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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Folklore as an Historical Science, by 
+George Laurence Gomme
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Folklore as an Historical Science
+
+Author: George Laurence Gomme
+
+Release Date: June 18, 2007 [EBook #21852]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FOLKLORE AS AN HISTORICAL SCIENCE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Clare Boothby, Sam W. and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                           FOLKLORE AS AN
+                         HISTORICAL SCIENCE
+
+
+                                 BY
+                       GEORGE LAURENCE GOMME
+
+
+                  WITH TWENTY-EIGHT ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+                             METHUEN & CO.
+                         36 ESSEX STREET W.C.
+                               LONDON
+
+
+
+
+                     _First Published in 1908_
+
+
+[Illustration: "PEDLAR'S SEAT," SWAFFHAM CHURCH]
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAPTER
+
+I. HISTORY AND FOLKLORE                             _pages_  1-122
+
+      INTRODUCTORY                             _pages_  1-13
+
+      HISTORY AND LOCAL AND PERSONAL TRADITIONS        13-46
+
+      HISTORY AND FOLK-TALES                           46-84
+
+      TRADITIONAL LAW                                 84-100
+
+      MYTHOLOGY AND TRADITION                        100-110
+
+      HISTORIANS AND TRADITION                       110-120
+
+
+II. MATERIALS AND METHODS                                  123-179
+
+      TRADITIONAL MATERIAL                           123-129
+
+      MYTH, FOLK-TALE, AND LEGEND                    129-153
+
+      CUSTOM, BELIEF, AND RITE                       154-179
+
+
+III. PSYCHOLOGICAL CONDITIONS                              180-207
+
+
+IV. ANTHROPOLOGICAL CONDITIONS                             208-302
+
+      PRIMITIVE INFLUENCES                           211-238
+
+      EARLIEST TYPES OF SOCIAL EXISTENCE             238-261
+
+      AUSTRALIAN TOTEM SOCIETY TESTED BY THE
+          EVIDENCE                                   262-274
+
+      TOTEM SURVIVALS IN BRITAIN                     274-296
+
+      SYNOPSIS OF CULTURE-STRUCTURE OF SEMANGS
+          OF MALAY PENINSULA                         297-302
+
+
+V. SOCIOLOGICAL CONDITIONS                                 303-319
+
+
+VI. EUROPEAN CONDITIONS                                    320-337
+
+
+VII. ETHNOLOGICAL CONDITIONS                               338-366
+
+
+INDEX                                                      367-371
+
+
+
+
+LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+                                                                  PAGE
+1. PEDLAR'S SEAT, SWAFFHAM CHURCH, NORFOLK.             _Frontispiece_
+
+2. CARVED WOODEN FIGURE OF THE PEDLAR IN SWAFFHAM
+         CHURCH                                                      8
+
+3. CARVED WOODEN FIGURE OF THE PEDLAR'S DOG IN SWAFFHAM
+         CHURCH                                                      8
+
+      Nos. 1-3 are taken from photographs, and show how the
+    story of the Pedlar of Swaffham has been interpreted in
+    carving. The costume of the Pedlar is noticeable.
+
+4. THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH AND HIS DOG, FIGURED IN THE
+         WINDOW (NOW DESTROYED) OF LAMBETH CHURCH (from
+         Allen's _History of Lambeth_)                              20
+
+5. THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH AND HIS DOG AS DRAWN IN 1786
+         FOR DUCAREL'S _History of Lambeth_                         22
+
+      Nos. 4 and 5 illustrate the traces of the Pedlar legend
+    in Lambeth, and the costume of the Pedlar, though later
+    than that shown in the Swaffham carving, exhibits analogous
+    features which are of interest to the argument.
+
+6. PLAN OF THE SITE OF THE "HEAVEN'S WALLS" AT LITLINGTON,
+         NEAR ROYSTON, CAMBRIDGESHIRE (reprinted from
+           _Archæologia_)                                           43
+
+7. SKETCH OF LITLINGTON FIELD (reprinted from
+         _Archæologia_)                                             44
+
+      Nos. 6 and 7 show the site and general appearance
+    of this interesting relic of the Roman occupation of
+    Britain.
+
+8. STONE MONUMENTS ERECTED AS MEMORIALS IN A KASYA
+          VILLAGE (reprinted from _Asiatic Researches_)             55
+
+9. STONE SEATS AT A KASYA VILLAGE (reprinted from _Asiatic
+         Researches_)                                               55
+
+10. VIEW IN THE KASYA HILLS, SHOWING STONE MEMORIALS
+          (reprinted from _Asiatic Researches_)                     56
+
+      No. 8 shows the practice among the primitive hill-tribes
+    of India of erecting memorials in stone to tribal heroes,
+    and No. 9 is a curious illustration of the stones used as
+    seats by tribesmen at their tribal assemblies. No. 10 is a
+    general view of the site occupied by these stone monuments.
+
+11. THE AULD CA-KNOWE: CALLING THE BURGESS ROLL AT
+          HAWICK (reprinted from Craig and Laing's
+          _Hawick Tradition_)                                       98
+
+12. THE HAWICK MOAT AT SUNRISE (reprinted from Craig and
+          Laing)                                                    99
+
+      The tribal gathering is well illustrated by No. 11, and
+    the moat hill is shown in No. 12.
+
+13. ONE OF FIVE STONE CIRCLES IN THE FIELDS OPPOSITE THE
+          GLEBE OF NYMPHSFIELD (reprinted from Sir William
+          Wilde's _Lough Corrib_)                                  101
+
+14. CARN-AN-CHLUITHE TO COMMEMORATE THE DEFEAT AND
+          DEATH OF THE YOUTHS OF THE DANANNS (reprinted
+          from Wilde)                                              102
+
+15. THE CAIRN OF BALLYMAGIBBON, NEAR THE ROAD PASSING
+          FROM CONG TO CROSS (reprinted from Wilde)                102
+
+      Nos. 13-15 are selected from Sir William Wilde's admirable
+    account of the great conflict on the field of Moytura. They
+    serve to show that the fight was an historical event.
+
+16. ALTAR DEDICATED TO THE FIELD DEITIES OF BRITAIN,
+          FOUND AT CASTLE HILL ON THE WALL OF ANTONINUS PIUS       105
+
+      It is important to remember that the Romans recognised
+    the gods of the conquered people, and this is one of the
+    most important archæological proofs of the fact.
+
+17. ROMAN SCULPTURED STONE FOUND AT ARNIEBOG, CUMBERNAULD,
+          DUMBARTONSHIRE, SHOWING A NAKED BRITON AS
+          A CAPTIVE                                                112
+
+      To the evidence derived from classical writers as to the
+    nakedness of some of the inhabitants of early Britain, it
+    is possible to add the evidence of the memorial stone. This
+    example is reproduced from Sir Arthur Mitchell's _Past in
+    the Present_, and there is at least one other example.
+
+18. REPRESENTATION OF AN IRISH CHIEFTAIN SEATED AT
+          DINNER (from Derrick's _The Image of Ireland_,
+          by kind permission of Messrs. A. & E. Black)             183
+
+      This is reproduced from the very excellent reprint (1883)
+    of this remarkable book, published originally in 1581. The
+    whole book is historically valuable as showing the undeveloped
+    nature of Irish culture. The flesh was boiled in the hide, the
+    fire is lighted in the open camp, and the entire rudeness of
+    the scene depicts the people "whose usages I behelde after the
+    fashion there sette downe."
+
+19. LONG MEG AND HER DAUGHTERS (from a photograph by
+          Messrs. Frith)                                           193
+
+20. STONE CIRCLES ON STANTON MOOR (from
+         _Archæologia_)                                            193
+
+      Nos. 19 and 20 are illustrations of two of the lesser-known
+    circles about which the people hold such curious beliefs.
+
+21. CHINESE REPRESENTATION OF PYGMIES GOING ABOUT ARM-IN-ARM
+          FOR MUTUAL PROTECTION (from Moseley's _Notes by
+          a Naturalist on H.M.S. Challenger_, by permission
+          of Mr. John Murray)                                      242
+
+22. SEMANG OF KUALA KENERING, ULU PERAK (from Skeat and
+          Blagden's _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_,
+          by permission of Messrs. Macmillan)                      242
+
+23. NEGRITO TYPE: SEMANG OF PERAK (from the same)                  243
+
+24. SEMANG OF KEDAH HAVING A MEAL (from the same)                  244
+
+25. TREE HUT, ULU BATU, ABOUT TWELVE MILES FROM KUALA
+          LUMPUR, SELANGOR (from the same)                         298
+
+      The old-world traditions and the scientific observation
+    of pygmy people are illustrated in No. 21 and Nos. 22-25
+    respectively. Though much has been written about the
+    Pygmies, Messrs. Skeat and Blagden's account of the Semang
+    people is by far the most thorough and important.
+
+26. RITE OF BAPTISM ON THE FONT AT DARENTH, KENT (from
+          Romilly Allen's _Early Christian Symbolism_)             324
+
+      The crude paganism on the sculptured stone is confirmatory
+    of the pagan elements preserved in custom, and this
+    illustration from Kent, one of the earliest centres of
+    Christianity in Britain, is singularly interesting from
+    this point of view.
+
+27 and 28. TWO SCENES FROM THE ANGLO-SAXON LIFE OF ST.
+          GUTHLAC BY FELIX OF CROWLAND, DEPICTING THE ATTACK
+          OF THE DEMONS                                       351, 352
+
+      These two plates belong to a series of eight which
+    illustrate the life of the saint. They are less primitive
+    in form than the story which they illustrate. By contrast
+    with the remaining six, however, which are purely
+    ecclesiastical in character, they show how this early
+    episode kept its place among the events of the saint's life.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+If I have essayed to do in this book what should have been done by one
+of the masters of the science of folklore--Mr. Frazer, Mr. Lang, Mr.
+Hartland, Mr. Clodd, Sir John Rhys, and others--I hope it will not be
+put down to any feelings of self-sufficiency on my part. I have
+greatly dared because no one of them has accomplished, and I have so
+acted because I feel the necessity of some guidance in these matters,
+and more particularly at the present stage of inquiry into the early
+history of man.
+
+I have thought I could give somewhat of that guidance because of my
+comprehension of its need, for the comprehension of a need is
+sometimes half-way towards supplying the need. My profound belief in
+the value of folklore as perhaps the only means of discovering the
+earliest stages of the psychological, religious, social, and political
+history of modern man has also entered into my reason for the attempt.
+
+Many years ago I suggested the necessity for guidance, and I sketched
+out a few of the points involved (_Folklore Journal_, ii. 285, 347;
+iii. 1-16) in what was afterwards called by a friendly critic a sort
+of grammar of folklore. The science of folklore has advanced far since
+1885 however, and not only new problems but new ranges of thought have
+gathered round it. Still, the claims of folklore as a definite
+section of historical material remain not only unrecognised but
+unstated, and as long as this is so the lesser writers on folklore
+will go on working in wrong directions and producing much mischief,
+and the historian will judge of folklore by the criteria presented by
+these writers--will judge wrongly and will neglect folklore
+accordingly.
+
+I hope this book may tend to correct this state of things to some
+extent. It is not easy to write on such a subject in a limited space,
+and it is difficult to avoid being somewhat severely technical at
+points. These demerits will, I am sure, be forgiven when considered by
+the light of the human interest involved.
+
+All studies of this kind must begin from the standpoint of a definite
+culture area, and I have chosen our own country for the purpose of
+this inquiry. This will make the illustrations more interesting to the
+English reader; but it must be borne in mind that the same process
+could be repeated for other areas if my estimate of the position is
+even tolerably accurate. For the purpose of this estimate it was
+necessary, in the first place, to show how pure history was intimately
+related to folklore at many stages, and yet how this relationship had
+been ignored by both historian and folklorist. The research for this
+purpose had necessarily to deal with much detail, and to introduce
+fresh elements of research. There is thus produced a somewhat unequal
+treatment; for when illustrations have to be worked out at length,
+because they appear for the first time, the mind is apt to wander from
+the main point at issue and to become lost in the subordinate issue
+arising from the working out of the chosen illustration. This, I
+fear, is inevitable in folklore research, and I can only hope I have
+overcome some of the difficulties caused thereby in a fairly
+satisfactory manner.
+
+The next stage takes us to a consideration of materials and methods,
+in order to show the means and definitions which are necessary if
+folklore research is to be conducted on scientific lines. Not only is
+it necessary to ascertain the proper position of each item of folklore
+in the culture area in which it is found, but it is also necessary to
+ascertain its scientific relationship to other items found in the same
+area; and I have protested against the too easy attempt to proceed
+upon the comparative method. Before we can compare we must be certain
+that we are comparing like quantities.
+
+These chapters are preliminary. After this stage we proceed to the
+principal issues, and the first of these deals with the psychological
+conditions. It was only necessary to treat of this subject shortly,
+because the illustrations of it do not need analysis. They are
+self-contained, and supply their own evidence as to the place they
+occupy.
+
+The anthropological conditions involve very different treatment. The
+great fact necessary to bear in mind is that the people of a modern
+culture area have an anthropological as well as a national or
+political history, and that it is only the anthropological history
+which can explain the meaning and existence of folklore. This subject
+found me compelled to go rather more deeply than I had thought would
+be necessary into first principles, but I hope I have not altogether
+failed to prove that to properly understand the province of folklore
+it is necessary to know something of anthropological research and its
+results. In point of fact, without this consideration of folklore,
+there is not much value to be obtained from it. It is not because it
+consists of traditions, superstitions, customs, beliefs, observances,
+and what not, that folklore is of value to science. It is because the
+various constituents are survivals of something much more essential to
+mankind than fragments of life which for all practical purposes of
+progress might well disappear from the world. As survivals, folklore
+belongs to anthropological data, and if, as I contend, we can go so
+far back into survivals as totemism, we must understand generally what
+position totemism occupies among human institutions, and to understand
+this we must fall back to human origins.
+
+The next divisions are more subordinate. Sociological conditions must
+be studied apart from their anthropological aspect, because in the
+higher races the social group is knit together far more strongly and
+with far greater purpose than among the lower races. The social force
+takes the foremost place among the influences towards the higher
+development, and it is necessary not only to study this but to be sure
+of the terms we use. Tribe, clan, family, and other terms have been
+loosely used in anthropology, just as state, city, village, and now
+village-community, are loosely used in history. The great fact to
+understand is that the social group of the higher races was based on
+blood kinship at the time when they set out to take their place in
+modern civilisation, and that we cannot understand survivals in
+folklore unless we test them by their position as part of a tribal
+organisation. The point has never been taken before, and yet I do not
+see how it can be dismissed.
+
+The consideration of European conditions is chiefly concerned with the
+all-important fact of an intrusive religion, that of Christianity,
+from without, destroying the native religions with which it came into
+contact, conditions which would of course apply only to the folklore
+of European countries.
+
+Finally, I have discussed ethnological conditions in order to show
+that certain fundamental differences in folklore can be and ought to
+be explained as the results of different race origins. We are now
+getting rid of the notion that all Europe is peopled by the
+descendants of the so-called Aryans. There is too much evidence to
+show that the still older races lived on after they were conquered by
+Celt, Teuton, Scandinavian, or Slav, and there is no reason why
+folklore should not share with language, archæology, and physical type
+the inheritance from this earliest race.
+
+In this manner I have surveyed the several conditions attachable to
+the study of folklore and the various departments of science with
+which it is inseparably associated. Folklore cannot be studied alone.
+Alone it is of little worth. As part of the inheritance from bygone
+ages it cannot separate itself from the conditions of bygone ages.
+Those who would study it carefully, and with purpose, must consider it
+in the light which is shed by it and upon it from all that is
+contributory to the history of man.
+
+During my exposition I have ventured upon many criticisms of masters
+in the various departments of knowledge into which I have penetrated;
+but in all cases with great respect. Criticism, such as I have
+indulged in, is nothing more than a respectful difference of opinion
+on the particular points under discussion, and which need every light
+which can be thrown upon them, even by the humblest student.
+
+I am particularly obliged to Mr. Lang, Mr. Hartland, Dr. Haddon, and
+Dr. Rivers, for kindly reading my chapter on Anthropological
+Conditions, and for much valuable and kind help therein; and
+especially I owe Mr. Lang most grateful thanks, for he took an immense
+deal of trouble and gave me the advantage of his searching criticism,
+always in the direction of an endeavour to perfect my faulty evidence.
+I shall not readily part with his letters and MS. on this subject, for
+they show alike his generosity and his brilliance.
+
+To my old friend Mr. Fairman Ordish I am once more indebted for help
+in reading my sheets, and I am also glad to acknowledge the fact that
+two of my sons, Allan Gomme and Wycombe Gomme, have read my proofs and
+helped me much, not only by their criticism, but by their knowledge.
+
+24 DORSET SQUARE, N.W.
+
+
+
+
+FOLKLORE AS AN HISTORICAL SCIENCE
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+HISTORY AND FOLKLORE
+
+
+It may be stated as a general rule that history and folklore are not
+considered as complementary studies. Historians deny the validity of
+folklore as evidence of history, and folklorists ignore the essence of
+history which exists in folklore. Of late years it is true that Dr.
+Frazer, Prof. Ridgeway, Mr. Warde Fowler, Miss Harrison, Mr. Lang, and
+others have broken through this antagonism and shown that the two
+studies stand together; but this is only in certain special
+directions, and no movement is apparent that the brilliant results of
+special inquiries are to bring about a general consideration of the
+mutual help which the two studies afford, if in their respective
+spheres the evidence is treated with caution and knowledge, and if the
+evidence from each is brought to bear upon the necessities of each.
+
+The necessities of history are obvious. There are considerable gaps in
+historical knowledge, and the further back we desire to penetrate the
+scantier must be the material at the historian's disposal. In any case
+there can be only two considerable sources of historical knowledge,
+namely, foreign and native. Looking at the subject from the points
+presented by the early history of our own country, there are the Greek
+and Latin writers to whom Britain was a source of interest as the most
+distant part of the then known world, and the native historians, who,
+witnessing the terribly changing events which followed the break-up of
+the Roman dominion over Britain, recorded their views of the changes
+and their causes, and in course of time recorded also some of the
+events of Celtic history and of Anglo-Saxon history. Then for later
+periods, no country of the Western world possesses such magnificent
+materials for history as our own. In the vast quantity of public and
+private documents which are gradually being made accessible to the
+student there exists material for the illustration and elucidation of
+almost every side and every period of national life, and no branch of
+historical research is more fruitful of results than the comparison of
+the records of the professed historian with the documents which have
+not come from the historian's hands.
+
+All this, however, does not give us the complete story. Necessarily
+there are great and important gaps. Contemporary writers make
+themselves the judges of what is important to record; documents
+preserved in public or private archives relate only to such events as
+need or command the written record or instrument, or to those which
+have interested some of the actors and their families. Hence in both
+departments of history, the historical narrative and the original
+record, it will be found on careful examination that much is needed
+to make the picture of life complete. It is the detail of everyday
+thought and action that is missing--all that is so well known, the
+obvious as it passes before every chronicler, the ceremony, the faith,
+and the action which do not apparently affect the movements of
+civilisation, but which make up the personal, religious and political
+life of the people. It is always well to bear in mind that the
+historical records preserved from the past must necessarily be
+incomplete. An accident preserves one, and an accident destroys
+another. An incident strikes one historian, and is of no interest to
+another. And it may well be that the lost document, the unrecorded
+incident, is of far more value to later ages than what has been
+preserved. This condition of historical research is always present to
+the scientific student, though it is not always brought to bear upon
+the results of historical scholarship.[1] But the scope of the
+historian is gradually but surely widening. It is no longer possible
+to shut the door to geography, ethnography, economics, sociology,
+archæology, and the attendant studies if the historian desires to work
+his subject out to the full.[2] It is even getting to be admitted that
+an appeal must be made to folklore, though the extent and the method
+are not understood. After all that can be obtained from other realms
+of knowledge, it is seen that there is a large gap left still--a gap
+in the heart of things, a gap waiting to be filled by all that can be
+learned about the thought, ideas, beliefs, conceptions, and
+aspirations of the people which have been translated for them, but not
+by them, in the laws, institutions, and religion which find their way
+so easily into history.
+
+The necessities of folklore are far greater than and of a different
+kind from those of history. Edmund Spenser wrote three centuries ago
+"by these old customs the descent of nations can only be proved where
+other monuments of writings are not remayning,"[3] and yet the descent
+of nations is still being proved without the aid of folklore. It is
+certain that the appeal will not be made to its fullest extent unless
+the folklorist makes it clear that it will be answered in a fashion
+which commands attention. It appears to me that the preliminary
+conditions for such an appeal must be ascertained from the folklore
+side. History has not only justified its existence, but during the
+long period of years during which it has been a specific branch of
+learning it has shown its capacity for proceeding on strictly
+scientific and ever-widening lines. Folklore has neither had a long
+period for its study nor a completely satisfactory record of
+scientific work. It is, therefore, essential that folklore should
+establish its right to a place among the historical sciences. At
+present that right is not admitted. It is objected to by scholars who
+will not admit that history can proceed from anything but a dated and
+certified document, and by a few who do not admit that history has
+anything to do with affairs that do not emanate from the prominent
+political or military personages of each period. It is silently, if
+not contemptuously ignored by almost every historical inquirer whose
+attention has not been specially directed to the evidence contained in
+traditional material. Thus between the difficulties arising from the
+interpretation of texts which, originating in oral tradition, have by
+reason of their early record become literature, and the difficulties
+arising from the objections of historians to accept any evidence that
+is not strictly historical in the form they assume to be historical,
+traditional material has not been extensively used as history. It has
+also been wrongly defined by historians. Thus, to give a pertinent
+example, so good a scholar as Mr. W. H. Stevenson, in his admirable
+edition of Asser's _Life of King Alfred_, lays to the crimes of
+tradition an error which is due to other causes. Indeed, he states the
+cause of the error correctly, but does not see that he is
+contradicting himself in so doing. It is worth quoting this case. It
+has to do with the identification of "Cynuit," a place where the Danes
+obtained a victory over the English forces, and Kenwith Castle in
+Devonshire has been claimed as the site of the struggle and "a place
+known as Bloody Corner in Northam is traditionally regarded as the
+scene of a duel between two of the chieftains in 877, and a monument
+recording the battle has been erected."[4] Mr. Stevenson's comment
+upon this is: "We have in this an instructive example of the
+worthlessness of 'tradition' which is here, as so frequently happens
+elsewhere, the outcome of the dreams of local antiquaries, whose
+identifications become gradually impressed upon the memory of the
+inhabitants;" and he then proceeds to show that this particular
+tradition was produced by the suggestion of Mr. R. S. Vidal in 1804.
+Of course, the answer of the folklorist to this charge against the
+value of tradition is that the example is not a case of tradition[5]
+at all. On the contrary, it is a case of false history, started by the
+local antiquary, adopted by the scholars of the day, perpetuated by
+the government in its ordnance survey of the district, and kept alive
+in the minds of the people not by tradition but by a duly certified
+monument erected for the express purpose of commemorating the invented
+incident. There is then no tradition in any one of the stages through
+which the episode has passed. It is all history and false history.
+Historians cannot shake off their responsibilities by looking upon the
+local antiquary as the responsible author of tradition. They cannot
+but admit that the local antiquary belongs to the historical school,
+even though he is not a fully equipped member of his craft, and
+because he blunders they must not class him as a folklorist. They must
+bring better evidence than this to show the worthlessness of
+tradition. In the meantime it is the constant definition of tradition
+as worthless, the relegation of worthless history "to the realms of
+folklore,"[6] which does so much harm to the study of folklore as a
+science.[7] Because the historian misnames an historical error as
+tradition, or fails to discover, at the moment he requires it, the
+fact which lies hidden in tradition, he must not dismiss the whole
+realm of tradition as useless for historical purposes.
+
+Let us freely admit that the historian is not altogether to blame for
+his neglect and for his ignorance of tradition as historical material.
+He has nothing very definite to work upon. Even the great work of
+Grimm is open to the criticism that it does not _prove_ the antiquity
+of popular custom and belief--it merely states the proposition, and
+then relies for proof upon the accumulation of an enormous number of
+examples and the almost entire impossibility of suggesting any other
+origin than that of antiquity for such a mass of non-Christian
+material. Then the great work of Grimm, ethnographical in its methods,
+has never been followed up by similar work for other countries. The
+philosophy of folklore has taken up almost all the time of our
+scholars and students, and the contribution it makes to the history of
+the civilised races has not been made out by folklorists themselves.
+It does not appear to me to be difficult to make out such a claim if
+only scientific methods are adopted, and the solution of definite
+problems is attempted;[8] and if too the difficulties in the way of
+proof are freely admitted, and where they become insuperable, the
+attempt at proof is frankly abandoned. I believe that every single
+item of folklore, every folk-tale, every tradition, every custom and
+superstition, has its origin in some definite fact in the history of
+man; but I am ready to concede that the definite fact is not always
+traceable, that it sometimes goes so far back as to defy recognition,
+that it sometimes relates to events which have no place in the
+after-history of peoples who have taken a position on the earth's
+surface, and which, in the prehistory stage, belong to humanity rather
+than to peoples. Folklore, too, is governed by its own laws and rules
+which are not the laws and rules of history. These concessions,
+however, do not mean the introduction of the term "impossible" to our
+studies. They mean rather a plea for the steady and systematic study
+of our material, on the ground that it has much to yield to the
+historian of man, and to the historians of races, of peoples, of
+nations, and of countries.
