to have said, that a soldier ought to fear his +commander more than the enemy, if he would either keep guard well, or +abstain from doing injury to friends, or march without hesitation +against foes. 11. In circumstances of danger, accordingly, the soldiers +were willing to obey him implicitly, and wished for no other leader; for +they said, that the sternness in his countenance then assumed an +appearance of cheerfulness, and that what was severe in it seemed +undauntedness against the enemy; so that it appeared indicative of +safety, and not of austerity. 12. But when they were out of danger, and +were at liberty to betake themselves to other chiefs, they deserted him +in great numbers; for he had nothing attractive in him, but was always +forbidding and repulsive, so that the soldiers felt towards him as boys +towards their master. 13. Hence it was, that he never had any one who +followed him out of friendship and attachment to his person; though such +as followed him from being appointed to the service by their country, or +from being compelled by want or other necessity, he found extremely +submissive to him. 14. And when they began under his command to gain +victories over the enemy, there were many important circumstances that +concurred to render his troops excellent soldiers; for their perfect +confidence against the enemy had its effect, and their dread of +punishment from him rendered them strictly observant of discipline. 15. +Such was his character as a commander. But he was said to have been by +no means willing to be commanded by others. When he was put to death, he +was about fifty years of age.</p> + +<p>16. Proxenus the Bœotian, from his earliest youth, felt a desire to +become a man capable of great undertakings; and through this desire paid +Gorgias of Leontium for instruction. 17. When he had passed some time +with him, and thought himself capable of command, and, if honoured with +the friendship of the great, of making no inadequate return for their +favours, he proceeded to take a part in this enterprise with Cyrus; and +expected to acquire in it a great name, extensive influence, and +abundant wealth. 18. But though he earnestly wished for these things, he +at the same time plainly showed, that he was unwilling to acquire any of +them by injustice, but that he thought he ought to obtain them by just +and honourable means, or otherwise not at all.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span></p> + +<p>19. He was indeed able to command orderly and well-disposed men, but +incapable of inspiring ordinary soldiers with either respect or fear for +him; he stood even more in awe of those under his command, than they of +him; and evidently showed that he was more afraid of being disliked by +his soldiers, than his soldiers of being disobedient to him. 20. He +thought it sufficient both for being, and appearing, capable of command, +to praise him who did well, and withhold his praise from the offender. +Such, therefore, of his followers, as were of honourable and virtuous +character, were much attached to him, but the unprincipled formed +designs upon him, as a man easy to manage. He was about thirty years old +when he was put to death.</p> + +<p>21. As for Menon the Thessalian, he ever manifested an excessive desire +for riches, being desirous of command that he might receive greater pay, +and desirous of honours that he might obtain greater perquisites; and he +wished to be well with those in power, in order that when he did wrong +he might not suffer punishment. 22. To accomplish what he desired, he +thought that the shortest road lay through perjury, falsehood, and +deceit; while sincerity and truth he regarded as no better than folly. +23. He evidently had no affection for any man; and as for those to whom +he professed to be a friend, he was unmistakeably plotting mischief +against them. He never ridiculed an enemy, but always used to talk with +his associates as if ridiculing all of them.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> 24. He formed no +designs on the property of his enemies, (for he thought it difficult to +take what belonged to such as were on their guard against him,) but +looked upon himself as the only person sensible how very easy it was to +invade the unguarded property of friends.</p> + +<p>25. Those whom he saw given to perjury and injustice, he feared as men +well armed; but sought to practise on those who were pious and observant +of truth, as imbeciles. 26. As another might take a pride in religion, +and truth, and justice, so Menon took a pride in being able to deceive, +in devising falsehoods, in sneering at friends; and thought the man who +was guileless was to be regarded as deficient in knowledge of the world. +He believed that he must conciliate those, in whose<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> friendship he +wished to stand first, by calumniating such as already held the chief +place in their favour. 27. The soldiers he tried to render obedient to +him by being an accomplice in their dishonesty. He expected to be +honoured and courted, by showing that he had the power and the will to +inflict the greatest injuries. When any one deserted him, he spoke of it +as a favour on his own part that, while he made use of his services, he +did not work his destruction.</p> + +<p>28. As to such parts of his history as are little known, I might, if I +were to speak of them, say something untrue of him; but those which +every one knows, are these. While yet in the prime of youth he obtained, +at the hands of Aristippus, the command of his corps of mercenaries. He +was also, in his prime, most intimate with Ariæus, though a Barbarian, +as Ariæus delighted in beautiful youths. He himself, too, while yet a +beardless youth, made a favourite of Tharypas, who had arrived at +manhood.</p> + +<p>29. When his fellow-officers were put to death, because they had served +with Cyrus against the king, he, though he had done the same, was not +put to death with them; but after the death of the other generals, he +died under a punishment inflicted by the king, not like Clearchus and +the other commanders, who were beheaded (which appears to be the +speediest kind of death); but after living a year in torture, like a +malefactor, he is said at length to have met his end.</p> + +<p>30. Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Achæan were also put to death. +These no one ever derided as wanting courage in battle, or blamed for +their conduct towards their friends. They were both about five and +thirty years of age.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span></p> +<h2>BOOK III.</h2> + + +<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<h4>Dejection of the Greeks. How Xenophon was led to join in Cyrus's +expedition. His dream, and reflections. He rouses the captains of +the division that Proxenus had commanded, and exhorts them to take +measures for their safety. Apollonides deprived of his captaincy. A +general meeting of the surviving generals and captains, at which +Xenophon persuades them to choose new commanders in the room of +those that they had lost. Xenophon is one of those elected.</h4> + + +<p>1. What the Greeks did in their march up the country with Cyrus, until +the time of the battle, and what occurred after Cyrus was dead, when the +Greeks set out to return with Tissaphernes in reliance on a truce, has +been related in the preceding part of the work.</p> + +<p>2. After the generals were made prisoners, and such of the captains and +soldiers as had accompanied them were put to death, the Greeks were in +great perplexity, reflecting that they were not far from the king's +residence;<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> that there were around them, on all sides, many hostile +nations and cities; that no one would any longer secure them +opportunities of purchasing provisions; that they were distant from +Greece not less than ten thousand stadia; that there was no one to guide +them on the way; that impassable rivers would intercept them in the +midst of their course; that the Barbarians who had gone up with Cyrus +had deserted them; and that they were left utterly alone, having no +cavalry to support them, so that it was certain, even if they defeated +their enemies, that they would kill not a man of them, and that, if they +were defeated, none of themselves would be left alive;—3. reflecting, I +say, on these circumstances, and being disheartened at them, few of them +tasted food for that evening,<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> few kindled fires, and many did not +come to the place of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> arms<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> during the night, but lay down to rest +where they severally happened to be, unable to sleep for sorrow and +longing for their country, their parents, their wives and children, whom +they never expected to see again. In this state of mind they all went to +their resting-places.</p> + +<p>4. There was in the army a certain Xenophon, an Athenian, who +accompanied it neither in the character of general, nor captain, nor +common soldier, but it had happened that Proxenus, an old guest-friend +of his, had sent for him from home, giving him a promise that, if he +came, he would recommend him to the friendship of Cyrus, whom he +considered, he said, as a greater object of regard than his own country. +5. Xenophon, on reading the letter, consulted Socrates the Athenian, as +to the propriety of making the journey; and Socrates, fearing that if he +attached himself to Cyrus it might prove a ground for accusation against +him with his country, because Cyrus was thought to have zealously +assisted the Lacedæmonians in their war with Athens, advised Xenophon to +go to Delphi, and consult the god respecting the expedition. 6. +Xenophon, having gone thither accordingly, inquired of Apollo to which +of the gods he should sacrifice and pray, in order most honourably and +successfully to perform the journey which he contemplated, and, after +prosperously accomplishing it, to return in safety. Apollo answered him +that "he should sacrifice to the gods to whom it was proper for him to +sacrifice."<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> 7. When he returned, he repeated the oracle to +Socrates, who, on hearing it, blamed him for not asking Apollo in the +first place, whether it were better for him to go or stay at home; +whereas, having settled with himself that he would go, he only asked how +he might best go; "but since you have," said he, "put the question thus, +you must do what the god has directed." 8. Xenophon, therefore, having +sacrificed to the gods that Apollo commanded,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> set sail, and found +Proxenus and Cyrus at Sardis, just setting out on their march up the +country, and was presented to Cyrus. 9. Proxenus desiring that he should +remain with them, Cyrus joined in the same desire, and said that as soon +as the expedition was ended, he would send him home again. The +expedition was said to be intended against the Pisidians. 10. Xenophon +accordingly joined in the enterprise, being thus deceived, but not by +Proxenus; for he did not know that the movement was against the king, +nor did any other of the Greeks, except Clearchus. When they arrived in +Cilicia, however, it appeared manifest to every one that it was against +the king that their force was directed; but, though they were afraid of +the length of the journey, and unwilling to proceed, yet the greater +part of them, out of respect<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> both for one another and for Cyrus, +continued to follow him; of which number was Xenophon.</p> + +<p>11. When this perplexity occurred, Xenophon was distressed as well as +the other Greeks, and unable to rest, but having at length got a little +sleep, he had a dream, in which, in the midst of a thunder-storm, a bolt +seemed to him to fall upon his father's house, and the house in +consequence became all in a blaze. 12. Being greatly frightened, he +immediately awoke, and considered his dream as in one respect +favourable, (inasmuch as, being in troubles and dangers, he seemed to +behold a great light from Jupiter,) but in another respect he was +alarmed, (because the dream appeared to him to be from Jupiter who was a +king, and the fire to blaze all around him,) lest he should be unable to +escape from the king's territories, but should be hemmed in on all sides +by inextricable difficulties.</p> + +<p>13. What it betokens, however, to see such a dream, we may conjecture +from the occurrences that happened after the dream.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> What immediately +followed was this. As soon as he awoke, the thought that first occurred +to him was, "Why do I lie here? The night is passing away. With daylight +it is probable that the enemy will come upon us; and if we once fall +into the hands of the king, what is there to prevent us from being put +to death with ignominy, after witnessing the most grievous sufferings +among our comrades, and enduring every severity of torture ourselves? +14. Yet no one concerts measures, or takes thought, for our defence, but +we lie still, as if we were at liberty to enjoy repose. From what city, +then, do I expect a leader to undertake our defence? What age am I +waiting for to come to myself? Assuredly I shall never be older, if I +give myself up to the enemy to-day." 15. After these reflections he +arose, and called together, in the first place, the captains that were +under Proxenus.</p> + +<p>When they were assembled, he said, "For my part, captains, I cannot +sleep, nor, I should think, can you, nor can I lie still any longer, +when I consider in what circumstances we are placed; 16. for it is plain +that the enemy did not openly manifest hostility towards us, until they +thought that they had judiciously arranged their plans; but on our side +no one takes any thought how we may best maintain a contest with them. +17. Yet if we prove remiss, and fall into the power of the king, what +may we not expect to suffer from a man who cut off the head and hand of +his own brother by the same mother and father, even after he was dead, +and fixed them upon a stake? What may not we, I say, expect to suffer, +who have no relative<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> to take our part, and who have marched against +him to make him a subject instead of a monarch, and to put him to death +if it should lie in our power? 18. Will he not proceed to every +extremity, that by reducing us to the last degree of ignominious +suffering, he may inspire all men with a dread of ever taking the field +against him? We must however try every expedient not to fall into his +hands. 19. For myself, I never ceased, while the truce lasted, to +consider ourselves as objects of pity, and to regard the king and his +people as objects of envy, as I contemplated how extensive and valuable +a country they possessed, how great an abundance of provisions, how many +slaves and cattle, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> how vast a quantity of gold and raiment; 20. +while, on the other hand, when I reflected on the condition of our own +soldiers, that we had no share in any of all these blessings, unless we +bought it, and knew that few of us had any longer money to buy, and that +our oaths restrained us from getting provisions otherwise than by +buying, I sometimes, on taking all these circumstances into +consideration, feared the continuance of peace more than I now fear war. +21. But since they have put an end to peace, their own haughtiness, and +our mistrust, seem likewise to be brought to an end; for the advantages +which I have mentioned lie now as prizes between us, for whichsoever of +us shall prove the better men; and the gods are the judges of the +contest, who, as is just, will be on our side; 22. since the enemy have +offended them by perjury, while we, though seeing many good things to +tempt us, have resolutely abstained from all of them through regard to +our oaths; so that, as it seems to me, we may advance to the combat with +much greater confidence than they can feel. 23. We have bodies, +moreover, better able than theirs to endure cold and heat and toil; and +we have, with the help of the gods, more resolute minds; while the +enemy, if the gods, as before, grant us success, will be found more +obnoxious to wounds and death<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> than we are. 24. But possibly others +of you entertain the same thoughts; let us not, then, in the name of +heaven, wait for others to come and exhort us to noble deeds, but let us +be ourselves the first to excite others to exert their valour. Prove +yourselves the bravest of the captains, and more worthy to lead than +those who are now leaders. 25. As for me, if you wish to take the start +in the course, I am willing to follow you, or, if you appoint me to be a +leader, I shall not make my youth an excuse, but shall think myself +sufficiently mature to defend myself against harm."</p> + +<p>26. Thus spoke Xenophon; and the captains, on hearing his observations, +all desired him to be their leader, except a certain Apollonides, who +resembled a Bœotian in his manner of speaking; this man said that +"whoever asserted they could gain safety by any other means than by +obtaining, if he could, the king's consent to it, talked absurdly;" and +at the same<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> time began to enumerate the difficulties surrounding them. +27. But Xenophon, interrupting him, said, "O most wonderful of men! you +neither understand what you see, nor remember what you hear. Yet you +were on the same spot with those here present, when the king, after +Cyrus was dead, being in high spirits at the circumstance, sent to +demand that we should deliver up our arms; 28. and when we, refusing to +deliver them up, and appearing in full armour, went and encamped over +against him, what means did he not try, sending deputies, asking for a +truce, and supplying us with provisions until he obtained a truce? 29. +But when, on the other hand, our generals and captains went to confer +with the Barbarians, as you now advise us to do, without their arms, and +relying on the truce, were they not beaten, goaded, insulted, and are +they not unable, wretched men, to die, though, I should think, greatly +longing for death? And do you, knowing all these occurrences, say that +those who exhort us to defend ourselves talk absurdly, and advise us to +go again to try persuasion? 30. To me, O captains, it seems that we +should no longer admit this man into the same service with ourselves, +but take from him his captaincy, and laying baggage on his back, make +use of him in that capacity; for he disgraces both his own country and +all Greece, inasmuch as, being a Greek, he is of such a character." 31. +Here Agasias of Stymphalus, proceeding to speak, said, "But this man, +assuredly, has nothing to do either with Bœotia or with Greece at +all, for I have observed that he has both his ears bored, like a +Lydian." Such indeed was the case; and they accordingly expelled him.</p> + +<p>32. The rest, proceeding to the different divisions of the troops, +called up the general wherever there was a general surviving, and the +lieutenant-general<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> where the general was dead, and the captain +wherever there was a captain surviving. 33. When they were all come +together, they sat down before the place where the arms were piled;<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> +and the generals and captains assembled were about a hundred in all. The +time when the meeting took place was about midnight.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span></p> + +<p>34. Hieronymus, a native of Elis, the oldest of all the captains that +had served under Proxenus, was the first to speak, as follows: "It has +seemed proper to us, O generals and captains, on contemplating the +present state of our affairs, to meet together ourselves, and to call +upon you to join us, that we may determine, if we can, on some plan for +our benefit. But do you, Xenophon, first represent to the assembly what +you have already observed to us." 35. Xenophon accordingly said, "We are +all aware that the king and Tissaphernes have made prisoners of as many +of us as they could; and it is evident that they are forming designs +against the rest of us, that they may put us to death if they can. But +on our parts I think that every means should be adopted in order that we +may not fall into the Barbarians' hands, but rather that they, if we can +accomplish it, may fall into ours. 36. Be well assured, then, that you, +who have now met together in such numbers, have upon you a most +important responsibility;<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> for all the soldiers look to you, and, if +they see you dispirited, they will themselves lose courage, but if both +you yourselves appear well prepared to meet the enemy, and exhort others +to be equally prepared, be certain that they will follow you, and strive +to imitate you. 37. Perhaps, too, it is right that you should show some +superiority over them; for you are their generals, their officers, and +their captains, and, when there was peace, you enjoyed advantages over +them in fortune and honour; and now, in consequence, when war arises, +you ought to prove yourselves pre-eminent over the multitude, and to +take the lead in forming plans for them, and, should it ever be +necessary, in toiling for them. 38. And, in the first place, I think +that you will greatly benefit the army, if you take care that generals +and captains be chosen as soon as possible in the room of those whom we +have lost; for without commanders nothing honourable or advantageous can +be achieved, I may say in one word, anywhere, but least of all in the +field of battle. Good order conduces to safety, but want of order has +already proved fatal to many. 39. Again, when you have appointed as many +commanders as are requisite, I consider that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> if you were to assemble +and encourage the rest of the soldiers, you would act very suitably to +the occasion; 40. for you perhaps observe, as well as myself, how +dejectedly they have now come to the place of arms,<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> and how +dejectedly they go upon guard, so that, while they are in such a +condition, I know not for what service any one could employ them, +whether required by night or by day. 41. But if any one could change the +direction of their thoughts, so that they may not merely contemplate +what they are likely to suffer, but what they may be able to do, they +will become much more eager for action; 42. for you are certain that it +is neither numbers nor strength which gives the victory in war, but that +whichsoever side advances on the enemy with the more resolute courage, +their opponents, in general, cannot withstand their onset. 43. I have +also remarked, fellow-soldiers, that such as are eager in the field to +preserve their lives at any rate, for the most part perish wretchedly +and ignominiously, while I see that such as reflect that death is to all +men common and inevitable, and seek in battle only to fall with honour, +more frequently, from whatever cause, arrive at old age, and live, while +they live, with greater happiness. 44. Being aware, then, of these +facts, it behoves us, such are the circumstances in which we are placed, +both to prove ourselves to be brave soldiers, and to exhort others to be +so likewise." 45. Having spoken thus, he stopped.</p> + +<p>After him Cheirisophus said, "Till the present moment, O Xenophon, I +knew nothing of you, except having heard that you were an Athenian, but +now I have to praise you both for what you say and what you do and could +wish that there were very many like you; for it would be a general good. +46. And now," he added, "let us not delay, my fellow-soldiers, but +proceed at once, you who want them, to choose commanders, and when you +have elected them, come to the centre of the camp, and bring those that +are chosen; and we will then call the rest of the soldiers together +there. And let Tolmides the herald," said he, "come with us." 47. As he +said this, he rose up, that the necessary measures might not be delayed, +but carried at once into execution. There were accordingly chosen +commanders, Timasion a Dardanian in the room of Clearchus, Xanthicles an +Achæan in that of Socrates, Cleanor<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> an Arcadian in that of Agias, +Philesius an Achæan in that of Menon, and Xenophon of Athens in that of +Proxenus.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<h4>The new generals hold a council of war. The speeches of +Cheirisophus, Cleanor, and Xenophon. The order of march is settled, +and the duties of each commander appointed.</h4> + + +<p>1. When the officers were chosen, and day was just dawning, they met in +the centre of the camp, and it was resolved to station sentinels at the +out-posts, and to call together the soldiers. When the rest of the +troops came up, Cheirisophus the Lacedæmonian rose first, and spoke as +follows: 2. "Our present circumstances, fellow-soldiers, are fraught +with difficulty, since we are deprived of such able generals, and +captains, and soldiers, and since, also, the party of Ariæus, who were +formerly our supporters, have deserted us; 3. yet it behoves us to +extricate ourselves from these difficulties as brave men, and not to +lose courage, but to endeavour to save ourselves, if we can, by an +honourable victory; but if we cannot do so, let us at least die with +honour, and never, while we live, put ourselves into the power of the +enemy; for I think that, in that case, we should endure such sufferings +as I wish that the gods may inflict on our adversaries."</p> + +<p>4. After him Cleanor the Orchomenian arose and spoke thus: "You see, +soldiers, the perjury and impiety of the king; and you see also the +faithlessness of Tissaphernes, who, after telling us that he was a +neighbour of the Greeks, and would esteem it the highest privilege to +save us, and after having given us his right hand as a pledge, has +himself deceived and made prisoners our generals, and has not respected +even Jupiter, the protector of the rights of hospitality, but, +entertaining Clearchus at his own table, has, by this very means, +inveigled and destroyed our officers. 5. Ariæus, too, whom we offered to +make king, to whom we gave and from whom we received pledges, that we +would not betray one another, even he, neither fearing the gods, nor +respecting the memory of Cyrus, though honoured by him in the highest +degree while<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> he was alive, has now gone over to his bitterest enemies, +and endeavours to distress us who were his friends. 6. But on these men +may the gods take vengeance; for ourselves, it is incumbent upon us, +having this conduct before our eyes, not to be deceived again by them, +but, after fighting as bravely as we can, to bear with patience such +fortune as the gods may appoint us."</p> + +<p>7. Next stood up Xenophon, who had accoutred himself for war as +splendidly as he could, thinking that if the gods should grant them +victory, the finest equipment would be suitable to success, or that, if +it were appointed for him to die, it would be well for him to adorn +himself with his best armour,<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> and in that dress to meet his end. He +proceeded to speak thus: 8. "Of the perjury and perfidy of the +Barbarians Cleanor has just spoken, and you, I am sure, are well aware +of it. If, then, we think of coming again to terms of friendship with +them, we must of necessity feel much distrust on that head, when we see +what our generals have suffered, who, in reliance on their faith, put +themselves into their hands; but if we propose to inflict on them +vengeance with our swords for what they have done, and, for the future, +to be at war with them at all points, we have, with the help of the +gods, many fair hopes of safety." 9. As he was uttering these words, +somebody sneezed, and the soldiers, hearing it, with one impulse paid +their adoration to the god;<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> and Xenophon continued, "Since, +soldiers, while we were speaking of safety, an omen from Jupiter the +Preserver has appeared, it seems to me that we should vow to that god to +offer sacrifices for our preservation on the spot where we first reach a +friendly country; and that we should vow, at the same time, to sacrifice +to the other gods according to our ability. And to whomsoever this seems +reasonable, let him hold up his hand." All held up their hands; and they +then made their vows, and sang the pæan. When the ceremonies to the gods +were duly performed, he recommenced thus: 10. "I was saying that we had +many fair hopes of safety. In the first place, we have observed our +oaths made to the gods; but the enemy have perjured themselves, and +broken the truce and their oaths.