+
+[Illustration: CARVED WOODEN FIGURES IN SWAFFHAM CHURCH, NORFOLK]
+
+We cannot, however, show that this is so without facing many
+difficulties created for the most part by folklorists themselves. In
+the first place it is necessary to overtake some of the earlier
+conclusions of the great masters of our science. The first rush, after
+the discovery of the mine, led to the vortex created by the school
+of comparative mythologists, who limited their comparison to the myths
+of Aryan-speaking people, who absolutely ignored the evidence of
+custom, rite, and belief, and who could see nothing beyond
+interpretations of the sun, dawn, and sky gods in the parallel stories
+they were the first to discover and value. We need not ignore all this
+work, nor need we be ungrateful to the pioneers who executed it. It
+was necessary that their view should be stated, and it is satisfactory
+that it was stated at a time early in the existence of our science,
+because it is possible to clear it all away, or as much of it as is
+necessary, without undue interference with the material of which it is
+composed.
+
+The school of comparative mythologists did not, however, entirely
+control the early progress of the study of folklore. There was always
+a school who believed in the foundation of myth being derived from the
+facts of life. Thus Dr. Tylor, in a remarkable study of historical
+traditions and myths of observation,[9] long ago noted that many of
+the traditions current among mankind were historical in origin.
+Writing nearly forty years ago, he had to submit to the influence,
+then at its height, of Adalbert Kuhn and Max Müller, and he conceded
+that there were many traditions which were fictional myths. I think
+this concession must now be much more narrowly scrutinised, and
+preparation made for the conclusion that every genuine myth is a myth
+of observation, the observation by men in a primitive state of
+culture, of a fact which had struck home to their minds. The question
+is, to what part of human history does the central fact appertain?
+Here is undoubtedly a most difficult problem. What the student has to
+do is to admit the difficulty, and to state, if necessary, that the
+fact preserved by tradition is not in all cases possible to discover
+with our present knowledge. This is a perfectly tenable position.
+Human imagination cannot invent anything that is outside of fact. It
+may, and of course too frequently does, misinterpret facts. In
+attempting to explain and account for such facts with insufficient
+knowledge, it gets far away from the truth, but this misinterpretation
+of fact must not be confused with the fact itself. In a word, it must
+be borne in mind by the student of tradition that every tradition
+which has assumed the form of saga, myth, or story contains two
+perfectly independent elements--the fact upon which it is founded, and
+the interpretation of the fact which its founders have attempted.
+
+There is further than this. The other branch of traditional material,
+namely that relating to custom, belief, and rite, rests upon a solid
+basis of historic fact; customs which are strange and irrational to
+this age are not in consequence to be considered the mere worthless
+following of practices which owe their origin to accident or freak;
+beliefs which do not belong to the established religion are not in
+consequence to be considered as mere superstition; rites which were
+not established by authority are not in consequence to be classed as
+mere specimens of popular ignorance. But the difficulties in the way
+of getting all this accepted by the historian are many, and, again,
+not a few of them are the creation of the folklorist himself. Not only
+has he neglected to classify and arrange the scattered items of
+custom, belief, and rite, and to ascertain the degree of association
+which the scattered items have with each other, but he has set about
+the far more difficult and complex task of comparative study without
+having previously prepared his material.
+
+The historian and the folklorist are thus brought face to face with
+what is expected from both, in order that each may work alongside of
+the other, using each other's materials and conclusions at the right
+moment and in the right places. The folklorist has the most to do to
+get his results ready, and to explain and secure his position. He has
+been wandering about in a somewhat inconsequential fashion, bent upon
+finding a _mythos_ where he should have sought for a _persona_ or a
+_locus_, engaged in an extensive quest after parallels when he should
+have been preparing his own material for the process of comparative
+science, seeking for origins amidst human error when he should have
+turned to human experience. He has to change all this waywardness for
+systematic study, and this will lead him in the first place to
+disengage from the results hitherto obtained those which may be
+accepted and which may form the starting-point for future work. But
+his greatest task will be the reconsideration of former results and
+the rewriting of much that has been written on the wrong lines, and
+when this is done we shall have the historian and folklorist meeting
+together in the spirit which Edmund Spenser so finely and truly
+described three centuries ago in his treatment of Irish history: "I do
+herein rely upon those bards or Irish chronicles ... but unto them
+besides I add mine own reading and out of them both together with
+comparison of times likewise of manners and customs, affinity of words
+and manner, properties of natures and uses, resemblances of rites and
+ceremonies, monuments of churches and tombs and many other like
+circumstances I do gather a likelihood of truth, not certainly
+affirming anything, but by conferring of times language monuments and
+such like I do hunt out a probability of things which I leave to your
+judgment to believe or refuse."[10]
+
+I shall of course not be able to undertake either of these tasks. I
+shall attempt, however, to indicate their scope and importance; and as
+a preliminary to the consideration of the definite departments into
+which the subject falls, it is advisable, I think, to test the
+relationship of tradition to history by means of one or two
+illustrations. It may be that the illustrations I shall give are not
+accepted by all students, that some better illustration is forthcoming
+by further research. This is one of the drawbacks from which tradition
+suffers, and must suffer, until our studies are much further advanced
+than they are at present. But I am glad to accept this possibility of
+error as part of the case for the study of tradition, because the
+error of one student cannot be held to disqualify the whole subject.
+It only amounts to saying that the particular fact which seems to me
+to be discoverable in the examples dealt with has to be surrendered in
+favour of another particular fact. My conclusions may be dismissed,
+but that which is not dismissible is the discoverable fact, and it is
+only when the true fact is discovered in each traditional item that
+previous inferences may be neglected or ignored and inquiry cease.[11]
+
+
+I
+
+The evidence of historic events which enter into tradition relates
+principally to the earliest periods, but much of it relates to periods
+well within the domain of history and yet reveals facts which history
+has either hopelessly neglected or misinterpreted. We shall find that
+these facts, though frequently relating to minor events, often have
+reference to matters of the highest national importance, and perhaps
+nowhere more definitely is this the case than in the legends connected
+with particular localities. Of one such tradition I will state what a
+somewhat detailed examination tells in this direction. It will, I
+think, serve as a good example of the kind of research that is
+required in each case, and it will illustrate in a rather special
+manner the value of these traditions to history.
+
+The _locus_ of the legend centres round London Bridge. The earliest
+written version of this legend is quoted from the MSS. of Sir Roger
+Twysden, who obtained it from "Sir William Dugdale, of Blyth Hall, in
+Warwickshire, in a letter dated 29th January, 1652-3." Sir William
+says of it that "it was the tradition of the inhabitants as it was
+told me there," and Sir Roger Twysden adds of it that: "I have since
+learnt from others to be most true." This, therefore, is a very
+respectable origin for the legend, and I will transcribe it from Sir
+William Dugdale's letter which begins "the story of the Pedlar of
+Swaffham-market is in substance this":--
+
+      "That dreaming one night if he went to London he
+      should certainly meet with a man on London Bridge
+      which would tell him good news he was so perplext in
+      his mind that till he set upon his journey he could
+      have no rest; to London therefore he hasts and walk'd
+      upon the Bridge for some hours where being espyed by a
+      shopkeeper and asked what he wanted he answered you
+      may well ask me that question for truly (quoth he) I
+      am come hither upon a very vain errand and so told the
+      story of his dream which occasioned the journey.
+      Whereupon the shopkeeper reply'd alas good friend
+      should I have heeded dreams I might have proved myself
+      as very a fool as thou hast, for 'tis not long since
+      that I dreamt that at a place called Swaffham Market
+      in Norfolk dwells one John Chapman a pedlar who hath a
+      tree in his backside under which is buried a pot of
+      money. Now therefore if I should have made a journey
+      thither to day for such hidden treasure judge you
+      whether I should not have been counted a fool. To whom
+      the pedlar cunningly said yes verily I will therefore
+      return home and follow my business not heeding such
+      dreams hence forward. But when he came home being
+      satisfied that his dream was fulfilled he took
+      occasion to dig in that place and accordingly found a
+      large pot of money which he prudently conceal'd
+      putting the pot amongst the rest of his brass. After a
+      time it happen'd that one who came to his house and
+      beholding the pot observed an inscription upon it
+      which being in Latin he interpreted it that under that
+      there was an other twice as good. Of this inscription
+      the Pedlar was before ignorant or at least minded it
+      not but when he heard the meaning of it he said 'tis
+      very true in the shop where I bought this pot stood
+      another under it which was twice as big; but
+      considering that it might tend to his further profit
+      to dig deeper in the same place where he found that he
+      fell again to work and discover'd such a pot as was
+      intimated by the inscription full of old coins:
+      notwithstanding all which he so conceal'd his wealth
+      that the neighbours took no notice of it."[12]
+
+Blomefield thought it "somewhat surprising to find such considerable
+persons as Sir William Dugdale and Sir Roger Twysden to patronise or
+credit such a monkish legend and tradition savouring so much of the
+cloister, and that the townsmen and neighbourhood should also believe
+it," but I think we shall have reason to congratulate ourselves that
+so good a folk-tale was preserved for us of this age.
+
+The next and, it appears, an independent version, is given in the
+_Diary of Abraham de la Pryme_, under the date November 10th, 1699:--
+
+      "Constant tradition says that there lived in former
+      times, in Soffham (Swaffham), _alias_ Sopham, in
+      Norfolk, a certain pedlar, who dreamed that if he went
+      to London bridge, and stood there, he should hear very
+      joyfull newse, which he at first sleighted, but
+      afterwards, his dream being dubled and trebled upon
+      him, he resolv'd to try the issue of it, and
+      accordingly went to London, and stood on the bridge
+      there two or three days, looking about him, but heard
+      nothing that might yield him any comfort. At last it
+      happen'd that a shopkeeper there, hard by, haveing
+      noted his fruitless standing, seeing that he neither
+      sold any wares nor asked any almes, went to him and
+      most earnestly begged to know what he wanted there, or
+      what his business was; to which the pedlar honestly
+      answer'd, that he had dream'd that if he came to
+      London and stood there upon the bridg, he should hear
+      good newse; at which the shopkeeper laught heartily,
+      asking him if he was such a fool as to take a journey
+      on such a silly errand, adding, 'I'll tell thee,
+      country fellow, last night I dream'd that I was at
+      Sopham, in Norfolk, a place utterly unknown to me,
+      where methought behind a pedlar's house in a certain
+      orchard, and under a great oak tree, if I digged I
+      should find a vast treasure! Now think you,' says he,
+      'that I am such a fool to take such a long jorney upon
+      me upon the instigation of a silly dream? No, no, I'm
+      wiser. Therefore, good fellow, learn witt of me, and
+      get you home, and mind your business.' The pedlar,
+      observeing his words, what he had sayd he had dream'd
+      and knowing they concenterd in him, glad of such
+      joyfull newse went speedily home, and digged and found
+      a prodigious great treasure, with which he grew
+      exceeding rich, and Soffham church being for the most
+      part fal'n down he set on workmen and reedifyd it most
+      sumptuously, at his own charges; and to this day there
+      is his statue therein, cut in stone, with his pack at
+      his back, and his dogg at his heels; and his memory is
+      also preserved by the same form or picture in most of
+      the old glass windows, taverns, and ale-houses of that
+      town unto this day."[13]
+
+Now this version from Abraham de la Pryme was certainly obtained from
+local sources, and it shows the general popularity of the legend,
+together with the faithfulness of the traditional version.[14] But
+other evidence of the traditional force of the story is to be found.
+Observing that De la Pryme's _Diary_ was not printed until 1870,
+though certainly the MS. had been lent to antiquaries, it is curious
+that the following almost identical account is told in the _St.
+James's Chronicle_ of November 28th, 1786:--[15]
+
+      "A Pedlar who lived many Years ago at Swaffham, in
+      Norfolk, dreamt, that if he came up to London, and
+      stood upon the Bridge, he should hear very joyful
+      News; which he at first slighted, but afterwards his
+      Dream being doubled and trebled unto him, he resolved
+      to try the Issue of it; and accordingly to London he
+      came, and stood on the Bridge for two or three Days,
+      but heard nothing which might give him Comfort that
+      the Profits of his Journey would be equal to his
+      Pains. At last it so happened, that a Shopkeeper
+      there, having noted his fruitless standing, seeing
+      that he neither sold any Wares, or asked any Alms,
+      went to him, and enquired his Business; to which the
+      Pedlar made Answer, that being a Countryman, he had
+      dreamt a Dream, that if he came up to London, he
+      should hear good News: 'And art thou (said the
+      Shopkeeper) such a Fool, to take a Journey on such a
+      foolish Errand? Why I tell thee this--last Night I
+      dreamt, that I was at Swaffham, in Norfolk, a Place
+      utterly unknown to me, where, methought, behind a
+      Pedlar's House, in a certain Orchard, under a great
+      Oak Tree, if I digged there, I should find a mighty
+      Mass of Treasure. Now think you, that I am so unwise,
+      as to take so long a Journey upon me, only by the
+      Instigation of a foolish Dream! No, no, far be such
+      Folly from me; therefore, honest Countryman, I advise
+      thee to make haste Home again, and do not spend thy
+      precious Time in the Expectation of the Event of an
+      idle Dream.' The Pedlar, who noted well his Words,
+      glad of such joyful News, went speedily Home, and
+      digged under the Oak, where he found a very large Heap
+      of Money; with Part of which, the Church being then
+      lately fallen down, he very sumptuously rebuilt it;
+      having his Statue cut therein, in Stone, with his Pack
+      on his Back and his Dog at his Heels, which is to be
+      seen at this Day. And his Memory is also preserved by
+      the same Form, or Picture, on most of the Glass
+      Windows of the Taverns and Ale-houses in that Town."
+
+The differences in these versions are sufficient to show independent
+origin. The identities are sufficient to illustrate, in a rather
+remarkable manner, how closely the words of the tradition were always
+followed. It appears from the last words of the contributor to the
+_St. James's Chronicle_, who signed himself "Z," that he heard it by
+word of mouth about the time of his writing it down,[16] so that there
+is more than a hundred years between him and the Dugdale version,
+which was also recorded from "constant tradition."
+
+In Glyde's _Norfolk Garland_ (p. 69), is an account of this legend,
+but with a variant of one incident. The box containing the treasure
+had a Latin inscription on the lid, which John Chapman could not
+decipher. He put the lid in his window, and very soon he heard some
+youths turn the Latin sentence into English:--
+
+      "Under me doth lie
+      Another much richer than I."
+
+And he went to work digging deeper than before, and found a much
+richer treasure than the former. Another version of this rhyme is
+found in _Transactions of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society_ (iii.
+318) as follows:--
+
+      "Where this stood
+      Is another as good."
+
+And both these versions are given by Blomefield.
+
+Now if there were no other places besides Swaffham in Norfolk to which
+this legend is applied the interest in it would, of course, not be
+very great. But there are many other places, and we will first note
+those in Britain. The best is from Upsall, in Yorkshire, as follows:--
+
+      "Many years ago there resided, in the village of
+      Upsall, a man who dreamed three nights successively
+      that if he went to London Bridge he would hear of
+      something greatly to his advantage. He went,
+      travelling the whole distance from Upsall to London on
+      foot; arrived there, he took his station on the
+      bridge, where he waited until his patience was nearly
+      exhausted, and the idea that he had acted a very
+      foolish part began to rise in his mind. At length he
+      was accosted by a Quaker, who kindly inquired what he
+      was waiting there so long for? After some hesitation,
+      he told his dreams. The Quaker laughed at his
+      simplicity, and told him that _he_ had had last night
+      a very curious dream himself, which was, that if he
+      went and dug under a certain bush in Upsall Castle, in
+      Yorkshire, he would find a pot of gold; but he did not
+      know where Upsall was, and inquired of the countryman
+      if he knew, who, seeing some advantage in secrecy,
+      pleaded ignorance of the locality, and then, thinking
+      his business in London was completed, returned
+      immediately home, dug beneath the bush, and there he
+      found a pot filled with gold, and on the cover an
+      inscription in a language which he did not understand.
+      The pot and cover were, however, preserved at the
+      village inn, where one day a bearded stranger like a
+      Jew, made his appearance, saw the pot, and read the
+      inscription on the cover, the plain English of which
+      was--
+
+          "'Look lower, where this stood
+          Is another twice as good.'
+
+      The man of Upsall hearing this resumed his spade,
+      returned to the bush, dug deeper, and found another
+      pot filled with gold, far more valuable than the
+      first. Encouraged by this discovery, he dug deeper
+      still, and found another yet more valuable.
+
+      "This is the constant tradition of the neighbourhood,
+      and the identical bush yet exists (or did in 1860)
+      beneath which the treasure was found; a burtree, or
+      elder, _Sambucus nigra_, near the north-west corner of
+      the ruins of the old castle."[17]
+
+It would be tedious to go through other English versions,[18] but I
+must point out that it is connected with a London district. This is
+shown not by the actual presence of the legend, which has died out in
+London, but by its representation in the parish church of Lambeth. The
+legend so strongly current at Swaffham, in Norfolk, is represented in
+the church in the shape of a carving in wood of a figure to represent
+the pedlar, and below him the figure of what is locally called a
+dog.[19] A comparison of this carving with the representation of the
+pedlar's window formerly existing in Lambeth Church, but which was
+sacrilegiously removed in 1884 by the late vicar of the parish, shows
+much the same general characteristics, and search among the parish
+books shows it to relate to a pedlar known by the name of Dog Smith,
+who left property still known by the name of the "Pedlar's Acre" to
+the parish.[20] All this suggests that we have here the last relics of
+the pedlar legend located in London.
+
+[Illustration: THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH AND HIS DOG
+FIGURED IN THE WINDOW (NOW DESTROYED) OF LAMBETH CHURCH]
+
+The next stage in the history of this legend shows it to belong to the
+world's collection of folk-tales. There is, however, a preliminary
+fact of great significance to note, namely that two non-British
+versions refer to London Bridge. Thus a Breton tale refers to London
+Bridge, and the interest of this story is sufficiently great to quote
+it here from its recorder straight from the Breton folk:--
+
+      "Long ago, when the timbers of the most ancient of the
+      vessels of Brest were not yet acorns, there were two
+      men in a farmhouse in the Côtes du Nord disputing, and
+      they were disputing about London Bridge. One said it
+      was the most beautiful sight in the world, while the
+      other very truly said, 'No! the grace of the good God
+      was more beautiful still.' And as the dispute went on,
+      'Let us,' said one of them, 'settle it once and for
+      all, and in this way: let us now this moment go out
+      along the high-road and let us ask the first three men
+      we meet as to which is the most beautiful--London
+      Bridge or the grace of the good God? And which ever
+      way they decide, he who holds the beaten opinion shall
+      lose to the other all his possessions, farm and cattle
+      and horses, everything.' So each being confident he
+      was right, they went out: and the first man they met
+      declared that though the grace of the good God was
+      beautiful, London Bridge was more beautiful still; and
+      the second the same, and the third. And the man whose
+      opinion was beaten, a rich farmer, gave up all he had
+      and was a beggar.
+
+      "'Now,' said he to himself when the other, taking his
+      horse by the bridle, had left him--'now let me go and
+      see this London Bridge which is so wonderfully
+      beautiful;' and, being very manful and stout, he set
+      out at once to walk, and walking on and on was there
+      by nightfall. But, good Christian that he was, he
+      could see in it nothing to shake his belief that the
+      grace of the good God was more beautiful still.
+
+      "Soon the bridge was silent, and the last to cross it
+      had gone home; and he, notwithstanding his losses,
+      tired out and sleepy, lay down and fell into a doze
+      there; and, while he was dozing, there came by two
+      men, and one of them, standing quite close by him,
+      said to the other, 'The night is fine, the wind
+      gentle, the stars clear! On such a night whoever were
+      to collect the dew would be able to heal the blind.'
+      'It is true,' answered the other; 'but none know of
+      it.' And they passed on, quietly as they had come.
+      Thereupon up rose the beggared farmer, and with basin
+      and cup set about collecting the dew; and in a very
+      short time performed with it the most wonderful cures;
+      finally curing the daughter of a neighbouring Emperor
+      who had been blind from her birth, and whom her
+      grateful father gave to him at once in marriage, since
+      directly she set eyes on him she loved him."[21]
+
+[Illustration: THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH
+FROM DUCAREL'S "HISTORY OF LAMBETH," 1786]
+
+The second non-British variant, which also attaches to London Bridge,
+is to be found in the _Heimskringla_,[22] and I will quote William
+Morris's translation:--
+
+      "West in Valland was a man infirm so that he was a
+      cripple and went on knees and knuckles. On a day he
+      was abroad on the way and was asleep there. That
+      dreamed he that a man came to him glorious of aspect
+      and asked whither he was bound and the man named some
+      town or other. So the glorious man spoke to him:
+      Fare then to Olaf's church the one that is in London
+      and thou wilt be whole. Thereafter he awoke, and fared
+      to seek Olaf's church and at last he came to London
+      bridge and there asked the folk of the city if they
+      knew to tell him where was Olaf's church. But they
+      answered and said that there were many more churches
+      there than they might wot to what man they were
+      hallowed. But a little thereafter came a man to him
+      who asked whither he was bound and the cripple told
+      him. And sithence said that man: We twain shall fare
+      both to the church of Olaf for I know the way thither.
+      Therewith they fared over the bridge and went along
+      the street which led to Olaf's church. But when they
+      came to the lich gate then strode that one over the
+      threshold of the gate but the cripple rolled in over
+      it and straightway rose up a whole man. But when he
+      looked around him his fellow farer was vanished."
+
+I shall have to refer again to these Breton and Norse versions,
+because of their retention of London Bridge as the locale of the
+story, in common with all the versions which have been found in
+Britain. In the meantime it is to be noted that the remaining
+non-British variants are told of other bridges and other places.
+Holland, Denmark, Italy, Cairo, have their representative
+variants;[23] and it thus presents to the student of tradition an
+excellent example for inquiry as to the value to history of legends
+world-wide in their distribution attaching themselves to historical
+localities.
+
+There are some obvious features about this group of traditions, which
+at once lead to interesting questions. There is first the fact that
+all the British variants of the treasure stories centre round London
+Bridge; secondly, there is the extension beyond Britain to the Breton
+variant and the Norse variant, both non-British legends, of which the
+_locus_ is London Bridge. From these two facts it is clear that London
+Bridge had some special influence at a period of its history which
+dates before the separation of the Breton folk from their Celtic
+brethren in Britain, for the Bretons would not after their separation
+acquire a London Bridge tradition; and again at a period of its
+history when Norse legend and saga were fashioning. In the one case
+the myth-makers must have been Celts of the fourth century, and the
+only bridge known to these Celts must have been that belonging to
+Roman Lundinium; in the other case the myth-makers were Norsemen, and
+the bridge known to them was the later bridge so frequently referred
+to in the chronicle accounts of the Danish and Norse invasions of
+England.
+
+It is not difficult, by a joint appeal to history and folklore, to
+trace out from this very definite starting-point the events which
+brought about this particular specialisation of the world-spread
+treasure myths.
+
+Obviously the first point to note is that London Bridge loomed out
+greatly in the minds and understanding of people at two distinct
+periods of its history.[24] That the first period relates to its
+building is suggested by the date supplied by the evidence of the
+Breton version. The people who wondered at its building, or the
+results of its building, were certainly not the builders themselves,
+and we thus see a distinction in culture between the bridge builders
+and the wonder builders. This condition is exactly provided for by the
+building of the earliest London Bridge. It was a work of the Romans of
+Lundinium,[25] and the people who stood in wonder at this great
+enterprise were not the Roman engineers and builders, accustomed to
+such undertakings all over the then known world, and they must
+therefore have been the surrounding non-Roman people, who were the
+Celtic tribesmen. Now the culture-antagonism between the Romans of
+Lundinium and the Celts of Britain is, I believe, a factor of great
+importance,[26] though almost universally neglected by our historians,
+because they do not study the facts of early history on
+anthropological lines. Not only is it discoverable, as I think, from
+the facts of history, but the facts of tradition confirm the facts of
+history at all points. Thus I think it is important, if we can, to
+obtain independent testimony of the attitude of the surrounding people
+to the builders of London Bridge. We can do this by reference to the
+peasant beliefs concerning bridges, as, for instance, in Ireland,
+where on passing over a bridge they invariably pulled off their hats
+and prayed for the soul of the builder of the bridge,[27] and to the
+fact that the Romans themselves looked upon bridge-building as a
+sacred function, and would no doubt use this part of their work to the
+fullest extent, in order to impress the barbarism opposed to them.[28]
+The extent of this impression may probably be contained in the old and
+widely spread nursery rhyme of "London Bridge is Broken Down," an
+examination of which has led Mrs. Gomme to conclude that it contains
+reference to an ancient belief that the building of the bridge was
+accompanied by human sacrifice.[29] This conclusion is confirmed by
+the preservation in Wales of a bridge-sacrifice tradition. It relates
+to the "Devil's Bridge" near Beddgelert. "Many of the ignorant people
+of the neighbourhood believe that this structure was formed by
+supernatural agency. The devil proposed to the neighbouring
+inhabitants that he would build them a bridge across the pass, on
+condition that he should have the first who went over it for his
+trouble. The bargain was made, and the bridge appeared in its place,
+but the people cheated the devil by dragging a dog to the spot and
+whipping him over the bridge."[30] This is a distinct trace of a
+substituted animal sacrifice for an original human sacrifice. But this
+is a practice which sends us back to the most primitive times, and in
+particular we are referred to an exact parallel in India, where, on
+the governing English determining to build a bridge of engineering
+proportions and strength over the Hoogley River at Calcutta, the
+native Hindu tribesmen immediately believed that the first requirement
+would be a human sacrifice for the foundation.[31] The traditions
+attaching to London Bridge are therefore identical with the current
+beliefs concerning the Hoogley Bridge, and the culture-relationship of
+the bridge-builders to the surrounding people in both cases is that of
+an advanced civilisation to tribesmen. Now if these conditions of
+modern India are repetitions of the conditions of ancient Britain in
+the days of Lundinium, and of this there can be but little doubt,
+there is no difficulty in understanding to what part of history these
+traditions have led us. We are again in the days when London Bridge
+was a marvel--a marvel which sent travelling through the Celtic homes
+of Britain a new application of the treasure myth which they had
+inherited from remote ancestors. The marvel lived on through the ages
+when London was in the unique position of being an undestroyed city in
+Saxon times, times which witnessed the destruction of all other
+cities of Roman foundation,[32] and the sending forth of the Celtic
+refugees to Brittany.[33] The accumulation during a long-continuing
+period of conceptions of treasure being found by way of the bridge
+leading to London, would become the direct force for keeping the
+tradition alive; and while the facts of history show us the important
+position of London during the period which witnessed the departure of
+the Celtic Bretons to their continental home,[34] the facts of
+tradition show us the Celtic tribesmen deeming it a way to wealth
+through the magic potency of dreamland. The Celtic tribesmen stood
+outside Roman Lundinium. Its life was not their life, and their
+conversion of its position into a mythic treasure house or a mythic
+road to treasure, and their association of it with the bloody rites of
+the foundation sacrifice, are in strict accord with the historical
+relationship of the tribal life of Celtic Britain to the city life of
+Roman Lundinium.