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> Such being the case, it is natural +that the gods should be unfavourable to our enemies, and should fight on +our side; the gods, who are able, whenever they will, to make the mighty +soon weak, and to save the weak with ease, although they be in grievous +perils. 11. In the next place, I will remind you of the dangers in which +our ancestors were, that you may feel conscious how much it becomes you +to be brave, and how the brave are preserved, even from the greatest +troubles, by the aid of the gods. For when the Persians, and those +united with them, came with a numerous host, as if to sweep Athens from +the face of the earth,<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> the Athenians, by daring to oppose them, +gave them a defeat; 12. and having made a vow to Diana, that whatever +number they should kill of the enemy, they would sacrifice to her +divinity the same number of goats, and not being able to find enough, +they resolved to sacrifice five hundred every year; and to this day they +still continue to sacrifice them. 13. Again, when Xerxes, having +collected that innumerable army of his, came down upon Greece a second +time, our ancestors on that occasion, too, defeated the ancestors of +these Barbarians, both by land and sea; of which exploits the trophies +are still to be seen as memorials; the greatest of all memorials, +however, is the liberty of the states in which you were born and bred, +for you worship no man as master, but the gods alone. Of such ancestors +are you sprung.</p> + +<p>14. "Nor am I going to say that you dishonour them. It is not yet many +days since you arrayed yourselves in the field against the descendants +of those Barbarians, and defeated, with the help of the gods, a force +many times more numerous than yourselves. 15. On that occasion you +showed yourselves brave men to procure a throne for Cyrus; and now, when +the struggle is for your own lives, it becomes you to be more valiant +and resolute. 16. At present, too, you may justly feel greater +confidence against your adversaries; for even then, when you had made no +trial of them, and saw them in count<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span>less numbers before you, you yet +dared, with the spirit of your fathers, to advance upon them, and now, +when you have learned from experience of them, that, though many times +your number, they shrink from receiving your charge, what reason have +you any longer to fear them? 17. And do not consider it any +disadvantage, that the troops of Cyrus, who were formerly arrayed on our +side, have now left us; for they are far more cowardly than those who +were defeated by you; at least<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> they deserted us to flee to them, +and those who are so ready to commence flight it is better to see posted +on the side of the enemy than in our own ranks.</p> + +<p>18. "If, again, any of you are disheartened because we have no cavalry, +and the enemy have a great number, consider that ten thousand cavalry +are nothing more than ten thousand men; for no one ever perished in +battle of being bitten or kicked by a horse; it is the men that do +whatever is done in the encounter. 19. Doubtless we, too, rest upon a +surer support than cavalry have, for they are raised upon horses, and +are afraid, not only of us, but also of falling, while we, taking our +steps upon the ground, shall strike such as approach us with far greater +force, and hit much more surely the mark at which we may aim. In one +point alone, indeed, have the cavalry the advantage, that it is safer +for them to flee than for us.</p> + +<p>20. "But if, though you have courage for battle, you are disquieted at +the thought that Tissaphernes will no longer guide you, and that the +king will no longer supply you with provisions, consider whether it is +better to have Tissaphernes for our guide, who is manifestly plotting +our destruction, or such persons as we ourselves may seize and compel to +be our guides, who will be conscious that if they go wrong with regard +to us, they go wrong with regard to their own lives and persons. 21. And +as to provisions, whether is it better for us to purchase, in the +markets which they provide, small measures of food for large sums of +money, (no longer, indeed, having the money,) or, if we are successful +in the field, to take supplies for ourselves, adopting whatever measure +each of us may wish to use?</p> + +<p>22. "Again, if you think, that this state of things will be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> better, but +imagine that the rivers will be impassable, and that you were greatly +misled when you came across them, reflect whether the Barbarians have +not acted most unwisely also in this respect.<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> For all rivers, +though they may be impassable at a distance from their sources, are easy +to be forded by those who go to their springs, wetting them not even to +the knees. 23. But even if the rivers shall not afford us a +passage,<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> and no guide shall appear to conduct us, we still need not +be in despair; for we know that the Mysians, whom we should not call +more valiant than ourselves, have settled themselves, against the king's +will, in many rich and large cities in the king's territory; we know +that the Pisidians have acted similarly; and we have ourselves seen<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> +that the Lycaonians, having seized on the strongholds in the plains, +enjoy the produce of the land of these Barbarians; 24. and I should +recommend that we, for the present, should not let it be seen that we +are eager to start homewards, but should apparently make arrangements as +if we thought of settling somewhere in these parts; for I am sure that +the king would grant the Mysians many guides, and give them many +hostages to send them out of the country safely, and even make roads for +them, though they should desire to depart in four-horse chariots; and +for ourselves, too, I am convinced that he would with thrice as much +pleasure do the same, if he saw us making dispositions to remain here. +25. But I am afraid that if we should once learn to live in idleness, to +revel in abundance, and to associate with the fair and stately wives and +daughters of the Medes and Persians, we should, like the +lotus-eaters,<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> think no more of the road homewards. 26. It<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> seems to +me, therefore, both reasonable and just, that we should first of all +make an attempt to return to Greece, and to the members of our families, +and let our countrymen see that they live in voluntary poverty, since +they might see those, who are now living at home without due means of +subsistence, enriched on betaking themselves hither. But I need say no +more on this head, for it is plain, my fellow-soldiers, that all these +advantages fall to the conquerors.</p> + +<p>27. "I must also suggest to you, however, in what manner we may proceed +on our way with the greatest safety, and how we may fight, if it should +be necessary to fight, to the greatest possible advantage. First of all, +then," he continued, "it seems to me that we ought to burn whatever +carriages we have, that our cattle may not influence our movements, but +that we may march whithersoever it may be convenient for the army; and +then that we should burn our tents with them, for tents are troublesome +to carry, and of no service either for fighting or in getting +provisions. 28. I think also that we ought to rid ourselves of whatever +is superfluous in the rest of our baggage, reserving only what we have +for war, or for meat and drink, that as many of us as possible may be +under arms, and as few as possible baggage-bearers; for you are aware +that whatever belongs to the conquered becomes the property of others; +and, if we are victorious, we ought to look upon the enemy as our +baggage-carriers.</p> + +<p>29. "It only remains for me to mention a particular which I consider to +be of the greatest importance. You see that the enemy did not venture +openly to commence war against us, until they had seized our generals, +thinking that as long as we had commanders, and were obedient to them, +we should be in a condition to gain the advantage over them in the +field, but, on making prisoners of our generals, they expected that we +should perish from want of direction and order. 30. It is incumbent, +therefore, on our present commanders to be far more vigilant than our +former ones, and on those under com<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span>mand to be far more orderly, and +more obedient to their officers, at present than they were before. 31. +And if you were also to pass a resolution, that, should any one be +disobedient, whoever of you chances to light upon him is to join with +his officer in punishing him, the enemy would by that means be most +effectually disappointed in their expectations, for, on the very day +that such resolution is passed, they will see before them ten thousand +Clearchuses instead of one, who will not allow a single soldier to play +the coward. 32. But it is now time for me to conclude my speech;<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> +for in an instant perhaps the enemy will be upon us. Whosoever, +therefore, thinks these suggestions reasonable, let him give his +sanction to them at once, that they may be carried into execution. But +if any other course, in any one's opinion, be better than this,<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> let +him, even though he be a private soldier, boldly give us his sentiments; +for the safety, which we all seek, is a general concern."</p> + +<p>33. Cheirisophus then said, "Should there be need of any other measure +in addition to what Xenophon proposes, it will be in our power to bring +it forward by and by; what he has now suggested we ought, I think, to +vote at once to be the best course that we can adopt; and to whomsoever +this seems proper, let him hold up his hand;" and they all held them up. +34. Xenophon then, rising again, said, "Hear, soldiers, what appears to +me to be necessary in addition to what I have laid before you. It is +plain that we must march to some place from which we may get provisions; +and I hear that there are some good-looking villages not more than +twenty stadia distant; 35. but I should not wonder if the enemy, (like +cowardly dogs that run after such as pass by them, and bite them if they +can, but flee from those who pursue them,) I should not wonder, I say, +if the enemy were to follow close upon us when we begin to march. 36. It +will, perhaps, be the safer way for us to march, therefore, forming a +hollow square of the heavy-armed troops, in order that the baggage and +the large number of camp-followers, may be in greater security within +it;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> and if it be now settled who is to lead the square, and regulate +the movements in front, who are to be on each flank, and who to have +charge of the rear, we shall not have to consider of these things when +the enemy approach, but may at once act according to what has been +arranged. 37. If, then, any one else sees anything better to recommend, +let it be settled otherwise; if not, let Cheirisophus lead, since he is +also a Lacedæmonian;<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> let two of the oldest generals take the +command on each of the flanks; and let Timasion and myself, the youngest +of the officers, take charge, at least for the present, of the rear. 38. +After a time, when we have tried this arrangement, we will consider, as +occasion may require, what may seem best to be done. If any one thinks +of any better plan than this, let him speak." As nobody made any +objection, he said, "Whosoever likes these proposals, let him hold up +his hand." The proposals were approved. 39. "And now," he added, "it +belongs to you to go and carry into execution what has been decided +upon; and whosoever of you wishes to see his friends and relations, let +him prove himself a man of valour, for by no other means can he succeed +in attaining that object; whoever of you desires to preserve his life, +let him strive to conquer, for it is the part of conquerors to kill, but +of the conquered to die; and if any one of you covets spoil, let him +endeavour to secure victory for us, for it is the privilege of victors +at once to save their own property and to seize on that of the +vanquished."</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<h4>The Greeks are visited by Mithridates as a friend, but he soon +shows that he is an enemy, and they resolve to enter into no +further negotiations with the Persian king. They pass the Zabatus, +are harassed by Mithridates, and suffer from the want of slingers +and cavalry. Volunteers are enrolled for these services.</h4> + + +<p>1. When this speech was concluded, they rose up, and went off to burn +their carriages and tents; of their superflu<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span>ous baggage they divided +among themselves such portions as any needed, and threw the rest into +the fire. Having done this, they went to breakfast. While they were at +their meal, Mithridates rode up to them with about thirty horsemen and +requesting the generals to come within hearing, spoke as follows: 2. "I +was faithful to Cyrus, O men of Greece, as you yourselves know; I am now +well disposed towards you; and I am living here under great +apprehensions; if therefore I should find that you are concerting any +safe scheme for your deliverance, I would come and join you, bringing +with me all my followers. Let me know, therefore, what you have in +contemplation, as one who is your friend and well-wisher, and who is +willing to march along with you." 3. The generals, after consulting +together, resolved on returning the following answer; and Cheirisophus +delivered it: "It is our determination, if no one hinders us from +returning home, to proceed through the country with as little injury to +it as possible; but if any one opposes us on our march, to fight our way +against him as vigorously as we can." 4. Mithridates then endeavoured to +convince them how impracticable it was to escape without the king's +consent. But it was now concluded that he was insidiously sent; for one +of the followers of Tissaphernes was in attendance on him to insure his +fidelity.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> 5. In consequence, it was thought right by the generals +to pass a resolution that the war should be such as to admit of no +intercourse by heralds;<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> for those that came tried to corrupt the +soldiers, and succeeded in seducing one of the captains, Nicarchus an +Arcadian, and he deserted in the night with about twenty men.</p> + +<p>6. Having then dined, and crossed the river Zabatus, they marched on in +regular order, keeping the baggage-cattle and camp-followers in the +centre. But before they had gone far, Mithridates made his appearance +again with about two hundred cavalry and about four hundred archers and +slingers,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> very light and active troops. 7. He advanced towards the +Greeks as a friend, but, when he came near, some of his men, both horse +and foot, suddenly discharged their arrows, and others used their +slings, and wounded some of our men. The rear of the Greeks indeed was +much harassed, and could do nothing in return; for the Cretan bowmen +shot to a less distance than the Persians, and had also, as being +lightly armed, sheltered themselves within the heavy troops; and the +javelin-men did not hurl far enough to reach the slingers. 8. Upon this +it seemed to Xenophon that it would be well to pursue them; and such of +the heavy-armed and peltasts as happened to be with him in the rear, +began to pursue, but could overtake in the pursuit not a single man of +the enemy; 9. for the Greeks had no cavalry,<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> nor could their +infantry, in a short distance, overtake the infantry of the enemy, who +took to flight when they were a long way off, since it was impossible +for the Greeks to follow them to a great distance from the rest of the +army. 10. The Barbarian cavalry, too, inflicted wounds in their retreat, +shooting backwards as they rode, and however far the Greeks advanced in +pursuit, so far were they obliged to retreat fighting. 11. Thus during +the whole day they did not advance more than five-and-twenty stadia; +however, they arrived at the villages in the evening.</p> + +<p>Here again there was much dejection; and Cheirisophus and the oldest of +the generals blamed Xenophon for pursuing the enemy apart from the main +body, endangering himself, and yet being unable to hurt the assailants. +12. Xenophon, hearing this charge, acknowledged that they blamed him +justly, and that the result bore testimony in their favour. "But," said +he, "I was under the necessity of pursuing, as I saw that we suffered +great damage while remaining at our posts, and were unable to retaliate. +13. But when we began to pursue," continued he, "the truth was as you +say; for we were none the better able to injure the enemy, and we could +not retreat without great difficulty. 14. Thanks are due to the gods, +therefore, that the Barbarians did not come upon us in great force, but +only with a few troops, so that, whilst they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> did us no great harm, they +showed us of what we stand in need: 15. for at present the enemy shoot +their arrows and sling their stones such a distance, that neither can +the Cretans return their shots, nor can those who throw with the hand +reach them; and when we pursue them, we cannot go after them any great +distance from the main body, and in a short space a foot-soldier, even +if ever so swift, cannot overtake another foot-soldier, starting at +bow-shot distance. 16. If therefore we would keep off the enemy, so that +they may be unable to hurt us on our march, we must at once provide +ourselves with slingers and cavalry. There are, I hear, some Rhodians in +our army, the greater number of whom, they say, understand the use of +the sling, while their weapon carries even double the distance of the +Persian sling, 17. which, as they sling with large stones, reach only a +short distance, while the Rhodians know how to use leaden bullets. 18. +If then, we ascertain which of them have slings, and give money to each +of them<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> for them; and pay money also to any one who is willing to +plait more, and find some other privilege<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> for him who consents to +serve in the troop of slingers,<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> possibly some will offer themselves +who may be able to be of service to us. 19. I see also that there are +horses in the army, some in my possession, and some left by Clearchus, +besides many others taken from the enemy which are employed in carrying +the baggage. If, then, we collect all these, and put ordinary +baggage-cattle in their place, and equip the horses for riders, they +will perhaps annoy the enemy in their flight." 20. These suggestions +were approved; and that very night there came forward slingers to the +number of two hundred. The next day, as many as fifty horsemen and +horses were pronounced fit for service; leathern jackets<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> and +breastplates<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> were furnished to them; and Lycius the son of Polystratus +an Athenian, was appointed their captain.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER IV</h2> + +<h4>Mithridates again pursues the Greeks, but is repulsed. They reach +the Tigris, encamp at Mespila, and are attacked by Tissaphernes +with a numerous force. They repel him, and alter their order of +march. Traversing a mountainous part of the country, they are +harassed by the enemy, till, on getting possession of a height, +they are enabled to reach the plain beyond it in safety.</h4> + + +<p>1. Having halted for that day, they went forward on the next, rising +earlier in the morning than usual; for they had a ravine formed by a +torrent to pass, at which they were afraid that the enemy would attack +them while they were crossing. 2. It was not till they had got over, +however, that Mithridates again made his appearance, having now with him +a thousand horse, and archers and slingers to the number of four +thousand; for he had solicited and obtained that number from +Tissaphernes, promising that, if he received them, he would deliver the +Greeks into his hands; for he had conceived a contempt for them, +because, in his previous attack on them, though he had but a small force +with him, he had suffered no loss, and thought that he had caused them +great annoyance. 3. When the Greeks, having crossed, were distant about +eight stadia from the ravine, Mithridates also passed over it with his +force. Instructions had been issued to such of the peltasts and +heavy-armed troops as were to pursue, and a charge had been given to the +horsemen to pursue with boldness, as a sufficient force would follow to +support them. 4. When therefore Mithridates overtook them, and the +slings and arrows began to take effect, a signal was given to the Greeks +with the trumpet, and those who had been ordered immediately hastened to +charge the enemy, the cavalry riding forward at the same time. The enemy +however did not wait to receive their charge, but fled back to the +ravine.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> 5. In the pursuit several of the Barbarian foot were killed, +and about eighteen of the horse were made prisoners in the defile. The +Greeks, of their own impulse, mutilated the dead bodies, in order that +the sight of them might be as horrible as possible to the enemy.</p> + +<p>6. The enemy, after faring thus, went off, and the Greeks, advancing the +rest of the day without molestation, arrived at the river Tigris. 7. +Here was a large deserted city, the name of which was Larissa, and which +the Medes had formerly inhabited. The breadth of its wall was five and +twenty feet, and the height of it a hundred; its circuit was two +parasangs. It was built of bricks made of clay, but there was under it a +stone foundation,<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> the height of twenty feet. 8. This city the king +of the Persians,<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> at the time when the Persians wrested<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> the +empire from the Medes, was unable by any means to take; a cloud, +however, having covered the sun, hid it from view,<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> till the people +deserted it,<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> and so it was taken. 9. Near the city was a stone +pyramid of the breadth<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> of one plethrum, and the height of two +plethra. Upon it<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> were many of the Barbarians who had fled from the +neighbouring villages.</p> + +<p>10. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, six parasangs, to a large +unoccupied fortress,<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> situated near a city, the name of which was +Mespila; the Medes had formerly inhabited it. The foundation of the wall +was of polished stone, full of shells,<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> the breadth fifty feet, and +the height fifty; 11. and on it was constructed a wall of bricks, fifty +feet broad, and a hundred high; the circumference of it was six +parasangs. Here Medea, the king's wife, is said to have taken refuge, +when the Medes were deprived of their empire by the Persians. 12. The +king of the Persians, on besieging this city, was unable to reduce it +either by length of time or by assault, but Jupiter, as with a +thunder-stroke,<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> deprived the inhabitants of their senses, and thus +it was taken.</p> + +<p>13. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, a distance of four +parasangs. In the course of this day's march Tissaphernes made his +appearance, having with him the cavalry which he himself commanded, the +force of Orontes, who had married the king's daughter, the Barbarian +troops with which Cyrus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> went up, the troops with which the king's +brother came to assist him, and, besides these, all that the king +himself had given him; so that his army appeared extremely numerous. 14. +When he came near, he stationed some of his companies in the rear, and +brought others round upon our flanks, but did not venture to make a +charge, or show any disposition to endanger himself, but ordered his men +to use their slings and bows. 15. But when the Rhodians, who were +dispersed among the ranks, began to use their slings, and the Scythian +archers<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> discharged their arrows, no one failing to hit a man, (for +it would not have been easy to do so, even if they had been ever so +desirous,) Tissaphernes hastily retreated beyond reach of the missiles, +and the other divisions drew off at the same time. 16. During the rest +of the day the Greeks continued their march, and the enemy followed; but +the Barbarians no longer harassed them with their usual skirmishing; for +the Rhodians sent their missiles to a greater distance than the +Persians, and than most of the bowmen. 17. The bows of the Persians, +too, were large, so that such of their arrows as were taken up, were of +service to the Cretans, who continued to use the enemy's arrows, and +practised shooting by sending them far up into the air.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> A great +number of bowstrings were also found in the villages, and some lead, so +that they could use it for their slings.</p> + +<p>18. For that day, therefore, as soon as the Greeks reached the villages +and encamped, the Barbarians went off, having had the worst in the +skirmish; and during the next the Greeks remained where they were, and +collected provisions, for there was plenty of corn in the villages. The +day after, they proceeded through the open country, and Tissaphernes +followed, hurling missiles at them from a distance. 19. Here the Greeks +found that a square was a bad disposition for an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> army when the enemy +was behind them: for it must necessarily happen, that if the flanks of +the square close together from the road being narrow, or from hills or a +bridge making it necessary, that the heavy-armed men must be pushed out +of their places, and march with difficulty,<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> being at the same time +crowded together and thrown into confusion; so that when in such +disorder they must be nearly useless. 20. And when, again, the flanks +divide, those who were previously forced out of their places, must now +of necessity separate, and the space between the flanks be left empty; +and men who are thrown into such a condition must doubtless lose heart, +if the enemy are behind them. Whenever, too, they had to pass a bridge, +or any other crossing-place, each hastened on to get first, and the +enemy had then a fine opportunity of attacking them.<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> 21. The +generals, seeing that such was the case, formed six companies of a +hundred men each, and appointed captains of these companies, as well as +captains of fifty and captains of twenty-five.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> These captains and +their companies, on the march, whenever the flanks of the square closed +together, fell behind, so as to cause no disorder in the flanks, and +then led on outside the flanks; 22. and whenever the sides of the square +opened, they filled up the centre, if the opening was narrow, by +companies; if rather wide, by fifties; if very wide, by +twenty-fives;<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> so that the centre was always full. 23. If, then, it +was necessary to pass any defile or bridge, they were not thrown into +confusion, but the captains and companies went over in succession;<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> +and if anything was needed in any part<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> of the main body, these were at +hand. In this order they advanced four days' journey.</p> + +<p>24. As they were pursuing the fifth day's march, they observed a kind of +palace, and several villages round it. The way to this place, they +perceived, lay among high hills, which reached down from a mountain, at +the foot of which the village was.<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> These hills the Greeks were glad +to see, as was natural, when the enemy's force consisted of cavalry. 25. +But when, after leaving the plain, they had ascended the first hill, and +were descending in order to mount the second, the Barbarians came upon +them, and from the eminence began, under the lash,<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> to hurl darts, +use their slings, and shoot arrows, on the ground below; 26. they +wounded many, and had the advantage over the light-armed Greeks, and +shut them up within the heavy-armed; so that both the slingers and +archers were that day entirely useless, being mixed with the crowd that +had charge of the baggage. 27. When the Greeks, on being hard pressed, +attempted pursuit, they mounted the height but slowly, as being heavily +armed, while the enemy sprang up speedily. 28. When, again, they +retreated back to the rest of the force, they fared equally ill. The +same occurrences took place on the second hill; so that they thought it +proper not to move the soldiers from the third hill, until they led up a +body of peltasts to the mountain from the right wing of the square. 29. +When these had got above the pursuing enemy, they no longer attacked +them in their descent, fearing that they might be cut off from their own +body, and that enemies might assail them on both sides. 30. Marching in +this manner for the rest of the day, some by the route among the hills, +and others advancing abreast of them<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> along the mountain, they arrived +at the villages, and appointed eight surgeons,<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> for there were many +wounded.</p> + +<p>31. Here they remained three days, both for the sake of the wounded, and +because they found, at the same time, abundance of provisions, +wheat-flour, wine, and a great quantity of barley laid up for horses; +supplies which had been collected for the satrap of the country. On the +fourth day they went down into the plain. 32. But as Tissaphernes +overtook them with his forces, necessity taught them to encamp where +they first saw a village, and not to march on still fighting; for there +were many unfitted for action, some wounded, some carrying the wounded, +and some bearing the arms of those that carried them. 33. When however +they were encamped, and the Barbarians, coming up to the village, +attempted to skirmish with them, the Greeks had greatly the advantage; +for they found a great difference<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> between sallying from their own +ground to repulse the enemy, and fighting with a pursuing enemy on their +march.</p> + +<p>34. When evening approached, it became time for the enemy to retire; for +the Barbarians never encamped at a less distance from the Greeks than +sixty stadia, fearing lest the Greeks should attack them in the night. +35. For in the night a Persian army is difficult to manage; as their +horses are tied, and for the most part fastened by the feet, that they +may not run away if they should be untied; and if any sudden attack +takes place, the Persian has<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> to put the housings <a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> on his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> +horse, and to bridle him, and then, when he has put on his armour, to +mount; but all these things are troublesome by night and in the midst of +an alarm. On this account they encamped at a distance from the Greeks.</p> + +<p>36. As soon as the Greeks saw that they intended to retire, and were +passing the order for doing so, proclamation was made among the Greeks, +in the hearing of the enemy, that they were to collect their baggage; +when the Barbarians, for some time, delayed their march; but, when it +grew late, they went off; for they did not think it expedient to march +and arrive at their camp<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> in the night. 37. When the Greeks observed +them evidently moving away, they themselves also decamped<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> and began +to march, and accomplished as much as sixty stadia. There was thus so +great a distance between the armies, that the enemy did not appear on +the following day or on the third; but on the fourth, the Barbarians, +having gone forward in the night, occupied an elevated position on the +right, on the route by which the Greeks were to pass; the brow of a +mountain, beneath which was the descent into the plain. 38. As soon as +Cheirisophus saw that this eminence was pre-occupied, he sent for +Xenophon from the rear, and ordered him to bring his peltasts and come +to the front. 39. Xenophon however did not bring the peltasts, (for he +saw Tissaphernes, and all his force, in full view,) but, riding up +alone, asked, "Why do you call me?" Cheirisophus replied, "You may see; +for the eminence above the descent has been pre-occupied against us, and +it is impossible to pass, unless we cut off those who are on it. But why +did you not bring the peltasts?" 40. Xenophon replied that he did not +think it right to leave the rear unguarded when the enemy were in sight. +"But it is high time," he continued, "to consider how some of us may +dislodge those men from the hill." 41. Xenophon now noticed that the +summit of the mountain<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> above their own army, and that there +was a way from it to the hill where the enemy were, and exclaimed, "It +is best for us, Cheirisophus, to hasten as quickly as possible to the +summit, for if we gain this, those who are above our road will be unable +to maintain their ground. But do you, if you please, remain with the +army; I have a desire to go forward; or, if you prefer it, proceed on to +the mountain, and I will stay here." 42. "I leave you," replied +Cheirisophus, "to choose which of the two you please." Xenophon, +observing that he was the younger, decided on advancing, but requested +Cheirisophus to send with him a detachment from the front, as it was too +great a distance to bring one from the rear. 43. Cheirisophus then sent +with him the peltasts from the front; and he took those that were in the +middle of the square. Cheirisophus also ordered the three hundred that +he had with him at the head of the square, consisting of picked men, to +follow Xenophon.</p> + +<p>44. The party then marched forward with all possible speed. But the +enemy on the heights, when they perceived that the Greeks were directing +their course towards the summit, hurried forward also themselves to +contend for the possession of the summit. 45. There was then great +shouting from the Grecian army, cheering their men, and great shouting +also from the troops of Tissaphernes, cheering on theirs. 46. Xenophon, +riding along on horseback, encouraged his party, saying, "Consider, +soldiers, that you are now contending for Greece; that after a brief +struggle now, we shall march the rest of the way without fighting, to +join our children and our wives." 47. Soterides, a Sicyonian, cried out, +"We are not upon an equality, Xenophon; for you are carried on a horse, +while I have hard work to carry my shield." 48. Xenophon, on hearing +this remark, leaped from his horse, pushed Soterides from the ranks, +took from him his shield, and marched on with it as fast as he was able. +He happened however to have on his horseman's corslet, so that he was +distressed. Yet he continued to exhort the men in front to lead on +gently, and those behind, who followed with difficulty, to come up. 49. +But the rest of the soldiers beat and threw stones at Soterides, and +reviled him, till they obliged him to resume his shield and march in his +place. Xenophon, remounting, led the way, as long as it was passable for +his horse, on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> horseback, but when it became impassable, he left his +horse behind, and hastened forward on foot. Thus they got the start of +the enemy, and arrived first at the summit.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2> + +<h4>The Greeks arrive at a point where the Carduchian mountains +overhang the river, and, as they are still harassed by the enemy, +the generals hold a consultation, and determine to march across the +mountains.</h4> + + +<p>1. The Barbarians, in consequence, turned their backs and fled every one +as he could, and the Greeks took possession of the top of the hill. +Tissaphernes and Ariæus turned aside, and went off in another direction. +Cheirisophus and his forces, going down into the plain, encamped in a +village abounding with acceptable supplies; and there were also in this +plain many other villages stored with excellent provisions, lying along +the river Tigris. 2. When it was evening, the enemy suddenly showed +themselves in the plain, and cut off some of the Greeks who were +dispersed over the ground foraging; for several herds of cattle had been +intercepted as they were being transported to the other side of the +river. 3. Here Tissaphernes and his party attempted to set fire to the +villages, and some of the Greeks were much disheartened, being +apprehensive that, if they should burn them, they would have no place +whence to procure supplies.</p> + +<p>4. Cheirisophus and his men now returned from giving succour;<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> and +Xenophon, when he came down, riding past the ranks, as the Greeks, +coming in from affording aid, met him, said, 5. "You see, Greeks, that +the enemy admit that the country is now ours, for whereas they +stipulated, when they made the truce, that we should not burn the king's +country, they now burn it themselves, as being no longer theirs.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> But +wherever they leave supplies for themselves, thither also they shall see +us direct our march. 6. I think, however, Cheirisophus," continued he, +"that we ought to resist these burners, as if in defence of our own +territory." "I," replied Cheirisophus, "am of a different opinion; +rather let us burn also," said he, "and thus they will the sooner +cease."</p> + +<p>7. When they returned to their quarters,<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> the soldiers busied +themselves about their provisions, but the generals and captains held a +council. There was now much perplexity; for on one side of them were +exceeding high mountains, and on the other a river of such depth, that, +when they sounded it, their spears did not rise above the water. 8. +While they were in doubt how to act, a Rhodian came to them, and said, +"I am willing to convey you across, O Greeks, by four thousand +heavy-armed men at a time, if you will furnish me with what I require +for the purpose, and give me a talent as a remuneration." 9. Being asked +what he should require, he replied, "I shall want two thousand hides +made into bags; and I see here many sheep, goats, oxen, and asses, the +hides of which, being blown out,<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> would easily furnish the means of +crossing. 10. I shall want also the ropes which you use for the +baggage-cattle; joining, with these, the bags to one another, steadying +each bag by attaching stones to it, letting the stones down like anchors +into the water, extending the bags across the stream, and securing them +to both banks, I will then lay wood upon them, and strew earth over the +wood. 11. That you will not sink, you will at once see; for each skin +will prevent two men from sinking, and the wood and earth will keep them +from slipping off." 12. The generals, on hearing this proposal, thought +the invention ingenious, but the execution of it impossible, for there +were numerous cavalry on the other side to hinder their passage, who, at +the commencement, would not have allowed the first that made the attempt +to effect their purposes.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span></p> + +<p>13. The next day they retreated back towards Babylon, to some unburnt +villages, having first set fire to those which they abandoned; so that +the enemy did not come up to them, but watched them, and seemed to be +wondering which way the Greeks would turn themselves, and what they had +in their mind. 14. The rest of the soldiers then turned their thoughts +to getting supplies; but the generals and captains held another council, +and, bringing together the prisoners, questioned them as to the whole +country around, what each part was. 15. They said that the parts toward +the south were on the road towards Babylon and Media, through which the +Greeks had come; that the road towards the east led to Susa and +Ecbatana, where the king was said to pass the summer and spring; that +the one across<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> the river, towards the west, led to Lydia and Ionia; +and that the other over the mountains, towards the north, led to the +Carduchi. 16. This people, they said, lived among the mountains, were +very warlike, and did not obey the king; that on one occasion, a royal +army of a hundred and twenty thousand men had penetrated into their +country, whence, from the impracticability of the ground, not one of +them returned; but that, whenever they made a treaty with the satrap of +the plain, some of them had intercourse with the Carduchi, and some of +the Carduchi with them. 17. The generals, having heard these statements, +kept apart by themselves those who said that they knew the road in each +direction, not letting it be known which way they intended to go. It +appeared necessary to the generals, however, to make their way over the +mountains into the country of the Carduchi; for the prisoners said that +after passing through this they would come to Armenia, a large and rich +country, of which Orontes was governor, whence it would be easy for them +to go whichever way they pleased.</p> + +<p>18. With reference to this proceeding, they made a sacrifice, in order +that, when it should seem time, they might commence their march; for +they were afraid that the passage over the mountains might be +pre-occupied by the enemy; and they gave orders, that when the soldiers +had supped, they should all pack up their baggage and go to rest, and +follow their leaders whenever the signal should be given.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span></p> +<h2>BOOK IV.</h2> + + +<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<h4>The Greeks enter the territory of the Carduchi, where they suffer +greatly from the wind and cold, as well as from the Barbarians, who +harass them with frequent attacks on their march.</h4> + + +<p>1. What occurred in the expedition up the country to the time of the +battle, and what took place after the battle during the truce which the +king and the Greeks that went up with Cyrus concluded, and what +hostilities were committed against the Greeks after the king and +Tissaphernes had violated the truce, and while the Persian army was +pursuing them, have been related in the preceding part of the narrative.</p> + +<p>2. When they had arrived at a spot where the Tigris was quite impassable +from its depth and width, and where there was no passage along, its +banks, as the Carduchian mountains hung steep over the stream, it +appeared to the generals that they must march over those mountains, 3. +for they had heard from the prisoners that "if they could but cross the +Carduchian mountains, they would be able to ford, if they wished, the +sources of the Tigris in Armenia, or, if they declined doing so, to make +a circuit round them." The sources of the Euphrates, too, they said were +not far from those of the Tigris; and such is the truth.<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a></p> + +<p>4. Their entrance upon the territory of the Carduchi they made in the +following manner, endeavouring at once to escape observation, and to +anticipate the enemy in getting possession of the heights. 5. When it +was about the last watch, and enough of the night was left to allow them +to cross the plain under cover of the darkness, they arose at a given +signal, and, marching onwards, reached the hills by break of day. 6. +Here Cheirisophus took the lead of the army, having with him both his +own men and all the light-armed; while Xenophon brought up the rear with +the heavy-armed troops, having not a single light-armed soldier; for +there seemed to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> be no danger that any of the enemy would attack them in +the rear as they were marching up the mountains. Cheirisophus indeed +mounted the summit before any of the enemy perceived him; he then led +slowly forward; 7. and each portion of the army, as it passed the summit +in succession, followed him to the villages which lay in the windings +and recesses of the mountains.<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> 8. The Carduchi, in consequence, +quitting their dwellings, and taking with them their wives and children, +fled to the hills. There was plenty of provisions left for the Greeks to +take; and the houses were furnished with great numbers of brazen +utensils, none of which the Greeks took away. Nor did they pursue the +people, being inclined to spare them, if perchance the Carduchi, since +they were enemies to the king, might consent to allow them to pass +through their country as that of friends; 9, the provisions, however, as +many as fell in their way, they carried off; for it was a matter of +necessity to do so. But as for the Carduchi themselves, they would +neither listen when they called, nor did they give any other sign of +friendly feeling.</p> + +<p>10. But when the rear of the Greeks was descending from the hills into +the villages, being now overtaken by darkness, (for, as the way was +narrow, their ascent of the heights, and descent to the villages, had +lasted the entire day,) some of the Carduchi, collecting together, +attacked the hindmost, and killed and wounded some of them with stones +and arrows. They were but few; for the Greek troops had come on them +unawares; 11. but had they assembled in greater numbers, a great part of +the army would have been in danger of being destroyed. For this night, +accordingly, they took up their abode in the villages; and the Carduchi +lighted a number of fires around them on the hills, and observed the +positions of one another.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> 12. As soon as it was day, the generals +and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> captains of the Greeks, meeting together, resolved, when they +should march, to reserve only such of the baggage-cattle as were most +necessary and most able, abandoning the rest, and to dismiss all the +slaves in the army that had been recently captured; 13. for the cattle +and the slaves, being numerous, rendered their progress slow, and the +number of men in charge of them were unable to take part in any +encounter; and besides, when the men were so numerous, it was necessary +to procure and carry with them a double quantity of provisions. This +resolution being passed, they made proclamation that the troops should +act accordingly.</p> + +<p>14. When they had breakfasted, and were on the march, the generals, +taking their stand in a narrow part of the way, took from the soldiers +whatever of the things mentioned they found had not been left behind; +and the men submitted to this, unless any of them, smitten with desire +of a handsome boy or woman, conveyed them past secretly.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> Thus they +proceeded during this day, sometimes having to fight a little, and +sometimes resting themselves. 15. On the next day a great storm arose; +but they were obliged to pursue their march, for they had not a +sufficient supply of provisions. Cheirisophus continued to lead, and +Xenophon had charge of the rear. 16. The enemy pressed steadily upon +them, and, where the passes were narrow, came close up, and used their +bows and their slings; so that the Greeks, sometimes pursuing and +sometimes retreating, were compelled to march but slowly; and Xenophon, +when the enemy attacked them violently, had frequently to pass the word +for a halt. 17. Cheirisophus, at other times, when the order was passed, +halted, but on one occasion he did not halt, but hurried on rapidly, and +passed the word to follow; so that it was manifest that there was +something extraordinary; but there was no time to go forward and +ascertain the cause of the haste; and the march of the rear-guard became +like a flight. 18. On this occasion a brave soldier, Cleonymus a +Lacedæmonian, met his death, being shot with an arrow in the side +through his shield and corslet;<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> and also Basias, an Arcadian, shot +right through the head.</p> + +<p>19. When they arrived at the place of encampment, Xeno<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span>phon immediately +proceeded, just as he was, to Cheirisophus, and blamed him for not +having halted, as the men had been compelled to flee and fight at the +same time. "Two honourable and brave soldiers," said he, "have now been +killed, and we have been unable either to carry off their bodies or bury +them." 20. To this remark Cheirisophus answered, "Cast your eyes upon +those mountains, and observe how impassable they all are. The only road +which you see is steep; and close upon it you may perceive a great +multitude of men, who, having occupied the pass, keep guard at it. 21. +For these reasons I hastened on, and therefore did not wait for you, to +try if I could get the start of the enemy before the pass was seized; +and the guides whom we have say that there is no other road." 22. +Xenophon rejoined, "I have two prisoners; for when the enemy molested +us, we placed an ambush, which enabled us to recover breath, and killed +some of them; and we were also anxious to take some alive for this very +purpose, that we might use them, as being well acquainted with the +country, for guides."</p> + +<p>23. Immediately after, bringing forward the two men, they inquired of +them separately whether they knew of any other road than that which was +open to their view. The one denied that he knew of any other, though +many threats were held out to him; and as he would give no useful +information, he was put to death in sight of the other. 24. The survivor +said that the other had denied any knowledge of a road, because he had a +daughter there married to somebody, but stated that he himself would +lead them by a road that might be passed even by beasts of burden. 25. +Being then asked if there was any spot in it difficult to be passed, he +replied that there was one height, and that unless a party secured it +before-hand, it would be impossible for them to pass. 26. Upon this it +was thought proper to call together the captains, both of the peltasts +and of the heavy-armed men,<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> and to acquaint them with the prospect +of affairs, and ask whether any of them was willing to prove himself a +man of valour, and engage to go on this service as a volunteer. 27. Of +the heavy-armed, Aristonymus of Methydrium, and Agasias of Stymphalus, +both Arcadians, offered<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> themselves; and Callimachus of Parrhasia, also +an Arcadian, disputed the honour with them, and said that he himself was +eager to go, taking with him volunteers from the whole army; "for I am +sure," said he, "that, many of the young men will follow if I take the +lead." 28. They then asked if any of the officers of the light-armed +troops were willing to join in the attempt; and Aristeas of Chios +presented himself, a man who had often proved himself of great value to +the army for similar services.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<h4>One of the prisoners is forced to guide them to an eminence, from +which they dislodge the Carduchi. But they are still harassed, and +the rear suffers severely.</h4> + + +<p>1. It was now afternoon, and the generals<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> desired the party to take +some refreshment and set forward. Having bound the guide, they put him +into their hands, and arranged with them, that, if they should gain the +summit, they should keep guard at that post during the night, and give a +signal by trumpet at break of day, and that those on the height should +then charge the enemy in possession of the apparent egress,<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> and +those below should issue forth and come in a body to their assistance as +soon as they were able.</p> + +<p>2. When they had made this arrangement, the party set out, being in +number about two thousand; and there was heavy rain at the time. +Xenophon, taking the rear-guard, led them towards the apparent egress, +in order that the enemy might turn their attention in that direction, +and that those who were going round might as much as possible escape +notice. 3. But when the rear-guard came to a ravine, which they had to +pass to gain the ascent, the Barbarians then rolled down masses of +rock,<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> each big enough to load a waggon, with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> other stones greater +and smaller, which, striking in their descent against the rocks, were +hurled abroad in all directions;<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> and it was utterly impossible even +to approach the pass. 4. Some of the captains, when they could not +succeed in this part, made attempts in another, and continued their +efforts till darkness came on. When they thought that they might retire +unobserved, they went to get their supper; for the rear-guard had been +dinnerless that day. The enemy, however, being evidently in fear, +continued to roll down stones through the whole of the night, as it was +easy to conjecture from the noise. 5. Those, meanwhile, who had the +guide, taking a circuitous route, surprised a guard of the enemy sitting +round a fire, and, having killed some of them, and put the rest to +flight, remained on the spot, with the notion that they were in +possession of the summit. 6. But in possession of it they were not; for +there was a small hill above them, round which lay the narrow pass, at +which the guard had been posted. However, there was a way from thence to +that party of the enemy who were stationed at the open egress. 7. Here +they remained during the night.</p> + +<p>As soon as day began to dawn, they advanced in regular order, and with +silence, against the enemy; and as there was a mist, they came close +upon them before they were perceived. But when they caught sight of one +another, the trumpet sounded on the side of the Greeks, who, raising the +shout of battle, rushed upon the enemy. The Barbarians did not stand +their charge, but quitted the pass and fled; only a few of them were +killed, for they were active in moving off. 8. At the same time the +party of Cheirisophus, hearing the sound of the trumpet, marched +immediately up the plain track; while others of the officers proceeded +by untrodden paths, where each happened to be, and, climbing up as well +as they could, drew up one another with their spears; 9. and these were +the first to join those who had secured the position. Xenophon, with the +half of the rear-guard, went up by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> same way as those who had the +guide; for it was the most practicable for the baggage-cattle; the other +half he ordered to come up behind the cattle. 