+
+I may be permitted perhaps to emphasise this significant accordance of
+history and tradition when working together. I have already alluded to
+the fact that I have worked out the history of London independently,
+and upon lines quite different from the present study. I have
+therefore a wider grasp of the two currents of history and folklore in
+this particular case than could in the ordinary way fall either to the
+historian or to the folklorist. That I can find in both just the
+complementary facts which help to realise the whole situation, to fill
+in the gaps of history which nowhere directly tells of the
+relationship of Roman Lundinium to the British Celts, to extend the
+outlook of folklore which nowhere recognises that there was a great
+Roman city of Lundinium which would dominate the minds of those not
+trained to city life, is a fortunate circumstance which neither
+historian nor folklorist is likely to repeat frequently, and I am
+entitled, I think, to claim the utmost from it. I can at least claim
+that it answers all the facts in a way that has not yet been
+accomplished. Thus Sir John Rhys has discussed the treasure legend and
+he can only account for it as part of the mythical trappings of Arthur
+into which "London Bridge is introduced," because London Bridge
+"formerly loomed very large in the popular imagination as one of the
+chief wonders of London." Sir John Rhys refers for confirmation of
+this to the "notion cherished as to London and London Bridge by the
+country people of Wales even within my own memory," and then goes on
+to say that "the fashion of selecting London Bridge as the opening
+scene of a treasure legend had been set perhaps by a widely spread
+English story," that of the Pedlar of Swaffham.[35] All this is very
+unsatisfactory. Modern notions of this sort would not set the fashion
+two centuries ago, nor extend it to Brittany. Nor is the suggestion in
+accord with other evidence as to the extension of tradition. What has
+happened is that the Arthur cycle has appropriated two London Bridge
+traditions and has worked them up into the Arthur form, the traditions
+themselves belonging to the far older period to which I have here
+referred them--a period when the burial of treasure was a necessary
+corollary to the events which were happening.[36] Buried treasure
+legends are found all over the country. They belong to the period of
+conquest and fighting. They are the evidence which tradition yields of
+the unrest of the times which caused them to arise. They are the
+fragments of history which tradition has preserved, while history has
+coldly passed them by.[37]
+
+With this in the background as the _corpus_ of a legend-covered
+London Bridge, we come to the second period.
+
+London Bridge to the Norsemen of the tenth and eleventh centuries was
+a place of fierce fighting and struggle, a place of victory and death.
+The saga takes pains to describe this wondrous bridge[38] before it
+describes the great fight there and its capture by King Olaf, a fight
+which produced a war-rhyme which, in Laing's version, begins with the
+same words as the English nursery rhyme, "London Bridge is broken
+down!"[39] and which Morris renders as a tribute to King Olaf, "thou
+brakest down London Bridge." There is little wonder, then, that the
+men of King Olaf took back with them to saga-land a great memory of
+this bridge and this fight, transferred to it their own variant of the
+world-wide treasure legend, and made a legend not of money treasure,
+but of regained health to a crippled warrior. The corresponding
+non-British version of Brittany helps us to understand that the cure
+of disease was originally associated with the gains of treasure, and
+in the Norse version the treasure incident is altogether dropped, but
+in its place is the recovery of health, a treasure more in accord with
+the sterner needs and recollections of a great fight. The Norse story
+is helpful to us as showing how London Bridge could enter into the
+legends of a people, and remain with them even after that people was
+no longer living in Britain, and it becomes therefore a valuable
+addition to the evidence for the more ancient transference from
+Britain to Brittany of the original legend.
+
+Altogether the piecing together of the items of historical value in
+this legend is most complete. We have not only recovered for history
+hitherto lost conceptions of the place held by Roman Lundinium among
+the Celtic tribesmen, but we have recovered also evidence of the true
+culture-position of the Celtic tribesmen towards their Roman
+conquerors. The examination of this legend may have been long and
+tedious, but the result is, I think, commensurate. It illustrates the
+power of tradition to set historical data in their proper environment,
+to restore the proportion which they bear to unrecorded history, and
+if the student will but follow the evidence carefully, I think he will
+find these results.
+
+We will take a step forward, and turn from local to personal
+attachments of tradition. There is a whole class of traditions
+attached to personages about whose historical existence there can be
+but little doubt, and just because of the accretion of tradition round
+them their historical existence has oftentimes been denied. The most
+famous example in our history is of course King Arthur, and so great
+an authority as Sir John Rhys is obliged to resort to a special
+argument to account for the problems he is faced with. He argues, and
+argues strongly, for an historic Arthur--an Arthur who was the British
+successor of the Roman emperor after Britain had ceased to be a part
+of the Roman Empire.[40] But because of the myths which have grown
+round him, he suggests that there must also have been "a Brythonic
+divinity named Arthur," and we are thus introduced to a dual study of
+history and myth which does not appear to me to take us very far, and
+which, in fact, just separates history from myth, instead of showing
+where they join hands. This dual conception of myth is indeed a rather
+favourite resort of those scholars who cannot appreciate the evidence
+that proves a character in a mythic tradition to be an actual
+historical personage. It is the basis of the famous Sigfried-Arminius
+controversy. It does duty in many less important cases,[41] and most
+frequently in connection with northern mythology, where the line
+between mythic and historical events gathering round a hero is
+generally so finely drawn as to be almost imperceptible. But it is so
+obviously a piece of special pleading on self-created lines that other
+explanation is needed. And another explanation is to be obtained if
+only students will rely upon the evidence of tradition itself instead
+of appealing to every fancy derived from sources which have nothing to
+do with tradition.
+
+The history of King Arthur has been the subject of inquiry too
+frequently for it to be possible in these pages to discuss the dual
+theory as it has been applied to him, but I will attempt to show that
+it is quite unnecessary thus to explain the history of King Arthur by
+turning to the history of another of our great heroic figures, one of
+the greatest to my mind, who, like Arthur, has secured not only a fair
+share of special tradition belonging to himself personally, but a
+larger share than others of that corpus of tradition which has
+descended from our earliest unknown ancestors, and become attached to
+the historical hero of later times--I mean, Hereward, the last of the
+Saxon defenders of his land against William the Norman.[42] The
+analysis of the Hereward legend affords a good example of the process
+by which tradition is preserved by historical fact, and in its turn
+helps to unravel the real history which lies at the source. Instead,
+therefore, of attempting to travel over the voluminous literature
+which is the outcome of the King Arthur story, I will use for the same
+purpose the shorter story of Hereward the Englishman.
+
+We start with the fact that Hereward is unknown to history until his
+great stand in the Island of Ely against the might of William, the
+conqueror of England. And yet to the banners of this "unknown"
+chieftain there flocked the discontented heroism of England, men
+ranking from the noble to the peasant, and including such great
+figures as Morcar, Edwine, and Waltheof. I always think, too, that the
+little band of Berkshire men, who started across the country to join
+Hereward in the fens, and were intercepted and cut to pieces by a
+Norman troop,[43] give us more than a passing glimpse at the
+estimation in which Hereward was held by his countrymen. Such a man
+commanding so much, in face of so much, could not have been the
+unknown person which history makes him.
+
+How then can we ascertain why he was held in such estimation? History
+being quite silent, tradition steps into the gap. It is the tradition
+recorded in post-Herewardian times, be it noted. In this great body of
+tradition, contained in a Latin MS. of the twelfth century, he
+journeys to Scotland, where he slew a bear and saved the people whom
+it had oppressed; from thence to Cornwall, where he fought and slew a
+great champion, the lover of the princess; from thence to Ireland,
+where he assisted the King in war, and back again to Cornwall to
+rescue again the princess from a distasteful wooer, and, finally, to
+Flanders. Even in the camp of the Norman, which he visits in
+traditional fashion, he has an adventure with witches which takes us
+to the worship of wells. Much of his adventure is but the application
+of well-known traditional events,[44] and it is important to note that
+the geography of the supposed travels belongs to the very home of
+tradition, the unknown territories of the Celts, Ireland, Cornwall,
+and Scotland.
+
+Now all this tradition is certainly not true of Hereward. But what it
+does is to certify to his greatness in the eyes of his countrymen, to
+show that his countrymen were anxious to explain why he was so great
+in A.D. 1070, and why before that date he was unknown to them. This is
+an important point to have gained. It shows the vacuum which was
+occupied by tradition because contemporary, or nearly contemporary,
+thought required it to be filled up. The popular mind abhors a vacuum
+as much as the material world of nature does. It will fill it with its
+own conceptions, if it cannot fill it with recognised facts. Hereward
+must have been a famous man when he took his stand in the fens of Ely.
+That his biographers explain his fame by the application of ancient
+traditions is only saying that his countrymen reckoned his fame as of
+the very highest; ordinary current events of the day would not suit
+their ideas of the fitness of things. Hereward was as Alfred had been,
+as Arthur had been, and so he must have his share of the national
+tradition, even as these heroes had. To say less of him was to have
+put him below the others. And history in this case could not help, for
+it was in the hands of Hereward's enemies, and they were careful to
+say nothing or very little of English heroes at this period. The great
+battle of Hastings had been lost, but of all the English men who had
+fought and died there we only know of three names beyond those of the
+king and his house. Leofric the abbot of Peterborough, Godric the
+sheriff of Berkshire, and Asgar the sheriff of London, have become
+known by accident, as it were. All others are unnamed and unhonoured.
+Therefore, when the great deeds of Hereward came to be chronicled, it
+was not enough to say he was at Hastings; the deeds of old must be
+chronicled of him as they had been chronicled of others.
+
+This accretion of popular tradition to account for the fame of
+Hereward when he took command at Ely, though it proclaims in the
+strongest terms that Hereward was famous in the eyes of his
+countrymen, displaces history therefore. Putting the case in this
+way, we may proceed to examine what recorded history exactly has to
+say of Hereward, and then by noting what it has left unsaid, we may
+perhaps be able to fill the gap by a reasonable deduction from the
+facts. In Domesday there are clearly two Herewards, one having lands
+in Lincolnshire in the time of King Edward and _not_ at the date of
+the survey, the other having lands in Warwickshire in the time of King
+Edward and _also_ at the date of the survey. Here we have two widely
+different counties and two widely different conditions, and it is
+right with all the evidence to conclude that they relate to different
+personages. The Lincolnshire Hereward is the hero of the fens. He held
+of the abbot of Peterborough, and Ulfcytil, who was appointed in 1062,
+was the abbot in question. This brings us to only four years before
+the battle of Hastings, and another entry in Domesday, thanks to the
+scholarship of Mr. Round, proves that Hereward was deprived of his
+Lincolnshire lands not before but after the great fights at Hastings
+and in the fens. Therefore the story shapes itself somewhat in this
+fashion. Hereward was in England in 1062. He was then a man of the
+abbot of Peterborough; that is to say, a tenant bound to perform
+military service to his lord. His lord, the abbot, was at Hastings
+with his tenants, and fought there. That Hereward of all the abbot's
+tenants should have followed his lord to Hastings is more than likely;
+the strange thing would be that he should not have done so. That going
+thither nameless among the many, he should gain experience under
+Harold, though no fame has come to him through the historians from a
+field where Saxon fame was buried; that his own genius should make
+him use his experience when need arose; that among the English all
+survivors from that field who were still unwilling to bow the knee to
+William would be reckoned as heroes by their depressed countrymen;
+that on this account alone he would be given rank above Morcar, who
+had kept away from Hastings--are the conclusions to be drawn
+legitimately from the silence as well as the actual records of
+history, compared with the story told by tradition. History and
+tradition are in accord, not in conflict; the gaps of history are
+filled by tradition--that tradition which was suitable and worthy of
+so great a hero, namely the ancient tradition told of all heroes.
+Reopening these gaps and putting in its right place the tradition
+which had hitherto prevented them from being seen, we are able to
+appeal to history to yield up the true story of one of the greatest of
+English heroes, a story which shows him to have been at Hastings by
+the side of Harold, to have won fame there, to have continued the
+fight for English liberty as leader of the English patriots, and to
+have earned a place in the unsung English epic.
+
+But his place in English tradition helps us to understand the value
+and position of tradition in such cases. The traditions clustering
+round the name of Hereward do not compel us to interpret them as
+Hereward facts. The historian, however, need not on this account fear
+for Hereward. He should rather value the traditions as evidence of the
+greatness of the English hero among the conquered English. They
+applied to him the legends of their oldest heroes. All that was
+delightful to them in tradition was attached to their present hero.
+He was worthy of a place among their greatest. And thus the fact of
+added tradition brings out the estimate of the worth of the hero to
+those among whom he lived and for whom he fought.
+
+The traditions themselves belong to far other times, and the facts
+contained in them must be interpreted from the oldest ideas of our
+race. It is only by thus disengaging the traditions which have grown
+round the historical person that the correct interpretation of the
+position can be attempted, and when that is done we are left, not with
+a mass of uncertain and misleading testimony about a national hero,
+but with certain definite historical facts belonging to Hereward, and
+certain traditions attached to Hereward, certifying to his great place
+in the popular estimation, telling of facts which do not, it is true,
+belong to Hereward, but which, in a special sense, belong to the
+people who were reverencing Hereward.
+
+If I have made it clear from these examples that the explanation of
+historic fact and mythic tradition in combination does not lead either
+to the discrediting of history or to the creation of new mythic
+realms, I need not dwell much longer on this class of illustrations of
+the relationship between history and tradition. Over and over again,
+in the local records, are examples to be found where history is in
+close contact with tradition, and I am far more inclined to question
+the evidence which proves the falseness of any authenticated tradition
+than I am to trust all the statements which do duty for history. It is
+not only the traditions looming largely in popular interest, but some
+of the smallest local traditions which throw light on great
+historical events. They may tell us not merely of the great historical
+event, but of the peculiar relationship of parts of the kingdom to
+that event, which no purely historical evidence could by any
+possibility explain. One of the most striking examples is, perhaps,
+the Sussex tradition of "Duke" William as a conqueror.[45] The title
+Duke is here faithfully recorded of the great conqueror, who
+everywhere else in England, both in historical documents and in the
+popular language, is referred to as king. The explanation is, if the
+identification of this tradition with the great Norman king is
+correct, that Sussex being more or less separated from the rest of the
+country by its great weald, carried its own tradition of the bloody
+field at Hastings sufficiently long and uninterrupted for it to be
+stamped upon the minds of the people in its original form, and thus to
+remain. No better evidence could be found for the relationship of
+Sussex to this great event. All the chapters in Mr. Freeman's great
+history do not impress the imagination so strongly as this one fact,
+that William the Conqueror has always been Duke William to the Sussex
+folk. He was Duke William to the fen folk, too. They fought for their
+belief and were compelled to accept his kingship. The Sussex folk
+fought, too, and they handed down their conception of the great fight
+to their children.
+
+A good example of a slightly different kind occurs in connection with
+Kett's rebellion in Norfolk. It was associated with a prophecy that
+said, "there shulde lande at Walborne hope the proudest prince of
+Christendome, and so shall come to Moshold heethe, and there shuld
+mete with other ij kinges, and shall fyght and shalbe put down: and
+the whyte lyon shuld optayne" the mastery. And yet this prophecy goes
+much further back, for the Danes are said to have landed at Weybourne
+Hope in their invasions, and the old rhyme is still remembered in the
+county:--
+
+      "He that would England win
+      Must at Weybourn Hope begin."[46]
+
+This is an example of the forcible revival of an ancient tradition to
+suit a later fact, and is evidence of the enormous impression which
+the event to which it refers had upon the locality. Kett's rebellion
+was one thing to the nation at large and quite another thing to this
+district of Norfolk, and the great events of the tenth century
+preserved in legend were equated with the minor events of the
+sixteenth century, thus enabling us to understand better the depth of
+the local feeling which produced these events.
+
+[Illustration: PLAN OF THE SITE OF THE "HEAVEN WALLS" AT LITLINGTON,
+ROYSTON, CAMBRIDGESHIRE]
+
+Both local and personal traditions are of interest in the unravelling
+of the meaning of historical events, and the forces at the back of
+them, and I will add a note of one or two examples of those humbler
+traditions which confirm or enhance the value of the historical
+record. They are of the greatest importance if correctly understood.
+They include such examples, for instance, as Mr. Kemble notes when he
+says, "I have more than once walked, ridden, or rowed, as land and
+stream required, round the bounds of Anglo-Saxon estates, and have
+learned with astonishment that the names recorded in my charter were
+those still used by the woodcutter or the shepherd of the
+neighbourhood."[47] This is remarkable testimony to the persistence of
+tradition. It is the commencing point of a whole series of examples
+which go to show that embedded in the memories of the people, and
+supported by no other force but tradition, there are innumerable
+traces of historic fact.[48]
+
+A stage forward, in the same class of tradition, are those examples of
+special names which indicate an important or impressive event, the
+real nature of which is only revealed by modern discovery. Thus
+perhaps the "White Horse Stone" at Aylesford, in Kent, the legend of
+which is that one who rode a beast of this description was killed on
+or about this spot,[49] may take us back to the great battle at
+Crayford, where Horsa was killed. Another kind of local tradition is
+perhaps more instructive. Immediately contiguous to the north side of
+the Roman road at Litlington, near Royston, were some strips of
+unenclosed, but cultivated, land, which in ancient deeds from time
+immemorial had been called "Heaven's Walls." Traditional awe attached
+to this spot, and the village children were afraid to traverse it
+after dark, when it was said to be frequented by supernatural beings.
+Here is subject for inquiry. Both words in the name are significant.
+Why the allusion to Heaven; why is a field called walls? The problem
+was solved in 1821, for in that year some labourers were digging for
+gravel on this spot, and they struck upon an old wall composed of
+flint and Roman brick. This accidental discovery was followed up by
+Dr. Webb, and the wall was found to enclose a rectangular space
+measuring about thirty-eight yards by twenty-seven, and containing
+numerous deposits of sepulchral urns containing ashes of the dead. It
+was clear from the results of the excavations that here was one of
+those large plots of ground environed by walls to which the name of
+_ustrinum_ was given by the Romans,[50] a fact which was preserved in
+the name long after the site had lost every trace of its origin.
+
+[Illustration: LITLINGTON FIELD]
+
+I will refer to one more local example. In Dorsetshire and Wiltshire
+fairs are held upon sites which are often marked by the remains of
+ancient works, or distinguished by some dim tradition of vanished
+importance.[51] One has only to refer to the history of the market as
+"a contribution to the early history of human intercourse" as Mr.
+Grierson puts it,[52] and to the extremely important and archaic
+constitution of the market, a glimpse of which has been afforded by
+Sir Henry Maine, alone among scholars who have investigated earliest
+English institutions, to know how valuable such a note as this must be
+if it can be confirmed by extended research. Local investigation of
+these places and their traditions would, no doubt, lead to many points
+in the tribal settlement of the district, an important fact of history
+nowhere found in history.
+
+No one, I think, taking into consideration this view of the
+relationship of local and personal traditions to history will deny
+that history is likely to gain much by the proper interpretation of
+such traditions. Every yard of British territory has its historic
+interest, and there are innumerable peaks above the general level
+which should be worth much to national history. Every epoch of British
+history has its great personage, who in popular opinion stands out
+from among his fellows. When once it is understood that traditions
+attaching to places and persons yield facts of a kind worth searching
+for, there will arise the desire to obtain all that is now obtainable
+from this source, and to add thereto the deductions to be drawn from
+their geographical distribution.
+
+
+II
+
+If the accretion of myth around the lives of great historic
+personages, and the persistence of tradition in historic localities,
+may be accepted as one phase of the necessary relationship of
+tradition to history, we may proceed to inquire how far the unattached
+traditions, the folk-tales pure and simple, contain or are based upon
+historic details. These details will not tell us of any one historic
+personage, or relate to any one historic locality, but will relate to
+the peoples before personages and localities figured in their history,
+and will explain facts in culture-history rather than in political
+history. We shall be approaching the period before written history had
+begun, and for which, so far as written history is concerned, we are
+dependent upon foreign or outside authority. I think, perhaps, Dr.
+Karl Pearson has put the case for this view in the best form. "As we
+read fairy stories to our children," he says,
+
+      "we may study history for ourselves. No longer
+      oppressed with the unreal and the _baroque_, we may
+      see primitive human customs and the life of primitive
+      man and woman cropping out at almost every sentence of
+      the nursery tale. Written history tells us little of
+      these things, they must be learnt, so to speak, from
+      the mouths of babes. But there they are in the
+      _Märchen_, as invaluable fossils for those who will
+      stoop to pick them up and study them. Back in the far
+      past we can build up the life of our ancestry--the
+      little kingdom, the queen or her daughter as king
+      maker, the simple life of the royal household, and the
+      humble candidate for the kingship, the priestess with
+      her control of the weather and her power over youth
+      and maid. In the dimmest distance we can see traces of
+      the earlier kindred group marriage, and in the near
+      foreground the beginnings of that fight with
+      patriarchal institutions which led the priestess to be
+      branded by the new Christian civilization as the
+      evil-working witch of the Middle Ages."[53]
+
+I should not have ventured to quote this long passage if my own
+studies, before Dr. Pearson's book was published in 1897, had not led
+me to much the same conclusions.[54] But Dr. Pearson assists me in a
+special way. His methods are scientific. He is not a folklorist
+because he loves folklore, but because he sees in it the materials
+for elucidating the early life of man. He is not, so to speak,
+prejudiced in its favour. He brings to his aid the practical mind of
+the statistician and the psychologist, and his conclusions may not,
+therefore, be put on one side as easily as those of myself and other
+students of folklore.
+
+It is due to the folklorist, however, to say that this aspect of the
+folk-tale had already been discovered by one of the greatest of the
+earlier collectors of traditional lore, the late Mr. J. F. Campbell.
+Thus, writing, in 1860, of his grand collection of "Highland Tales,"
+Mr. Campbell very truly says: "The tales represent the actual everyday
+life of those who tell them, with great fidelity. They have done the
+same, in all likelihood, time out of mind, and that which is not true
+of the present is, in all probability, true of the past; and therefore
+something may be learned of forgotten ways of life."[55] Readers of
+Mr. Campbell's books well know how he has traced out from these
+traditions from the nursery, identical customs with Highland everyday
+life, and relics also of a long-forgotten past state of things; how he
+points to the records of the stone age and the iron age in these
+representatives of the scientific memoirs of the past; how very
+significantly he answers his own supposition, that if these tales "are
+dim recollections of savage times and savage people, then other magic
+gear, the property of giants, fairies, and bogles, should resemble
+things which are precious now amongst savage or half-civilized tribes,
+or which really have been prized amongst the old inhabitants of these
+islands or of other parts of the world."[56]
+
+This is an extremely important conclusion on the relationship of
+history and tradition, and it will be well to illustrate it by turning
+to some obvious details of primitive life, which are to be seen with
+more or less clearness enshrined in the folk-tales which have been
+preserved in our own country.
+
+In Kennedy's _Fireside Stories of Ireland_, it is related in one of
+the tales that there was no window to the mud-wall cabin, and the door
+was turned to the north;[57] and then, again, we have this picture
+given to us in another story: on a common that had in the middle of it
+a rock or great pile of stones overgrown with furze bushes, there was
+a dwelling-house, and a cow-house, and a goat's-house, and a pigsty
+all scooped out of the rock; and the cows were going into the byre,
+and the goats into their house, but the pigs were grunting and bawling
+before the door.[58] This takes us to the surroundings of the
+cave-dwelling people.
+
+Then in other places we come across relics of ancient agricultural
+life preserved in these stories. In the Irish story of "Hairy Rouchy"
+the heroine is fastened by her wicked sisters in a pound,[59] an
+incident not mentioned in the parallel Highland tale related by
+Campbell.[60] Many Irish stories contain details of primitive life
+that the Scottish variants do not contain. The field that was partly
+cultivated with corn and partly pasture for the cow,[61] the grassy
+ridge upon which the princess sat, and the furrows wherein her two
+brothers were lying,[62] are instances.
+
+A great question arises here. If the Scotch story does not mention
+the primitive incident mentioned in the Irish story, does it mean that
+the Irish story has retained for a longer time the details of its
+primitive original? Or does it mean that it has absorbed more of
+surrounding Irish life into it than the Scotch story has of
+surrounding Scottish life?