10. In their way they came +to a hill overhanging the road, which was occupied by the enemy, whom +they must either dislodge or be separated from the rest of the Greeks. +The men themselves, indeed, might have gone the same way as the rest of +the army, but the baggage-cattle could ascend by no other route than +this. 11. Encouraging one another, therefore, they made an attack upon +the hill in files,<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> not on every side, but leaving a way of escape +for the enemy, if they should be inclined to flee. 12. For a while, as +they were making their way as each best could, the Barbarians shot +arrows and threw stones at them, but did not receive them in close +encounter, and at last abandoned the place entirely.</p> + +<p>The Greeks had no sooner passed the hill, than they caught sight of +another before them occupied also by the enemy. Upon this hill it was +resolved likewise to make an assault. 13. But Xenophon, apprehending +that, if he left the hill which they had taken unguarded, the enemy, +recovering it, might attack the baggage-cattle as they were passing, +(for the train of baggage-cattle reached a great distance, as they were +marching along a narrow path,) left upon the hill the captains +Cephisodorus the son of Cephisophon, an Athenian, Amphicrates the son of +Amphidemus, an Athenian, and Archagoras, an exile from Argos, while he +himself, with the others, directed his march upon the second hill, which +they also captured in a similar manner. 14. However, there was still a +third hill left for them to take, which was by far the steepest of the +whole; this was an eminence that overhung the post where the guard was +surprised in the night by the volunteers. 15. But as the Greeks came up, +the Barbarians deserted the hill without attempting any defence, so that +all were surprised, and suspected that they had left their position from +fear of being surrounded and besieged in it. But the truth was, that +having ob<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span>served from the eminence what had passed behind, they all went +off with the intention of attacking the rear.</p> + +<p>16. Xenophon, with the youngest of his men, ascended to the top, and +ordered the rest to march on slowly, so that the companies in the rear +might join them; and he directed them, after proceeding some distance, +to halt under arms, on a level piece of ground. 17. At this juncture +Aristagoras the Argive came fleeing from the enemy, and said that the +Greeks were driven from the first hill, and that Cephisodorus, and +Amphicrates, and all the rest, who had not leaped from the rock, and +joined the rear-guard, had been killed. 18. The Barbarians, after this +success, appeared upon an eminence opposite the third hill, and Xenophon +began to treat with them, through an interpreter, about making a truce, +and called upon them to give up the dead. 19. They replied, that they +would give them up on condition that he would not burn their villages. +To this Xenophon agreed. But while the rest of the army was passing on, +and these were discussing the terms of a truce, all the Barbarians from +that part of the country had flocked together. Here the enemy made a +stand; 20. and when Xenophon's party began to descend the hill, to join +the others where the heavy-armed troops were drawn up,<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> they came +forward in great numbers and with loud shouts. When they had reached the +top of the hill from which Xenophon was descending, they rolled down +stones, and broke the leg of one man; and Xenophon's shield-bearer +deserted him, carrying off his shield, 21. but Eurylochus, an Arcadian +from Lusia,<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> a heavy-armed soldier, ran to his support, and went on +holding his shield before them both; and the rest went to join those who +were already drawn up.</p> + +<p>22. The entire Grecian force was now together, and took up their +quarters in a number of good houses, and in the midst of abundance of +provisions. Wine was so abundant, that they kept it in excavations under +ground, which were plastered over.<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> 23. Xenophon and Cheirisophus +now made<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> an agreement with the enemy, that on receiving the dead bodies +they should give up the guide; and they performed all funeral rites for +the deceased, as far as they could, according to what is usually done at +the interment of brave men. 24. The next day they proceeded without a +guide; and the enemy, sometimes by skirmishing, and sometimes, where +there was a narrow pass, by pre-occupying it, endeavoured to obstruct +their progress. 25. Whenever therefore they impeded the front, Xenophon, +ascending the hills from the rear, endeavoured to break through the +opposition made in that quarter, trying always to reach higher ground +than the obstructing enemy; 26. and when they assailed the rear, +Cheirisophus, quitting his place, and striving also to get above the +enemy, removed the obstruction that was offered to the passage of that +part of the army. Thus they relieved and supported each other with +effect. 27. Sometimes, too, when the Greeks had ascended eminences, the +Barbarians gave them great annoyance in their descent; and, as they were +nimble, they could escape, though they had but a very short start of +us;<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> for they were encumbered with no other weapons than bows and +slings. 28. As archers they were very expert, and had bows nearly three +cubits long, and arrows above two cubits; and they drew the string, +whenever they discharged their arrows, advancing the left foot<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> +against the lower extremity of the bow. Their arrows penetrated through +shields<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> and corslets; and the Greeks, taking them up, made use of them +as javelins, fixing thongs to them.<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> In these parts the Cretans were +of the greatest service. Stratocles, a Cretan, had the command of them.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<h4>The Greeks arrive at the river Centrites, which divides the +Carduchi from Armenia. They see the Persians drawn up on the +opposite bank, while the Carduchi threaten their rear. They are +encouraged by a dream of Xenophon's to try a ford, and effect a +safe passage across the stream.</h4> + + +<p>1. This day the Greeks abode in the villages above the plain near the +river Centrites, the breadth of which is about two hundred feet, and +which forms the boundary between Armenia and the territory of the +Carduchi. Here they took some rest, being glad to see a piece of level +country. The river is distant from the mountains of the Carduchi about +six or seven stadia. 2. It was with great satisfaction that they stayed +here, as they had a sufficiency of provisions, and were frequently +reflecting on the difficulties that were past, for, during seven days +that they had been marching among the Carduchi, they had been constantly +fighting, and had suffered more evils than all those which they had +endured from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> king and Tissaphernes.<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> Having escaped from such +hardships, they gladly took repose.</p> + +<p>3. At day-break, however, they perceived on the other side of the river +a body of cavalry, in complete armour, ready to prevent them from +crossing, and on the high banks above the cavalry, another of foot +prepared to hinder them from entering Armenia. 4. These were Armenians, +Mardians, and Chaldæans, mercenary troops of Orontes and Artuchas.<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> +The Chaldæans were said to be a free people, and warlike; for arms they +had long shields and spears. 5. The high banks on which these forces +were drawn up, were three or four hundred feet from the river; and the +only road that was visible was one that led upward, apparently a work of +art. Here the Greeks endeavoured to cross, 6. but as, on making trial, +the water rose above their breasts, and the bed of the river was rough +with large and slippery stones, and as it was impossible for them to +carry their arms in the water, or, if they attempted to do so, the river +swept them away, (while, if any of them took their arms on their heads, +they became exposed to the arrows and other missiles of the enemy,) they +in consequence retreated, and encamped at the side of the river.</p> + +<p>7. They now perceived the Carduchi assembled in great numbers under arms +on the spot where they themselves had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> been on the previous night. Hence +great despondency was felt by the Greeks, as they knew the difficulty of +passing the river, and saw the Carduchi ready to attack them if they +attempted to cross. 8. This day, therefore, and the following night, +they remained where they were in great perplexity. Xenophon however had +a dream; he thought that he was bound in fetters, but that they fell off +him of their own accord, so that he was set at liberty, and walked +securely<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> whithersoever he pleased. 9. When the morning approached, +he went to Cheirisophus, told him that he had hopes that all would be +well, and related to him his dream. Cheirisophus was much pleased, and, +as soon as it was day, all the generals who were present offered +sacrifice, and the victims were favourable at the very first. As soon as +they left the place of sacrifice, the generals and captains gave +directions to the troops to take their breakfast.</p> + +<p>10. While Xenophon was at breakfast, two young men came running up to +him, for every one knew that it was allowable to approach him whether +breakfasting or supping, and to wake him and speak to him even when +asleep, if they had anything to tell of affairs relating to the war. 11. +The youths informed him that they had been gathering sticks for their +fire, and had chanced to see, on the opposite side of the river, among +the rocks that reached down to the stream itself, an old man, a woman, +and some girls, depositing in a cavernous rock what appeared to be bags +of clothes; 12. that when they saw this, they thought it would be safe +to cross, as the ground at that point was inaccessible to the enemy's +horse; that having taken off their clothes, and taken their daggers in +their hands, they went over undressed, in expectation of having to swim, +but that, as they went on, they reached the other side before they were +wet to the middle, and, having thus forded the stream, and taken the +clothes, they came back again. 13. Xenophon immediately therefore made a +libation, and ordered the young men to join in it,<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> and to pray to +the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> gods who had sent the dream and pointed out the ford, to complete +what was wanting to their success. After the libation, he at once +conducted the youths to Cheirisophus, and to him they gave the same +account. Cheirisophus, on hearing it, made a libation also.</p> + +<p>14. When the libation was over, they gave orders to the soldiers to get +their baggage ready; while they themselves, calling the rest of the +generals together, consulted with them how they might cross the river to +the best advantage, and how they might defeat the enemy in front, and +suffer no damage from those in the rear. 15. It was then resolved that +Cheirisophus should take the lead, and cross over with half of the army, +that the other half should stay behind with Xenophon, and that the +baggage-cattle and camp-followers should go over between the two. 16. +When these matters were fairly arranged, they began to move, the young +men acting as guides, and keeping the river on the left, the distance to +the ford being about four stadia. 17. As they proceeded, the lines of +the enemy's cavalry advanced abreast of them on the opposite bank; and +when they came to the ford, and the margin of the river, they halted, +laying down their arms; and then Cheirisophus himself, placing a chaplet +upon his head,<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> and laying aside his outer garments, took up his +arms and commanded the rest to follow his example, directing the +captains to lead their troops in files,<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> some on his left hand, and +some on his right. 18. The augurs at the same time sacrificed victims +over the river;<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> while the enemy plied their bows and slings, but +did not reach the Greeks. 19. As the sacrifices appeared favourable, all +the soldiers sung the pæan and raised a shout, and all the women (for +there were a number of the men's mistresses in the army) joined in the +cry.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span></p> + +<p>20. Cheirisophus and his men then entered the stream; and Xenophon, +taking the most active of the rear-guard, marched at full speed back to +the ford<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> opposite the outlet into the mountains of Armenia, making +a feint that he meant to cross the river there, and thus cut off the +cavalry that were on the bank; 21. when the enemy, seeing Cheirisophus +and his men crossing over with ease, and Xenophon and his party hurrying +back, were afraid of being intercepted, and fled with precipitation to +gain the outlet that led up from the river, and as soon as they came to +that passage, they directed their course up into the mountains. 22. +Lycius, who had the command of the troop of horse, and Æschines, who +commanded the band of peltasts attending on Cheirisophus, seeing the +enemy retreating with so much haste, set off in pursuit of them; and the +rest of the soldiers called to each other not to stay behind,<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> but +to go along with them up the mountains. 23. But Cheirisophus, when he +had crossed the river, did not follow the cavalry, but made his way up +the high banks that reached down to the river, to attack that portion of +the enemy that were on the more elevated ground.<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> This party on the +heights, however, seeing their cavalry take to flight, abandoned their +commanding position above the stream.</p> + +<p>24. Xenophon, when he saw that all was going well on the other side, +returned with all possible speed to join that part of the army which was +crossing over; for the Carduchi were evidently descending into the +plain, with the view of falling upon the rear. 25. Cheirisophus was now +in possession of the heights, and Lycius, who, with his small party, had +proceeded in pursuit of the enemy, had captured some of their baggage +that they had left behind, and amongst it some rich garments and +drinking-cups. 26. The baggage and camp-followers of the Greeks were +still in the act of crossing; and Xenophon, turning towards the +Carduchi, halted under arms over against them, and ordered the captains +to form each his own company into divisions of five and twenty men, +bringing round each division in line<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> towards the left; and he +directed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> both the captains, and the officers of the divisions of five +and twenty, to advance facing the Carduchi, and the rearmost to halt +facing the river.</p> + +<p>27. The Carduchi, when they observed that the rear-guard of the +camp-followers was diminished in number, and that they seemed now indeed +to be but few, advanced at a quicker pace, singing at the same time +certain songs. Cheirisophus, when he saw that all was safe on his own +side, sent the peltasts, and the slingers and archers, to Xenophon, +desiring them to do whatsoever he should direct. 28. Xenophon, seeing +them beginning to cross, sent a messenger to desire that they should +remain by the river where they were, without crossing, and that, when +his own party should begin to cross, they should come forward into the +water on each side opposite to him, the javelin-men holding their +weapons by the thong,<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> and the archers with their arrows on the +string, as if with the intention of crossing over, but not to advance +far into the river. 29. His own men he ordered, as soon as a sling +should reach them and a shield should ring,<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> to raise the pæan and +rush towards the enemy; and he directed that when the enemy should take +to flight, and the trumpeter should sound the signal of attack<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> from +the river, the rear should wheel to the right and take the lead, and +that they should then all run forward as fast as possible, and cross +over at the part where each happened to be stationed, so as not to +impede one another; telling them that he would be the best man who +should first reach the opposite side. 30. The Carduchi, seeing that +those who were left were but few, (for many even of those who had been +ordered to stay had gone away, some to take care of the cattle, some of +their baggage, and others of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> their mistresses,) began, in consequence, +to press forward boldly, and to use their slings and bows. 31. The +Greeks then sang the pæan, and rushed upon them at full speed; and the +Barbarians did not stand their charge; for though they were well enough +equipped for a sudden onset and retreat upon the mountains, they were by +no means sufficiently armed to receive an enemy hand to hand. At this +juncture the trumpeter sounded, 32. when the enemy fled still faster, +and the Greeks, turning in the opposite direction, made their way over +the river with all possible speed. 33. Some of the enemy, perceiving +this movement, ran back to the river, and wounded a few of our men with +their arrows; but the greater number of them, even when the Greeks were +on the other side, were observed to continue their flight. 34. The +troops, meanwhile, that came to meet Xenophon, being carried away by +their courage, and advancing too far, repassed the river in the rear of +Xenophon's men; and some of these also were wounded.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<h4>The Greeks enter Armenia, pass the sources of the Tigris, and +arrive at the Teleboas. They make a treaty with Tiribazus, the +governor of the province, and discover his insincerity.</h4> + + +<p>1. When they had crossed, and had ranged themselves in order about noon, +they proceeded through the country of Armenia, consisting wholly of +plains and gently sloping hills, a distance of not less than five +parasangs; for there were no villages near the river, in consequence of +the hostilities with the Carduchi. 2. The village, however, at which +they at length arrived, was of considerable size, and contained a palace +for the satrap;<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> upon most of the houses there were towers<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>, and +provisions were in great plenty.</p> + +<p>3. Hence they proceeded, two days' journey, a distance of ten parasangs, +until they passed round the sources of the river Tigris. From hence they +advanced, three days' journey, fif<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span>teen parasangs, to the river +Teleboas, a stream not large, indeed, but of much beauty<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a>; and there +were many villages on its banks. 4. This part of the country was called +Western Armenia. The deputy-governor of it was Tiribazus, who was an +intimate friend of the king; and no one else, when he was present, +assisted the king to mount his horse. 5. He now rode up with a body of +cavalry, and sending forward an interpreter, said that he wished to +speak with the commanders. The generals thought proper to hear what he +had to say, and, advancing within hearing, asked what he wanted. 6. He +replied, that he wished to make a treaty with them, on the conditions +that he himself should not hurt the Greeks, and that the Greeks should +not burn the houses, but should be at liberty to take such provisions as +they required. This proposal was agreeable to the generals, and they +concluded a treaty upon these terms.</p> + +<p>7. Hence they proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteen +parasangs, through a plain; and Tiribazus followed them with his troops, +keeping at the distance of about ten stadia. They then came to a +palace,<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> with several villages around it stored with abundance of +provisions. 8. While they were encamped, there fell a great quantity of +snow<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> the night; and in the morning it was thought advisable +that the companies and officers should take up their quarters in the +neighbouring villages; for they perceived no enemy, and it appeared to +be safe on account of the quantity of the snow.<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> 9. Here they found +all kinds of excellent provisions, cattle, corn, old wines of great +fragrance, dried grapes, and vegetables of all kinds.</p> + +<p>Some of the soldiers, however, who had strolled away from the camp, +brought word that they had caught sight of an army, and that many fires +had been visible during the night. 10. The generals thought it unsafe, +therefore, for the troops to quarter apart, and resolved to bring the +whole army together again. They accordingly assembled, for it seemed to +be clearing up.<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> 11. But as they were passing the night here, there +fell a vast quantity of snow, so that it covered both the arms and the +men as they lay on the ground. The snow cramped the baggage-cattle, and +they were very reluctant to rise; for, as they lay, the snow that had +fallen upon them served to keep them warm, when it had not dropped off. +12. But when Xenophon was hardy enough to rise without his outer +garment, and to cleave wood, some one else then rose, and, taking the +wood from him, cleft it himself. Soon after, the rest got up, and +lighted fires and anointed themselves; 13. for abundance of ointment was +found there, made of hog's-lard, sesamum,<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> bitter almonds, and +turpentine, which they used instead of oil. Of the same materials also +an odoriferous unguënt was found.</p> + +<p>14. After this it was resolved to quarter again throughout<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> the +villages, under shelter; and the soldiers went off with great shouting +and delight to the cottages and provisions. Those who had set fire to +the houses, when they quitted them before, paid the penalty of having to +encamp uncomfortably in the open air. 15. Hence they despatched in the +night Democrates of Temenos, giving him a detachment of men, to the +hills where the stragglers said that they had seen the fires; they +selected him because he was thought on several former occasions to have +brought exact information concerning such matters, reporting what was, +just as it appeared, and what was not, as not existing. 16. Having gone, +he said that he saw no fires, but he brought with him a captive that he +had taken, having a Persian bow and quiver, and a short battle-axe, such +as the Amazons have. 17. Being asked of what country he was, he said +that he was a Persian, and that he was going from the army of Tiribazus +to get provisions. They then asked him how large the army was, and for +what purpose it was assembled. 18. He said that Tiribazus had his own +troops, and some mercenaries from the Chalybes and Taochians; and that +he was prepared to attack the Greeks in their passage over the +mountains, at a narrow defile through which lay their only road.</p> + +<p>19. The generals, on hearing this, resolved to collect the army, and, +leaving a guard, with Sophænetus the Stymphalian as commander over those +who stayed behind, proceeded to march without delay, taking the man that +had been captured for their guide. 20. After they had passed the +mountains, the peltasts, who went before the rest, and were the first to +discover the enemy's camp, did not wait for the heavy-armed men, but ran +forward with a shout to attack it. 21. The Barbarians, hearing the +noise, did not stand their ground, but fled; some of them however were +killed, and about twenty horses taken, as was also the tent of +Tiribazus, and in it some couches with silver feet, and drinking-cups, +and some prisoners, who said that they were bakers and cup-bearers. 22. +When the officers of the heavy-armed troops heard what had taken place, +they resolved upon marching back as fast as possible to their own camp, +lest any attempt should be made on those who had been left there. +Calling in the men immediately, therefore, by sound of trumpet, they +returned to the camp the same day.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span></p> +<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2> + +<h4>The Greeks march through an uninhabited tract of country, suffering +greatly from cold winds, snow, and want of provisions. At length +they reach some well-stored villages, where they rest seven days.</h4> + + +<p>1. The next day it was thought necessary to march away as fast as +possible, before the enemy's force should be re-assembled, and get +possession of the pass. Collecting their baggage at once, therefore, +they set forward through a deep snow, taking with them several guides; +and, having the same day passed the height on which Tiribazus had +intended to attack them, they encamped. 2. Hence they proceeded three +days' journey through a desert tract of country, a distance of fifteen +parasangs,<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> to the river Euphrates, and passed it without being wet +higher than the middle. The sources of the river were said not to be far +off. 3. From hence they advanced three days' march, through much snow +and a level plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs; the third day's +march was extremely troublesome, as the north-wind blew full in their +faces, completely parching up everything and benumbing the men. 4. One +of the augurs, in consequence, advised that they should sacrifice to the +wind; and a sacrifice was accordingly offered; when the vehemence of the +wind appeared to every one manifestly to abate. The depth of the snow +was a fathom;<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> so that many of the baggage-cattle and slaves +perished, with about thirty of the soldiers. 5. They continued to burn +fires through the whole night, for there was plenty of wood at the place +of encampment. But those who came up late could get no wood; those +therefore who had arrived before, and had kindled fires, would not admit +the late comers to the fire unless they gave them a share of the corn or +other provisions that they had brought. 6. Thus they shared with each +other what they respectively had. In the places where the fires were +made, as the snow melted,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> there were formed large pits that reached +down to the ground; and here there was accordingly opportunity to +measure the depth of the snow.</p> + +<p>7. From hence they marched through snow the whole of the following day, +and many of the men contracted the <i>bulimia</i>.<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> Xenophon, who +commanded in the rear, finding in his way such of the men as had fallen +down with it, knew not what disease it was. 8. But as one of those +acquainted with it, told him that they were evidently affected with +<i>bulimia</i>, and that they would get up if they had something to eat, he +went round among the baggage, and, wherever he saw anything eatable, he +gave it out, and sent such as were able to run to distribute it among +those diseased, who, as soon as they had eaten, rose up and continued +their march. 9. As they proceeded, Cheirisophus came, just as it grew +dark, to a village, and found, at a spring in front of the rampart, some +women and girls belonging to the place fetching water. 10. The women +asked them who they were; and the interpreter answered, in the Persian +language, that they were people going from the king to the satrap. They +replied that he was not there, but about a parasang off. However, as it +was late, they went with the water-carriers within the rampart, to the +head man of the village; 11. and here Cheirisophus, and as many of the +troops as could come up, encamped; but of the rest, such as were unable +to get to the end of the journey, spent the night on the way without +food or fire; and some of the soldiers lost their lives on that +occasion. 