+
+These details must have a place in the elucidation of Irish
+folk-tales, because they have a very distinct place indeed in
+primitive institutions; and it hence becomes a question to folklorists
+as to how they have entered into, or escaped from, the narrative of
+traditional story. It appears to me that the appearance or
+non-appearance of these phases of early life are typical of what has
+been going on with the plot and structure of folk-tales as long as
+they have remained the traditional treasures of the people. A story
+identical in all the main outlines of plot will be varied in matters
+of detail, according to the people who are using it in their daily
+routine of story-telling. But this variation is always from the
+primitive to the cultured, from the simple to the complex. The
+mud-cabin or cave-dwelling in Irish story would have developed into
+the palace in stories of a richer country like England; the old woman,
+young girl, master and servant, would become perhaps the queen,
+princess, king and vassal; just as in Spanish and Portuguese stories
+the giant of other European tales is represented by "the Moor." If
+this process of change is a factor in the life of the folk-tale, it
+follows that those folk-tales which contain the greatest number of
+primitive details are the most ancient, and come to us more directly
+from the prehistoric times which they represent.
+
+We may gather warrant for such a conclusion if we pass from small
+details to a distinct institution. The institution which stands out
+most clearly in early history is the tribe, and I will therefore turn
+to an element of ancient tribal life, and an element which has to do
+with the practical organisation of that life, namely, the tribal
+assembly. We find that the folk-tale records under its fairy or
+non-historic guise many important recollections of the assembly of the
+tribe. One very natural feature of this assembly in early times was
+its custom of meeting in the open air--a custom which in later times
+still obtained, for reasons which were the outcome of the prejudices
+existing in favour of keeping up old customs. These reasons are
+recorded in the formula of Anglo-Saxon times, that meetings should not
+be held in any building, lest magic might have power over the members
+of the assembly.[63]
+
+Before turning to the tales of our own country, I will first see
+whether savage and barbaric tales have recorded anything on the
+subject, for their picture of the tribal assembly, when revealed in
+the folk-tale, belongs to the period which might have witnessed the
+making of the story, and which certainly witnessed the tribal
+organisation of the people as a living institution. Dr. Callaway, in
+his _Nursery Tales and Traditions of the Zulus_, relates a story of
+"the Girl-King." "Where there are many young women," says the story,
+"they assemble on the river where they live, and appoint a chief over
+the young women, that no young woman may assume to act for herself.
+Well, then they assemble and ask each other, 'Which among the damsels
+is fit to be chief and reign well?' They make many inquiries; one
+after another is nominated and rejected, until at length they agree
+together to appoint one, saying, 'Yes, so and so shall reign.'"[64]
+However far this may be actually separated from the political assembly
+of the Zulus, there is no doubt we have here a folk-tale adaptation of
+events which were happening around the relators of the tale. This is
+all I am anxious to state, indeed. What in the folk-tale was related
+of the girl-king, was a reflex only of what happened when the
+political chieftain himself was concerned.
+
+This, perhaps, is still better illustrated if we turn to India. In the
+story of "How the Three Clever Men outwitted the Demons," told by Miss
+Frere in her _Old Deccan Days_, it is related how "a demon was
+compelled to bring treasure to the pundit's house, and on being asked
+why he had been so long away, answered, 'All my fellow-demons detained
+me, and would hardly let me go, they were so angry at my bringing you
+so much treasury; and though I told them how great and powerful you
+are, they would not believe me, but will, as soon as I return, judge
+me in solemn council for serving you.' 'Where is your council held?'
+asked the pundit. 'Oh! very far, far away,' answered the demon, 'in
+the depths of the jungle, where our rajah daily holds his court.' The
+three men, the pundit, the wrestler, and the pearl-shooter, are taken
+by the demon to witness the trial.... They reached the great jungle
+where the durbar (council) was to be held, and there he (the demon)
+placed them on the top of a high tree just over the demon rajah's
+throne. In a few minutes they heard a rustling noise, and thousands
+and thousands of demons filled the place, covering the ground as far
+as the eye could reach, and thronging chiefly round the rajah's
+throne."[65]
+
+A classical story told by Ælian gives us another interesting example
+of this feature of early political life. It is said of the Lady
+Rhodopis, who was alike fair and frail, that of all the beautiful
+women in Egypt, she was by far the most beautiful; and the story goes
+that one time when she was bathing, Fortune, which always was a lover
+of whatever may be the most unlikely and unexpected, bestowed upon her
+rank and dignity that were alone suitable for her transcendent charms;
+and this was the way what I am now going to tell came to pass.
+Rhodopis, before taking a bath, had given her robes in charge to her
+attendants; but at the same time there was an eagle flying over the
+bath, and it darted down and flew away with one of her slippers. The
+eagle flew away, and away, and away, until it got to the city of
+Memphis, where the Prince Psammetichus was sitting in the open air,
+and administering justice to those subject to his sway; and as the
+eagle flew over him it let the slipper fall from its beak, and it fell
+down into the lap of Psammetichus. The prince looked at the slipper,
+and the more he looked at it, the more he marvelled at the beauty of
+the material and the dainty minuteness of its size; and then he
+cogitated upon the wondrous way in which such a thing was conveyed to
+him through the air by a bird; and then it was he sent forth a
+proclamation to all parts of Egypt to try to discover the woman to
+whom the slipper belonged, and solemnly promised that whoever she
+might be he would make her his bride.[66]
+
+A very beautiful legend, which has been preserved by the Rev. W. S.
+Lach-Szyrma,[67] carries into its fairy narrative more of the
+realities of tribal life. Mr. Lach-Szyrma obtained it from a peasant's
+chap-book, but it professes to be an ancient Slovac folk-tale:--
+
+"An orphan girl is left with a cruel stepmother, who has a daughter
+who is bad-tempered and disagreeable, and extremely jealous of her.
+She becomes the Cinderella of the house, is ill-treated and beaten,
+but submits patiently. At last the harsh stepmother is urged by her
+daughter to get rid of her. It is winter, in the month of January; the
+snow has fallen, and the ground is frozen. The cruel stepmother in
+this dreadful weather bids the poor girl to go out in the forest, and
+not to come back till she brings some violets with her. After many
+entreaties for mercy the orphan is driven out, and goes out in the
+snow on the hopeless errand. As she enters the forest she sees a
+little way on in the deep glade, under the leafless trees, a large
+fire burning. As she draws near she perceives around the fire are
+twelve stones, and on the stones sit twelve men. The chief of them,
+sitting on the largest stone, is an old man with a long snowy beard,
+and a great staff in his hand. As she comes up to the fire the old man
+asks her what she wants. She respectfully replies by telling them,
+with many tears, her sad story. The old man comforts her. 'I am
+January; I cannot give you any violets, but brother March can.' So he
+turns to a fine young man near him and says, 'Brother March, sit in my
+place.' Presently the air around grows softer. The snows around the
+fire melt. The green grass appears, the flower-buds are to be seen. At
+the orphan girl's feet a bed of violets appear. She stoops and plucks
+a beautiful bouquet, which she brings home to her astounded
+stepmother."
+
+[Illustration: STONE MONUMENTS AS MEMORIALS (KASYA)]
+
+[Illustration: STONE SEATS AT A KASYA VILLAGE
+(2 FEET TO 6 FEET IN DIAMETER)]
+
+How clearly this is a representation of the tribal assembly worked
+into the folk-tale, where January and the months are the tribal
+chiefs, may be illustrated by a comparison with the actual events of
+Indian tribal life. Within the stockaded village of Supar-Punji, in
+Bengal, are two or three hundred monuments, large and small, all
+formed of circular, solid stone slabs, supported by upright stones,
+set on end, which enclose the space below. On these the villagers sit
+on occasions of state, each on his own stool, large or small,
+according to his rank in the commonwealth.[68]
+
+Now evidence such as this, showing how the folk-tale among primitive
+people gets framed according to the social conditions within which it
+originates, will help us to realise the peculiar value of similar
+features which may be found in the folk-tales of our own country.
+English tales are nearly destitute of such illustrations of primitive
+tribal life as this. Some of the giant stories of Cornwall, such as
+that relating to the loose, uncut stones in the district of Lanyon
+Quoit, on whose tors "they do say the giants sit,"[69] may refer to
+the tribal assembly place, but it is shorn of all its necessary
+details, and we do not get many examples even in this shortened form.
+
+Curiously enough, too, we find but little mention in the Scotch tales
+of the open-air gatherings of the tribe. The following quotation may
+refer to the custom perhaps, but it is not conclusive: "On the day
+when O'Donull came out to hold right and justice...." (there were
+twelve men with him).[70] Another story is more exact. Mr. Campbell
+took it down from a fisherman in Barra (ii. 137). The hero-child
+Conall tends the sheep of a widow with whom he lodged. "To feed these
+sheep he broke down the dykes which guarded the neighbours' fields.
+The neighbours made complaint to the king, and asked for justice. The
+king gave foolish judgment, whereat his neck was turned awry, and the
+judgment-seat kicked. Conall gave a correct decision and released the
+king. He did this a second time, and the people said he must have
+king's blood in him." This allusion to the kicking of the
+judgment-seat is a very instructive illustration of tribal
+chieftainship and comes within that branch of the subject with which
+we are now dealing.
+
+But when we pass from Britain to Ireland, there is at once a great
+storehouse of examples to be given. In Dr. Joyce's _Old Celtic
+Romances_ there are some remarkable passages, which give us a good
+picture of the assemblies of primitive times. These passages, it
+should be noted, occur quite incidentally during the course of the
+story--they belong to the same era as the fairy-legend, the giant, and
+the witch, and taken as types of what was going on everywhere in
+prehistoric times, they tell us much that is very valuable.
+
+[Illustration: VIEW IN THE KASYA HILLS SHOWING STONE MEMORIALS]
+
+A great fair-meeting was held by the King of Ireland, Nuada of the
+Silver Hand, on the Hill of Usna. Not long had the people been
+assembled, when they beheld a stately band of warriors, all mounted on
+white steeds, coming towards them from the east, and at their head
+rode a young champion, tall and comely. "This young warrior was Luga
+of the Long Arms.... This troop came forward to where the King of Erin
+sat surrounded by the Dedannans, and both parties exchanged friendly
+greetings. A short time after this they saw another company
+approaching, quite unlike the first, for they were grim and
+surly-looking; namely, the tax-gatherers of the Fomorians, to the
+number of nine nines, who were coming to demand their yearly tribute
+from the men of Erin. When they reached the place where the king sat,
+the entire assembly--the king himself among the rest--rose up before
+them." Here, without following the story further, the assembling in
+arms, the payment of the tributes at the council-hill, the sitting of
+the king and his assembly, are all significant elements of the
+primitive assembly. In a later part of the same story we have "the
+Great Plain of the Assembly" mentioned (p. 48). Another graphic
+picture is given a little later on, when the warrior Luga, above
+mentioned, demands justice upon the slayers of his father, at the
+great council on Tara hill. Luga asked the king that the chain of
+silence should be shaken; and when it was shaken, when all were
+listening in silence, he stood up and made his plea, which ended in
+the eric-fine being imposed upon the three children of Turenn, the
+accomplishment of which forms the basis of the fairy-tale which
+follows (p. 54). Then, in another place in the same tale, when the
+brothers are on their adventurous journey, fulfilling their eric-fine,
+they come to the house of the King of Sigar; and it "happened that the
+king was holding a fair-meeting on the broad, level green before the
+palace."
+
+In another story the hero Maildun asks the island queen how she passes
+her life, and the reply is, "The good king who formerly ruled over
+this island was my husband. He died after a long reign, and as he left
+no son, I now reign, the sole ruler of the island. And every day I go
+to the Great Plain, to administer justice and to decide causes among
+my people."
+
+The beginning of another story is--"Once upon a time, a noble, warlike
+king ruled over Lochlann, whose name was Colga of the Hard Weapons. On
+a certain occasion, this king held a meeting of his chief people, on
+the broad, green plain before his palace of Berva. And when they were
+all gathered together, he spoke to them in a loud, clear voice, from
+where he sat high on his throne; and he asked them whether they found
+any fault with the manner in which he ruled them, and whether they
+knew of anything deserving of blame in him as their sovereign lord and
+king. They replied, as if with the voice of one man, that they found
+no fault of any kind."
+
+The last example is also a valuable one. A dispute has occurred
+respecting the enchanted horse, the Gilla Dacker, and "a meeting was
+called on the green to hear the award." Speeches are made and the
+awards are given.[71]
+
+I think it will be admitted that the folk-tales of Britain refer back
+in such cases to the organisation of the tribe in early times, and the
+only possible conclusion to be drawn from this fact is that they too
+belong to early times and that they have brought with them to modern
+days these valuable fragments of history which are hardly to be
+discovered in any other historical document.
+
+We have thus shown that the folk-tale contains many fragmentary
+details of ancient social conditions, and further that it contains
+more than mere details in the larger place it assigns to important
+features of tribal institutions. It now remains to see whether apart
+from incident the very structure and heart of the folk-tale is founded
+upon conceptions of life. I will take as an example the well-known
+story of Catskin. This story contains one remarkable feature running
+through many of the variants, and a second which is found in
+practically all of them. Both these features are perfectly impossible
+to modern creative fancy, and I venture to think we shall find their
+true origin in the actual facts of primitive life, not in the wondrous
+flight of primitive fancy.
+
+The opening incidents of "Catskin" are thus related:--
+
+"A certain king, having lost his wife, and mourned for her even more
+than other men do, suddenly determines, by way of relieving his
+sorrows, to marry his own daughter. The princess obtains a suspension
+of this odious purpose by requiring from him three beautiful dresses,
+which take a long time to prepare. These dresses are a robe of the
+colour of the sky, a robe of the colour of the moon, a third robe of
+the colour of the sun, the latter being embroidered with the rubies
+and diamonds of his crown. The three dresses being made and presented
+to her, the princess is checkmated, and accordingly asks for something
+even more valuable in its way. The king has an ass that produces gold
+coins in profusion every day of his life. This ass the princess asked
+might be sacrificed, in order that she might have his skin. This
+desire even was granted. The princess, thus defeated altogether, puts
+on the ass's skin, rubs her face over with soot, and runs away. She
+takes a situation with a farmer's wife to tend the sheep and turkeys
+of the farm."
+
+The remainder of the story much resembles Cinderella's famous
+adventures, and I need not repeat it here. The pith of the story turns
+upon the fact that a father purposes to marry his own daughter, or, in
+some versions, his daughter-in-law; and the daughter, naturally, as we
+say, objecting to this arrangement, runs away, and hence her many
+adventures. This famous story, told by English nurses to English
+children, long before literature stepped across the sacred precincts
+of the nursery, is also told in Ireland and Scotland. It is also
+current in France, Italy, Germany, Russia, Lithuania, and many other
+nations; and throughout all these versions, differing, of course, in
+some matters of detail, the selfsame incident is observable--the
+father wishing to marry his own daughter, and the daughter running
+away.[72] This incident, therefore, must be older than the several
+nations who have preserved it from their common home, where the tale
+was originally told with a special value that is now lost. It must
+then belong to primitive man, and not to civilised man, and must be
+judged by the standard of morals belonging to primitive man. It is not
+sufficient, or, indeed, in any way to the point, to say that the idea
+of marrying one's own daughter is horrible and detestable to modern
+ideas; we must place ourselves in a position to judge of such a state
+of affairs from an altogether different standpoint. And what do we
+find in primitive society? We find that women were the property, not
+the helpmates, of their husbands. And the question hence arises, in
+what relation did the children stand in respect to their parents? The
+answer comes from almost all parts of the primitive world that, in
+certain stages of society, the children were related to their mother
+only. It is worth while pausing one moment to give evidence upon the
+fact. Thus McLennan says of the Australians, "it is not in quarrels
+uncommon to find children of the same father arrayed against one
+another, or indeed, against their father himself; for by their
+peculiar law _the father can never be a relative of his
+children_."[73] This is not the language, though it is the evidence,
+of the latest research, and another phase of it is represented by the
+custom, as among the Ahts of Vancouver Island, that in case of
+separation while the children are young, the children go always with
+the mother to their own tribe.[74]
+
+Here we see that the relationship between father and daughter was in
+no way considered in ancient society of the type to which Australians
+and Ahts belonged, and it is now one of the accepted facts of
+anthropology that at certain stages of savage life fatherhood was not
+recognised. That this non-relationship of the father very often
+resulted in the further stage of the father marrying his daughter, is
+exemplified by many examples. The story of Lot and his daughters, for
+instance, will at once occur to the reader, and upon this Mr. Fenton
+has some observations, to which I may refer the student who wishes to
+pursue this curious subject further,[75] while Mr. Frazer, in his
+recent study of Adonis, has discussed the practice with his usual
+extent of knowledge.[76] Again, it should be remembered that in our
+own chronicle histories Vortigern is said to have married his own
+daughter, though the legend and the supposed consequences of the
+marriage have been twisted from their original primitive surroundings
+by the monkish chroniclers, through whom we obtain the story.[77]
+Turning next to the daughter-in-law, supposing that the difference
+between "daughter" and "daughter-in-law" (query stepdaughter) in the
+story variants is a vital difference, and not an accidental
+difference, there is curious and important evidence from India. The
+following custom prevails among certain classes of Sudras,
+particularly the Vella-lahs in Koimbator: "A father marries a grown-up
+girl eighteen or twenty years old to his son, a boy of seven or eight,
+after which he publicly lives with his daughter-in-law, until the
+youth attains his majority, when his wife is made over to him,
+generally with half a dozen children. These children are taught to
+address him as their father. In several cases this woman becomes the
+common wife of the father and son. She pays every respect due to her
+wedded husband, and takes great care of him from the time of her
+marriage. The son, in his turn, hastens to celebrate the marriage of
+his acquired son, with the usual pomps, ceremonies, and tumasha, and
+keeps the bride for himself as his father had done."[78] But even
+further than this, ancient Hindu law allowed the father, who had no
+prospect of having legitimate sons, to "appoint" or nominate a
+daughter who should bear a son to himself, and not to her own
+husband.[79] Sir Henry Maine gives the formula for this remarkable
+appointment, and then goes on to say that some customs akin to the
+Hindu usage of appointing a daughter appear to have been very widely
+diffused over the ancient world, and traces of them are found far down
+in history.[80]
+
+What we have before us, therefore, to guide us in the view we take of
+the story incident of a father marrying his own daughter, may be
+summarised as follows:--
+
+1. The father is not related to his daughter, and hence examples occur
+of fathers marrying daughters.
+
+2. The custom of marrying a daughter-in-law.
+
+3. The custom of nominating a daughter to bear a son.
+
+From any one of these facts of primitive life we arrive at the central
+incident in the story of Catskin: the father could marry his daughter
+without specially shocking the society of the primitive world, simply
+because, according to primitive ideas, father and daughter, as we call
+her, were not related.
+
+We now arrive at the second incident--the running away of Catskin.
+This again is a very early form of marriage custom. Women of primitive
+times often objected to the forced marriages, and they expressed their
+objection very often by running away. In the instance of Catskin the
+running away was successful, as we all know; but in most instances the
+unwilling bride was captured and forced to surrender. Mr. Farrer, in
+his _Primitive Manners and Customs_, quite clears the ground for the
+refutation of an argument that might be applied if we did not know the
+customs of primitive society. It might be asked, why did Catskin run
+away if the custom was a usual one? For the same reason, we answer,
+that the women of savage society often do run away--objection to the
+marriage.[81]
+
+Thus we have to note that the two principal features of our ordinary
+Catskin story are explainable by a reference to primitive manners and
+customs; and it seems to me much easier and much more reasonable to
+thus explain the origin of the Catskin story, than first of all to
+create a "lovely myth," as the mythologists would undoubtedly have a
+right to call it, of the Sun pursuing the Dawn, and then to say that
+the Catskin story is simply a relation of this myth.
+
+The opening incident of the Catskin story, as thus interpreted, is not
+an isolated case of the survival of primitive marriage customs in
+popular stories. If it were so, there would be considerable difficulty
+in the way of supporting this interpretation. But it is only saying of
+Catskin what can be said of other stories. "There are traces," says
+Mr. Campbell, speaking of his Highland stories, "of foreign or
+forgotten laws and customs. A man buys a wife as he would a cow, and
+acquires a right to shoot her, which is acknowledged as good law."[82]
+Yes, this is good savage law and custom there is no doubt, and Lord
+Avebury and Mr. McLennan have illustrated it by examples. But in the
+Highland story of the "Battle of the Birds" the wife is sought to be
+purchased for a hundred pounds (Campbell, i. 36), and in the Irish
+story of the "Lazy Beauty and her Aunts" we find something like
+bride-capture and purchase as well.[83] So, again, if we turn to India
+the same kind of evidence is forthcoming of another part of the
+primitive ceremony. "Do not think," retorted the Malee in a story
+collected by Miss Frere, "that I'll make a fool of myself because I'm
+only a Malee, and believe what you've got to say because you're a
+great Rajah. If you mean what you say, if you care for my daughter and
+wish to be married to her, come and be married; but I'll have none of
+your new-fangled forms and court ceremonies hard to be understood; let
+the girl be married by her father's hearth, and under her father's
+roof."[84] And in another story of the "Chundun Rajah" we have "the
+scattering rice and flowers upon their heads;"[85] the significance of
+both of which customs are fully known.
+
+These illustrations of the contact, the necessary contact, of
+tradition and history show that contact to be equally true of the
+folk-tale as it is of the local or personal legend. They all point to
+the substratum of fact underlying tradition, to the absorption by
+tradition of many features of the life by which it is surrounded, or
+to the absorption by some great historic person or event of the living
+tradition of his time or place. This contact is a fact equally
+important to history and to folklore. It cannot be neglected by
+either. It stands for something in the analysis which every student
+must give of the material with which he is working, and that something
+has a value, sometimes great and sometimes small, which must influence
+the estimate of the material which both history and folklore supply in
+the unravelling of man's past.
+
+I will now finally give a more complicated example of the folk-tale as
+illustrative of the connection between history and tradition. Mr.
+J. F. Campbell printed a tale in the second volume of the
+_Transactions of the Ethnological Society_ (p. 336), which had been
+sent to him in Gaelic by John Davan, in December, 1862--that is, after
+the publication of the fourth volume of his _Highland Tales_. The tale
+is only in outline, but in quite sufficient fulness for my present
+purpose, as follows:--
+
+There was a man at some time or other who was well off, and had many
+children. When the family grew up the man gave a well-stocked farm to
+each of his children. When the man was old his wife died, and he
+divided all that he had amongst his children, and lived with them,
+turn about, in their houses. The sons and daughters got tired of him
+and ungrateful, and tried to get rid of him when he came to stay with
+them. At last an old friend found him sitting tearful by the wayside,
+and learning the cause of his distress, took him home; there he gave
+him a bowl of gold and a lesson which the old man learned and acted.
+When all the ungrateful sons and daughters had gone to a preaching,
+the old man went to a green knoll where his grandchildren were at
+play, and pretending to hide, he turned up a flat hearthstone in an
+old stance,[86] and went out of sight. He spread out his gold on a big
+stone in the sunlight, and he muttered, "Ye are mouldy, ye are hoary,
+ye will be better for the sun." The grandchildren came sneaking over
+the knoll, and when they had seen and heard all that they were
+intended to see and hear, they came running up with, "Grandfather,
+what have you got there?" "That which concerns you not; touch it
+not," said the grandfather; and he swept his gold into a bag and took
+it home to his old friend. The grandchildren told what they had seen,
+and henceforth the children strove who should be kindest to the old
+grandfather. Still acting on the counsel of his sagacious old chum, he
+got a stout little black chest made, and carried it always with him.
+When any one questioned him as to its contents, his answer was, "That
+will be known when the chest is opened." When he died he was buried
+with great honour and ceremony, and then the chest was opened by the
+expectant heirs. In it were found broken potsherds and bits of slate,
+and a long-handled, white wooden mallet with this legend on its
+head:--
+
+      "So am favioche fiorum,
+      Thabhavit gnoc annsa cheann,
+      Do n'fhear nach gleidh maoin da' fein,
+      Ach bheir a chuid go leir d'a chlann."
+
+      "Here is the fair mall
+      To give a knock on the skull
+      To the man who keeps no gear for himself,
+      But gives all to his bairns."
+
+Wright, in his collection of Latin stories, published by the Percy
+Society in 1842 (pp. 28-29), gives a variant of this tale under the
+title of "De divite qui dedit omnia filio suo," and, so far as can be
+judged by the abstract, the parallel between the two narratives,
+separated by at least five centuries of time, is remarkably close. The
+latter part is apparently different, for the Latin version tells how
+the man pretended that the chest contained a sum of money, part of
+which was to be applied for the good of his soul, and the rest to
+dispose of as he pleased. But at the point of death his children
+opened the chest. "Antequam totaliter expiraret, ad cistam currentes
+nihil invenerunt nisi malleum, in quo Anglicè scriptum est:--
+
+      "'Wyht suylc a betel be he smyten,
+      That al the werld hyt mote wyten,
+      That gyfht his sone al his thing,
+      And goht hym self a beggyn.'"
+
+Here, then, is a case whereby to test the problem of the position of
+folk-tales as historical material. Did the people adopt this tale from
+literature into tradition and keep it alive for five centuries; or did
+some early and unconscious folklorist adapt it into literature? The
+literary version has the flavour of its priestly influence, which does
+not appear in the traditional version; and I make the preliminary
+observation that if literature could have so stamped itself upon the
+memory of the folk as to have preserved all the essentials of such a
+story as this, it must have been due to some academic influence (of
+which, however, there is no evidence), and this influence would have
+preserved a nearer likeness to literary forms than the peasant's tale
+presents to us. But the objection to this theory is best shown by an
+analysis of the tale, and by some research into the possible sources
+of its origin.
+
+The story presents us with the following essential incidents:--
+
+1. The gift of a well-stocked farm by a father to each of his
+children.
+
+2. The surrender of all property during the owner's lifetime.
+
+3. The living of the old father with each of his children.
+
+4. The attempted killing of the old man.
+
+5. The mallet bearing the inscription.
+
+6. The rhyming formula of the inscription.
+
+Mr. Campbell notes the first and third of these incidents in his
+original abstract of the story,[87] but of the remaining second,
+fourth, fifth, and sixth no note has hitherto been taken.
+
+Of the first incident, the gift of a well-stocked farm by a father to
+each of his children, Mr. Campbell says: "This subdivision of land by
+tenants is the dress and declaration put on by a class who now tell
+this tale." But it also represents an ancient system of swarming off
+from the parent household when society was in a tribal stage. The
+incident of the tale is exactly reproduced in local custom. In the
+island of Skye the possessor of a few acres of land cut them up only a
+few years ago into shreds and patches to afford a separate dwelling
+for each son and daughter who married.[88] In Kinross, in 1797, the
+same practice prevailed. "Among the feuars the parents are in many
+instances disposed to relinquish and give up to their children their
+landed possessions or the principal part of them, retaining only for
+themselves some paltry pendicle or patch of ground."[89] In Ireland
+and in Cornwall much the same evidence is forthcoming, and elsewhere I
+have taken some pains to show that these local customs are the
+isolated survivals in late times of early tribal practices.[90]
+
+We next turn to the second essential incident of the tale--the
+surrender of the estate during the owner's lifetime. This is a
+well-marked feature of early custom, and Du Chaillu has preserved
+something like the survival of the ritual observances connected with
+it in his account of the Scandinavian practice. On a visit to Husum he
+witnessed the ceremonial which attended the immemorial custom of the
+farm coming into possession of the eldest son, the father still being
+alive. The following is Mr. Du Chaillu's description, and the details
+are important: "The dinner being ready, all the members of the family
+came in and seated themselves around the board, the father taking, as
+is customary, the head of the table. All at once, Roar, who was not
+seated, came to his father and said, 'Father, you are getting old; let
+me take your place.' 'Oh, no, my son,' was the answer, 'I am not too
+old to work; it is not yet time: wait awhile.' Then, with an
+entreating look, Roar said, 'Oh, father, all your children and myself
+are often sorry to see you look so tired when the day's labour is
+over: the work of the farm is too much for you; it is time for you to
+rest and do nothing. Rest in your old age. Oh, let me take your place
+at the head of the table.' All the faces were now extremely sober, and
+tears were seen in many eyes. 'Not yet, my son.' 'Oh, yes, father.'
+Then said the whole family, 'Now it is time for you to rest.' He rose,
+and Roar took his place, and was then the master. His father,
+henceforth, would have nothing to do, was to live in a comfortable
+house, and to receive yearly a stipulated amount of grain or flour,
+potatoes, milk, cheese, butter, meat, etc."[91] Without stopping to
+analyse this singular ceremony in detail, it is important to note that
+old age is the assigned cause of resignation by the father of his
+estate; that the ceremony is evidently based upon traditional forms,
+the meaning of which is not distinctly comprehended by the present
+performers; that the father is supported by his successor. As a proof
+that we have here a survival of very ancient practice, it may be
+noticed that in Spiti, a part of the Punjab, an exact parallel occurs.
+There the father retires from the headship of the family when his
+eldest son is of full age, and has taken unto himself a wife; on each
+estate there is a kind of dower-house with a plot of land attached, to
+which the father in these cases retires.[92] In Bavaria and in
+Würtemberg the same custom obtains,[93] and the sagas of the North
+also confirm it as an ancient custom.[94]
+
+Of the third incident in the tale, the living of the father with his
+children, Mr. Campbell says this points to the old Highland cluster of
+houses and to the farm worked by several families in common,[95] and I
+think we have here the explanation why the father in Scotland did not
+have his "dower-house," as he did in Scandinavia and in Spiti.
+
+We next come to the fourth incident, the attempted killing of the old
+father. Now, from some of the earliest accounts of travels in Britain,
+we know that the death of the aged by violence was a signal element of
+the native customs. "They die only when they have lived long enough;
+for when the aged men have made good cheere and anoynted their bodies
+with sweet ointments they leape off a certain rocke into the sea."
+That we have in this episode of the story, remains of customs which
+once existed in the North, Mr. Elton affords proof, both from
+saga-history and from the practice of later times, when "the Swedes
+and Pomeranians killed their old people in the way which was indicated
+by the passage quoted above."[96] It is the custom of many savage
+tribes, and the observances made use of are sometimes suggestive of
+the facts of the tale we are now analysing. Thus, among the Todas of
+the Nilgiri Hills, they place the old people in large earthen jars
+with some food, and leave them to perish;[97] while among the
+Hottentots, Kolben says, "when persons become unable to perform the
+least office for themselves they are then placed in a solitary hut at
+a considerable distance, with a small stock of provisions within their
+reach, where they are left to die of hunger, or be devoured by the
+wild beasts."[98]
+
+The important bearing of these incidents of barbarous and savage life
+upon our subject will be seen when we pass on to our fifth incident,
+namely, the significant use of the mallet. Some curious explanations
+have been given of this. Mr. Thorns once thought it might be
+identified with Malleus, the name of the Devil.[99] Nork has attempted
+with more reason to identify it with the hammer of Thor.[100] But the
+real identification is closer than this. Thus, it is connected with
+the Valhalla practices, already noted, by the fact that if an old
+Norseman becomes too frail to travel to the cliff, in order to throw
+himself over, his kinsman would save him the disgrace of dying "like a
+cow in the straw," and would beat him to death with the family
+club.[101] Mr. Elton, who quotes this passage, adds in a note that one
+of the family clubs is still preserved at a farm in East
+Gothland.[102] Aubrey has preserved an old English "countrie story" of
+"the holy mawle, which (they fancy) hung behind the church dore,
+which, when the father was seaventie, the sonne might fetch to knock
+his father in the head, as effœte, & of no more use."[103] That
+Aubrey preserved a true tradition is proved by what we learn of
+similar practices elsewhere. Thus, in fifteenth-century MSS. of prose
+romances found in English and also in Welsh, Sir Perceval, in his
+adventures in quest of the Holy Grail, being at one time ill at ease,
+congratulates himself that he is not like those men of Wales, where
+sons pull their fathers out of bed and kill them to save the disgrace
+of their dying in bed.[104] Keysler cites several instances of this
+savage custom in Prussia, and a Count Schulenberg rescued an old man
+who was being beaten to death by his sons at a place called
+Jammerholz, or "Woful Wood;" while a Countess of Nansfield, in the
+fourteenth century, is said to have saved the life of an old man on
+the Lüneberg Heath under similar circumstances.
+
+Our investigation of barbarous and savage customs, which connect
+themselves with the essential incidents of this Highland tale, has at
+this point taken us outside the framework of the story. The old father
+in the tale was not killed by the mallet, but he is said to have used
+it as a warning to others to stop the practice of giving up their
+property during lifetime. We have already seen that this practice was
+an actual custom in early times, appearing in local survivals both in
+England and Scotland. Therefore the story must have arisen at a time
+when this practice was undergoing a change. We must note, too, that
+the whole story leads up to the finding of a mallet with the rhyming
+inscription written thereon, connecting it with the instrument of
+death to the aged, but only on certain conditions. If, then, we can
+find that the rhyming inscription on the mallet has an existence quite
+apart from the story, and if we can find that mallets bearing such an
+inscription do actually exist, we may fairly conclude that the story,
+which, in Scotland, is the vehicle of transmission of the rhyme, is of
+later origin than the rhyme itself.
+
+First of all, it is to be noted under this head that Wright, in a note
+to the Latin story we have already quoted, gives from John of
+Bromyard's _Summa Predicantium_ another English version of the verse--
+
+      "Wit this betel the smieth
+      And alle the worle thit wite
+      That thevt the ungunde alle thing,
+      And goht him selve a beggyng,"
+
+which shows, I think, the popularity of the verse in the vernacular.
+Clearly, then, the Latin version is a translation of this, and not
+_vice versâ_. It must have been a rhyming formula in the vernacular,
+which had a life of its own quite outside its adoption into
+literature.
+
+This inferential proof of the actual life of the English rhyming
+formula is confirmed by actual facts in the case of the corresponding
+German formula. Nork, in the volume I have already quoted, collects
+evidence from Grimm, Haupt, and others, which proves that sometimes in
+front of a house, as at Osnabrück, and sometimes at the city gate, as
+in several of the cities of Silesia and Saxony, there hangs a mallet
+with this inscription:--
+
+      "Wer den kindern gibt das Brod
+      Und selber dabei leidet Noth
+      Den schlagt mit dieser keule todt"--
+
+which Mr. Thoms has Englished thus:--
+
+      "Who to his children gives his bread
+      And thereby himself suffers need,
+      With this mallet strike him dead."[105]
+
+These rhymes are the same as those in the Scottish tale and its Latin
+analogue, and that they are preserved on the selfsame instrument which
+is mentioned in the story as bearing the inscription is proof enough,
+I think, that the mallets and their rhyming formulæ are far older than
+the story. They are not mythical, the story is; their history is
+contained in the facts we have above detailed; the life of the
+folk-tale commences when the use or formula of the mallet ceases to be
+part of the social institutions.
+
+To the rhyming formulæ, then, I would trace the rise of the mythic
+tale told by the Highland peasant in 1862 to Mr. J. F. Campbell. The
+old customs which we have detailed as the true origin of the mallet,
+and its hideous use in killing the aged and infirm, had died out, but
+the symbol of them remained. To explain the symbol a myth was created,
+which kept sufficiently near to the original idea as to retain
+evidence of its close connection with the descent of property; and
+thus was launched the dateless, impersonal, unlocalised story which
+Mr. Campbell has given as a specimen of vagrant traditions, which
+"must have been invented after agriculture and fixed habitations,
+after laws of property and inheritance; but it may be as old as the
+lake-dwellings of Switzerland, or Egyptian civilisation, or Adam,
+whose sons tilled the earth."[106] I would venture to rewrite the last
+clause of this dictum of the great master of folk-tales, and I would
+suggest that the story, whatever its age as a story, tells us of facts
+in the life of its earliest narrators which do not belong to Teutonic
+or Celtic history. The Teuton and the Celt, with their traditional
+reverence for parental authority, at once patriarchal and priestly,
+would retain, with singular clearness, the memory of traditions, or it
+may be observations, of an altogether different set of ideas which
+belonged to the race with which they first came into contact. But
+whether the story is a mythic interpretation by Celts of pre-Celtic
+practices, or a pre-Celtic tradition, varied as soon as it became the
+property of the Celt to suit Celtic ideas, it clearly takes us back to
+practices very remote, to use Mr. Elton's forcible words, from the
+reverence for the parents' authority which might have perhaps been
+expected from descendants of "the Aryan household."[107] These
+practices lead us back to a period of savagery, of which we have to
+speak in terms of race distinction if we would get at its root.[108]
+The importance of such a conclusion cannot be overrated, for it leads
+directly to the issue which must be raised whenever an investigation
+of tradition leaves us with materials, which are promptly rejected as
+fragments of Celtic history because they are too savage, but which
+need not therefore be rejected as history, because they may be
+referred further back than Celtic history.
+
+If we proceed by more drastic methods, by the methods of statistics,
+we shall arrive at much the same conclusion.[109] Taking the first
+twelve stories in Grimm's great collection, we find that seven of them
+yield elements which we are entitled to call savage, because they are
+so far removed from the European culture amidst which the folk-tales
+have lived, and because these elements belong not to the accidentals
+of the stories but to the essentials. Thus, if we divide the folk-tale
+into its components, we shall find that it consists of three
+features:--
+
+1. The story radicals, or essential plot;
+
+2. The story accidentals, or illustrative points;
+
+3. Modern gloss upon the events in the story--
+
+and if we go on to allocate the various incidents of the stories to
+these three heads, we get the following common results with regard to
+seven out of the twelve first stories of Grimm's great collection:--
+
+I.--FROG PRINCE
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Youngest      |              |              |
+               |  daughter    |              |              |
+               |Fountain or   |              |              |
+               |  well the    |              |              |
+               |  locality of |              |              |
+               |  leading     |              |              |
+               |  incident    |              |              |
+               |Frog          |              |              |
+1. Savage      |  prince=totem|              |              |
+    elements   |Frog prince   |      --      |      --      |      --
+               |  stays at the|              |              |
+               |  house of his|              |              |
+               |  future wife |              |              |
+               |Exogamous     |              |              |
+               |  marriage,   |              |              |
+               |  the prince  |              |              |
+               |  coming from |              |              |
+               |  a foreign   |              |              |
+               |  country     |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |Faithful      |
+2. Fantastic   |              |              |  servant     |
+    element    |      --      |      --      |  whose heart |      --
+               |              |              |  is bound by |
+               |              |              |  iron bands  |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |Kingly state
+               |              |              |              |  and its
+               |              |              |              |  trappings--
+               |              |              |              |  the princess
+               |              |              |              |  wears a
+               |              |              |              |  crown on
+3. Rank and    |      --      |      --      |      --      |  ordinary
+    splendour  |              |              |              |  occasions,
+               |              |              |              |  and yet
+               |              |              |              |  opens the
+               |              |              |              |  door to a
+               |              |              |              |  visitor
+               |              |              |              |  while at
+               |              |              |              |  dinner
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+III.--OUR LADY'S CHILD
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |Naked forest  |              |
+               |              |  woman       |              |
+1. Savage      |              |  captured    |              |
+    elements   |      --      |  for wife    |      --      |      --
+               |              |Suspicion that|              |
+               |              |  she is a    |              |
+               |              |  cannibal    |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |Virgin Mary
+               |              |              |              |  and heaven
+3. Rank and    |              |              |              |  the central
+    splendour  |      --      |      --      |      --      |  features
+               |              |              |              |  of the
+               |              |              |              |  heroine's
+               |              |              |              |  adventures
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+4. Moral       |Punishment    |              |              |
+characteristics|  for         |      --      |      --      |      --
+               |  curiosity   |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+IV.--THE YOUTH WHO WANTS TO LEARN TO SHUDDER
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Winning of    |              |              |
+               |  wife by     |              |              |
+               |  service     |              |              |
+               |Succession to |              |              |
+1. Savage      |  kingship    |              |              |
+    elements   |  through     |      --      |      --      |      --
+               |  wife--female|              |              |
+               |  kinship     |              |              |
+               |Treasure      |              |              |
+               |  guarded by  |              |              |
+               |  spirits     |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |The adventures|              |
+2. Fantastic   |      --      |  in the      |      --      |      --
+    element    |              |  haunted     |              |
+               |              |  castle      |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+3. Rank and    |      --      |      --      |      --      |Kingly state
+    splendour  |              |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+4. Moral       |Bravery       |      --      |      --      |      --
+characteristics|              |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+V.--THE WOLF AND SEVEN LITTLE KIDS
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Talking       |Criticism upon|              |
+               |  animals     |  men as      |              |
+               |Cutting open  |  compared    |              |
+               |  of the      |  with        |              |
+1. Savage      |  animal to   |  animals,    |      --      |      --
+    elements   |  free the    |  'truly men  |              |
+               |  swallowed   |  are like    |              |
+               |  kids, and   |  that'       |              |
+               |  refilling   |              |              |
+               |  the stomach |              |              |
+               |  with stones |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+VI.--FAITHFUL JOHN
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Capture of    |              |              |
+               |  bride       |              |              |
+               |Talking of    |              |              |
+               |  animals     |              |              |
+               |Three taboos--|              |              |
+               |  Horse       |              |              |
+               |  Garment     |              |              |
+1. Savage      |  Sucking of  |      --      |      --      |      --
+    elements   |    breasts   |              |              |
+               |Sacrifice of  |              |              |
+               |  children and|              |              |
+               |  sprinkling  |              |              |
+               |  their blood |              |              |
+               |  on a stone  |              |              |
+               |Human origin  |              |              |
+               |  stone pillar|              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |Kingly state
+3. Rank and    |              |              |              |  and great
+    splendour  |      --      |      --      |      --      |  wealth in
+               |              |              |              |  gold and
+               |              |              |              |  riches
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+4. Moral       |      --      |Punishment for|      --      |      --
+characteristics|              |  curiosity   |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+IX.--THE TWELVE BROTHERS
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Going [causing|              |              |
+               |  to go] away |              |              |
+               |  of sons, so |              |              |
+               |  that the    |              |              |
+               |  inheritance |              |              |
+               |  should fall |              |              |
+1. Savage      |  to the      | Forest life  |              |
+    elements   |  daughter    |              |      --      |      --
+               |Change of     |              |              |
+               |  brothers    |              |              |
+               |  into ravens |              |              |
+               |Life dependent|              |              |
+               |  on an       |              |              |
+               |  outside     |              |              |
+               |  object      |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+3. Rank and    |      --      |      --      |      --      |Kingly state
+    splendour  |              |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+4. Moral       |      --      |      --      |      --      |      --
+characteristics|              |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+XI.--BROTHER AND SISTER
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Transformation|              |              |
+               |  of hero into|              |              |
+1. Savage      |  roebuck     |      --      |      --      |      --
+    elements   |  after       |              |              |
+               |  drinking at |              |              |
+               |  stream      |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+There are thus savage elements in seven out of twelve stories, and
+the question becomes an important one as to how this is. They are the
+stories of the nursery, told by mothers to children, stories kept
+alive by tradition, and the only possible answer to our question is
+that they contain fragments of the early culture-history of the
+ancestors, or at all events the predecessors, of those who have
+preserved them for our use. An occasional savage incident might have
+been considered a freak of the original narrator, or a borrowing by
+one of the countless late narrators of these stories brought home from
+savage countries; but statistics disprove both of these suppositions.
+It is not accidental but persistent savagery we meet with in the
+folk-tale. It is also the savagery to be found amongst modern peoples
+still in the savage stage of culture.
+
+This is proved in a very complete manner by Mr. MacCulloch, whose
+study provides the material for a statistical survey of story
+incidents founded on primitive custom and belief.[110] They are the
+most ancient history to which we have access. That this history is
+contained in the folk-tales of modern peasantry shows it to have come
+from that far-off period which saw the earliest condition of these
+people. It is still history, if it tells us of a life which preceded
+the written record. It is history of the most valuable description,
+for it is to be found nowhere else as relating to the remotest period
+of European civilisation. The modern savage is better off in this
+respect. He has an outside historian in the traveller and the
+anthropologist of modern days. The savage who was ancestor to our own
+people had no such means of becoming known to history, or had but very
+limited means, and it is only in the deathless tradition that we can
+trace him out.
+
+These conclusions have been drawn from that great class of tradition
+preserved by historic peoples in historic times, and yet unmistakably
+pointing to prehistoric culture. We have been able to show the methods
+to be adopted for, and the results of, disengaging the myth which has
+gravitated to the historic person or place from the historic facts
+which have become part of the legend, and to trace out in the
+folk-tale facts which belong to a culture far removed from civilised
+life. There are thus revealed two distinct centres of influence, the
+traditional centre and the historic centre, and it is obvious that the
+question must be asked--which is the more important? It seems to me
+equally obvious that the answer must be given in favour of the
+historic. History is indebted to tradition for preserving some of the
+most remote facts of racial or national life, which but for tradition
+would have been lost, and if we are content to use this tradition as a
+storehouse from which we may provide ourselves with ancient historical
+documents, we can trace out therefrom points in the history of any
+given country wherever the traditions have been preserved.
+
+The folk-tale, in point of fact, equally with the personal and local
+legend, comes into close contact with history. The periods of history
+in the folk-tales are different from those in the legends, but
+together these periods reach from prehistoric culture to historic
+event. We cannot, however, call this extent of time a continuous
+period, and we cannot point to definite stages within the detached
+periods. Much more research must be accomplished before it will be
+possible to claim such results as these. I have indicated some points
+of difficulty, some methods of treatment which appear to me to be
+wrong, and to which I shall have again to refer later on; but in the
+meantime, from the necessarily incomplete evidence which I have been
+able to produce, it is, I think, abundantly clear that folklore has to
+be studied from its historical surroundings if we would draw from it
+all that it is capable of telling.
+
+
+III
+
+In the meantime it is well to bear in mind that there is one important
+department of history which has always been frankly and unhesitatingly
+accepted as history and yet which has no stronger foundation than
+tradition, and tradition of the most formal kind. I allude to the
+early laws of most of the peoples who have become possessed of an
+historic civilisation. These laws have all been preserved by
+tradition, are in rhyme or rhythm in order to assist the memory, have
+become the sacred repository of a school or class of priests, and have
+finally been reduced to writing by a great lawgiver, who by the act of
+giving the people written laws has had attributed to him supernatural
+origin and powers. That history should have accepted from tradition
+such an important section of its material is worth consideration by
+itself, apart from its bearing on the present study, and I shall
+proceed, therefore, to set out some of the chief facts in this
+connection.
+
+There can be no doubt that in the tribal society of Indo-European
+peoples the laws and rules which governed the various members of the
+tribe were deemed to be sacred and were preserved by tradition. The
+opening clauses of the celebrated Laws of Manu illustrate this position.
+"The great sages approached Manu, who was seated with a collected mind,
+and having worshipped him spoke as follows: Deign, divine one, to
+declare to us precisely and in due order the sacred laws of each of the
+four chief castes and of the intermediate ones. For thou, O Lord, alone
+knowest the purport, the rites, and the knowledge of the soul taught in
+this whole ordinance of the self-existent which is unknowable and
+unfathomable."[111] They were not only sacred in origin but they dealt
+with sacred things, and Sir Henry Maine has drawn the broad conclusion
+that "there is no system of recorded law, literally from China to Peru,
+which, when it first emerges into notice, is not seen to be entangled
+with religious ritual and observance."[112] In Greece the lawgivers were
+supposed to be divinely inspired, Minôs from Jupiter, Lykurgos from the
+Delphic god, Zaleukos from Pallas.[113] The earliest notions of law are
+connected with Themis the Goddess of Justice.[114] In Rome it is to
+Romulus himself that is attributed the first positive law, and it is by
+a college of priests that the laws were preserved.[115] In Scandinavia
+the laws were in the custody and charge of the temple priests, and the
+accumulated evidence for the sacred origin and connection of the laws is
+to be found in the sagas.[116] Among the Celtic peoples it is well known
+that the laws were preserved and administered by the Brehons, who are
+compared with the Hindu Brahmins by Sir Henry Maine, "with many of their
+characteristics altered, and indeed, their whole sacerdotal authority
+abstracted by the influence of Christianity."[117] In the Isle of Man
+the laws were deemed sacred and known only to the Deemsters.[118]
+
+In all cases laws were preserved by tradition and not by writing and
+evidence, and the superior value attached to the traditional record
+appears everywhere. The oldest record of Hindu law agrees with the
+best authority that it was not founded on writing but "upon immemorial
+customs which existed prior to and independent of Brahminism."[119] In
+Greece the very nature of the _themistes_ shows that they were
+judgments dependent upon traditional custom. In Rome it is the subject
+of definite research that the "greater part of Roman law was founded
+on the _mores majorum_."[120] In Scandinavia the law speaker was
+obliged to recite the whole law within the period to which the tenure
+of his office was limited.[121] The Celtic laws are based upon customs
+handed down from remote antiquity,[122] and late down in English law
+it was admitted as a principle that if oral declarations came into
+conflict with written instruments the former had the more binding
+authority.[123]
+
+One of the means by which this sacred tradition was preserved was
+through the medium of rhythm and verse. Thus, as Sir Henry Maine
+explains,
+
+      "The law book of Manu is in verse, and verse is one of
+      the expedients for lessening the burden which the
+      memory has to bear when writing is unknown or very
+      little used. But there is another expedient which
+      serves the same object. This is Aphorism or Proverb.
+      Even now in our own country much of popular wisdom is
+      preserved either in old rhymes or in old proverbs, and
+      it is well ascertained that during the middle ages
+      much of law, and not a little of medicine, was
+      preserved among professions, not necessarily clerkly,
+      by these two agencies."[124]
+
+In Greece the same word, νόμος, was used for custom and law
+as for song. The ῥήτ�α (declared law) of Sparta and Taras
+was in verse; the laws of Charondas were sung as σκόλια at
+Athens,[125] and Strabo refers to the Mazacenes of Cappadocia as using
+the laws of Charondas and appointing some person to be their
+law-singer (νομωδός), who is among them the declarer of the
+laws.[126]
+
+Sir Francis Palgrave, noticing the same characteristic of Teutonic
+law, says:--
+
+      "It cannot be ascertained that any of the Teutonic
+      nations reduced their customs into writing, until the
+      influence of increasing civilisation rendered it
+      expedient to depart from their primeval usages; but an
+      aid to the recollection was often afforded as amongst
+      the Britons, by poetry or by the condensation of the
+      maxim or principle in proverbial or antithetical
+      sentences like the Cymric triads. The marked
+      alliteration of the Anglo-Saxon laws is to be referred
+      to the same cause, and in the Frisic laws several
+      passages are evidently written in verse. From hence,
+      also, may originate those quaint and pithy rhymes in
+      which the doctrines of the law of the old time are not
+      unfrequently recorded."[127]
+
+Again, the editors of the Brehon Law Tracts point out that early laws
+are handed down "in a rhythmical form; always in language condensed
+and antiquated they assume the character of abrupt and sententious
+proverbs. Collections of such sayings are found scattered throughout
+the Brehon Law Tracts."[128] The sagas contain many verses which
+partake of the character of legal formulæ, and in Beowulf there seems
+to be a definite example. It occurs in the passage describing Beowulf
+engaged in his fatal combat with the fiery dragon, when his
+"companions," stricken with terror, deserted him, on which Wiglaf
+pronounced the following malediction:--
+
+      "Now shall the service of treasure,
+      and the gifts of swords,
+      all joy of paternal inheritance,
+      all support
+      of all your kin depart;
+      every one of your family
+      must go about
+      deprived of his rights
+      of citizenship;
+      when far and wide
+      the nobles shall learn
+      your flight,
+      your dishonourable deed.
+      Death is better
+      to every warrior
+      than disgraced life."