12. Some of the enemy too, who had collected themselves into a +body, pursued our rear, and seized any of the baggage-cattle that were +unable to proceed, fighting with one another for the possession of them. +Such of the soldiers, also, as had lost their sight from the effects of +the snow, or had had their toes mortified by the cold, were left behind. +13. It was found to be a relief to the eyes against the snow, if the +soldiers kept something black before them on the march, and to the feet, +if they kept constantly in motion, and allowed themselves no rest, and +if they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> took off their shoes in the night; 14. but as to such as slept +with their shoes on, the straps worked into their feet, and the soles +were frozen about them; for when their old shoes had failed them, shoes +of raw hides had been made by the men themselves from the newly-skinned +oxen. 15. From such unavoidable sufferings, some of the soldiers were +left behind, who, seeing a piece of ground of a black appearance, from +the snow having disappeared there, conjectured that it must have melted; +and it had in fact melted in the spot from the effect of a fountain, +which was sending up vapour in a woody hollow close at hand. Turning +aside thither, they sat down and refused to proceed farther. 16. +Xenophon, who was with the rear-guard, as soon as he heard this, tried +to prevail on them by every art and means not to be left behind, telling +them, at the same time, that the enemy were collected, and pursuing them +in great numbers. At last he grew angry; and they told him to kill them, +as they were quite unable to go forward. 17. He then thought it the best +course to strike a terror, if possible, into the enemy that were behind, +lest they should fall upon the exhausted soldiers. It was now dark, and +the enemy were advancing with a great noise, quarrelling about the booty +that they had taken; 18. when such of the rear-guard as were not +disabled, started up, and rushed towards them, while the tired men, +shouting as loud as they could, clashed their spears against their +shields. The enemy, struck with alarm, threw themselves among the snow +into the hollow, and no one of them afterwards made themselves heard +from any quarter.</p> + +<p>19. Xenophon, and those with him, telling the sick men that a party +should come to their relief next day, proceeded on their march, but +before they had gone four stadia, they found other soldiers resting by +the way in the snow, and covered up with it, no guard being stationed +over them. They roused them up, but they said that the head of the army +was not moving forward. 20. Xenophon, going past them, and sending on +some of the ablest of the peltasts, ordered them to ascertain what it +was that hindered their progress. They brought word that the whole army +was in that manner taking rest. 21. Xenophon and his men, therefore, +stationing such a guard as they could, took up their quarters there +without fire or supper. When it was near day, he sent the youngest of +his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> men to the sick, telling them to rouse them and oblige them to +proceed. 22. At this juncture Cheirisophus sent some of his people from +the villages to see how the rear were faring. The young men were +rejoiced to see them, and gave them the sick to conduct to the camp, +while they themselves went forward, and, before they had gone twenty +stadia, found themselves at the village in which Cheirisophus was +quartered. 23. When they came together, it was thought safe enough to +lodge the troops up and down in the villages. Cheirisophus accordingly +remained where he was, and the other officers, appropriating by lot the +several villages that they had in sight, went to their respective +quarters with their men.</p> + +<p>24. Here Polycrates, an Athenian captain, requested leave of absence, +and, taking with him the most active of his men, and hastening to the +village which Xenophon had been allotted, surprised all the villagers, +and their head man, in their houses, together with seventeen<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> colts +that were bred as a tribute for the king, and the head man's daughter, +who had been but nine days married; her husband was gone out to hunt +hares, and was not found in any of the villages. 25. Their houses were +under ground, the entrance like the mouth of a well, but spacious below; +there were passages dug into them for the cattle, but the people +descended by ladders. In the houses were goats, sheep, cows, and fowls, +with their young; all the cattle were kept on fodder within the +walls.<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> 26. There was also wheat, barley, leguminous vegetables, +and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> barley-wine,<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> in large bowls; the grains of barley floated in +it even with the brims of the vessels, and reeds also lay in it, some +larger and some smaller, without joints; 27. and these, when any one was +thirsty, he was to take in his mouth, and suck.<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> The liquor was very +strong, unless one mixed water with it, and a very pleasant drink to +those accustomed to it.</p> + +<p>28. Xenophon made the chief man of his village sup with him, and told +him to be of good courage, assuring him that he should not be deprived +of his children, and that they would not go away without filling his +house with provisions in return for what they took, if he would but +prove himself the author of some service to the army till they should +reach another tribe. 29. This he promised, and, to show his good-will, +pointed out where some wine<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> was buried. This night, therefore, the +soldiers rested in their several quarters in the midst of great +abundance, setting a guard over the chief, and keeping his children at +the same time under their eye. 30. The following day Xenophon took the +head man and went with him to Cheirisophus, and wherever he passed by a +village, he turned aside to visit those who were quartered in it, and +found them in all parts feasting and enjoying themselves; nor would they +anywhere let them go till they had set refreshments before them; 31. and +they placed everywhere upon the same table lamb, kid, pork, veal, and +fowl, with plenty of bread both of wheat and barley. 32. Whenever any +person, to pay a compliment, wished to drink to another, he took him to +the large bowl, where he had to stoop down and drink, sucking like an +ox. The chief they allowed to take whatever he pleased, but he accepted +nothing from them; where he found any of his relatives, however, he took +them with him.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span></p> + +<p>33. When they came to Cheirisophus, they found his men also feasting in +their quarters,<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> crowned with wreaths made of hay, and Armenian +boys, in their Barbarian dresses, waiting upon them, to whom they made +signs what they were to do as if they had been deaf and dumb. 34. When +Cheirisophus and Xenophon had saluted one another, they both asked the +chief man, through the interpreter who spoke the Persian language, what +country it was. He replied that it was Armenia. They then asked him for +whom the horses were bred; and he said that they were a tribute for the +king, and added that the neighbouring country was that of the Chalybes, +and told them in what direction the road lay. 35. Xenophon then went +away, conducting the chief back to his family, giving him the horse that +he had taken, which was rather old, to fatten and offer in sacrifice, +(for he had heard that it had been consecrated to the sun,) being +afraid, indeed, that it might die, as it had been injured by the +journey. He then took some of the young horses, and gave one of them to +each of the other generals and captains. 36. The horses in this country +were smaller than those of Persia, but far more spirited. The chief +instructed the men to tie little bags round the feet of the horses, and +other cattle, when they drove them through the snow, for without such +bags they sunk up to their bellies.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<h4>The Greeks leave the villages under conduct of a guide, who, on +being struck by Cheirisophus, deserts them. After wandering through +the country for seven days, they arrive at the Phasis, and in two +days more at some mountains occupied by the Phasiani, Taochi, and +Chalybes, whom, by skilful manœuvring, they dislodge.</h4> + + +<p>1. When the eighth day was come, Xenophon committed the guide to +Cheirisophus. He left the chief<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> all the members<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> of his family, +except his son, a youth just coming to mature age; him he gave in charge +to Episthenes of Amphipolis, in order that if the father should conduct +them properly, he might return home with him. At the same time they +carried to his house as many provisions as they could, and then broke up +their camp, and resumed their march. 2. The chief conducted them through +the snow, walking at liberty. When he came to the end of the third day's +march, Cheirisophus was angry at him for not guiding them to some +villages. He said that there were none in that part of the country. +Cheirisophus then struck him, but did not confine him; 3. and in +consequence he ran off in the night, leaving his son behind him. This +affair, the ill-treatment and neglect of the guide, was the only cause +of dissension between Cheirisophus and Xenophon during the march. +Episthenes conceived an affection for the youth, and, taking him home, +found him extremely attached to him.</p> + +<p>4. After this occurrence they proceeded seven days' journey, five +parasangs each day, till they came to the river Phasis,<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> the breadth +of which is a plethrum. 5. Hence they advanced two days' journey, ten +parasangs; when, on the pass that led over the mountains into the plain, +the Chalybes, Taochi, and Phasians were drawn up to oppose their +progress. 6. Cheirisophus, seeing these enemies in possession of the +height, came to a halt, at the distance of about thirty stadia, that he +might not approach them while leading the army in a column. He +accordingly ordered the other officers to bring up their companies, that +the whole force might be formed in line.<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a></p> + +<p>7. When the rear-guard was come up, he called together the generals and +captains, and spoke to them as follows: "The enemy, as you see, are in +possession of the pass over the mountains; and it is proper for us to +consider how we may encounter them to the best advantage. 8. It is my +opinion, therefore, that we should direct the troops to get their +dinner, and that we ourselves should hold a council, in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> the mean time, +whether it is advisable to cross the mountain to-day or to-morrow." 9. +"It seems best to me," exclaimed Cleanor, "to march at once, as soon as +we have dined and resumed our arms, against the enemy; for if we waste +the present day in inaction, the enemy who are now looking down upon us +will grow bolder, and it is likely that, as their confidence is +increased, others will join them in greater numbers."</p> + +<p>10. After him Xenophon said, "I am of opinion, that if it is necessary +to fight, we ought to make our arrangements so as to fight with the +greatest advantage; but that, if we propose to pass the mountains as +easily as possible, we ought to consider how we may incur the fewest +wounds and lose the fewest men. 11. The range of hills, as far as we +see, extends more than sixty stadia in length; but the people nowhere +seem to be watching us except along the line of road; and it is +therefore better, I think, to endeavour to try to seize unobserved some +part of the unguarded range, and to get possession of it, if we can, +beforehand, than to attack a strong post and men prepared to resist us. +12. For it is far less difficult to march up a steep ascent without +fighting than along a level road with enemies on each side; and, in the +night, if men are not obliged to fight, they can see better what is +before them than by day if engaged with enemies; while a rough road is +easier to the feet to those who are marching without molestation than a +smooth one to those who are pelted on the head with missiles. 13. Nor do +I think it at all impracticable for us to steal a way for ourselves, as +we can march by night, so as not to be seen, and can keep at such a +distance from the enemy as to allow no possibility of being heard. We +seem likely, too, in my opinion, if we make a pretended attack on this +point, to find the rest of the range still less guarded; for the enemy +will so much the more probably stay where they are. 14. But why should I +speak doubtfully about stealing? For I hear that you Lacedæmonians, O +Cheirisophus, such of you at least as are of the better class,<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> +practise stealing from your boyhood, and it is not a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> disgrace, but an +honour, to steal whatever the law does not forbid; 15. while, in order +that you may steal with the utmost dexterity, and strive to escape +discovery, it is appointed by law that, if you are caught stealing, you +are scourged. It is now high time for you, therefore, to give proof of +your education, and to take care that we may not receive many stripes." +16. "But I hear that you Athenians also," rejoined Cheirisophus, "are +very clever at stealing the public money, though great danger threatens +him that steals it; and that your best men steal it most, if indeed your +best men are thought worthy to be your magistrates; so that it is time +for you likewise to give proof of your education." 17. "I am then +ready," exclaimed Xenophon, "to march with the rear-guard, as soon as we +have supped, to take possession of the hills. I have guides too; for our +light-armed men captured some of the marauders following us by lying in +ambush; and from them I learn that the mountains are not impassable, but +are grazed over by goats and oxen, so that if we once gain possession of +any part of the range, there will be tracks also for our baggage-cattle. +18. I expect also that the enemy will no longer keep their ground, when +they see us upon a level with them on the heights, for they will not now +come down to be upon a level with us." 19. Cheirisophus then said, "But +why should you go, and leave the charge of the rear? Rather send others, +unless some volunteers present themselves." 20. Upon this Aristonymus of +Methydria came forward with his heavy-armed men, and Aristeas of Chios +and Nicomachus of Œta<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> with their light-armed; and they made an +arrangement, that as soon as they should reach the top, they should +light a number of fires. 21. Having settled these points, they went to +dinner; and after dinner Cheirisophus led forward the whole army ten +stadia towards the enemy, that he might appear to be fully resolved to +march against them on that quarter.</p> + +<p>22. When they had taken their supper, and night came on,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> those +appointed for the service went forward and got possession of the hills; +the other troops rested where they were. The enemy, when they saw the +heights occupied, kept watch and burned a number of fires all night. 23. +As soon as it was day, Cheirisophus, after having offered sacrifice, +marched forward along the road; while those who had gained the heights +advanced by the ridge. 24. Most of the enemy, meanwhile, stayed at the +pass, but a part went to meet the troops coming along the heights. But +before the main bodies came together, those on the ridge closed with one +another, and the Greeks had the advantage, and put the enemy to flight. +25. At the same time the Grecian peltasts ran up from the plain to +attack the enemy drawn up to receive them, and Cheirisophus followed at +a quick pace with the heavy-armed men. 26. The enemy at the pass, +however, when they saw those above defeated, took to flight. Not many of +them were killed, but a great number of shields were taken, which the +Greeks, by hacking them with their swords, rendered useless. 27. As soon +as they had gained the ascent, and had sacrificed and erected a trophy, +they went down into the plain before them, and arrived at a number of +villages stored with abundance of excellent provisions.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER VII.</h2> + +<h4>The Greeks, entering the country of the Taochi, storm a fort, +capturing a great number of cattle, on which they subsist while +traversing the region of the Chalybes. They cross the Harpasus, +and, marching through the territory of the Scythini, arrive at a +town called Gymnias, whence they are conducted to Mount Theches, +from the top of which they see the Euxine.</h4> + + +<p>1. From hence they marched five days' journey, thirty parasangs, to the +country of the Taochi, where provisions began to fail them; for the +Taochi inhabited strong fastnesses, in which they had laid up all their +supplies. 2. Having at length, however, arrived at one place which had +no city or houses attached to it, but in which men and women and a great +number of cattle were assembled, Cheirisophus, as soon as he came before +it, made it the object of an attack;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> and when the first division that +assailed it began to be tired, another succeeded, and then another; for +it was not possible for them to surround it in a body, as there was a +river about it. 3. When Xenophon came up with his rear-guard, peltasts, +and heavy-armed men, Cheirisophus exclaimed, "You come seasonably, for +we must take this place, as there are no provisions for the army, unless +we take it."</p> + +<p>4. They then deliberated together, and Xenophon asking what hindered +them from taking the place, Cheirisophus replied, "The only approach to +it is the one which you see; but when any of our men attempt to pass +along it, the enemy roll down stones over yonder impending rock, and +whoever is struck, is treated as you behold;" and he pointed, at the +same moment, to some of the men who had had their legs and ribs broken. +5. "But if they expend all their stones," rejoined Xenophon, "is there +anything else to prevent us from advancing? For we see, in front of us, +only a few men, and but two or three of them armed. 6. The space, too, +through which we have to pass under exposure to the stones, is, as you +see, only about a hundred and fifty feet in length; and of this about a +hundred feet is covered with large pine trees in groups, against which +if the men place themselves, what would they suffer either from the +flying stones or the rolling ones? The remaining part of the space is +not above fifty feet, over which, when the stones cease, we must pass at +a running pace." 7. "But," said Cheirisophus, "the instant we offer to +go to the part covered with trees, the stones fly in great numbers." +"That," cried Xenophon, "would be the very thing we want, for thus they +will exhaust their stones the sooner. Let us then advance, if we can, to +the point whence we shall have but a short way to run, and from which we +may, if we please, easily retreat."</p> + +<p>8. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, with Callimachus of Parrhasia, one of the +captains, who had that day the lead of all the other captains of the +rear-guard, then went forward, all the rest of the captains remaining +out of danger. Next, about seventy of the men advanced under the trees, +not in a body, but one by one, each sheltering himself as he could. 9. +Agasias of Stymphalus, and Aristonymus of Methydria, who were also +captains of the rear-guard, with some others, were at the same time +standing behind, without the trees, for it was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> not safe for more than +one company to stand under them. 10. Callimachus then adopted the +following stratagem: he ran forward two or three paces from the tree +under which he was sheltered, and when the stones began to be hurled, +hastily drew back; and at each of his sallies more than ten cartloads of +stones were spent. 11. Agasias, observing what Callimachus was doing, +and that the eyes of the whole army were upon him, and fearing that he +himself might not be the first to enter the place, began to advance +alone, (neither calling to Aristonymus who was next him, nor to +Eurylochus of Lusia, both of whom were his intimate friends, nor to any +other person,) and passed by all the rest. 12. Callimachus, seeing him +rushing by, caught hold of the rim of his shield, and at that moment +Aristonymus of Methydria ran past them both, and after him Eurylochus of +Lusia, for all these sought distinction for valour, and were rivals to +one another; and thus, in mutual emulation, they got possession of the +place, for when they had once rushed in, not a stone was hurled from +above. 13. But a dreadful spectacle was then to be seen; for the women, +flinging their children over the precipice, threw themselves after them; +and the men followed their example. Æneas of Stymphalus, a captain, +seeing one of them, who had on a rich garment, running to throw himself +over, caught hold of it with intent to stop him. 14. But the man dragged +him forward, and they both went rolling down the rocks together, and +were killed. Thus very few prisoners were taken, but a great number of +oxen, asses, and sheep.</p> + +<p>15. Hence they advanced, seven days' journey, a distance of fifty +parasangs, through the country of the Chalybes. These were the most +warlike people of all that they passed through, and came to close combat +with them. They had linen cuirasses, reaching down to the groin, and, +instead of skirts,<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> thick cords twisted. 16. They had also greaves +and helmets, and at their girdles a short faulchion, as large as a +Spartan crooked dagger, with which they cut the throats of all whom they +could master, and then, cutting off their heads, carried them away with +them. They sang and danced when the enemy were likely to see them. They +carried also a spear of about fifteen cubits in length, having one +spike.<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> 17. They<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> stayed in their villages till the Greeks had +passed by, when they pursued and perpetually harassed them. They had +their dwellings in strong places, in which they had also laid up their +provisions, so that the Greeks could get nothing from that country, but +lived upon the cattle which they taken from the Taochi.</p> + +<p>18. The Greeks next arrived at the river Harpasus, the breadth of which +was four plethra. Hence they proceeded through the territory of the +Scythini, four days' journey, making twenty parasangs, over a level +tract, until they came to some villages, in which they halted three +days, and collected provisions. 19. From this place they advanced four +days' journey, twenty parasangs, to a large, rich, and populous city, +called Gymnias, from which the governor of the country sent the Greeks a +guide, to conduct them through a region at war with his own people. 20. +The guide, when he came, said that he would take them in five days to a +place whence they should see the sea; if not, he would consent to be put +to death. When, as he proceeded, he entered the country of their +enemies, he exhorted them to burn and lay waste the lands; whence it was +evident that he had come for this very purpose, and not from any good +will to the Greeks. 21. On the fifth day they came to the mountain;<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> +and the name of it was Theches. When the men who were in the front had +mounted the height, and looked down upon the sea, a great shout +proceeded from them; 22. and Xenophon and the rear-guard, on hearing it, +thought that some new enemies were assailing the front, for in the rear, +too, the people from the country that they had burnt were following +them, and the rear-guard, by placing an ambuscade, had killed some, and +taken others prisoners, and had captured about twenty shields made of +raw ox-hides with the hair on. 23. But as the noise still increased, and +drew nearer, and as those who came up from time to time kept running at +full speed to join those who were continually shouting, the cries +becoming louder as the men became more numerous, it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> appeared to +Xenophon that it must be something of very great moment. 24. Mounting +his horse, therefore, and taking with him Lycius and the cavalry, he +hastened forward to give aid, when presently they heard the soldiers +shouting, "The sea, the sea!" and cheering on one another. They then all +began to run, the rear-guard as well as the rest, and the baggage-cattle +and horses were put to their speed; 25. and when they had all arrived at +the top, the men embraced one another, and their generals and captains, +with tears in their eyes. Suddenly, whoever it was that suggested it, +the soldiers brought stones, and raised a large mound, 26. on which they +laid a number of raw ox-hides,<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> staves, and shields taken from the +enemy. The shields the guide himself hacked in pieces,<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> and exhorted +the rest to do the same. 27. Soon after, the Greeks sent away the guide, +giving him presents from the common stock, a horse, a silver cup, a +Persian robe, and ten darics;<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> but he showed most desire for the +rings on their fingers, and obtained many of them from the soldiers. +Having then pointed out to them a village where they might take up their +quarters, and the road by which they were to proceed to the Macrones, +when the evening came on he departed, pursuing his way during the night.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> + +<h4>The Greeks proceed unmolested through the country of the Macrones, +and enter Colchis. Putting to flight the Colchians who obstructed +their passage, they arrive at Trebisond, a Greek city, where they +perform whatever vows they had made, and celebrate games.</h4> + + +<p>1. Hence the Greeks advanced three days' journey, a distance of ten +parasangs, through the country of the Macrones. On the first day they +came to a river which divides the territories of the Macrones from those +of the Scythini. 2. On<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> their right they had an eminence extremely +difficult of access, and on their left another river,<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> into which +the boundary river, which they had to cross, empties itself. This stream +was thickly edged with trees, not indeed large, but growing closely +together. These the Greeks, as soon as they came to the spot, cut +down,<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> being in haste to get out of the country as soon as possible. +3. The Macrones, however, equipped with wicker shields, and spears, and +hair tunics, were drawn up on the opposite side of the crossing-place; +they were animating one another, and throwing stones into the +river.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> They did not hit our men, or cause them any inconvenience.</p> + +<p>4. At this juncture one of the peltasts came up to Xenophon, saying that +he had been a slave at Athens, and adding that he knew the language of +these men. "I think, indeed," said he, "that this is my country, and, if +there is nothing to prevent, I should wish to speak to the people." 5. +"There is nothing to prevent," replied Xenophon; "so speak to them, and +first ascertain what people they are." When he asked them, they said +that they were the Macrones. "Inquire, then," said Xenophon, "why they +are drawn up to oppose us, and wish to be our enemies." 6. They replied, +"Because you come against our country." The generals then told him to +acquaint them that we were not come with any wish to do them injury, but +that we were returning to Greece after having been engaged in war with +the king, and that we were desirous to reach the sea. 7. They asked if +the Greeks would give pledges to this effect; and the Greeks replied +that they were willing both to give and receive them. The Macrones +accordingly presented the Greeks with a Barbarian lance, and the Greeks +gave them a Grecian one; for they said that such were their usual +pledges. Both parties called the gods to witness.</p> + +<p>8. After these mutual assurances, the Macrones immediately assisted them +in cutting away the trees, and made a passage<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> for them, as if to bring +them over, mingling freely among the Greeks; they also gave such +facilities as they could for buying provisions, and conducted them +through their country for three days, until they brought them to the +confines of the Colchians. 9. Here was a range of hills,<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> high, but +accessible, and upon them the Colchians were drawn up in array. The +Greeks, at first, drew up against them in a line,<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> with the +intention of marching up the hill in this disposition; but afterwards +the generals thought proper to assemble and deliberate how they might +engage with the best effect. 10. Xenophon then said it appeared to him +that they ought to relinquish the arrangement in line, and to dispose +the troops in columns;<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> "for a line," pursued he, "will be broken at +once, as we shall find the hills in some parts impassable, though in +others easy of access; and this disruption will immediately produce +despondency in the men, when, after being ranged in a regular line, they +find it dispersed. 11. Again, if we advance drawn up very many deep, the +enemy will stretch beyond us on both sides, and will employ the parts +that outreach us in any way they may think proper; and if we advance +only a few deep, it would not be at all surprising if our line be broken +through by showers of missiles and men falling upon us in large bodies. +If this happen in any part, it will be ill for the whole extent of the +line. 12. I think, then, that having formed our companies in columns, we +should keep them so far apart from each other as that the last companies +on each side may be beyond the enemy's wings. Thus our extreme companies +will both outflank the line of the enemy, and, as we march in file, the +bravest of our men will close with the enemy first, and wherever the +ascent is easiest, there each division will direct its course. 13. Nor +will it be easy for the enemy to penetrate into the intervening spaces, +when there are companies on each side, nor will it be easy to break +through a column as it advances; while, if any one of the companies be +hard pressed, the neighbouring one will support it; and if but one of +the companies can by any path attain the summit, the enemy will no +longer stand their ground." 14. This plan was approved, and they threw +the companies into columns. Xenophon,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> riding along from the right wing +to the left, said. "Soldiers, the enemy whom you see before you, are now +the only obstacle to hinder us from being where we have long been eager +to be. These, if we can, we must eat up alive."<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a></p> + +<p>15. When the men were all in their places, and they had formed the +companies into columns, there were about eighty companies of heavy-armed +men, and each company consisted of about eighty men. The peltasts and +archers they divided into three bodies, each about six hundred men, one +of which they placed beyond the left wing, another beyond the right, and +the third in the centre. 16. The generals then desired the soldiers to +make their vows<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> to the gods; and having made them, and sung the +pæan, they moved forward. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, and the peltasts +that they had with them, who were beyond the enemy's flanks, pushed on; +17. and the enemy, observing their motions, and hurrying forward to +receive them, were drawn off, some to the right and others to the left, +and left a great void in the centre of their line; 18. when the peltasts +in the Arcadian division, whom Æschines the Acarnanian commanded, seeing +them separate, ran forward in all haste, thinking that they were taking +to flight; and these were the first that reached the summit. The +Arcadian heavy-armed troop, of which Cleanor the Orchomenian was +captain, followed them. 19. But the enemy, when once the Greeks began to +run, no longer stood their ground, but went off in flight, some one way +and some another.</p> + +<p>Having passed the summit, the Greeks encamped in a number of villages +containing abundance of provisions. 20. As to other things here, there +was nothing at which they were surprised; but the number of bee-hives +was extraordinary, and all the soldiers that ate of the combs, lost +their senses, vomited, and were affected with purging, and none of them +were able to stand upright; such as had eaten only a little were like +men greatly intoxicated, and such as had eaten much were like mad-men, +and some like persons at the point of death. 21. They lay upon the +ground, in consequence, in great numbers, as if there had been a defeat; +and there was general de<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span>jection. The next day no one of them was found +dead; and they recovered their senses about the same hour that they had +lost them on the preceding day; and on the third and fourth days they +got up as if after having taken physic.<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p> + +<p>22. From hence they proceeded two days' march, seven parasangs, and +arrived at Trebisond, a Greek city, of large population, on the Euxine +Sea; a colony of Sinope, but lying in the territory of the Colchians. +Here they stayed about thirty days, encamping in the villages of the +Colchians, 23. whence they made excursions and plundered the country of +Colchis. The people of Trebisond provided a market for the Greeks in the +camp, and entertained them in the city; and made them presents of oxen, +barley-meal, and wine. 24. They negotiated with them also on behalf of +the neighbouring Colchians, those especially who dwelt in the plain, and +from them too were brought presents of oxen.</p> + +<p>25. Soon after, they prepared to perform the sacrifice which they had +vowed. Oxen enough had been brought them to offer to Jupiter the +Preserver, and to Hercules, for their safe conduct, and whatever they +had vowed to the other gods. They also celebrated gymnastic games upon +the hill where they were encamped, and chose Dracontius a Spartan, (who +had become an exile from his country when quite a boy, for having +involuntarily killed a child by striking him with a dagger,) to prepare +the course and preside at the contests. 26. When the sacrifice was +ended, they gave the hides<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> Dracontius, and desired him to +conduct them to the place where he had made the course. Dracontius, +pointing to the place where they were standing, said, "This hill is an +excellent place for running, in whatever direction the men may wish." +"But how will they be able," said they, "to wrestle on ground so rough +and bushy?" "He that falls," said he, "will suffer the more." 27. Boys, +most of them from among the prisoners, contended in the short course, +and in the long course above sixty Cretans ran; while others were +matched in wrestling, boxing, and the pancratium. It was a fine sight; +for many entered the lists, and as their friends were spectators, there +was great emulation. 28. Horses also ran; and they had to gallop down +the steep, and, turning round in the sea, to come up again to the altar. +In the descent, many rolled down; but in the ascent, against the +exceedingly steep ground, the horses could scarcely get up at a walking +pace. There was consequently great shouting, and laughter, and cheering +from the people.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Darius II., surnamed Nothus, who reigned from <span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 423 to +<span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 404, the year in which Cyrus went up to Babylon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Several children of his are mentioned by Plutarch, Life of +Artax. c. i. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Afterwards Artaxerxes II., surnamed Mnemon; he began his +reign <span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 405.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Εἰς Καστωλοῦ πεδίον.] In each of the provinces of the +Persian empire, certain open places, plains or commons, were appointed +for the assembly and review of troops. See <a href="#Page_7">i. 2. 11</a>; 9. 7; Hellen. 43. +Heeren, <i>Ideen</i>, vol. ii. p. 486. Castolus is mentioned as a city of +Lydia by Stephanus of Byzantium. <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Τῶν Ἑλλήνων —— ὁπλίτας —— τριακοσίους.] Three hundred +of the Greeks that were in his pay, or of such as he could then +procure.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> A city and district in the south-western part of Arcadia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Ὑπῆρχε τῷ Κύρῳ.] "Partibus et consiliis ejus [Cyri] +favebat." <i>Schneider</i>. "Cyro addicta et adjumento erat." <i>Kühner</i>. +Compare v. 6. 23; Hellen. vii. 5. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Ὅστις —— τῶν παρὰ βασιλέως.] We must understand those who +are called ἔφοδοι, Cyrop. viii. 6. 16: compare Œcon. iv. 6. <i>Zeune</i>. +They were officers appointed to visit the satrapies annually, and make a +report respecting the state of them to the king.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Οὕτω διατιθεὶς ἀπεπέμπετο, κ. τ. λ.] "He sent them all away +(after) so disposing them, that they were friends rather to himself than +the king."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> By this term are meant chiefly the Asiatics that were +about Cyrus. The Greeks called all people Barbarians that were not of +their own nation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Ἀποστῆναι πρὸς Κῦρον.] These words are regarded as +spurious by Schneider, on the suggestion of Wolf and Wyttenbach. Krüger +and Kühner retain them, as added <i>explicationis causá</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> The daric was a Persian gold coin, generally supposed to +have derived its name from Darius I.; but others think this doubtful. +From c. vii. 18, it appears that three hundred darics were equal to a +talent. If the talent be estimated therefore, as in Mr. Hussey's <i>Essay +on Anc. Weights and Money</i>, ch. iii. sect. 12, at £243 15<i>s.</i>, the value +of the daric will be 16<i>s.</i> 3<i>d.</i> The sum given to Clearchus will then +be £8125.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Ξένος.] I have translated this word by <i>guest-friend</i>, a +convenient term, which made its appearance in our language some time +ago. The ξένοι were bound by a league of friendship and hospitality, by +which each engaged to entertain the other, when he visited him.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> A town of Arcadia, on the borders of Achaia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Τό τε βαρβαρικὸν καὶ τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν τὸ ἐνταῦθα στράτευμα.] +There has been much dispute about the exact signification of ἐνταῦθα in +this place. Zeune would have it mean "illuc, in illum locum ubi sunt +Pisidæ;" and Krüger thinks that "towards Sardis" is intended. But this +is to do violence to the word; I have followed Weiske and Kühner, who +give it its ordinary signification. "Barbarorum et Græcorum +[exercitum]," says Kühner, "quem Cyrus ibi, ubi versabatur, collectum +habebat." The τὸ before ἐνταῦθα is an addition of Dindorf's, which +Kühner pronounces unnecessary.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> The πελτασταὶ were troops armed with a light shield, +called πέλτη, holding a middle place between the ὁπλῖται and ψιλοί. They +were first made an efficient part of the Greek forces by Iphicrates: see +his Life in Corn. Nep.; and Xen. Hellen. iv. 4. 16; 3. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Xenophon begins his account of the expedition from Sardis, +because he there joined the army, but afterwards constantly computes +from Ephesus, the sea-port from whence he began his journey. +<i>Stanford</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Σταθμοός.] The word σταθμός means properly a <i>station</i> or +<i>halting-place</i> at the end of a day's march, of which the length varied, +but was generally about five parasangs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> The parasang in Xenophon is equal to thirty stadia; see +<a href="#Page_50">ii. 2. 6</a>. So Herodotus, ii. 6; v. 53. Mr. Ainsworth, following Mr. +Hamilton and Colonel Leake, makes the parasang equal to 3 English miles, +180 yards, or 3 geographical miles of 1822 yards each. <i>Travels in the +Track</i>, pref. p. xii. Thus five parasangs would be a long day's march; +these marches were more than seven; and the next day's was eight. But +Rennell thinks the parasang not more than 2.78 English miles. Mr. +Hussey, <i>Anc. Weights</i>, &c., Append. sect. 12, makes it 3 miles, 787-1/2 +yards.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> The <i>plethrum</i> was 100 Greek or 101.125 English feet. See +Hussey, Append. sect. 10, p. 232.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> The king of Persia was called the Great King by the Greek +writers, on account of the great extent of his dominions, or of the +number of kings subject to him; a title similar to that of the +successors of Mahomet, Grand Signior.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> This is the reading of the name adopted by Dindorf and +Kühner; most other editors have <i>Socrates</i>, which occurs in four +manuscripts; two have <i>Sosias</i>, and one <i>Sostes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> The word is here used, as Spelman observes, in a more +general sense than ordinary, to signify all that were not heavy-armed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Τὰ Λύκαια.] The festival of Lycæan Jove is mentioned by +Pausanias, viii. 2. 1, and the gymnastic contests held in it by Pindar, +Ol. ix. 145; xiii. 153; Nem. x. 89. <i>Schneider</i>.—Mount Lycæum was +sacred to both Jupiter and Pan. <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Στλεγγίδες.] Generally supposed to be the same as the +Latin strigilis, a flesh-scraper; an instrument used in the bath for +cleansing the skin. To this interpretation the preference seems to be +given by Kühner and Bornemann, to whom I adhere. Schneider, whom Krüger +follows, would have it a head-band or fillet, such as was worn by women, +and by persons that went to consult oracles. Poppo observes that the +latter sort of prizes would be less acceptable to soldiers than the +former. There were, however, women in the Grecian camp, as will +afterwards be seen, to whom the soldiers that gained the prizes might +have presented them. The sense of the word must therefore be left +doubtful. The sense of <i>strigilis</i> is supported by Suidas; see Sturz's +Lex. s. v.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Τὸν Σάτυρον.] Silenus. See Servius ad Virg. Ecl. vi. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Κατὰ ἴλας καὶ κατὰ τάξεις.] Ἰλη signifies properly a troop +of horse, consisting of 64 men; and τάξις, a company of foot, which +Xenophon, in the Cyropædia, makes to consist of 100 men.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Ἐφ' ἁρμαμάξης.] The <i>harmamaxa</i> was a Persian carriage, +probably covered, for women and children. See Q. Curt. iii. 3, 23; +Wesseling ad Herod, vii. 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Προβάλεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα.] "To hold out the shield and the +spear, the one to defend the person, and the other to repel or attack an +adversary." <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Φοινικιστὴν βασίλειον.] Æmilius Portus, on the authority +of Zonaras, Lex. p. 1818, interprets this "dyer of the king's purple;" +an interpretation repugnant to what follows. Morus makes it +<i>purpuratus</i>; Larcher, <i>vexillarius</i>, because in Diod. Sic. xiv. 26 a +standard is called φοινικίς: Brodæus gives 'unus è regiis familiaribus, +puniceâ veste indutus, non purpurea.' "Without doubt he was one of the +highest Persian nobles, as he is joined with the ὕπαρχοι δυνάσται." +<i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Εἶδε.] This seems to be the reading of all the +manuscripts, and is retained by Poppo, Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kühner. +But Schneider and Weiske read εἶλε, "took possession of," on the +suggestion of Muretus, Var. Lect. xv. 10, who thought it superfluous for +Xenophon to say that Cyrus merely <i>saw</i> the tents. Lion, however, not +unreasonably supposes this verb to be intended to mark the distance at +which Cyrus passed from the tents, that is, that he passed within sight +of them, the Cilicians having retired only a short space to the rear.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Σήσαμον καὶ μελίνην καὶ κέγχρον.] <i>Sesamum</i> is a +leguminous plant, well known in the East; the seeds of it resemble +hemp-seed, and are boiled and eaten like rice. Μελίνη, <i>panicum</i>, is a +plant resembling millet. Κέγχρος, <i>milium</i>, millet, is far the best +known of the three to Europeans. Panic bears its grain in ears; millet, +in bunches.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Καπηλεῖα.] Καπηλεῖον is often used in the sense of <i>a +tavern</i>; sometimes in a more general sense, as <i>any kind of shop</i>. We +may suppose that all those remained behind who had anything to sell, +with the hope of getting profit.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> He himself, the very person who had desired Cyrus to send +for him, refused to go; this refusal being given for the sake of keeping +up appearances.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Ἐκ τούτων.] "Ex his, secundum hæc, h. e. in hac rerum +conditione." <i>Kühner</i>. Bornemann interprets simply <i>post hæc</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Οὔτε στρατηγοῦ οὔτε ἰδιώτου ὄφελος οὐδέν.] "No profit (or +use) either of a general or private soldier."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Διὰ φιλίας τῆς χώρας.] The earlier editions have ὡς before +διὰ, of which, as being useless, Schneider first suggested the omission; +and which has accordingly been rejected by subsequent editors. The guide +was to conduct them only through regions that were friendly to Cyrus, or +where he could procure them a friendly reception.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Ὥσπερ πάλιν τὸν στόλον Κύρου μὴ ποιουμένου.] About the +meaning of these words there has been much dispute. The translation +which I have given is that of Bornemann, "quasi retro Cyrus navigaturus +non esset," which is adopted by Kühner. "The speaker assumes," says +Bornemann, "that Cyrus is directing his march against the Pisidians or +some other rebellious people, and that, when he has reduced them, he +will return to his province."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> The reference is to the three hundred Greeks that went up +with Cyrus to Babylon under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian, i. 1. +2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Ἦσαν δὲ ταῦτα δύο τείχη.] As the fem. πύλαι precedes, and +as the gates were not properly the τείχη, but the space between them, +Weiske conjectures ἦσαν δὲ ἐνταῦθα, κ. τ. λ., which Kühner and others +approve, but have not admitted into the text. Kühner interprets τείχη +"castella," and I have followed him. When Xenophon speaks, a little +below, of τείχη εἰς τὴν θάλατταν καθήκοντα, he seems to mean <i>walls</i> +attached to the fortress nearest to the sea. So when he says that <i>at +each of the fortresses</i>, ἐπὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἀμφοτέροις, were gates, he +appears to signify that there were gates in the walls attached to each +of the fortresses. "At a distance of about six hundred yards, +corresponding with the three stadia of Xenophon, are the ruins of a +wall, which can be traced amid a dense shrubbery, from the mountains +down to the sea-shore, where it terminates in a round tower." +<i>Ainsworth</i>, p. 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> "That is, within the two fortresses and beyond them, viz. +in Syria." <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Εἰς ζώνην.] Nominally to furnish her with girdles, or to +supply ornaments for her girdle, it being the custom with the Persian +kings to bestow places on their queens and other favourites ostensibly +for the purpose of furnishing them with articles of dress, food, or +other conveniences. See Herod, ii. 98; Plato, Alcib. I. c. 40; Cic. in +Verr. iii. 23; Corn. Nepos, Life of Themistocles, c. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Reckoning the talent at £243 15<i>s.</i>, the mina (60 = a +talent) will be £4 1<i>s.</i> 3<i>d.</i>, and five minæ £20 6<i>s.</i> 3<i>d.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Απεσπᾶτο.] "Drew itself away from" its pursuers. There are +various readings of this word. Kühner adopts ἀπεσπα, in the sense of +"drew off its pursuers from the rest of the huntsmen." Bornemann reads +ἀπέπτατο.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> It would be needless to repeat all that has been said as +to the construction of this passage; I have adopted the explication of +Kühner.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Επὶ Πύλας.] A strait or defile through which the road lay +from Mesopotamia into Babylonia; hence called the <i>Pylæ Babyloniæ</i>. It +is mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus <i>sub voce</i> Χαρμάνδη. Ainsworth, p. +80, places it fourteen miles north of Felújah, and a hundred and eight +miles north of Babylon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Καπίθη.] A measure, as is said below, equal to two Attic +<i>chœnices</i>. The Attic chœnix is valued by Mr. Hussey, Essay on Ancient +Weights, &c., ch. 13, sect. 4, at 1.8467 pint.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> The <i>siglus</i> is regarded by some as the same with the +Hebrew shekel, but erroneously, as the siglus was of less value than the +shekel. The obolus is valued by Mr. Hussey at something more than three +half-pence; seven oboli and a half would therefore be about a shilling.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Σκεπάσματα is the reading of Dindorf, but it ought rather +to be στεγάσματα, if the distinction of Krüger and Kühner, who adopt the +latter, be right; viz. that στίπασμα signifies a covering to wrap round +the body, and στέγασμα a shelter against sun or rain. See Arrian, iii. +29. This mode of crossing rivers, we learn from Dr. Layard, is still +practised in Armenia both by men and women.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> See <a href="#Footnote_30_30">note on i. 2. 22</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> This was a custom among the Persians on such occasions, as +is expressly signified by Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 30 in his account of +the condemnation of Charidemus, at the command of Darius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Σκηπτούχων.] "Eunuchs, who, by the institution of Cyrus +the elder, formed the king's body-guard. See Cyrop. vii. 5. 58." +<i>Zeune</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Οὐ μεμνῆσθαι.] This is the reading in all books and +manuscripts. But a future seems to be wanted rather than a perfect. +Hutchinson and others render it "te non fore memorem." Should we read +μεμνήσεσθαι?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Ἦσαν ἄρχοντες καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες τέτταρες.] Weiske +considers the words καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες spurious; and Schneider +and some others are of his opinion. Kühner thinks that they are genuine, +and explicative of the more general term ἄρχοντες.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Ὀργυιαί.] The ὀργυιά was equal to 6.0675 English feet. See +Hussey on Ancient Weights, &c., Append. sect. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Τοῦ Μηδίας τείχους.] As many of the best manuscripts have +Μηδείας, in this passage as well as in <a href="#Page_60">ii. 4. 12</a>, <a href="#Page_63">ii. 4. 27</a>, and vii. 8. +25, Kühner adopts that reading, under the notion that the wall was named +from Medea, the wife of the last king of the Medes, whom the Persians +conquered and despoiled of his dominions. "Those who defend the reading +Μηδίας," continues Kühner, "suppose the name to be derived from the +country of Media, and believe, with Mannert, (Geog. i. p. 330,) that it +is the same wall which Semiramis built to defend her kingdom on the side +of Media; but this opinion rests on very weak arguments." Ainsworth, p. +180, thinks that it extended from the Tigris to the Euphrates, and that +the site of it is indicated by the ruins now called <i>Sidd Nimrud</i>, or +"the Wall of Nimrod."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> "These canals however flowed, not from the Tigris into the +Euphrates, but from the Euphrates into the Tigris, as is shown not only +by Herodotus, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, Ammianus, but by later writers." +<i>Kühner</i>. But "the difference in the level of the rivers is so slight +that —— it is probable that by merely altering the diagonal direction +of a canal, the waters could be made to flow either way; certainly so at +certain seasons." <i>Ainsworth</i>, p. 89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> See <a href="#Footnote_12_12">note on i. 1. 9</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Ἀμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν.] The time from the tenth hour till +noon. The whole day was divided by the Greeks into four parts, πρωῖ, +ἀμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν, μεσημβρία, δείλη. <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> The words κατὰ τὸ μέσον, which were introduced into the +text by Leunclavius, as if absolutely necessary, and from a comparison +of Diod. Siculus, xiv. 2, Bornemann and others have omitted. I have +thought it well to express them in the translation. Compare sect. <a href="#Page_35">22, +23</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> The words in brackets, as being at variance with what is +said immediately before, that the Persians had helmets on their heads, +Wyttenbach, Weiske, and most other critics have condemned as an +interpolation of some copyist. Kühner defends them an the ground that +they do not interfere with what precedes, but merely express a general +custom of the Persians. Jacobs for ἄλλους conjectures παλαιούς, which +Lion has received into his text; but παλαιούς does not suit well with +the present διακινδυνεύειν. For my own part, I would rather see the +words out of the text than in it, if for no other reason than that they +break the current of the narrative. Dindorf very judiciously leaves them +in brackets.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Δείλη.] See <a href="#Footnote_59_59">note on sect. 1</a>. of this chap. "This division +of the day was also distinguished into two parts, δείλη πρωῖα, and δείλη +οψία, the early part of the afternoon, (which is here meant,) and the +evening." <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Ἐν πλαισίῳ πλήρει ἀνθρώπων.] "In an oblong full of men," +i. e. the men being close together.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Οὐ πάνυ πρὸς αὐτῷ τῶ στρατεύματι.] "Satis longinquo à suis +intervallo."—<i>Weiske</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Τὰ ἱερὰ —— καὶ τὰ σφάγια καλά.] The ἱερὰ are omens from +the entrails of the victims; the σφάγια were omens taken from the +appearances and motions of the animals when led to sacrifice. This is +the explanation given by Sturz in the Lexicon Xenophonteum, and adopted +by Kühner. Compare <a href="#Page_49">ii, 1. 9</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Dindorf has ὁ δὲ Κλέαρχος εἶπεν, which is the reading of +some manuscripts; others have Ξενοφῶν instead of Κλέαρχος. Dindorf +prefers the former, assuming that Clearchus had probably ridden up to +Cyrus on that occasion; but this is an assumption which he had no right +to make, as nothing can be gathered from the text in favour of it. +Bornemann and Kühner think it better to consider both names as equally +interpolations, and to read simply ὁ δὲ εἶπεν, Xenophon of course being +understood.