+
+Mr. Kemble remarks on this passage, that it is not improbable that the
+whole denunciation is a judicial formula, such as we know early
+existed, and in regular rhythmical measure.[129]
+
+These early examples may be followed up by others preserved to modern
+times. The most significant of these occurs in the Church ceremony of
+marriage, which preserves in the vernacular the ancient rhythmical
+formula of the marriage laws, and the antiquity of the Church ritual
+is proved from the fact that it is accompanied and enforced by the old
+rhythmical verse, which is indicative of early legal or ceremonious
+usage.
+
+      "With this rynge I the wed
+      And this gold and silver I the geve,
+      and with my body I the worshipe,
+      and with all my worldely cathel I the endowe."[130]
+
+Sir Francis Palgrave has noticed the subject, and points out that the
+wife is taken
+
+      "to have and to hold[131]
+      from this day forward
+      for better, for worse,
+      for richer, for poorer,[132]
+      in sickness and in health,
+      to love and to cherish,
+      till death us do part
+      and thereto I plight thee my troth."
+
+These words are inserted in our service according to the ancient canon
+of England, and even when the Latin mass was sung by the tonsured
+priest, the promises which accompany the delivery of the symbolical
+pledge of union were repeated by the blushing bride in a more
+intelligible tongue.[133] This is a curious and significant fact, and
+as we trace out these rhythmical lines farther back in their original
+vernacular, the more clearly distinct is their archaic nature.
+According to the usage of Salisbury the bride answered:--
+
+      "I take thee, John,
+      to be my wedded husband,
+      to have and to hold
+      fro' this day forward
+      for better, for worse,
+      for richer, for poorer,
+      in sycknesse, in hele,
+      to be bonere and buxom [obedient]
+      in bedde and at borde
+      till death do us part
+      and thereto I plight thee my trothe."[134]
+
+The Welsh manual in the library of the Dean and Chapter of Hereford
+has a slight variation in the form, and an older spelling:--
+
+      "Ich N. take thee N.
+      to my weddid wyf,
+      for fayroure for foulore,
+      for ricchere for porer,
+      for betere for wers,
+      in sicknesse and in helthe,
+      forte deth us departe,
+      and only to the holde
+      and tharto ich plygtte my treuthe."[135]
+
+To this may be added the many local examples of the preservation of
+laws or legal formulæ by means of their form in verse. The most
+interesting of these, perhaps, is that by which the Kentishman
+redeemed his land from the lord by repeating, as it was said, in the
+language of his ancestors:--
+
+      "Nighon sithe yeld
+      And nighon sithe geld,
+      And vif pund for the were,
+      Ere he become healdere."
+
+The first verse,
+
+      "Dog draw
+      Stable stand
+      Back berend
+      And bloody hand"
+
+justified the verderer in his punishment of the offender. In King
+Athelstane's grant to the good men of Beverley, and inscribed beneath
+his effigy in the Minster,
+
+      "Als fre
+      Mak I the
+      As heart may think
+      Or eigh may see,"
+
+we have perhaps the ancient form of manumission or
+enfranchisement,[136] just as we have the surrender by a freeman who
+gave up his liberty by putting himself under the protection of a
+master, and becoming his man, still preserved among children, when one
+of them takes hold of the foretop of another and says:--
+
+      "Tappie, tappie, tousie, will ye be my man?"[137]
+
+All over the country we meet with these rhyming or rhythmical formulæ
+which have legal significance. In the north the chief of the
+Macdonalds gave grants in the following form:--
+
+      "I, Donald, chief of the Macdonalds, give here, in my
+      castle, a right to Mackay, to Kilmahumag, from this
+      day till to-morrow and so on for ever."
+
+          "Mise Donull nau Donull,
+          Am shuidh air Dun Donuill,
+          Toirt còir do Mhac-aigh air Kilmahumaig,
+          O'n diugh gus a màireach
+          'S gu la bhràth mar sin."[138]
+
+At Scarborough there is an old proverbial saying as to "Scarborough
+Warning," which has had various accounts given of its origin,[139] but
+the true explanation of which is that it is the fragment of an ancient
+legal formula of the kind we are investigating. Abraham De la Pryme
+describes it in his seventeenth-century diary as follows:--
+
+      "Scarburg Warning is a proverb in many places of the
+      north, signifying any sudden warning given upon any
+      account. Some think it arose from the sudden comeing
+      of an enemy against the castle there, and haveing
+      dischargd a broad side, then commands them to
+      surrender. Others think that the proverb had it's
+      original from other things, but all varys. However,
+      this is the true origin thereof.
+
+      "The town is a corporation town, and tho' it is very
+      poor now to what it was formerly, yet it has a ... who
+      is commonly some poor man, they haveing no rich ones
+      amongst them. About two days before Michilmass day the
+      sayd ... being arrayed in his gown of state he mounts
+      upon horseback, and has his attendants with him, and
+      the macebear[er] carrying the mace before him, with
+      two fidlers and a base viol. Thus marching in state
+      (as bigg as the lord mare of London) all along the
+      shore side, they make many halts, and the cryer crys
+      thus with a strange sort of a singing voyce, high and
+      low:--
+
+          "'Whay! Whay! Whay!
+          Pay your gavelage, ha!
+          Between this and Michaelmas Day,
+          Or you'll be fined I, say!'
+
+      "Then the fiddlers begins to dance, and caper and
+      plays, fit to make one burst with laughter that sees
+      and hears them. Then they go on again and crys as
+      before, with the greatest majesty and gravity
+      immaginable, none of this comical crew being seen so
+      much as to smile all the time, when as spectators are
+      almost bursten with laughing. This is the true origin
+      of the proverb, for this custome of gavelage is a
+      certain tribute that every house pays to the ... when
+      he is pleased to call for it, and he gives not above
+      one day warning, and may call for it when he
+      pleases."[140]
+
+Rhyming tenures have been frequently noted but never understood. They
+occur in many parts of the country. The tithingman of Combe Keynes, in
+Dorsetshire, is obliged to do suit at Winforth Court, and after
+repeating the following incoherent lines, pays threepence and goes
+away without saying another word:--
+
+      "With my white rod
+      And I am a fourth post
+      That three pence makes three
+      God bless the King, and the lord of the franchise
+      Our weights and our measures are lawful and true
+      Good morrow Mr. Steward I have no more to say to you."[141]
+
+It is hardly necessary to quote more examples. They are not unknown to
+the historian, but because they are in rhyme they have been hastily
+assumed to be spurious or even burlesque.[142] But the evidence of a
+rhyming formula is the opposite to this. It is evidence of their
+genuineness, and if some of the words appear to be nonsensical it is
+due to the fact that the sense of the old formula has been
+misunderstood, and has then become gradually altered.
+
+All these rhyming tenures, indeed, find their place among the
+traditional examples of legal formulæ. They are the local offshoots
+preserved because of their legal significance, preserved by those
+interested from their legal side. Because they are not preserved in
+the formal codes they need not be neglected, and they must not be
+misunderstood. They are not to be put on one side by the historian as
+freaks of local landowners. They are real descendants by traditional
+lines from the times when laws were not written, but kept alive in the
+memory by means of such assistance as rhyme could supply, and from the
+tribesmen who thus treasured the law they obeyed.[143]
+
+That this branch of recorded law is not only early but tribal is
+undoubted, but perhaps it will be well to refer to tribal rhyming
+formulæ of an independent kind in order to show by parallel evidence
+the tribal characteristics. In 1884 Mr. Posnett drew attention to this
+important subject, and noted that
+
+      "Dr. Brown, in an attempt to sketch the origin of
+      poetry--an attempt which attracted the attention of
+      Bishop Percy in his remarks introductory to the
+      _Reliques_--proposed more than one hundred years ago
+      to discover the source of the combined dance, song,
+      melody, and mimetic action of primitive compositions
+      in the common festivals of clan life. The student of
+      comparative literature will probably regard Dr.
+      Brown's theory as a curious anticipation of the
+      historical method in a study which, in spite of M.
+      Taine's efforts, has made so little progress as yet.
+      The clan ethic of inherited guilt and vicarious
+      punishment has attracted considerable attention. But
+      the clan poetry of the ancient Arabs and of the
+      bard-clans, surviving in the Hebrew sons of Asaph or
+      the Greek Homeridæ, has not received that light from
+      comparative inquiry which the closely connected
+      problems of primitive music and metre would alone
+      amply deserve."[144]
+
+Not much has been done since this was penned. Max Müller had
+previously, in 1847, declared that the Rig Veda consisted of the clan
+songs of the Hindu people,[145] but the importance of such a
+conclusion has been entirely neglected. In the meantime evidence is
+accumulating that in Britain there are still preserved many examples
+of clan songs. Thus Lord Archibald Campbell has published, in the
+first volume of his _Waifs and Strays of Celtic Tradition_, some
+sixteen or seventeen sagas. Some of these are clan-traditions; and the
+editor notes as evidence of their antiquity the fact that none of them
+makes any mention of firearms. These clan-traditions all relate to
+feuds and vendettas; and in one case it is expressly recorded that the
+descendants of one of the foes of the clan, in their account of the
+incident narrated, "altered this tradition and reversed the main
+facts." This has been followed by a volume definitely devoted to
+"clan-traditions,"[146] while in the _Carmina Gadelica_ and many of
+the Highland incantations there are preserved specimens of ancient
+clan songs.
+
+The most interesting of the tribal songs is that preserved at the
+Hawick Common riding. The burgh officers form the van of a pageant
+which insensibly carries us back to ancient times, and in some verses
+sung on the occasion there is a refrain which has been known for ages
+as the slogan of Hawick. It is "Teribus ye teri Odin," which is
+probably a corruption of the Anglo-Saxon, "Tyr habbe us, ye Tyr ye
+Odin"--May Tyr uphold us, both Tyr and Odin.
+
+Fortunately Dr. Murray has investigated this formula, and I will quote
+what he says:--
+
+      "A relic of North Anglian heathendom seems to be
+      preserved in a phrase which forms the local slogan of
+      the town of Hawick, and which, as the name of a
+      peculiar local air, and the refrain, or 'owerword' of
+      associated ballads, has been connected with the
+      history of the town back to 'fable-shaded eras.'
+      Different words have been sung to the tune from time
+      to time, and none of those now extant can lay claim to
+      any antiquity; but associated with all, and yet
+      identified with none, the refrain '_Tyr-ibus ye Tyr ye
+      Odin_,' Tyr hæb us, ye Tyr ye Odin! Tyr keep us, both
+      Tyr and Odin! (by which name the tune also is known)
+      appears to have come down, scarcely mutilated, from
+      the time when it was the burthen of the song of the
+      gleó-mann or scald, or the invocation of a heathen
+      Angle warrior, before the northern Hercules and the
+      blood-red lord of battles had yielded to the 'pale
+      god' of the Christians."
+
+[Illustration: THE AULD CA-KNOWE: CALLING THE BURGESS ROLL]
+
+[Illustration: HAWICK MOAT AT SUNRISE]
+
+And in a note Dr. Murray adds:--
+
+      "The ballad now connected with the air of 'Tyribus'
+      commemorates the laurels gained by the Hawick youth at
+      and after the disastrous battle, when, in the words of
+      the writer,
+
+          "'Our sires roused by "Tyr ye Odin,"
+          Marched and joined their king at Flodden.'
+
+      Annually since that event the 'Common-Riding' has
+      been held, on which occasion a flag or 'colour'
+      captured from a party of the English has been with
+      great ceremony borne by mounted riders round the
+      bounds of the common land, granted after Flodden to
+      the burgh; part of the ceremony consisting in a mock
+      capture of the 'colour' and hot pursuit by a large
+      party of horsemen accoutred for the occasion. At the
+      conclusion 'Tyribus' is sung, with all the honours, by
+      the actors in the ceremony, from the roof of the
+      oldest house in the burgh, the general population
+      filling the street below, and joining in the song with
+      immense enthusiasm. The influence of modern ideas is
+      gradually doing away with much of the parade and
+      renown of the Common-Riding. But 'Tyr-ibus ye Tyr ye
+      Odin' retains all its local power to fire the lieges,
+      and the accredited method of arousing the burghers to
+      any political or civil struggle is still to send round
+      the drums and fifes, 'to play Tyribus' through the
+      town, a summons analogous to that of the Fiery Cross
+      in olden times. Apart from the words of the slogan,
+      the air itself bears in its wild fire all the tokens
+      of a remote origin."[147]
+
+We could not get better evidence than this of the survival of tribal
+custom, custom that is distinctly connected with tribes rather than
+with places or individuals, with groups of people who, now bound
+together by local considerations and influences, have only recently
+passed away from the far more ancient influences of the tribe. Alike
+in the forms of historical codes and in traditional local remains, we
+have found evidence of the use of rhyme for the preservation of
+unwritten rules and forms; and this use restores to tradition an
+important branch of its material.
+
+We have thus ascertained that there is direct and acknowledged
+indebtedness of history to tradition. Its extent covers a wide area of
+culture progress, and of unbroken continuity from tribal to historic
+times. The legal codes of the barbaric tribes of Western Europe are
+the direct successors of the traditional originals; and because these
+legal codes, equally with their unwritten predecessors, cannot be
+dispensed with by the historian, they find their place unquestioned
+among genuine historical material. They are no more, and no less,
+historical than other traditional material. They are part of the life
+of the people rescued from prehistoric days, and they tell us of these
+days by the same sanction and the same methods as the rest of the
+traditional material which has been so strangely and so persistently
+neglected by the historian. The whole of tradition, and not selected
+parts of it, must be brought into use if we would follow scientific
+method, and I claim this for the study of folklore on the strength of
+the results which have now been brought together.
+
+[Illustration: ONE OF FIVE STONE CIRCLES IN THE FIELDS OPPOSITE THE
+GLEBE OF NYMPHSFIELD]
+
+[Illustration: CARN-AN-CHLUITHE
+TO COMMEMORATE THE DEFEAT AND DEATH OF THE YOUTHS OF THE DANANNS]
+
+[Illustration: THE CAIRN OF BALLYMAGIBBON NEAR THE ROAD PASSING FROM
+CONG TO CROSS]
+
+
+IV
+
+Here, however, we are close up to an important point of controversy.
+The mythologists claim tradition as theirs. It does not, they assert,
+give us the history but the mythology of our race. It tells us not of
+the men but of the gods. In explaining how this comes about, however,
+they have fallen into errors which it is not only necessary to correct
+but which are fundamental in their effects. We shall be better able
+later on to discuss the extremely important question of the
+position of the prehistoric tradition amidst historic life and
+surroundings, if we try to understand what the mythologists have done
+and not done in their attempts to claim exclusive property in the
+folk-tale. They have entirely denied or ignored all history contained
+in the folk-tale, and they have proceeded upon the assumption, the
+bald assumption not accompanied by any kind of proof, that the
+folk-tale contains nothing but the remnants of a once prevalent system
+of mythology. They ignore all the proofs brought forward by
+folklorists to the contrary, such proofs, for instance, as Mr.
+Knowles, Sir Richard Temple and others have produced concerning the
+Hindu folk-tale. What is not true of the Hindu folk-tale cannot be
+true of its Celtic or Teutonic or Scandinavian parallel, and yet in
+the most recent study of Celtic tradition, Mr. Squire takes its mythic
+origin for granted, and works through his ingenious statement without
+let or hindrance from other points of view. But even his
+thorough-going methods compel him to stop short at certain points, and
+to admit that he has come across historic fact. Thus he agrees that
+the Fir-Bolgs "were not really gods but the pre-Aryan race which the
+Gaels, when they landed in Ireland, found already in occupation,"[148]
+and yet when he treats of the fight of the Fir-Bolgs with the Tuatha
+dé Danann, and is confronted with Sir William Wilde's proofs that the
+monuments on the plain of Moytura are in agreement with the traditions
+concerning them, and point to the account of the battle being
+historical,[149] all that Mr. Squire can admit is that "certainly the
+coincidences are curious." He disposes of them on the ground that the
+"people of the goddess Danu are too obviously mythical to make it
+worth while to seek any standing ground for them in the world of
+reality." That standing ground might be found connected with the
+Tuatha dé Danann in many places, but Mr. Squire will have it that it
+is impossible, because "it was about this period that the mythology of
+Ireland was being rewoven into spurious history."[150] It is not,
+however, upon the mistakes of other inquirers[151] that the
+mythologists may rest a good claim for their own view. The _Historia
+Britonum_ of Geoffrey of Monmouth disposes of neither the myths nor
+the history of the Celts. It shows myth in its secondary position, in
+the handling of those who would make it all history, just as now there
+are scholars who would make it all myth. In front of the legends
+attaching to persons and places is the history of these persons and
+places. Behind these legends lies the domain of the unattached and
+primitive folk-tale, Mr. Campbell's _Highland Tales_, Kennedy's
+_Fireside Stories of Ireland_, and those English tales which have been
+rescued by Mr. Clodd and others. This makes it impossible to see in
+the hero-legends naught else than the intangible realm of Celtic gods
+and goddesses.
+
+Equally impossible is it to create for them a home in a system of
+"state religion," and yet a state religion is a necessary part of the
+evidence for mythological origins.[152] There was no Celtic state.
+Emphatically this was so. Everything we know about the Celts of
+Britain, both before and after the Roman conquest, both in Britain,
+where the Roman power was upheld for four centuries, and in Ireland,
+where the Roman power never penetrated, the Celts were possessed of a
+tribal, not a state polity; lived in tribal strongholds, not in Celtic
+cities; occupied tribal territories, not countries formed into states;
+elected tribal chiefs in primitive fashion, and not kings with state
+ceremonial; and when they come under the dominion of an incipient
+state policy after the conquest of the English and the Northmen, their
+laws are promulgated and codified, and show that both Welsh and Irish
+codes are tribal, not state law.
+
+Not only do I fail to discover a state religion of the Celts, but I do
+not find it among the Teutons. There is greater evidence of
+discrepancies than of agreement in all the European religions, but
+these have not been dwelt upon by scholars. Professor York Powell, in
+one of his illuminating studies on Teutonic heathendom, is the only
+authority I know of who argues against the idea of a systematised
+religion. "It is important that we should at once throw aside the idea
+that there was any _system_, any organized pantheon in the religion of
+these peoples. Their tribes were small and isolated, and each had its
+own peculiar gods and observances, although the mould of each faith
+was somewhat similar. Hence there were varieties of religious customs
+among the Goths, Swedes, Saxons, and Angles."[153]
+
+[Illustration: ALTAR DEDICATED TO THE FIELD DEITIES OF BRITAIN
+FOUND AT CASTLE HILL ON THE WALL OF ANTONINUS PIUS]
+
+Now if there was no state there could be no state religion. What
+existed of worship and religion was tribal. These are the historical
+facts, which have been neglected by students of myth and saga. I
+shall have to point out in greater detail presently what these tribal
+conditions mean to studies in folklore, but the word of warning and
+protest must come here, for it is unconsciously the conception of a
+Celtic state religion which gives even the semblance of possibility
+for Celtic mythology to be found in every hero-legend. It is, in
+short, the neglect of this among other historical facts which has led
+the folklorist into error of a somewhat magnificent kind. He attempts
+to create out of the myths of a people a mythology which provides gods
+to be worshipped, faiths to be organised, and beliefs to be the
+standards of life and conduct. Thus, as I have pointed out
+elsewhere,[154] Sir John Rhys has, in his acute identification of the
+worship of the water-god Lud on the Thames and of Nod on the
+Severn,[155] introduced the idea of a great Celtic worship established
+on these two great rivers as parts of a definite system of Celtic
+religion, whereas examination proves that the parallel faiths of two
+perfectly distinct Celtic tribes, the Silures on the Severn and the
+Trinovantes on the Thames, were welded into a common worship of the
+god of the waters by the masters of Celtic Britain, the Romans. There
+was no Celtic organisation which commanded both Severn and Thames
+until the Romans occupied the country, and occupying the country they
+adopted into their own religion the native gods and, fortunately for
+us, recorded their adoption in the pavements of their houses or their
+temples.[156]
+
+Mr. A. B. Cook goes much further than Sir John Rhys. He attempts to
+dig out the European sky-god from all sorts of queer places, all sorts
+of forgotten records, thereby producing a wealth of folklore parallels
+for which every student must be profoundly thankful. But he does not
+make it anywhere clear that this universal god was gloriously apparent
+to his worshippers. There is no established connection between the
+sky-god and those who worshipped the sky-god, and we seek in vain
+amidst all the brilliant researches, which have been held to produce
+evidence of the sky-god, for evidence that he was worshipped by the
+Aryan-speaking Celt and Teuton. In point of fact, we never get at the
+worshippers at all. There is the assumption of a state mythology
+without any evidence for the existence of the state.
+
+In place of this obvious necessity we get an immense abstraction,
+worked out with all the subtle ingenuity and learning of the Cambridge
+professor. Mr. Cook has, in fact, used the materials he has collected
+with such amazing care to project therefrom just those mythological
+conceptions which Celt and Teuton would have worked out for themselves
+if they, like the Hindu and the Greek, had developed the state while
+they were still free to develop their own native beliefs. This they
+never did, and so their fire worship did not advance beyond its early
+stages. It was separated from nature worship to become the servant of
+the European tribes. It helped them to develop tribal and family
+institutions. It produced for them a tribal and family worship. It did
+not get beyond this, because Roman institutions and Christianity stood
+in the way and prevented tribal fire worship from becoming
+anthropomorphised into a mythology. This need not cause us to doubt
+that the analogies claimed by these scholars are true analogies. There
+were among the Celtic peoples, as among other branches of the race to
+which Celt, Greek, Teuton, Scandinavian, and Hindu belonged, the
+incipient elements which would go to make up a national or state
+mythology, when the nation or the state emerged, as it did emerge in
+the case of Greece and of Rome, from its tribal originals. But the
+Celtic state did not emerge from tribalism in Britain; the Celtic
+heroes were always tribal heroes. They were, as Hereward and Arthur
+were, real human flesh and blood, fighting and raiding and loving and
+feasting in their tribal fashion as the later heroes did in their
+national fashion; because of their success as tribal heroes they had
+attached to them the tribal myths; because they died as nobly as
+Cuchulain died they left imperishable records among those for whom
+they died. They were more than gods to the Celtic tribesman--they were
+kinsmen.
+
+The false conception of a state religion before there was a state,
+appears in other studies not primarily based upon folklore research,
+and not having in view anthropological results. It is the basis of the
+remarkable researches of Sir Norman Lockyer as to the astrological and
+solar origin of Stonehenge and other circles, and in his chapter which
+deals with the question, "Where did the British worship originate?" he
+finds himself bound to the theory of a borrowed civilisation which
+established the solar system.[157] This borrowed civilisation is
+Egyptian, but it is too much to ask mythology to supply not only a
+complete system of belief but a civilisation which belongs to it. What
+is needed is independent evidence of the civilisation. Without such
+independent evidence it is impossible to accept the deduction drawn
+only from one sphere of information.
+
+The error of transferring to the domain of mythology events and
+occurrences which belong to history, is followed by an error of
+another sort, namely, the transferring to some general department of
+human belief the particular beliefs of a people, or of tribes of
+people. It is wrong to continue to label particular cults as nature
+myths, when they have already been transferred from that position to a
+more definite position among the beliefs of a people. Thus even so
+good a scholar as Mr. A. B. Cook, rightly interpreting Greek evidence
+of the hill-top fires and of the house fire, yet denies to the exactly
+corresponding Irish evidence the same interpretation, and argues that
+"the ritual of Samain, at which all the hearths in Ireland were
+supplied with fresh fire from a common centre at Tlachtga [is] almost
+certainly solar," and that "we shall not be far wrong if we suppose
+that the solar fires of Beltaine were the ritual of the sky god
+connected with the Ash of Uisnech."[158] Mr. Frazer, too, has
+interpreted these bonfires as mainly sun charms, and he sees in the
+Balder myth, and in the peasant customs all over Europe, which he
+asserts illustrate this myth, an ancient ritual which originally
+marked the beginning of the new year, when the tree spirit, or spirit
+of vegetation, was burned, the special reasons why the deity of
+vegetation should die by fire being that as "light and heat are
+necessary to vegetable growth, on the principle of sympathetic magic,
+by subjecting the personal representative of vegetation to their
+influence you secure a supply of these necessaries for trees and
+crops."[159] Mr. Frazer goes far afield for evidence. He does not see
+that the fire ceremonies which he collects from all Europe have a
+specialised significance, even in their last stages of existence as
+survivals, which is not found among the Incas, the African tribes, the
+hill tribes of India, and the Chinese, whom he cites as providing the
+required parallels. Parallel practices are not necessarily evidence of
+parallels in culture, and it is the failure to locate properly the
+several examples in relationship to each other which produces a loose
+and inadequate conception of the relics of fire worship in European
+countries, and the refusal to recognise its special place as the cult
+of a tribal people.[160] Another example of this fundamental error
+takes us in the very opposite direction to that of Dr. Frazer. Thus
+Dr. Gummere, in a recent study dealing with Germanic origins,[161]
+sees nothing in the fire cult of the Indo-European people but a
+branch, and apparently an undeveloped branch, of general nature
+worship, not specially Germanic or Indo-European, not specialised by
+the tribes and clans of these people into a cult far more closely
+connected with their doings and their life than mere participation in
+the general primitive nature worship could have afforded.
+
+The danger of searching for a general system of belief and worship
+from the beliefs and rites of peoples not ethnically, geographically,
+or politically connected is very great, and I venture to think that
+even Mr. Frazer's remarkable researches into the agricultural rites of
+European peoples do not take count of one important consideration. I
+think his constructive hypothesis is too complex in process and too
+systematic in form to have been the actual living faith of the varied
+paganism of the European peoples. It would have meant as organised an
+institution as the Christian Church itself, and of this there is no
+evidence whatever. It would have meant an exclusive agricultural
+ceremony, and of this there is strong evidence to the contrary. It
+would have meant a deep system of philosophy, penetrating from the
+highest to the lowest of the people, and of this there is no evidence.