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Δεύτερον.] The watchword seems to have been passed from +the extremity of one wing (the right I should suppose) to the extremity +of the other, and then back again, that the soldiers, by repeating it +twice, might be less likely to forget it. But as it would thus be passed +only twice, not oftener, it would appear that we should read τὸ +δεύτερον. <i>Krüger</i> de Authen. Anab. p. 33. Kühner observes that the +article is not absolutely necessary. I have translated "<i>the</i> second +time," as the sense seems to require. Some have imagined that the word +δεύτερον implies that <i>a second watchword</i>, another given out for the +occasion, was passing round; but for this supposition there seems no +ground. As there is no answer to the inquiry, τίς παραγγέλλει, Krüger +thinks that some words have dropped out of the text.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Ἐξεκύμαινε.] This metaphor, from the swelling and heaving +of a wave, is imitated by Arrian, Anab. ii. 10. 4, and praised in the +treatise de Eloc. 84, attributed to Demetrius Phalereus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Ἡγοῦνται.] Schneider, Kühner, and some other editors have +ἡγοῦντο but Poppo and Dindorf seem to be right in adopting the present, +notwithstanding the following optative.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> See c. 6, sect. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Ἐπὶ ταῖς βασιλέως θύραις.] For "at the king's palace." +"The king's palace was styled among the ancient Persians, as in the +modern Constantinople, <i>the Porte</i>. Agreeably to the customs of other +despots of the East, the kings of Persia resided in the interior of +their palaces; seldom appearing in public, and guarding all means of +access to their persons. The number of courtiers, masters of ceremonies, +guards, and others was endless. It was through them alone that access +could be obtained to the monarch." <i>Heeren, Researches, &c.</i> vol. i. p +403. See Cyrop. i. 3. 2; 2. 3, <i>seqq.</i> Corn. Nep. Life of Conon, c. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Ἀξιοῦσθαι.] Lion, Poppo, Kühner, and some other editors, +read ἀξιοῦν, but the passive suits better with the preceding φαίνεσθαι.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Πρὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων.] "These words," says Kühner, "have +wonderfully exercised the abilities of commentators." The simplest mode +of interpretation, he then observes, is to take πρὸς in the sense of +versus, "towards," comparing <a href="#Page_119">iv. 3. 26</a>; <a href="#Page_50">ii. 2. 4</a>; but he inclines, on +the whole, to make the genitive Ἑλλήνων depend on τούτους understood: +ἐκφεύγει τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρὸς (τούτους) οἵ ἔτυχον, κ. τ. λ., though he +acknowledges that this construction is extremely forced, and that he can +nowhere find anything similar to it. Brodæus suggested πρὸς τὸ τῶν +Ἑλλήνων, scil. στρατόπεδον, and Weiske and Schneider would read πρὸς τὸ +τῶν Ἑλλήνων στρατόπεδον. Other conjectures it is unnecessary to notice.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Ἀναπτύσσειν.] Literally "to fold back." Whether we are to +understand that one part of the wing was drawn behind the other, is not +very clear. The commentators are not all agreed as to the exact sense +that the word ought to bear. Some would interpret it by <i>explicare</i>, "to +open out," or "extend," and this indeed seems more applicable to +περιπτύξαντες which precedes; for the Greeks might lengthen out their +line that the king's troops might not surround them. But on the whole, +the other interpretation seems to have most voices in favour of it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Ἐκ πλέονος.] Sc. διαστήματος: they began to flee when the +Greeks were at a still greater distance than before.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Μέχρι κώμης τινός.] This is generally supposed to have +been Cunaxa, where, according to Plutarch, the battle was fought. +Ainsworth, p. 244, identifies Cunaxa with <i>Imséy'ab</i>, a place 36 miles +north of Babylon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> The infantry seem to have fled; the cavalry only were +left.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ ξύλου.] So stands the passage in Dindorf's +text; but most editors, from Schneider downwards, consider ἐπὶ ξύλου to +be a mere interpretation of ἐπὶ πέλτης, that has crept by some accident +into the text, and either enclose it in brackets or wholly omit it. +Πέλτη is said by Hesychius and Suidas to be the same as δόρυ or λόγχη: +and Krüger refers to Philostratus, Icon. ii. 82, ἐπὶ τῆς πέλτης ἀετός. +In Cyrop. vii. 1, 4, the insigne of Cyrus the elder is said to have been +a golden eagle, ἐπὶ δόρατος μακροῦ ἀνατεταμένος. Πέλτη accordingly being +taken in this sense, all is clear, and ἐπὶ ξύλου is superfluous. Kühner +gives great praise to the conjecture of Hutchinson, ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ +ξυστοῦ, who, taking πέλτη in the sense of <i>a shield</i>, supposed that the +eagle was mounted on a shield, and the shield on a spear. But the shield +would surely have been a mere encumbrance, and we had better be rid of +it. Yet to take πέλτη in the sense of <i>a spear</i>, unusual in Xenophon, is +not altogether satisfactory; and it would be well if we could fairly +admit into the text Leunclavius's conjecture, ἐπὶ παλτοῦ.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Ἀνατεταμένον.] This word is generally understood to +signify that the eagle's wings were expanded. See Liddell and Scott's +Lexicon; and Dr. Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. sub <i>Signa Militaria</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> Πυνθανόμενοι.] Schneider and others would omit this word, +as an apparent interpolation. I have followed Kühner's interpretation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Φέρεσθαι ἔρημοι.] Before Φέρεσθαι is to be understood +ὥστε, as Zeune and Weiske observe. Kühner remarks that ἔρημοι should +properly be referred to both πέλται and ἅμαξαι: the shields were without +owners, and the waggons without their contents, as having been plundered +by the enemy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Περὶ πλήθουσαν ἀγοράν.] See <a href="#Page_31">i. 8. 1</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> See <a href="#Page_36">i. 9. 3</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Θεόπομπος.] This is the reading of six manuscripts; others +have Ξενοφῶν. The passage has greatly exercised the ingenuity of the +learned, some endeavouring to support one reading, some the other. If we +follow manuscript authority, it cannot be doubted that Θεόπομπος is +genuine. Weiske thinks "Xenophon" inadmissible, because the officers +only of the Greeks were called to a conference, and Xenophon, as appears +from <a href="#Page_76">iii. 1. 4</a>, was not then in the service: as for the other arguments +that he has offered, they are of no weight. Krüger (Quæstt. de Xen. Vit. +p. 12) attempts to refute Weiske, and to defend the name of Xenophon, +conjecturing that some scholiast may have written in the margin +Θεοπόμπος δὲ Πρόξενον τοῦτο εἰπεῖν φησι, whence the name of Theopompus +may have crept into the text, as Diod. Sic., xiv. 25, attributes those +words to Proxenus. But as this notion rests on conjecture alone, I have +thought it safest, with Weiske, Schneider, Poppo, and Dindorf, to adhere +to the reading of the best manuscripts. * * * Who this Theopompus was, +however, is unknown; for he is nowhere else mentioned in the Anabasis. +<i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> As Xenophon, in the first book, has enumerated only 84 +days' march, 517 parasangs, which make but 15,510 stadia, Zeune thinks +that the 9 days' march, and 18 parasangs, here added, are to be +understood as forming the route from Ephesus to Sardis. Krüger is +inclined to think the passage an interpolation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Εἰς τὸν πρῶτον σταθμόν.] This is the σταθμός mentioned in +<a href="#Page_41">i. 10. 1</a>, being that from which the army of Cyrus started on the day +when the battle took place.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> Bornemann observes that the sacrifice of the wolf seems to +have been the act of the Persians, referring to Plutarch de Is. et Os., +where it is said that it was a custom with them to sacrifice that +animal. "They thought the wolf," he adds, "the son and image of +Ahrimanes, as appears from Kleuker in Append. ad Zendavestam, T. II. P. +iii. pp. 78, 84; see also Brisson, p. 388."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Ἀποδρᾶναι καὶ ἀποφυγεῖν.] The first means to flee, so that +it cannot be discovered whither the fugitive is gone; the second, so +that he cannot be overtaken. <i>Kühner</i> ad i. 4. 8. "Fugâ vel clandestinâ +vel apertâ." <i>Weiske</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Ἄριοστον.] Best, apparently, on account of the loudness or +clearness of his voice.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> The arms, as Kühner observes, were piled in front of the +men's quarters. The affair of the ass was an invention of Clearchus to +draw off the thoughts of the soldiers from the subject of their +apprehension. Polyænus, iii. 9. 4, speaks of a similar stratagem having +been adopted by Iphicrates.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Ἄριοστον.] This word answers to the Latin <i>prandium</i>, a +meal taken in the early part of the day. We cannot here render it +"dinner."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> I have translated this passage as I think that the drift +of the narrative requires. Krüger refers σπένδοιτο to Clearchus, and +thinks that by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι are meant the Persian deputies. Some +critics suppose that by those words the men who were to get provisions +are intended. To me nothing seems consistent with the context but to +refer σπένδοιτο to the king, and to understand by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι +the messengers from the Greeks.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Τον ἐπιτήδειον.] Scil. παίεσθαι, <i>pœnæ idoneum, pœnû +dignum</i>. Kühner.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Προσελάμβανε.] <i>Manum operi admovebat.</i> Kühner.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Τὸν ἐγκέφαλον.] Literally "the brain." Dulcis medulla +earum [palmarum] in cacumine, quod cerebrum appellant. Plin. H. N. xiii. +4. See also Theophr. ii. 8; Galen. de Fac. simpl. Medic. iv. 15. It is +generally interpreted <i>medulla</i>, "marrow" or "pith," but it is in +reality a sort of bud at the top of the palm-tree, containing the last +tender leaves, with flowers, and continuing in that state two years +before it unfolds the flower; as appears from Boryd. St. Vincent Itiner. +t. i. p. 223, vers. Germ., who gives his information on the authority of +Du Petit Thouars. The French call it <i>choux</i>; the Germans, <i>Kohl</i>, +Schneider. "By modern travellers it is called the <i>cabbage</i> of the palm; +it 'is composed' (says Sir Joseph Banks) 'of the rudiments of the future +leaves of the palm-tree, enveloped in the bases or footstalks of the +actual leaves; which enclose them as a tight box or trunk would do.' It +forms a mass of convolutions, exquisitely beautiful and delicate; and +wonderful to appearance, when unfolded. It is also exceedingly delicate +to the taste. Xenophon has justly remarked that the trees from whence it +was taken withered." <i>Rennell's Illustrations of the Exp. of Cyrus</i>, p. +118.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> During this time Tissaphernes went to Babylon to the king, +and was rewarded with the hand of his daughter, and the province of +which Cyrus had been Satrap. <i>Diod. Sic.</i> xiv. 26. See sect. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Δεξιὰς.] That is, fidem regis nomine dabant. See the +commentators on Cyrop. iv. 2. 7: δεξιὰν δὸς, ἵνα φέρωμεν καὶ τοις ἄλλοις +τᾶυτα. <i>Poppo.</i> So it is said in Latin <i>dextram ferre</i>. See Breitenbach +on Xen. Agesil. iii. 4</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Ἦγε.] From <a href="#Page_96">iii. 4. 13</a>, it appears that we must refer this +verb to Orontes. See <a href="#Footnote_96_96">note on sect. 1</a>. Whether Tissaphernes and Orontes +both married daughters of the king, is uncertain. If only one of them, +Xenophon is more likely to be in the right than Diodorus Siculus. +Orontes was satrap of Armenia, <a href="#Page_105">iii. 5. 17</a>. Rhodogune, a daughter of +Artaxerxes, is said by Plutarch (Vit. Art. c. 27) to have been married +to Orætes, who may be the same as Xenophon's Orontes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Ἐπὶ γάμῳ.] These words signify literally <i>for</i> or <i>upon +marriage</i>. The true interpretation, says Krüger, is, doubtless, "in +order that he might have her, or live with her, in wedlock," the +marriage ceremony having been, it would seem, previously performed at +Babylon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Πληγὰς ἐνέτεινον ἀλλήλοις.] Whether this signifies that +they actually inflicted blows on one another, or only threatened them, +may admit of some doubt. The former notion is adopted by the Latin +translators, by Sturz in his Lexicon, and by the commentators +generally.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> See <a href="#Page_29">i. 7. 15</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> <a href="#Page_10">i. 2. 22</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Zeune thinks that Xenophon may possibly mean himself; but +this is mere conjecture.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Διελόντες.] An excellent conjectural emendation of +Holtzmann for the old reading διελθόντες. <i>Kühner</i>.—The stratagem of +Tissaphernes was similar to that by which Themistocles expedited the +departure of Xerxes from Greece.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> <a href="#Page_29">i. 7. 15</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους φεύγων τις ἀποφύγοι.] This is +Dindorf's reading. Bornemann and Kühner have οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους +οὔτε ὅποι ἀν τις φεύγων ἀποφύγοι, on the authority, as they say, of the +best copies. Dindorf thought with Schæfer, ad Greg. Cor. p. 492, that +the words οὔτε ὅποι ἀν were superfluous, and consequently omitted them. +Bornemann and Kühner see no reason why they should not be retained.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Τὸν μέγιστον ἔφεδρον.] Ἔφεδρος properly meant a gladiator +or wrestler, who, when two combatants were engaged, stood ready to +attack the one that should prove victorious. See Sturz. Lex. Xen.; +Schol. in Soph. Aj. 610; Hesychius; D'Orvill. ad Charit. p. 338.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Ἀναστρέφοιο.] "Ut dominus versere, vivias, domini partes +sustineas:" Ἀν must be repeated from the preceding clause; unless that +particle, as Dindorf thinks, has dropped out from before ἀναστρέφοιο. +<i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> There is in the text, as Krüger observes, a confusion of +the two constructions, ἀκούσαιμι τὸ ὄνομα τούτου, ὅστις, and ἀκούσαιμι, +τις.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Ἅ ἡμῖν φίλια ὄντα.] I have here departed from Dindorf's +text, which has ἅ ὑμεῖς φίλια ὄντα, κ. τ. λ.; a reading much less +satisfactory than the other, to which Schneider, Bornemann, and Kühner +adhere.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Ταμιεύεσθαι.] This word is used in the same sense, 3. 47; +<a href="#Page_108">iv. 1. 18</a>; Thucyd. vi. 18; Plutarch, Timol. c. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> Τὴν δ' ἐπὶ τῇ καρδιᾳ —— ἔχοι.] Sc. ὄρθην. The sense is, +"but to wear a tiara erect on the heart, that is, to have a kingly +spirit and to aspire to dominion, is what another, by your aid, might be +able to do." Tissaphernes, by this expression, wished to make it +understood that he might possibly, with the support of the Greeks, +aspire to the throne of Persia himself. A similar metaphor is noticed by +Schæfer, (ad Greg. Corinth. p. 491.) in Philostratus v. a. iii. p. 131: +δοκεῖ μοι καὶ τὸν προγνωσόμενον ἄνορ ὑγιῶς ἑαυτοῦ ἔχειν ——' καθαρῶς δὲ +αὐτὸν προφητεύειν, ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῷ στέρνῳ τρίποδος συνιέντος. +<i>Kühner</i>. See Cyrop. viii. 3. 13. Hutchison refers to Dion Chrysost. +xiv. extr. Lucian Piscat. p. 213. See also Strabo, xv. p. 231, where the +Persian tiara is said to be πίλημα πυργωτόν, in the shape of a tower; +and Joseph. Ant. xx. 3. "The tiaras of the king's subjects were soft and +flexible: Schol. ad Plat. de Repub." <i>Krüger</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Ὡς εἰς ἀγορὰν.] "Consequently unarmed." <i>Krüger</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Ὡς ἀπολωλέκατε.] Jacobs interprets ὡς by quàm, as +equivalent to quàm turpiter! quàm impiè! But such exclamations belong +rather to modern writers than to the ancients. * * * Others have +conjectured ἀθέως, ἀνοσίως, ὠμῶς, ἵσως, ὅλως, οὕτως. In one manuscript +ὡς is omitted; an omission approved by Larcher, Porson and some others. +Some, too, think that the sentence is ἀνακόλουθος, and that the author, +forgetful how he commenced it, goes on with ὡς for ὅτι. Dindorf supposes +that Cleanor must be regarded as too much provoked and agitated to mind +the exact arrangement of his words. For my own part, I consider that +those have the most reason on their side who think that we should read +οὕτως, interpreting it, with Bornemann, <i>so rashly, so unjustifiably</i>. +From οὕτως, written compendiously, ὡς might easily have sprung. +<i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Τῶν δὲ συνόντων, κ. τ. λ.] By a species of attraction for +τοῖς δὲ συνοῦσι πᾶσιν, ὡς καταγελῶν αὐτῶν, ἀεὶ διελέγετο. <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Ἐπὶ ταῖς βασιλέως θύραις.] See <a href="#Page_59">ii. 4. 4</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Εἰς τὴν ἑσπέραν.] <i>Vespertino tempore</i>. Kühner</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Ἐπὶ δὲ τὰ ὅπλα.] See <a href="#Footnote_90_90">note on ii. 2. 20</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> εοις, οἷς ἔδει, θύειν.] <i>Ut diis eis, quibus oporteret, +sacra faceret.</i> Those gods are to be understood, to whom it was +established, by law or by custom, that whoever was entering on an +expedition, such as that which Xenophon meditated, should offer +sacrifice. They were therefore certain or appointed gods: comp. <a href="#Page_76">sect. 8</a>; +and vi. i. 22. Yet the absence of the article ought not to surprise us, +even when special gods are meant. <i>Kühner</i>.—What gods they were, does +not appear.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Δι' αἰσχύνην.] They had regard for their character in the +eyes of one another, fearing that they might seem faint-hearted; and +regard for it in those of Cyrus, fearing that they might seem +ungrateful. <i>Kühner</i>.—Αἰσχύνη is self-respect, apprehension of what +others may think of us; and may be illustrated by Hom. Il. v. +</p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Ἀλλήλους δ' αἰδεῖσθε κατὰ κρατερὰς ὑσμίνας·<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Αἰδομένων ἀνδρῶν πλέονες σόοι ἠὲ πέφανται·<br /></span> +</div></div> +<p> +"Have self-respect before one another in the violence of battle; of men +who respect themselves, more are saved than killed." Hutchinson cites A. +Gellius, xix. 7: αἰσχύνη ἐστὶ φόβος δικαίον ψόγου, i. e. <i>a fear of just +blame</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Κηδεμών.] Cyrus, says Weiske, had his mother to take his +part, the Greeks had no one to take theirs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Καὶ τρωτοὶ καὶ θνητοὶ μᾶλλον.] "More vulnerable and +mortal." Alluding to the superiority of the Grecian armour over that of +the Persians.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Τὸν ὑποστράτηγον.] Krüger, from v. 9. 36, and vi. 2. 11, +concludes that the ὑποστράτηγος was he who was appointed to discharge +the duties of the στράτηγος in his absence, or to take his place if he +should be killed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> See <a href="#Page_53">ii. 2. 20</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Καιρόν.] Leunclavius makes this equivalent to "in vobis +plurimum est situm." Sturz, in his Lexicon Xenoph., says, "rerum status +is est, ut vos in primis debeatis rebus consulere." Toup, in his <i>Emend. +ad Suid.</i>, gives <i>maximum momentum habetis</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> See <a href="#Page_53">ii. 2. 20</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> Τών καλλίστων ἐαυτὸν ἀξιώσαντα.] "Thinking himself worthy +of the most beautiful (equipments)."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> Τὸν θεόν.] Jupiter the Preserver. <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Αὔθις ἀφανιούντων.] Weiske, Schneider, and others omit +the αὔθις. Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kühner preserve it, as it is found in +six manuscripts, giving it, with Spohn, Lect. Theocr. i. p. 33, the +sense of <i>back again</i>, as if the Persians had intended to make Athens +disappear again as if it had never been. I think the word better left +out. An American editor has conjectured αὐτὰς.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Γοῦν.] Some copies have οὖν. "The sense of γοῦν is this; +<i>ceteris rebus prætermissis, hoc quidem certissimum est, eos fugisse</i>." +Kühner.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> Εἰ ἄρα, κ. τ. λ.] Krüger admonishes the reader that these +words must be taken negatively: <i>whether—not</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> Διήσουσιν.] Eight manuscripts have Διήσουσιν, which +Bornemann has preferred. Dindorf also gave the preference to it in his +first edition, but has subsequently adopted the other reading. Μήτε +διοίσουσιν is interpreted by Bornemann, "if the rivers shall present no +difference in any part of their course; if they be as broad at their +sources as at their mouths."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Αὐτοὶ εἴδομεν.] The Greeks had passed through a part of +Lycaonia in their march up the country, <a href="#Page_9">i. 2. 19</a>; when, however, it is +not indicated that they saw much.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> The allusion is to Odyss. ix. 83, where the lotus-eaters +are mentioned: +</p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">The trees around them all their food produce,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Lotus the name, divine nectareous juice,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">(Thence called Lotophagi,) which whoso tastes,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Insatiate riots in the sweet repasts,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Nor other home, nor other care intends,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">But quits his house, his country, and his friends. <i>Pope.</i><br /></span> +</div></div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Περαίνειν.] Sc. τὸν λόγον. This is the sense in which +this word has been taken, I believe, by most readers; as in Æsch. Pers. +699, and elsewhere. Sturz, in his Lexicon, seems to take it in the sense +of <i>to execute, to proceed to action</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> Εἰ δὲ τι ἄλλο βέλτιον ἤ ταύτῃ.] Understand δοκεῖ ἔχειν. +<i>Kühner</i>. "But if anything else (seems) better (to any one) than in this +way."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Ἐπειδὴ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιός ἐστι.] The καὶ, <i>also</i>, refers +to something understood: "since he is not only a brave man, but also a +Lacedæmonian." <i>Kühner</i>. The Lacedæmonians were then at the head of +Greece: comp. v. 9. 26; vi. 6. 12. <i>Zeune</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> Πίστεως ἕνεκα.] To watch him, lest he should act +treacherously. <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> Πόλεμον ἀκήρυκτον.] Properly <i>war in which there is no +use for heralds</i>, but in which all is violent and desperate; so that +ἀκήρυκτος will be equivalent, according to Hesychius, to ἀδιάλλακτος, +<i>implacable</i>, <i>irreconcilable</i>. See Erasm. Adag. iii. 3. 84. <i>Sturz +Lex</i>. Others rather think it a deadly war, not commenced by sending +heralds, and not to be terminated by sending them. <i>Kühner</i>. See Herod. +v. 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Cyrus's Greek auxiliaries for the expedition had +consisted only of infantry; all his cavalry was either Asiatic or +Thracian. The Thracian horse had deserted, and the Asiatic cavalry had +gone over to Tissaphernes soon after the battle.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> Τούτῳ μὲν.] As τίνες πέπανται immediately precedes, the +singular τούτῳ rather startles the reader; but there are not wanting +examples of similar irregularity.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Ἀτέλειαν.] Exemption, for instance, from keeping guard +and keeping watch. <i>Krüger</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> Τῷ σφενδονᾶν ἐντεταγμένω ἐθέλοντι.] "To him willing to be +a slinger, being enrolled in the company (of slingers)." This is the +reading of Schneider, and Dindorf, and Bornemann. Kühner and some others +prefer ἐν τῷ τεταγμένῳ, "in the place appointed him."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Σπολάδες.] This form of the word is preferred by Dindorf, +Schneider, Bornemann, and Kühner prefer στολάδες, both in this passage +and in iv. 1. 18. Both forms seem to have been in use, and to have had +the same signification; but σπολάς to have been the more common. See +Pollux, 1. 135. Hesychius has πολὰς, χιτωνίσκος βαθὺς, σκύτινος, ὁ +βύρσινος θώραξ. See Pollux, 7. 70; 10. 143. Suidas, Phavorinus, and +Photius give similar interpretations.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> Κρηπὶς δ' ὑπῆν λιθίνη, κ. τ. λ.] The foundation appears +to have risen twenty feet above the ground; so that the whole height of +the wall would be a hundred and twenty feet. Mr. Ainsworth says that he +found the ruins of the brick wall at Resen, which he considers to be the +same with Larissa, "based on a rude and hard conglomerate rock, giving +to them all the solidity and characteristics of being built of stone." +<i>Travels in the Track</i>, p. 139.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Cyrus the Great.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> Ἐλάμβανον.] That the Medes did not willingly submit, but +were overcome by force, is testified by Herodotus, and is apparent from +what is said here; whence it follows that λαμβάνειν τὴν ἀρχὴν παρά τινος +may be applied even when those who lose the government are forcibly +deprived of it. Xenophon however is at variance with himself in the +Cyropædia, where Cyrus is said to have succeeded to the throne by a +marriage with the daughter of Cyaxares. <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Ἥλιον δὲ νεφέλη προκαλύψασα ἠφάνισε.] This reading has +been adopted by Dindorf and others, from a conjecture of Brodæus or +Muretus; the manuscripts have all ἥλιος δὲ νεφέλην προκάλυψας, except +two, one of which has the ν erased in νεφέλην, and the other νεφέλῃ. +Those who read with Dindorf refer to Plutarch de Placit. Philosoph. ii. +24, where the cause of an eclipse of the sun is said by some +philosophers to be <i>a condensation of clouds imperceptibly advancing +over the disc</i>. Bornemann and Kühner restore the reading of the +manuscripts, which Langius thus interprets: <i>sol nubem sibi prætendens +se obscuravit</i>; than which no better explanation has been offered. That +we are not to suppose an eclipse of the sun to be signified in the text, +is well observed by Bornemann; as Thales had previously ascertained the +causes of such eclipses, and had foretold one, according to Herodotus i. +74; hence it is impossible to believe that Xenophon would have spoken of +a solar eclipse himself, or have made the inhabitants speak of one, so +irrationally. Hutchinson and Zeune absurdly understand τὴν πόλιν with +ἠφάνισε.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Ἐξέλιπον.] Hutchinson and Weiske interpret this word +<i>animis defecerunt</i>. Abreschius (Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 274) makes it +<i>reliquerunt</i> sc. <i>urbem</i>; an interpretation adopted by Porson, +Schneider, Kühner, and all the modern editors.