+The plain fact is that the historical conditions have been altogether
+left out of consideration in these matters, and we consequently do not
+get a complete study. We get the advocate's position. The case for the
+mythological interpretation of folklore has been put with full
+strength, but it is not the entire case.
+
+
+V
+
+This short survey of the relationship of tradition to history would
+not answer its purpose if we did not consider the complementary
+position which history bears to tradition. This may best be done by
+reference to the period before that occupied by contemporary native
+record. The history here alluded to is, properly speaking, only
+derived from one source, namely, the works of foreign or outside
+authorities. It is written by observers from a civilised country,
+travelling among the more primitive peoples of another land, and the
+Greek and Latin authors who relate particulars of early Britain were
+of this class. Their narratives have to be compared with the
+traditions written down as history by professed historians, who lived
+long after the events happened to which the traditions are said to
+relate, but who recorded the traditions of the people preserved in the
+monasteries by devotees who were of the people, or by the songs and
+rhymes which, as Henry of Huntingdon states explicitly, were used for
+the purpose.
+
+Both the observations of the foreign historians and travellers and the
+recorded traditions from native sources have been treated with scant
+courtesy whenever they cannot be explained according to the views of
+each particular inquirer into the period to which they refer. They
+have been alternatively the subject of dispute or neglect by students
+for a long series of years. They consist of items which do not fit in
+with Celtic or Teutonic institutions as we know them from other and
+more detailed sources. They offend against the national pride because
+they tell of a condition of savagery. They do not appeal to the
+historian, because the historian knows little and cares nothing at all
+about the condition of savagery. If, therefore, they are not rejected
+as true history, they are purposely neglected. They are in any event
+never taken into consideration by the right method, and they stand
+over for examination by any one who will take the trouble to deal with
+them by the light and test of modern research.
+
+It is not my purpose to deal with these matters now, but it is
+advisable that we should try to understand two things--first, how they
+have been dealt with by the historian; secondly, their true place in
+history.
+
+The Greek and Latin authors who have stated of peoples living in
+Britain many characteristics which do not belong to civilisation or
+even to the borders of civilisation, range from Pytheas the Greek in
+the middle of the fourth century before our era down to the Latin
+poets of the early fifth century anno Domini. They all refer to the
+British savage. He is cannibalistic, incestuous, naked, possesses his
+wives in common, lives on wild fruits and not cultivated cereals,
+indulges in head-hunting, has no settled living-place which can be
+called a house, and generally betrays the characteristics of pure
+savagery.[162] Altogether there is a fairly substantial range of
+material for the formation of a reasonable conception of the condition
+of savagery in Britain.
+
+[Illustration: ROMAN SCULPTURED STONE FOUND AT ARNIEBOG, CUMBERNAULD,
+DUMBARTONSHIRE, SHOWING A NAKED BRITON AS A CAPTIVE]
+
+We need not dwell long upon the earlier of our historians who have
+neglected or contested the statements of the authorities they use.
+They hardly possessed the material for scientific treatment, and
+personal predilections were the governing factors of any opinion which
+is expressed. John Milton, in his brave attempt to tell the story of
+early England, does not so much as allude to these disagreeable
+points. Hume disdainfully passes by the whole subject and practically
+begins with the Norman conquest. Lappenberg says of the group marriage
+of the Britons that it "is probably a mere Roman fable."[163] Innes
+accepts the views of the classical authorities and argues from them in
+his own peculiar way,[164] but Sullivan will have it that the
+materials afforded from classical sources are worthless: "they consist
+of mere hearsay reports without any sure foundation, and in many cases
+not in harmony with the results of modern linguistic and archæological
+investigations."[165] Neither Turner nor Palgrave has any doubt as to
+the authority of these early accounts,[166] and Dr. Giles accepts the
+accounts which he so usefully collected from the original
+authorities.[167]
+
+The modern historian cannot, however, be so incidentally treated. He
+lives in the age of the comparative sciences and of anthropological
+research. He sometimes uses, though in a half-hearted and incomplete
+fashion, the results of inquirers in these fields of research, but he
+nowhere deals with the problem fully. His sins are not general, but
+special. He agrees with one statement of his original authority and
+disagrees with another, and we are left with a chaos of opinion
+founded upon no accepted principle. If the earlier historians accepted
+or rejected historical records without much reason for either course,
+the later historians have no right to follow them. The terms "savage"
+and "barbarian," indulged in by the Greek and Roman writers, cannot be
+rejected by modern authorities simply because they are too harsh. They
+cannot be considered merely in the nature of accusations against the
+standing and position of our ancestors, made by advocates anxious to
+blacken the national character. Even scholars like Mr. Skene, Mr.
+Elton, and Sir John Rhys, though inclined to weigh these passages by
+the light of ethnographic research, throw something like doubt upon
+the exact extent to which they may be taken as evidence. Mr. Elton,
+though admitting that the early "romances of travel" afford some
+evidence as to the habits of our barbarian ancestors, cannot quite get
+as far in his belief as to think that the account of "the Irish tribes
+who thought it right to devour their parents" is much more than a
+traveller's tale.[168] Sir John Rhys is not quite sure that the
+account by Cæsar of the communal marriages of the British is "not a
+passage from some Greek book of imaginary travels among imaginary
+barbarians which Cæsar had in his mind,"[169] though he notes
+elsewhere that "the vocabulary of the Celts will be searched in vain
+for a word for son or daughter as distinguished from boy or girl" as a
+fact of no little negative importance in relation to Cæsar's "ugly
+account;"[170] and he has similar doubts to express, noteworthy among
+them being the passage from Pliny which illustrates the Godiva
+story.[171] Mr. Skene lays stress upon the fact that Tacitus "neither
+alludes to the practice of their staining their bodies with woad nor
+to the supposed community of women among them;" and he offers some
+kind of excuse for the Roman evidence as to the tattooing with
+representations of animals,[172] evidence which Sir John Rhys, too, is
+chary of accepting in its full sense. Mr. Pearson reluctantly accepts
+Cæsar's account of the group marriage and the human sacrifice of the
+Druids, but he ignores all else, including the attested cannibalism of
+the Atticotti, though he mentions that tribe in another
+connection.[173] Sir James Ramsay agrees that the Britons tattooed
+their bodies with woad, recognises the fact that their matrimonial
+customs were polyandric, and that brother-and-sister marriage
+obtained, and generally accepts the prevalent ideas as to Celtic
+Druidism with its sacrificial rites and the system of "state worship."
+He rests his views for much of this upon the anthropological evidence
+in support of it.[174] Mr. Lang on behalf of Scotland, and Dr. Joyce
+on behalf of Ireland, have their say on the evidence. Mr. Lang seems
+to accept Cæsar's evidence "if correctly reported," throws doubts upon
+the ethnological value of such customs, and declares roundly that to
+found theories upon such evidence as archæology provides "is the
+province of another science, not of history."[175] Dr. Joyce says that
+in early Greek and Roman writers there is not much reliable
+information about Ireland, though he believes them when they talk of
+students from Britain residing in Ireland and of books existing in
+Ireland in the fourth century.[176]
+
+This meagre result from the historians seems to me to be most
+unfortunate. Even when the testimony of early writers is accepted, it
+is accepted without the necessary filling in which such an acceptance
+warrants. Bare acceptance does not tell us much. Each recorded fact
+has a relationship to surrounding facts, should lead us to associated
+facts which, escaping observation by early writers, can nevertheless
+be restored. In history they are isolated and unconnected, because of
+the faults of the historian who records them. Anthropologically they
+belong to a wider grouping, reveal a connection with each other which
+is otherwise unsuspected, and prepare themselves for treatment on a
+larger platform. The historian has used them for the unprofitable
+controversy ranging round the question of early Celtic civilisation,
+whereas they clearly belong to the history of early man, and even the
+folklorist does not disdain to cast them on one side when they do not
+suit his purpose.[177]
+
+It is still more unfortunate that Sir Henry Maine should have sought
+to enhance the value of his Indian evidence by contrasting it with
+what he calls "the slippery testimony concerning savages which is
+gathered from travellers' tales,"[178] and that Mr. Herbert Spencer
+should have replied to this in an angry note, declaring that he was
+aware "that in the eyes of most, antiquity gives sacredness to
+testimony, and that so what were travellers' tales when they were
+written in Roman days have come in our days to be regarded as of
+higher authority than like tales written by recent or living
+travellers."[179] The scorn passed upon "travellers' tales," the
+application of the term "romance" to the early descriptions of
+voyages, have done the same amount of mischief to these early chapters
+of history as the constant disbelief in the value of tradition has
+done to the testimony of folklore.
+
+Now I do not recall these controversies, or lay stress upon what
+appear to me to be the shortcomings of the historian and folklorist in
+their relationship to each other, for the purpose of reawakening old
+antagonisms. I have merely selected a few illustrations of the present
+position of the subject in order that it may be seen how essential it
+is to proceed on other lines. All the items which have formed the
+subject of dispute, together with others which have escaped
+attention--items which have found their way into history by accident,
+which are by nature fragmentary and isolated, which do not connect up
+with anything that is distinctively Celtic or Teutonic, and which do
+not apparently fit in with any standard common to themselves--must
+command attention if only because they alone cannot be cut out of
+history when items standing side by side with them are allowed to
+remain, and in the end it can, I think, be shown that they command
+attention because of their inherent value.
+
+The method of investigation as to the importance and significance of
+these earliest historical records must be anthropological. They are in
+point of fact so much anthropological data relating to Britain. It is
+no use calling them history, and then defining that history as bad
+history simply because as history the recorded facts do not appear to
+be credible. As a matter of fact they belong to the prehistory period
+of Britain, and to test their value scientific methods are required.
+
+In the first place, anthropology shows that there is no _primâ facie_
+necessity for calling them Celtic, thus identifying them with that
+portion of our ancestry which is Celtic in race; for there is evidence
+of a non-Celtic race existing in prehistoric times, and existing down
+to within historic times, if not to modern times. Mr. Willis Bund has
+recently summarised the evidence from archæology, philology, and
+tradition as it appears in a particularly valuable local study of
+ancient Cardiganshire, stating it "to be agreed that there was more
+than one race of early inhabitants, and two of the sources say that
+there was an original race and at least two distinct races of
+invaders," and further, "that whoever the original inhabitants were
+they were not Celts."[180] These original inhabitants, who were not
+Celts, have left their remains in the barrows and megalithic monuments
+which still exist in various parts of the country, and anthropologists
+show that they have not entirely disappeared from among the race
+distinctions observable among the people of these islands. If it is
+possible to proceed from this to another stage, and to show from the
+British evidence what Mr. Risley has so well illustrated from the
+Indian evidence, namely, that gradations of race types as shown by
+anthropometrical indices correspond with gradations of social
+precedence and social organisation,[181] it may yet be possible to
+prove that the people who were not Celts were the people with whom
+originated those recorded customs and beliefs which are rejected as
+too savage for the Celt. Unfortunately, we know nothing about them,
+except the isolated scraps which are to be picked up from the early
+historians. This compels us to turn to other sources of information,
+and when we do this we find that British folklore preserves in
+traditional custom, rite, belief, and folk-tale, parallels to each and
+every item of savagery mentioned by the early historians of Britain;
+and further, that anthropology shows clearly enough that among the
+customs and beliefs of primitive races there are to be found parallels
+to every item of custom and belief recorded of early Britain. This
+gets rid of one of our greatest difficulties, and disposes of Dr.
+Sullivan's unwarranted assertion to the contrary (_ante_, p. 113). The
+recorded customs and beliefs of early Britain are proved by this means
+not to be impossible or improbable factors in the elements of the
+British prehistoric race. It will not be possible to term them
+inventions of romance or of false testimony, simply on the ground that
+they are not found elsewhere. On the contrary it will, I think, be
+difficult to resist the conclusion that inventions such as these,
+covering a wide and ascertained area of sociological and early
+religious development, could hardly have been made by historians
+having the limited range of knowledge possessed by the native and
+classical writers who are responsible for the facts. It is an easy,
+but not a satisfactory method of criticism to declare what is not to
+one's liking to be invention and romance, and it has until late years
+been difficult to combat such an argument. The battle has raged round
+wordy disputes, the merits of which are governed by the abilities of
+the respective disputants; that this is no longer possible is due to
+the fact that there have entered into the fray the methods and results
+of folklore which prevent the terms invention and romance from being
+applied, except where there is good independent reason for their use.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+I have now dealt with all the points which appear to be necessary in
+order to show the inherent relationship of folklore to history, and I
+have shown causes for resisting the claims of mythology to appropriate
+what it chooses of folklore, and then to reject all the rest from
+consideration. I have dealt (1) with examples of local traditions and
+hero-traditions, in their relation to history and historical
+conditions; (2) with the folk-tale in its retention of details of
+early historic conditions, and of the picture of early tribal
+organisation, and in that its structure is based upon the events of
+savage social conceptions; (3) with the early laws and rules of tribal
+society preserved by tradition and accepted in historical times; (4)
+with the claims of mythology to interpret the meaning of folk-tales,
+and the reasons for rejecting this claim; and (5) with the treatment
+by historians of statements by classical writers as to the condition
+of the peoples inhabiting Britain before the dawn of civilisation. I
+think it will be admitted that, without pretending in any way to have
+exhausted the evidence, or even to have thoroughly comprehended and
+satisfactorily stated it under each of these heads, a very
+considerable claim has been made out for the historical value of
+folklore. If so much has been gained it will rest with folklorists to
+pursue investigations on these lines, and it will remain with the
+historian to consider the results wherever his research leads him into
+domains where the evidence of folklore is obtainable.
+
+It will be seen that the problems which the two sciences, history and
+folklore, have to solve in conjunction are not a few and that they are
+extremely complex. They cannot be solved if history and folklore are
+separated; they may be solved if the professors in each work together,
+both recognising what there is of value in the other. History in its
+earliest stages is either entirely dependent upon foreign
+authorities, or it has to follow the practice of the earlier and
+unscientific historian and to deny that there is any history, or at
+all events any history worth recording, before the advent, perhaps the
+accidental advent, of an historian on native ground. History in its
+later stages is dependent upon the personal tastes or ability of each
+historian for the record of events and facts. Folklore in its earliest
+stages has brought down from the most ancient times memories of
+ancient polity, faith, custom, rite, and thought. In its later stages
+it has preserved custom, rite, and belief amid the attacks of the
+progressive civilisation which has been developed, and it has clothed
+heroes of later times with the well-worn trappings of those of old.
+Combined history and folklore can restore much of the picture of early
+times, and can work through the fulness of later times with some
+degree of success. There is needed for this work, however, a clear
+conception of the position properly held by both sciences, together
+with established rules of research. This is more particularly needed
+in the department of folklore. I do not pretend to be able to
+formulate these rules. In the subjects dealt with in this chapter I
+have indicated a few of the points which must be raised, and my object
+will be in the remaining chapters to set forth some of the conditions
+which it appears to me necessary to consider in connection with the
+problems with which folklore is concerned as one of the historical
+sciences.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Mr. Kemble gives an important illustration of this proposition in
+his _Saxons in England_, i. 331.
+
+[2] I would refer the reader to Prof. York Powell's brilliant lecture
+on "A Survey of Modern History," printed in his biography by Mr. Oliver
+Elton, ii. 1-13, for an admirable summary of this view.
+
+[3] _View of the State of Ireland_, 1595, p. 478.
+
+[4] Asser's _Life of Alfred_, by W. H. Stevenson, 262.
+
+[5] It is not worth while unduly emphasising this point, but the
+peculiar habit of classing fictional literature as folklore and
+thereupon condemning the value of tradition is very prevalent. Mr.
+Nutt, in dealing with the Troy stories in British history, adopts this
+method, and denies the existence of historic tradition on the strength
+of it, _Folklore_, xii. 336-9.
+
+[6] This expression was recently allowed in our old friend _Notes and
+Queries_ in a singularly unsuitable case, 10th ser. vii. 344.
+
+[7] I am not sure this is always the fault of those who are not
+folklorists. I recently came across a dictum of one of the most
+distinguished folklorists, Mr. Andrew Lang, which is certainly much in
+the same direction. "As a rule tradition is the noxious ivy that creeps
+about historical truth, and needs to be stripped off with a ruthless
+hand. Tradition is a collection of venerable and romantic blunders. But
+a tradition which clings to a permanent object in the landscape, a tall
+stone, a grassy, artificial tumulus, or even an old tree, may be
+unexpectedly correct."--_Morning Post_, 2 November, 1906.
+
+[8] It is worth while referring to Mr. MacRitchie's article in _Trans.
+International Folklore Congress_ on the historical aspect of Folklore;
+but Professor York Powell has said the strongest word in its favour in
+his all too short address as President of the Folklore Society, see
+_Folklore_, xv. 12-23.
+
+[9] Chapter xi. of Tylor's _Early History of Mankind_.
+
+[10] Spenser, _View of the State of Ireland_, 1595 (Morley reprint),
+77.
+
+[11] Perhaps the most remarkable testimony to the foundation of the
+folk-tale and ballad in the events of history is to be found in a
+statement made to the _Tribune_, 14 September, 1906, by Mr. Mitra, once
+proprietor and editor of the _Deccan Post_, with regard to the
+agitation against the partition of Bengal into two provinces. Mr. Mitra
+deliberately states that "the best test of finding out Hindu feeling
+towards the British Government is to see whether there are any ballads
+or nursery rhymes in the Bengali language against the British. You can
+have it from me, and I challenge contradiction, that there is no single
+ballad or nursery rhyme in the Bengali language which is against the
+British." This is where the soul of the people speaks out.
+
+[12] It is printed, and I have used this print, in Blomefield's
+_History of Norfolk_ (1769), iii. 506, from which source I quote the
+facts concerning it. Sir William Dugdale's account goes on to connect
+it with a monument in the church, but this part of the local version is
+to be considered presently.
+
+[13] See the _Diary_ printed by the Surtees Society, p. 220.
+
+[14] The legend was also printed in that popular folk-book, _New Help
+to Discourse_, so often printed between 1619 and 1656, and Mr. Axon
+transcribed this version for the _Antiquary_, xi. 167-168; and see my
+notes in _Gent. Mag. Lib. English Traditions_, 332-336.
+
+[15] I happen to possess the original cutting of this version preserved
+among my great-grandfather's papers.
+
+[16] These words are, "I am not a Bigot in Dreams, yet I cannot help
+acknowledging the Relation of the above made a strong Impression on
+me."
+
+[17] _Leeds Mercury_, January 3rd, 1885, communicated by Mr. Wm.
+Grainge of Harrogate.
+
+[18] Mr. Axon says it is current in Lancashire and in Cornwall,
+_Antiquary_, xi. 168; Sir John Rhys gives two Welsh versions in his
+_Celtic Folklore_, ii. 458-462, 464-466; a Yorkshire version in ballad
+form is to be found in Castillo's _Poems in the North Yorkshire
+Dialect_ (1878), under the title of "T' Lealholm Chap's lucky dreeam,"
+_Antiquary_, xii. 121; an Ayrshire variant relates to the building of
+Dundonald Castle, and is given in Chambers's _Pop. Rhymes of Scotland_,
+236.
+
+[19] Blomefield, _Hist. of Norfolk_, iii. 507, suggests that the animal
+carving represents a bear. There is nothing to confirm this and readers
+may judge for themselves by reference to the illustrations, which are
+from photographs taken in Swaffham Church.
+
+[20] I discussed the details in the _Antiquary_, vol. x. pp. 202-205.
+
+[21] This story was communicated by "W.F." to the _St. James's
+Gazette_, March 15th, 1888. Its continuation, in order to point a
+moral, does not belong to the real story, which is contained in the
+part I have quoted.
+
+[22] _Saga Library_, _Heimskringla_, iii. 126.
+
+[23] These have been collected and commented upon with his usual
+learning and research, by Mr. Hartland in the _Antiquary_, xv. 45-48.
+Blomefield, in his _History of Norfolk_, iii. 507, points out that the
+same story is found in Johannes Fungerus' _Etymologicon Latino-Græcum_,
+pp. 1110-1111, though it is here narrated of a man at Dort in Holland,
+and in _Histoires admirables de nostre temps_, par Simon Goulart,
+Geneva, 1614, iii. p. 366. Professor Cowell, in the third volume of the
+_Cambridge Antiquarian Society Transactions_, p. 320, has printed a
+remarkable parallel of the story which is to be found in the great
+Persian metaphysical and religious poem called the Masnavi, written by
+Jaláluddin, who died about 1260. J. Grimm discussed these
+treasure-on-the-bridge stories in _Kleinere Schriften_, iii. 414-428,
+and did not attach much value to them.
+
+[24] It is not unimportant in this connection to find that London
+itself assumes an exceptional place in tradition. Mr. Frazer notes a
+German legend about London, _Golden Bough_ (2nd ed.), iii. 235;
+Pausanias, v. 292. Mr. Dale has drawn attention to the Anglo-Saxon
+attitude towards Roman buildings in his _National Life in Early English
+Literature_, 35.
+
+[25] See _Archæologia_, xxv. 600; xxix. 147; xl. 54; _Arch. Journ._, i.
+112.
+
+[26] I have worked this point out in my _Governance of London_.
+
+[27] Bishop Kennett, quoted in _Notes and Queries_, fourth series, ix.
+258.
+
+[28] Mommsen's account of the Pontifex Maximus should be consulted,
+_Hist. Rome_, i. 178; and _cf._ Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, 114, 147,
+214.
+
+[29] Mrs. Gomme, _Traditional Games_, i. 347.
+
+[30] Bingley, _North Wales_, 1814, p. 252.
+
+[31] See my _Folklore Relics of Early Village Life_, 29; Tylor,
+_Primitive Culture_, i. 97. This case was reported in the newspapers at
+the time of its occurrence. It came to England from the _London and
+China Telegraph_, from which the _Newcastle Chronicle_, 9 February,
+1889, copied the following statement:--
+
+"The boatmen on the Ganges, near Rajmenal, somehow came to believe that
+the Government required a hundred thousand human heads as the
+foundation for a great bridge, and that the Government officers were
+going about the river in search of heads. A hunting party, consisting
+of four Europeans, happening to pass in a boat, were set upon by the
+one hundred and twenty boatmen, with the cry 'Gulla Katta,' or
+cut-throats, and only escaped with their lives after the greatest
+difficulty."
+
+[32] I have worked out this fact in my _Governance of London_, 46-68,
+202-229.
+
+[33] See Turner, _Hist. of Anglo-Saxons_, ii. 207-222; _Y Cymmrodor_,
+xi. 61-101.
+
+[34] A passage in William of Malmesbury points to the fact of the
+Bretons in the time of Athelstan looking upon themselves as exiles
+from the land of their fathers. Radhod, a prefect of the church at
+Avranches, writes to King Athelstan as "Rex gloriose exultator
+ecclesiæ ... deprecamur atque humiliter invocamus qui in exulatu et
+captivitate nostris meritis et peccatis, in Francia commoramur" etc.,
+_De Gestis Regum Anglorum_ (Rolls Ed.), i. 154.
+
+[35] Rhys, _Celtic Folklore_, ii. 466. Sir John Rhys acknowledges his
+indebtedness to me for lending him my Swaffham notes, but at that time
+I had not formed the views stated above and Sir John Rhys confessed his
+difficulty in classifying and characterising these stories (p. 456).
+
+[36] In the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, anno 418, and in _Ethelward's
+Chronicle_, A.D. 418, it is recorded that "those of the Roman race who
+were left in Britain bury their treasures in pits, thinking that
+hereafter they might have better fortune, which never was the case."
+
+[37] Buried treasure legends are worth examining carefully, especially
+with reference to their geographical distribution, with a view of
+ascertaining how far they follow the direction of the Roman, English,
+Danish and Norman Conquests. See Henderson, _Folklore of Northern
+Counties_, 320, for Yorkshire examples, and _Folklore Record_, i. 16,
+for an interesting Sussex example.
+
+The Danish part of Lincoln, near Sleaford, has numerous treasure
+legends, see Rev. G. Oliver, _Existing Remains of Ancient Britons
+between Lincoln and Sleaford_, pp. 29 _et seq._
+
+Mr. W. J. Andrew has proved in the _British Numismatic Journal_ (1st
+ser. i. 9-59) that traditions of buried treasure may be verified a
+thousand years after the laying down of the hoard. This has reference
+to the famous Cuerdale find of coins. The people of Walton-le-Dale, on
+the Ribble, had a legend that if you stood on a certain headland and
+looked up the valley to Ribchester "you would gaze over the greatest
+treasure that England had ever seen." The farmers tried excavations,
+and the divining rod is said to have been used.
+
+The tradition was true. In May, 1840, the hoard was accidentally found,
+near Cuerdale Hall, within forty yards of the stream, by men who were
+repairing the southern bank. A willow tree, still in its prime, was
+planted to mark the spot. We do not know how much bullion was scattered
+by the finders, but there was recovered a mass of ingots, armlets,
+chains, rings, and so on, amounting to 1000 oz., with over 7000 silver
+coins. They lay in a crumbling leaden case, within a decomposed chest
+of wood. There were about 1060 English silver coins, whereof 919 were
+of the reign of King Alfred. There were 2020 from Northumbrian
+ecclesiastical mints, and 2534 of King Canute, with 1047 foreign coins,
+mainly French. The treasure had belonged to the Scandinavian invaders
+in the host of the Danish Kings of Northumbria, and very many bore the
+mark of York, the Danish capital. The chest was the treasure-chest of
+the Danes. The money had been seized in England, 890-897; on French
+coasts, 897-910; and collected among the Danes of Northumbria about
+911. In that year, we know, the Danes raided Mercia, and were followed
+by the English King and thoroughly defeated. Their treasurer, Osberth,
+was killed, and it is argued that the Danes fell back by the Roman
+road, and were trying to cross into Northumbria by the ford at
+Cuerdale, but that, the ford being dangerous, they were obliged to bury
+their treasure-chest forty yards on the southern bank of the river.