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Εὖρος.] We must understand the length of each side.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> Ἐπὶ ταύτης.] There might be steps on the outside on which +they might climb.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Τεῖχος.] Now called <i>Yarumjah</i>, according to Ainsw. +Travels, p. 139.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Κογχυλιάτον.] "It is a curious fact, that the common +building-stone of Mosul (near Mespila) is highly fossiliferous, and +indeed replete with shells, characteristic of a tertiary or +supra-cretaceous deposit; and the same lime-stone does not occur far to +the north or south of Mosul, being succeeded by wastes of gypsum."' +<i>Ainsw. Travels</i>, p. 140.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Ἐμβροντήτους ποιεῖ.] "Jupiter makes the inhabitants +thunderstruck." "He rendered them," says Sturz, "either stupid or mad."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> Σκύθαι τοξόται.] As there is no mention of Scythians in +the whole Anabasis, Krüger, in his larger edition, suggested that the +word Σκύθαι might have been written in the margin by some sciolist, who +was thinking of the Athenian τοξόται; but in his smaller edition he has +shown that he has learned something better from Arrian, Tact. ii. 13: +"Those of the cavalry who use bows are called ἱπποτοξόται, and by some +Σκύθαι." <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> In order that they might fall with the greater weight. +<i>Bornemann</i>. Or perhaps, as Bishop Thirlwall thinks, that they might +reach a greater distance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> Πονήρως.] From πόνηρος, <i>difficult</i>, not from πονηρός, +<i>bad</i>. See Thucyd. viii. 24, ed. Popp. part iii. vol. iv. p. 658, +<i>seqq.</i> <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> Καὶ εὐεπίθετον ἧν ἐνταῦθα τοῖς πολεμίοις. I have rendered +this phrase agreeably to the notion of Krüger, who thinks εὐεπίθετον +used absolutely, or as a substantive. Some, however, understand τὸ +πλαίσιον, or τὸ στράτευμα, which is perhaps better.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> Ἐνωμοτάρχας.] The ἐνωμοτία being the fourth part of a +λόχος, or twenty-five men. See Xen. De Rep. Lac. ii. 4; Arnold's Thucyd. +v. 68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> As there were six companies of a hundred men each, they +moved into the vacant space, if it was but narrow, by centuries, that +is, six men in front, and a hundred deep; if it was somewhat broader, by +fifties, that is, twelve men in front, and fifty deep; if very broad, by +twenty-fives, that is, twenty-four men in front, and twenty-five deep. +<i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> Ἐν τῷ μέρει.] Each in his place; one after another in the +order which had been previously appointed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Ην ἡ κώμη.] Schneider, Bornemann, and most editors before +Dindorf, read κώμη, <i>a village</i>, without the article. Dindorf has added +the article from two manuscripts, and Kühner has followed him, supposing +that <i>the particular village</i> of which the Greeks had now caught sight +is meant. Bornemann, if the article be added, thinks that <i>the village +in which the palace stood</i> is intended. The passage seems to me +decidedly better without the article; for, if it be inserted, the reader +is puzzled to know why Xenophon changes the number, when he had just +before said that the palace stood in the midst of villages.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> According to the discipline of the Persians; see Herod, +vii. 21, 56, 223.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> This is the first mention of surgeons in the Greek army, +as Mr. Stanford observes, since the time of Homer. But whether the +persons here mentioned were professed surgeons, or merely some of the +soldiers, who, in long service, had gained experience in the treatment +of wounds, is uncertain. The latter supposition is more in consonance +with the word <i>appointed</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> Πολὺ γὰρ διέφερον —— ὁρμῶντες ——πορευόμενοι.] The +manuscripts present some variations here. Bornemann's text is the same +as Dindorf's. Kühner prefers διέφερεν ——ὁρμῶντας —— πορευομένους, +expressing a doubt whether the other method be really Greek.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> Δεῖ —— Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ.] Most commentators concur in taking +this as an example of the rarer construction of δεῖ with the dative; +though it has been suggested whether Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ may be the dative after +ἐπισάξαι, as if a Persian horse-soldier had an attendant to equip his +horse for him.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> Ἐπισάξαι.] Spelman quarrels with D'Ablancourt for +translating this word by "saddle," and adopts in his own version +"housings," which I have borrowed from him, from inability to find a +better word.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Τὸ στρατόπεδον.] Apparently for the place where they +intended to encamp. It seems needless to understand, with Krüger, +"castra interea à lixis et calonibus posita."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Ἀναζεύξαντες.] Ἀναζεύξαι, <i>castra movere</i>. Zeune.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> The enemy had not occupied the highest part of the +mountain, but a lower position upon it. Comp. sect. 37. <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> Ἐκ τῆς βοηθείας.] Xenophon is here somewhat obscure; for +he made no mention of this βοηθεία before. Cheirisophus and his men seem +to have gone to aid the party of Greeks that were dispersed for plunder, +when some of them were cut off by the Persians, and when Tissaphernes +attempted to burn the villages. * * * Afterwards he is rather +tautological; for the words ἡνίκα ——οἱ Ἕλληνες express no more than is +said in οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ Χειρίσοφον —— βοηθείας, except that they serve to +mark the exact time when Xenophon addressed the men. <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνάς.] The tents were burned, <a href="#Page_91">iii. 3. 1</a>; and +Krüger therefore observes that we must consider τὰς σκηνάς as equivalent +to τὸ στρατόπεδον, or the place of encampment. This explanation is +better than that of Weiske and Zeune, who think that the <i>shelter of the +villages</i> is meant.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> Ἅ ἀποδαρέντα καὶ φυσηθέντα.] "Which being skinned and +blown out." From brevity, Xenophon has said that of the animals which he +ought to have said of their skins. <i>Krüger</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Διαβάντι.] The road "for one crossing" the river.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> Καὶ ἔστιν ὅυτως ἔχον.] A most happy emendation of +Abreschius, Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 640, for καὶ ἔστιν ὅυτω στενόν.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> "Thus they accomplished their entrance into Kurdistan +without opposition, and crossed one of the most defensible passes that +they were almost destined to meet. * * * The recesses—left between the +hills are in the present day the seat of villages, as they were in the +time of Xenophon, and the crags in front, and in the rear, bristle with +the small and rude rock-forts of the Kurds." <i>Ainsworth, Travels in the +Track</i>, p. 153, 154.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> Συνεώρων ἀλλήλους.] The lighted fires served as signals, +by means of which the Carduchi could keep an eye on one another. +<i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> Πλὴν εἴ τίς τι ἔκλεψεν, κ. τ. λ.] "Except if any one +concealed anything, either coveting a youth or woman of the handsome +ones"</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> Τῆς σπολάδος.] See <a href="#Footnote_144_144">note on iii. 3. 20</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> Λοχαγοὺς καὶ πελταστὰς καὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν.] H. e. +<i>Centuriones et ex peltastis et ex militibus gravis armaturæ</i>. Kühner. +Πελταστὰς is to be taken as an epithet; compare γυμνητῶν ταξιαρχῶν, +sect. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> Xenophon and Cheirisophus. <i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> Τὴν φανερὰν ἔκβασιν.] Xenophon calls the passage to the +top of the mountain an ἔκβασις, or egress, with reference to the Greeks, +to whom it was a way of escape from a disagreeable position. <i>Kühner</i> ad +c. 5. 20. The same words are repeated by Xenophon in the next sect.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> Ὁλοιτρόχους.] A word borrowed from Homer, signifying +properly <i>a round stone fit for rolling</i>, or <i>a stone that has been made +round by rolling</i>, as a pebble in the sea. It was originally an +adjective, with πέτρος understood. Most critics suppose it to be from +ὅλος and τρέχω, <i>totus teres atque rotundus</i>. Liddell and Scott derive +it from εἴλω, <i>volvo</i>. See Theocr. xxii. 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> Διεσφενδονῶντο.] "Shivered in pieces, and flew about as +if hurled by a sling."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> Ὀρθίοις τοῖς λόχοις.] Each λόχος or company marching in +file or column, so that the depth of the λόχος was equal to the number +of soldiers of which it consisted. <i>Sturz</i>. This is the interpretation +adopted by Kühner. Yet it Would be hard to prove that ὄρθιος λόχος +always meant <i>single file</i>; the term seems to have included any form of +a company in which the number of men in depth exceeded the number in +front.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Τὰ ὅπλα ἔκειντο.] See sect. 16. The heavy-armed men had +halted on the level piece of ground, and their arms were lying by them. +See Kühner ad i. 5. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> A small town of Arcadia, to the north-west of Clitor.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> Ἐν λάκκοις κονιατοῖς.] The Athenians and other Greeks +used to make large excavations under ground, some round, some square, +and, covering them over with plaster, laid up their wine and oil in +them; they called them λάκκοι. Schol. ad Aristoph. Eccl., cited by +Hutchinson. Spelman translates λάκκοι κονιατοί, "plastered cisterns," a +term which Ainsworth adopts. "The plastered cisterns noticed by +Xenophon," says he, "are also met with throughout Kurdistan, Armenia, +and Syria. They are especially numerous around some of the ancient +villages of the early Christians of those countries, as more especially +between Semeïsát and Bireh-jik, and have frequently been a subject of +discussion as to their former uses. This notice of Xenophon serves to +clear up many doubts upon the subject, although, since the Kurds have +become Mohommedans, and rejected the use of wine, there is no doubt they +are sometimes used for depots for corn or hay, and even sometimes for +water. They were generally closed by a single large stone." <i>Travels in +the Track, &c.</i> p. 164.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Ἐγγύθεν φεύγοντες.] "Fleeing from near," i. e. when they +were at no great distance before us.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> Τῷ ἀριστερῷ ποδὶ προσβαίνοντες.] All the manuscripts have +προσβαίνοντες: προσβαινοντες is a conjecture of Wesseling ad Diod. Sic. +iii. 8, which all the recent editors have adopted, but by which it does +not appear that anything is gained, as πρὸς τὸ κάτω του τόξου precedes. +Spelman, who was himself an archer, has illustrated the passage very +clearly by a quotation from Arrian, Indie. 16: "Resting one end of the +bow upon the ground, and stepping forward with the left foot, (τῷ ποδὶ +τῷ ἀριστερῷ ἀντιβάντες,) they thus discharge the arrow, drawing the +string a long way back, the arrow being nearly three cubits long." See +also Diod. Sic. l. c., where he speaks of the archery of the Æthiopians; +Strabo, xvi. p. 1117; Suidas in Ἄραβες, cited by Weiske. Schneider and +Halbkart, strangely enough, think that Xenophon is speaking of +<i>cross-bows</i>, which few besides themselves have supposed to have been +known in Xenophon's time.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> Ἐναγκυλῶντες.] "Fitting them with ἀγκύλαι." The ἀγκύλη is +generally supposed to be the same with the Latin <i>amentum</i>, a strap or +loop fastened to the middle of a javelin, or the shaft of a spear, that +it might be hurled with the greater force. The writer of the article +<i>Ansa</i> in Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. thinks, however that the two +were not the same.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> Yet "the Carduchian mountains," observes Rennell, "in +effect presented an asylum to the Greeks, who could no other way have +escaped, at least, the reiterated attacks of such a host of enemies, +whose numbers also were augmenting instead of diminishing. But as a +Persian army could not subsist, or their cavalry act, within the wide +range of these mountains, the Greeks, by ascending them, got rid of +their dreaded enemy. And although, in the mean time, they had to contend +with an enemy much more brave and persevering, their numbers were fewer, +and they might reasonably expect an earlier escape from them than from +the Persians. Had they known that the Tigris was fordable under the Zaco +hills, and passed into Mesopotamia, they would still have had the +Euphrates to cross, a yet more difficult river, in the line which they +must have pursued. Therefore, according to our limited view of things, +it appears that nothing less than such a barrier as these mountains +presented, could have saved the Greeks from eventual destruction, from +the attacks of the Persians." <i>Illustrations of the Exp. of Curas</i>, p. +173.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> Orontes was satrap of Armenia, <a href="#Page_105">iii. 5. 17</a>; Artuchas is +nowhere else mentioned.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> Διαβαίνειν.] "Ingredi, pedem proferre." <i>Kühner</i>. His +fetters being removed, he was able to put his legs <i>apart</i>, and walk +<i>with stability</i>; as is indicated, says Weiske, by the preposition διά.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> Ἐγχεῖν.] This passage is commonly taken thus: κέλευε τοῖς +νεανίσκοις ἐγχεῖν, "he ordered the young men to pour (wine) into (the +cup for themselves)," for the purpose of making a libation. Kühner, +however, makes it ἐκελευε (τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν) ἐγχεῖν τοῖς νεανίσκοις, he +ordered those about him (the attendants) to pour into the cup for the +young men. The former mode is the more simple, κελεύω being sometimes +found with the dative, and agrees better with what follows.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> Στεφανωσάμενος.] According to the custom of the +Lacedæmonians, of which Xenophon speaks de Repub. Lacedæm. 13. 8; +Hellen. iv. 2. 12; see also Plutarch, Lycurg. c. 22. <i>Schneider</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> Τοὺς λόχους ὀρθίους.] See <a href="#Page_112">iv. 2. 11</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Ἐσφαγίζουτο εἰς τὸν ποταμόν.] Offering a sacrifice to the +gods inhabiting the river, as Alexander in the middle of the Hellespont +sacrificed a bull to Neptune and the Nereids: see Arrian i. 11. 10, +cited by Hutchinson. "They slew the animals so as to allow the blood to +flow into the river." <i>Poppo</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> Τὸν πόρον.] The ford mentioned in <a href="#Page_116">sect. 5, 6</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> Behind the enemy. <i>Kühner</i>. Or behind the cavalry that +were pursuing the enemy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> Those mentioned in <a href="#Page_116">sect. 3</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> Ἐπὶ φάλαγγος.] This disposition of a company was in +opposition to λόχοι ὄρθιοι (<a href="#Page_112">iv. 2. 11</a>): see c. 8, sect, 10. The +expression ἐπὶ φάλαγγος, says Kühner, properly means <i>for a phalanx</i>, or +<i>so that a phalanx</i> (or <i>acies</i>) <i>might be formed</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> Διηγκυλωμένους.] The verb διηγκυλοῦσθαι is rightly +interpreted by Hesychius τὸ ἐνεῖραι τοῦς δακτύλους τῇ ἀγκύλη (h. e. +amento) τοὺ ἀκοντίου. <i>Sturz</i>. The following ἐπιβεβλημένους must be +similarly explained.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> Ἀσπὶς ψοφῇ.] From the enemy's missiles striking upon it. +<i>Kühner</i>. Hutchinson, Weiske, and Zeune think that a clashing of shields +on the part of the Greeks is meant, preparatory to an onset; but, +without doubt, erroneously.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> Or, <i>sound a charge</i>. The design of it was to precipitate +the enemy's flight. Compare sect. <a href="#Page_121">32</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> Orontes: <a href="#Page_105">iii. 5. 17</a>; <a href="#Page_116">4. 3, 4</a>. He was the satrap, as +Krüger thinks, of Eastern Armenia; Tiribazus being called satrap of +Western Armenia, sect. <a href="#Page_122">4</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> Τύρσεις.] Apparently intended for a sort of defences, +should the people be attacked by any of their neighbours. Compare v. 2. +5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> Καλὸς μὲν, μέγας δ' οὔ.] I have, with Bornemann and +Poppo, restored this reading, in which all the manuscripts concur. +Muretus, from Demetrius Phalereus, sect. 6 and 121, has given έγας μὲν +οὔ, καλὸς δέ, and Hutchinson and all other editors down to Bornemann +have followed him. It cannot be denied that this is the usual order in +such phrases; as in <a href="#Page_139">iv. 8. 2</a>; vi. 4. 20; but passages are not wanting in +which the contrary order is observed; see <a href="#Page_131">iv. 6. 2</a>. <i>Kühner</i>. As the +piece attributed to Demetrius Phalereus is not genuine, little attention +need be paid to it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> It would seem to have been the palace of Tiribazus, as +the one mentioned in sect. <a href="#Page_121">2</a> was that of Orontes. <i>Schneider</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> See Diod. Sic. xiv. 28.] Ainsworth speaks of the cold in +the nights on these Armenian uplands, p. 173. "When Lucullus, in his +expedition against Mithridates, marched through Armenia, his army +suffered as much by the frost and snow as the Greeks under Xenophon; +and, when Alexander Severus returned through this country, many of his +men lost their hands and feet through excessive cold. Tournefort also +complains that at Erzeroum, though situated in a plain, his fingers were +so benumbed with cold, that he could not write till an hour after +sunrise. (See Plutarch in Lucull., and Zonaras's Annals.)" <i>Spelman</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> There being no cause to apprehend the approach of an +enemy during such deep snow.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> Διαιθριάζειν.] The commentators rightly interpret this +word disserenascere, "to clear up." <i>Kühner</i>; who, however, prefers +συναιθριάζειν, for which there is good manuscript authority. He +translates it, with Bornemann, <i>simul disserenascere</i>, "to clear up at +the same time;" so that the one word has little advantage over the +other. Sturz disapproves of the interpretation <i>disserenascere</i>, and +would have both verbs to signify <i>sub dio agere</i>, "to bivouack in the +open air;" but the other sense appears preferable.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> See <a href="#Footnote_32_32">note on i. 2. 22</a>. Oil made of sesamum, or sesama, is +mentioned, says Kühner, by Plin. H. N. xiii. 1, xviii. 10; Q. Curt. vii. +4. 23; Dioscorid. 2. 119-121; Theophrast. de Odoribus, p. 737, ed. +Schneid.; Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 727; Interp. ad Aristoph. Pac. 865.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> Rennell, p. 214, and Kinneir, p. 485, think this distance +too great for troops marching through deep snow. Πέντε occurs in one +manuscript, and Kühner has admitted it into his text.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> Ὀργυιά.] A great depth. We cannot suppose the snow to +have been of that depth everywhere. None of the commentators make any +remark.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> Ἐβουλιμίασαν.] Spelman quotes a description of the +βουλιμία or βούλιμος from Galen Med. Def., in which it is said to be "a +disease in which the patient frequently craves for food, loses the use +of his limbs, falls down, turns pale, feels his extremities become cold, +his stomach oppressed, and his pulse feeble." Here, however, it seems to +mean little more than a faintness from long fasting.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> That this number is corrupt is justly suspected by +Weiske, and shown at some length by Krüger de Authent. p. 47. Bornemann, +in his preface, p. xxiv., proposes ἑπτὰ καὶ ἑκατὸν, a hundred and seven. +Strabo, xi. 14, says that the satrap of Armenia used to send annually to +the king of Persia twenty thousand horses. <i>Kühner</i>. Krüger, 1. c., +suggests that Xenophon may have written Σ' <i>two hundred</i>, instead, of +ΙΖ', <i>seventeen</i>. In sect. <a href="#Page_130">35</a> we find Xenophon taking some of these +horses himself, and giving one to each of the other generals and +captains; so that the number must have been considerable.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> "This description of a village on the Armenian uplands +applies itself to many that I visited in the present day. The descent by +wells is now rare, but is still to be met with; but in exposed and +elevated situations, the houses are uniformly semi-subterraneous, and +entered by as small an aperture as possible, to prevent the cold getting +in. Whatever is the kind of cottage used, cows, sheep, goats, and fowls +participate with the family in the warmth and protection thereof." +<i>Ainsw. Travels</i>, p. 178.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> Οἶνος κρίθινος.] Something like our beer. See Diod. Sic. +i. 20, 34; iv. 2; Athenæus i. 14; Herod, ii. 77; Tacit. Germ. c. 23. +"The barley-wine I never met with." <i>Ainsw.</i> p. 178.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> The reeds were used, says Krüger, that none of the grains +of barley might be taken into the mouth.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> Xenophon seems to mean <i>grape-wine</i>, rather than to refer +to the barley-wine just before mentioned, of which the taste does not +appear to have been much liked by the Greeks. Wine from grapes was not +made, it is probable, in these parts, on account of the cold, but Strabo +speaks of the οἶνος Μοναρίτης of Armenia Minor as not inferior to any of +the Greek wines. <i>Schneider</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Σκηνοῦντας.] <i>Convivantes, epulantes</i>. Comp. v. 3. 9; +vii. 3. 15. <i>Kühner</i>. Having no flowers or green herbs to make chaplets, +which the Greeks wore at feasts, they used hay.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> This is rather oddly expressed; for the guide and the +chief were the same person.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> Not the Colchian Phasis, which flows into the Euxine, but +a river of Armenia (Ἀράξης, now <i>Aras</i>) which runs into the Caspian. See +Ainsworth, Travels, p. 179, 247. However Xenophon himself seems to have +confounded this Phasis with that of Colchis. See Rennell, p. 230. +<i>Kühner</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Ἐπὶ φάλαγγος.] See on <a href="#Page_119">iv. 3. 26</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> Τῶν ὁμοίων.] The ὅμοιοι at Sparta were all those who had +an equal right to participate in the honours or offices of the state; +<i>qui pari inter se jure gaudebant, quibus honores omnes æqualiter +patebant</i>. Cragius de Rep. Lac. i. 10, cited by Sturz in his Lex. +Xenoph. See Xenophon De Rep. Lac. 13. 1 and 7; Aristot. Polit. 5. 7. 8. +"A similar designation to that of ὁμότιμοι in the Cyropædia," +<i>Schneider</i>. See Hellen. iii. 3. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> A native of the country about Mount Œta in Thessaly. +There was also however a town of that name in the south of Thessaly: +Thucyd. iii. 92.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> Ἀντὶ τῶν πτερύγων.] That this is the true sense of this +word appears from Xen. de Re Equest. 12. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Having one iron point at the upper end, as in v. 4. 12, +and no point at the lower for fixing the spear in the ground. +<i>Schneider</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> The word ἱερόν, which precedes ὄρος in the older +editions, is enclosed in brackets, as being probably spurious, by most +of the modern editors, and actually ejected by Dindorf. Yet something +seems to be wanting in connexion with ὄρος, for the guide (sect. 20) +says merely that he will bring them to α χωρίον, and on the fifth day +after it is said that they come to <i>the mountain</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> They appear to be the hides of oxen offered up as a sort +of sacrifice to the gods. <i>Balfour</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> In order, says Krüger, to render them useless, so that +they might not be carried off by any of the neighbouring people.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> <a href="#Page_3">i. 1. 9</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> A stream running into the Tchórúk-sú, according to +Ainsworth, Travels, p. 189.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> The Greeks cut down the trees in order to throw them into +the stream, and form a kind of bridge on which they might cross. +<i>Schneider</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> They threw stones into the river that they might stand on +them, and approach nearer to the Greeks, so as to use their weapons with +more effect. <i>Bornemann</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> Kárá Kapán, or Kóhát Tágh, according to Ainsw. p. 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> Κατὰ φάλαγγα.] See on <a href="#Page_119">iv. 3. 26</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> Λόχους ὀρθίους.] See on <a href="#Page_112">iv. 2. 11</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> Ὠμοὺς —— κατάφαγεῖν.] "Eat up raw," without waiting to +cook them; a metaphorical expression for <i>to extirpate utterly and at +once</i>, taken from Homer, Il. v. 35: Ὠμὸν βεβρώθοις Πρίαμον Πρίαμοιό τε +μαῖδας.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> See the payment of these vows in sect. <a href="#Page_142">25</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> That there was honey in these parts with intoxicating +qualities, was well known to antiquity. Pliny, H. N. xxi. 44, mentions +two sorts of it, one produced at Heraclea in Pontus, and the other among +the Sanni or Macrones. The peculiarities of the honey arose from the +herbs to which the bees resorted, the first came from the flower of a +plant called ægolethron, or goats'-bane; the other from a species of +rhododendron. Tournefort, when he was in that country, saw honey of this +description. See Ainsworth, Travels in the Track, p. 190, who found that +the intoxicating honey had a bitter taste. See also Rennell, p. 253. +"This honey is also mentioned by Dioscorides, ii. 103; Strabo, xii. p. +826; Ælian, H. A. v. 42; Procopius, B. Goth. iv. 2." <i>Schneider</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> Lion and Kühner have a notion that these skins were to be +given as prizes to the victors, referring to Herod, ii. 91, where it is +said that the Egyptians, in certain games which they celebrate in honour +of Perseus, offer as prizes cattle, cloaks, and δέρματα, hides. Krüger +doubts whether they were intended for prizes, or were given as a present +to Dracontius.</p></div></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><span class="smcap">Have You Really</span></h2> + +<p>Considered our Continental Series of Penmanship?</p> + +<p>If you are Superintendent of Schools, or the Head of an Educational +Institution, or an active School Official in whatever capacity, you will +find it worth your while to "look into" the Continental Copy-books. 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