+They were unable to cross, were cooped up in a bend of the stream, and
+were all put to the sword. Mr. Lang discussed this from the folklore
+point of view in the _Morning Post_, 2nd November, 1906, and concludes
+that "granting that none who knew the site of the deposit escaped, the
+theory marches well, and quite accounts for the presence of the hoard
+where it was found. The Danish rearguard defending the line of the
+Darwen would know that their treasure was hurried forward and probably
+concealed, but would not know the exact spot."
+
+Another good example is recorded in the _Antiquary_, xiv. 228. Further
+Henderson notes that the Borderers of England and Scotland entrusted
+their buried treasure to the brownie (_Folklore of Northern Counties_,
+248). This is exactly the same idea which exists throughout India.
+"Hidden treasures are under the special guardianship of supernatural
+beings. The Singhalese, however, divide the charge between demons and
+cobra capellas. Various charms are resorted to by those who wish to
+gain the treasures. A pujâ is sufficient with the cobras, but the
+demons require a sacrifice. Blood of a human being is the most
+important, but the Kappowas have hitherto confined themselves to a
+sacrifice of a white cock, combining its blood with their own, drawn by
+a slight puncture in the hand or foot. A Tamil, however, has resorted
+to human sacrifice as instanced by a case reported in the _Ceylon
+Times_."--_Indian Antiquary_, 1873. ii. p. 125.
+
+[38] Morris, _Heimskringla_, ii. 13.
+
+[39] Laing's _Heimskringla_, ii. 260.
+
+[40] Rhys, _The Arthurian Legend_, 7. Squire, in his recent _Mythology
+of the British Islands_, states the case for "the mythological coming
+of Arthur" in cap. xxi. of his book.
+
+[41] As, for instance, in the case of Taliesin and Ossian, see Squire,
+_Mythology of the British Islands_, 318; Rhys, _Celtic Mythology_, 551;
+Nutt's Notes to _Mabinogion_.
+
+I suppose the most ancient example of the duplication process is that
+of Dion Cassius (iii. 5), who suggests an earlier Romulus and Remus in
+order to account for the early occupation of the Palatine Hill at Rome.
+Middleton's _Anc. Rome_, 45.
+
+[42] It is interesting to find that, with independent investigation,
+Mr. Bury explains on the lines I adopt the traditional part of the life
+of St. Patrick. See his _Life of St. Patrick_, p. 111.
+
+[43] Freeman, _Hist. Norm. Conq._, iv. 467.
+
+[44] Wright, _Essays_, i. 244, notes this point; see also Freeman,
+_Hist. Norm. Conq._, iv. 828, and the preface to my edition of
+Macfarlane's _Camp of Refuge_ (Historical Novels Series), where I have
+discussed this subject at length.
+
+[45] _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, iii. 52.
+
+[46] Russell, _Kett's Rebellion_, p. 6.
+
+[47] Kemble's _Horæ Ferales_, 108.
+
+[48] Perhaps the most interesting example in a minor way comes from
+Shrewsbury. In the Abbey Church, forming part of a font, is the upper
+stone of a cross (supposed to have been the Weeping Cross) which was
+discovered at St. Giles's churchyard. It had been immemorially fixed in
+the ditch bank, and all traces of its origin were quite lost, except
+that an old lady, who was born in 1724, remembered having seen in her
+youth, persons kneeling before this stone and praying. The transmission
+of the tradition through very nearly three centuries proved correct,
+for on its being loosened by the frosts of a severe winter, it fell,
+and its religious distinction became immediately apparent from the
+sculpture with which it was adorned.--_Eddowes' Shrewsbury Journal_,
+5th October, 1889.
+
+[49] _Gent. Mag. Lib. Popular Superstitions_, 121. The importance of
+this tradition may be tested by reference to my book on the _Governance
+of London_, 96-98.
+
+[50] _Archæologia_, xxvi. 369-370. One could give many additional
+examples from all parts of the country, and undoubtedly they are worth
+collecting. I cannot refrain from quoting the following, as it is from
+an out-of-the-way source. At Seagry, in Wilts, is an ancient farm, one
+field of which was known as "Peter's Orchard." The author of a local
+history records the following: "It has been handed down from generation
+to generation that in a field on this farm a church was built on the
+site of an ancient heathen burial ground. In order to test the accuracy
+of this tradition, in the autumn of 1882 I had excavations made on the
+spot, which I will now describe. The field contains about ten acres,
+and presents a very singular appearance. In removing the sods, about
+two feet from the surface we discovered extensive stone foundations,
+extending for a considerable distance over the field. From the charred
+appearance of the stones they had evidently suffered from fire, thus
+supporting the tradition of some of the oldest inhabitants that the
+ancient church had been destroyed by fire. On continuing the search we
+found, about two feet below these foundations, a quantity of early
+British pottery, the remains of broken urns, some charred bones, and
+heads of small spears. The following is an extract from a letter which
+I have received from a gentleman, whose family have been connected with
+this parish for over two hundred years, and who has given me great
+assistance. He says: My father was born at Startley in 1784, and
+remained there until about 1840. Both he and my grandfather were deeply
+imbued with old folklore. I well remember them constantly speaking of
+the firm belief handed down to them of the heathen burial places at
+Seagry, and of the supposed ruins of a church and some religious house
+at Seagry. I think the discoveries made (on the very spot mentioned by
+tradition) in August, 1882, are abundant proof that after the lapse of
+more than nine centuries actual verification of the carefully
+transmitted tradition has at last been found."--_Bath Herald_, 1st
+September, 1883. If references to other examples were needed I should
+like to note Sir William Wilde's illustration as to "how far the
+legend, the fairy tale, the local tradition, or the popular
+superstition may have been derived from absolute historic
+fact."--_Lough Corrib_, 121, 123.
+
+[51] _Echoes from the Counties_ (1880), p. 30.
+
+[52] Grierson, _The Silent Trade_ (1903).
+
+[53] Pearson's _Chances of Death_, ii. 90. The reader should consult
+Dr. Pearson's entire study on this subject, chapters ix. and x., which
+may be compared with Mr. MacCulloch's _Childhood of Fiction_, 5-15, and
+more particularly with Mr. Hartland's _Science of Fairy Tales_.
+
+[54] In 1881 I read a paper before the Folklore Society on "Some
+Incidents in the story of the Three Noodles by means of reference to
+facts," _Folklore Record_, iv. 211, and in 1883 I published in the
+_Antiquary_, two papers on "Notes on Incidents in Folk-tales," based
+upon the same idea.
+
+[55] Introduction, p. lxix.
+
+[56] Introduction, p. lxxvii.
+
+[57] Page 12.
+
+[58] _Ibid._, p. 26.
+
+[59] _Ibid._, p. 5.
+
+[60] _Tales of the Highlands_, i. p. 251.
+
+[61] Kennedy, _loc. cit._, p. 77.
+
+[62] _Ibid._, p. 90.
+
+[63] See Beda, _Hist. Ecclesia_, lib. i. cap. 25.
+
+[64] See vol. i. p. 253.
+
+[65] Miss Frere's _Old Deccan Days_, p. 279.
+
+[66] Ælian, _Var. Hist._, lib. xiii. cap. xxxiii.
+
+[67] _Folklore Record_, vol. iv. p. 57.
+
+[68] _Asiatic Researches_, xvii. p. 502.
+
+[69] _Folklore Record_, vol. iii. p. 284.
+
+[70] Campbell's _Popular Tales of the West Highlands_, i. 308.
+
+[71] Joyce, _Old Celtic Romances_, 38, 75, 153, 177, 270. In the _Silva
+Gadelica_, by Mr. Standish O'Grady, the assembly is described sitting
+in a circle, vol. ii. p. 159, and Tara is also described, vol. ii. 264,
+358, 360, 384.
+
+[72] Miss Cox's admirable study and analysis of the Cinderella
+group of stories includes the Catskin variants, which number
+seventy-seven.--_Cinderella_, pp. 53-79.
+
+[73] _Studies in Ancient History_, p. 62.
+
+[74] Sproat's _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, p. 96.
+
+[75] See his _Early Hebrew Life_, p. 85.
+
+[76] Frazer, _Adonis, Attis, and Osiris_, 27-28.
+
+[77] Todd and Herbert, _Irish Version of Nennius_, p. 89.
+
+[78] _Indian Antiq._, iii. 32.
+
+[79] _Laws of Manu_ (Bühler), ix. 127; _Apastamba Gautama_ (Bühler),
+xxviii. 18.
+
+[80] Sir Henry Maine in his _Early Law and Custom_, p. 91.
+
+[81] A most remarkable instance of an actual case of running away from
+a marriage, resulting in adventures which might easily become folk-tale
+adventures if the story were once started on its traditional life, is
+to be found in Shooter's _Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_, pp.
+60-71.
+
+[82] _West Highland Tales_, vol. i. p. lxix.
+
+[83] Kennedy's _Fireside Stories of Ireland_, p. 64.
+
+[84] _Old Deccan Days_, p. 52.
+
+[85] _Ibid._, p. 233.
+
+[86] "Standing-place."
+
+[87] _Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, _loc. cit._
+
+[88] _New Statistical Account of Scotland_, xiv. 273.
+
+[89] Ure's _Agriculture of Kinross_, 57.
+
+[90] _Archæologia_, l. 195-214.
+
+[91] Du Chaillu's _Land of the Midnight Sun_, i. 393.
+
+[92] Tupper, _Punjab Customary Law_, ii. 188.
+
+[93] _Cobden Club Essays--Primogeniture._
+
+[94] Morris, _Saga Library_, ii. 194.
+
+[95] _Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, ii. 336.
+
+[96] Elton, _Origins of English History_, 91; _cf._ Du Chaillu, _Land
+of the Midnight Sun_, i. 393; Morris's _Sagas_, ii. 194.
+
+[97] Breeks, _Hill Tribes of India_, 108.
+
+[98] Mavor's _Collection of Voyages_, iv. 41.
+
+[99] _Anecdotes and Traditions_ (Camden Soc.), 85.
+
+[100] _Mythologie der Volkssagen und Volksmärchen._
+
+[101] Geiger, _Hist. Sweden_, 31, 32.
+
+[102] Elton, _Origins of English History_, 92.
+
+[103] Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme_, 14.
+
+[104] Nutt, _Legend of the Holy Grail_, 44.
+
+[105] _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1850, i. 250-252.
+
+[106] _Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, ii. 337.
+
+[107] Elton's _Origins_, 92.
+
+[108] Mr. Jacobs (_Folklore_, i. 405) objected to my interpretation of
+this story because--first, the Latin rhyme appearing in the Gaelic
+tale, the twelfth-century Latin story and the German inscription "tell
+for the origination of the story in one single place in historic
+times;" and, secondly, because a Kashmir story (Knowles' _Folk-tales of
+Kashmir_, 241), based on the same main incident, omits the minor
+incident of the mallet altogether. The answer to the first objection is
+that the Latin rhyme has been attached, in historic times, to the
+ancient folk-tale; and to the second objection, that the Kashmir story
+preserves the main incident of surrender of property upon reaching old
+age, and omits the more savage incident of killing, because the Kashmir
+people are in a stage of culture which still allowed of the surrender
+of property, but, like the Scandinavians, did not allow of the killing
+of the aged. Similarly, an English parallel to this form of the variant
+is preserved by De la Pryme in his _Diary_ (Surtees Society), 162. It
+must be remembered that the Kashmiris occupy a land which is referred
+to by Herodotos (iii. 99-105) as in the possession of people who killed
+their aged (_cf._ Latham, _Ethnology of India_, 199); and if my reading
+of the evidence is correct, this is also the case of the Highland
+peasant.
+
+[109] Dr. Pearson advocates statistical methods in his _Chances of
+Death_, ii. 58, 75-77, and shows by examples the value of them.
+
+[110] MacCulloch, _Childhood of Fiction_: "Some of the things which in
+these old-world stories form their fascination, have had their origin
+in sordid fact and reality" (p. vii).
+
+[111] Bühler, _Laws of Manu_, i.: "In Vedic mythology Manu is the heros
+eponymos of the human race and by his nature belongs both to gods and
+to men" (p. 57). _Cf._ Burnell and Hopkins, _Ordinances of Manu_, p.
+25.
+
+[112] _Early Law and Custom_, 5.
+
+[113] Pausanias, iii. 2(4).
+
+[114] Maine, _Ancient Law_, 4; Grote, _Hist. of Greece_, iii. 101.
+
+[115] Ortolan, _Hist. Roman Law_, 50; Maine, _Early Law and Custom_, 6.
+
+[116] Morris, _Saga Library_, i. p. xxx; Dasent, _Burnt Njal_, i. xlvi.
+
+[117] _Early Law and Custom_, 162.
+
+[118] Manx Society Publications, xviii. 21-22.
+
+[119] Strabo, lib. xv. cap. 1, pp. 709, 717; J. D. Mayne, _Hindu Law
+and Usage_, 4, 13.
+
+[120] Mackenzie, _Roman Law_, 11; _cf._ Pais, _Anc. Legends of Roman
+Hist._, 139.
+
+[121] Dasent, _Burnt Njal_, i. p. lvii, and Vigfusson and Powell,
+_Origines Islandicæ_, i. 348.
+
+[122] _Anc. Laws of Ireland_, iv. p. vii.
+
+[123] This appears very strongly in the famous twelfth-century law case
+which Longchamp pleaded so successfully. _Rotuli curia Regis_, i. p.
+lxii.
+
+[124] _Early Law and Custom_, 9; _cf._ Burnell and Hopkins, _Ordinances
+of Manu_, pp. xx, xxxi. It is worth while quoting here the following
+interesting note from a letter from the Marquis di Spineto printed in
+Clarke's _Travels_, viii. 417:--
+
+"From the most remote antiquity men joined together, and wishing either
+to amuse themselves or to celebrate the praises of their gods sang
+short poems to a fixed tune. Indeed, generally speaking, _the laws by
+which they were governed_, the events which had made the greatest
+impression on their minds, the praises which they bestowed upon their
+gods or on their heroes were all sung long before they were written,
+and I need not mention that according to Aristotle this is the reason
+why the Greeks gave the same appellation to laws and to songs."
+
+[125] The references are all given in Smith's _Dict. of Greek and Roman
+Antiquities_ sub νόμος. Aristotle in the _Problems_, 19, 28,
+definitely says, "Before the use of letters men sang their laws that
+they might not forget them, as the custom continues yet among the
+Agathyrsoi."
+
+[126] Lib. xii. cap. ii. 9.
+
+[127] _Hist. English Commonwealth_, 43.
+
+[128] _Anc. Laws of Ireland_, iv. pp. viii, x.
+
+[129] Hampson's _Origines Patriciæ_, 106-107; Kemble, line 5763 _et
+seq._
+
+[130] Proctor's _History of the Book of Common Prayer_, p. 410.
+
+[131] _Hist. Eng. Commonwealth_, ii. p. cxxxvi. Littleton points out
+the legal antiquity and importance of these words: "no conveyance can
+be made without them." See Wheatley's _Book of Common Prayer_ (quoting
+Littleton), p. 406.
+
+[132] The York manual had the additional clause, "for fairer for
+fouler." See Wheatley, _loc. cit._, p. 406.
+
+[133] Palgrave, _loc. cit._
+
+[134] _Ibid._
+
+[135] _Manuale et processionale ad usum insiquis ecclesiæ Evoracensis_,
+Surtees Society, 1875. See also _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1752, p. 171;
+Proctor's _History of the Book of Common Prayer_, p. 409, for other
+examples.
+
+[136] Palgrave, _English Commonwealth_, i. 43.
+
+[137] Chambers, _Popular Rhymes of Scotland_, 115.
+
+[138] Sinclair's _Stat. Acc. of Scotland_, x. 534.
+
+[139] Chambers, _Book of Days_, January 19; Nichols, _Fuller's
+Worthies_, 494.
+
+[140] _Diary of De la Pryme_ (Surtees Society), 126. It may be noted
+here that Kelly, _Curiosities of Indo-European Traditions_, 179, notes
+the preservation of an ancient law for the preservation of the oak and
+the hazel in a traditional proverbial rhyme.
+
+[141] Hazlitt, _Tenures of Land_, 80; other examples refer to the
+Hundred of Cholmer and Dancing, in Essex, 75; to Kilmersdon, in
+Somersetshire, 182; to Hopton, in Salop, 165. John of Gaunt is
+responsible for many of these curious and interesting remains of tribal
+antiquity. Bisley's _Handbook of North Devon_, 28, refers to one
+relating to the manor of Umberleigh, near Barnstaple, and I have a note
+from Mr. Edmund Wrigglesworth, of Hull, of a parallel to this being
+preserved by tradition only. There is a tradition respecting the estate
+of Sutton Park, near Biggleswade, Bedfordshire, which states that it
+formerly belonged to John of Gaunt, who gave it to an ancestor of the
+present proprietor, one Roger Burgoyne, by the following grant:--
+
+      "I, John of Gaunt,
+      Do give and do grant,
+      To Roger Burgoyne
+      And the heirs of his loin
+      Both Sutton and Potton
+      Until the world's rotten."
+
+Potton was a neighbouring village to Sutton. There is a moated site in
+the park called "John o' Gaunt's Castle," see _Notes and Queries_,
+tenth series, vi. 466. _Cf._ Aubrey, _Collections for Wilts_, 185, for
+an example at Midgehall; Cowell's _Law Interpreter_, 1607, and the
+_Dictionarum Rusticum_, 1704, for the custom of East and West Enborn,
+in Berks, which was made famous by Addison's _Spectator_ in 1714.
+
+[142] Sometimes these are called "burlesque conveyances." See an
+example quoted in _Hist. MSS. Commission_, v. 459.
+
+[143] It is well to bear in mind the great force of ancient tribal law,
+which was personal, upon localities. Nottingham is divided into two
+parts, one having primogeniture and the other junior right as the rule
+of descent. Southampton and Exeter have also local divisions. But
+perhaps the most striking example is at Breslau, where there
+co-existed, until 1st January, 1840, five different particular laws and
+observances in regard to succession, the property of spouses, etc., the
+application of which was limited to certain territorial jurisdictions;
+not unfrequently the law varied from house to house, and it even
+happened that one house was situated on the borders of different laws,
+to each of which, therefore, it belonged in part; Savigny, _Private
+Int. Law_, cap. i. sect. iv.
+
+[144] _Academy_, February, 1884; _Percy Reliques_, edit. Wheatley, i.
+384.
+
+[145] _Trans. British. Association_, 1847, p. 321.
+
+[146] Series No. V., published in 1895.
+
+[147] _Philological Society Papers_, 1870-2, pp. 18, 248; Dr. Murray
+gives the air in an appendix. See also a note by Mr. Danby Fry in the
+_Antiquary_, viii. 164-6, 269-70; and _The Hawick Tradition_, by R. S.
+Craig and Adam Laing, published at Hawick in 1898.
+
+[148] Squire, _Mythology of the British Islands_, 69.
+
+[149] Wilde, _Lough Corrib_, 210-248. Sir William Wilde has studied the
+details of this great fight with great care, and it is impossible to
+ignore his evidence as to the monuments of it being extant to this day
+among the recorded antiquities of Ireland. The battle lasted four days.
+The first day the Fir-Bolg had the best of the fighting, and
+pillar-stones erected to the heroes who fell are still in situ.
+Clogh-Fadha-Cunga, or long stone of Cong, which stood on the old road
+to the east of that village and a portion of which, six feet long, is
+still in an adjoining wall, being erected to Adleo of the Dananians,
+and Clogh-Fadha-Neal, or long stone of the Neale, at the junction of
+the roads passing northwards from Cross and Cong, commemorating the
+place where the king stood during the battle. After the battle each
+Fir-Bolg carried with him a stone and the head of a Danann to their
+king who erected a great cairn to commemorate the event, and this must
+be the cairn of Ballymagibbon which stands on the road passing from
+Cong to Cross. The well of Mean Uisge is identified as that mentioned
+in the MS. accounts of the battle, connected with a striking incident.
+After a careful examination of the locality, says Sir William Wilde,
+with a transcript of the ancient MS. in his hand, he was convinced of
+the identity of a stone heap standing within a circle as the place
+where the body of the loyal Fir-Bolg youth was burned. The second day's
+battle surged northwards, and at the western shores of Lough Mask,
+Slainge Finn, the king's son, pursuing the two sons of Cailchu and
+their followers, slew them there, and "seventeen flag stones were stuck
+in the ground in commemoration of their death," and by the margin of
+the lake in the island of Inish-Eogan there stands this remarkable
+monument to this hour. The line of the Fir-Bolg camp can still be
+traced with wonderful accuracy. Caher-Speenan, the thorny fort, was a
+part of this camp, and still exists. More to the south-east, on the
+hill of Tongegee, are the remains of Caher-na-gree, the pleasant fort,
+and still further to the east are Lisheen, or little earthen fort, and
+Caher-Phætre, pewter fort. Other forts also exist to give evidence both
+of the Fir-Bolg and the Danann lines. The Danann monuments are situate
+in the fields opposite the glebes of Nymphsfield. Five remarkable stone
+circles still remain within the compass of a square mile, and there are
+traces of others. The Fir-Bolgs were defeated on the fourth day and
+their king Eochy fell fighting to the last. "A lofty cairn was raised
+over his body, and called Carn Eathach, from his name." On the grassy
+hill of Killower, or Carn, overlooking Lough Mask, stands to this hour
+the most remarkable cairn in the west of Ireland, and there is little
+doubt this is the one referred to in the ancient tradition as
+commemorating the death of the last Fir-Bolg king in Erin.
+
+[150] Squire, _op. cit._, 76, 138.
+
+[151] Squire, _op. cit._, 230.
+
+[152] Squire, _Mythology_, 399.
+
+[153] See _Life and Writings_ by Oliver Elton, ii. 224.
+
+[154] _Governance of London_, 110-113.
+
+[155] _Celtic Heathendom_, 125-133.
+
+[156] See Bathurst, _Roman Antiquities of Lydney Park_, plates viii.,
+xiii., for the famous example dealt with by Sir John Rhys; and Stuart,
+_Caledonia Romana_, 309, plate ix. fig. 2, for a dedication to the
+"Deities of Britain."
+
+[157] See his _Stonehenge and Other British Stone Monuments_, chap.
+xxii.
+
+[158] See _Folklore_, xv. 306-311, for the Greek evidence; and xvii.
+30, 164, for the Irish evidence.
+
+[159] Frazer, _Golden Bough_ (2nd ed.), iii. 236-316. Mr. Frazer,
+however, is inclined to review his explanation of bonfires as
+sun-charms; see his _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, 151, note 4.
+
+[160] The specialisation of the fire cult is illustrated by the Hindu
+myth of the Angiras, see Wilson, _Rig Veda Sanhita_, i. p. xxix.
+
+[161] Gummere, _Germanic Origins_, 400-2.
+
+[162] It will be convenient to give the references for the various
+details of savage life in Britain. The original extracts are all given
+in _Monumenta Historica Britannica_ and in Giles' _History of Ancient
+Britons_, vol. ii. Ireland--cannibalism: Strabo, iv. cap. 5, 4, p. 201,
+Diodoros, v. 32; promiscuous intercourse: Strabo; birth ceremony:
+Solinus, xxii. Scotland--human sacrifice: Solinus, xxii.; promiscuous
+intercourse, Solinus, cap. xxii., Xiphilinus from Dio in _Mon. Brit.
+Hist._, p. lx., and St. Jerome adv. Jovin., v. ii. 201; nakedness,
+Herodian in _Mon. Brit. Hist._, p. lxiv, and Xiphilinus, _ibid._, p.
+lx. Britain--head-hunting, Strabo, iv. 1-4, pp. 199-201, Diodoros, v.
+29; tattooing, Cæsar, _De bello Gallico_, v. 12, Pliny, _Nat. Hist._,
+xxii. i. (2); promiscuous intercourse, Cæsar, _ibid._, v. 14,
+Xiphilinus in _Mon. Brit. Hist._, p. lvii.
+
+[163] _History of England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings_, i. 14.
+
+[164] Innes' _Critical Essay_, 45, 51, 56, 240.
+
+[165] O'Curry's _Manners and Customs of Ancient Irish_, i. p. vi. Dr.
+Whitley Stokes has criticised O'Curry's translations as bad, "not from
+ignorance, but to a desire to conceal a fact militating against
+theories of early Irish civilisation."--_Revue Celtique_, iii. 90-101.
+
+[166] Turner, _Hist. of Anglo-Saxons_, i. 64-74; Palgrave, _Eng. Com._,
+i. 467-8.
+
+[167] Giles' _History of Anc. Britons_, i. 231, referring to parallel
+customs among the Chinese.
+
+[168] Elton, _Origins of English History_, 82.
+
+[169] Rhys, _Celtic Britain_, 55.
+
+[170] _Celtic Heathendom_, 320, note.
+
+[171] I have dealt with this in my _Ethnology in Folklore_, 36-40.
+
+[172] Skene, _Celtic Scotland_, i. 59, 84.
+
+[173] Pearson, _Hist. of England during the Early and Middle Ages_, i.
+15, 21, 35.
+
+[174] Ramsay, _Foundations of England_, i. 9, 11, 30.
+
+[175] Lang, _Hist. of Scotland_, i. 3-5.
+
+[176] Joyce, _Social Hist. of Ireland_, i. 19.
+
+[177] In addition to Mr. Lang and Dr. Joyce, who are folklorists as
+well as historians, and who as we have seen do deal with these records
+scientifically, the folklorist goes out of his way to reject these
+records. Thus Mr. Squire says that "the imputation" which Cæsar makes
+as to polyandrous customs "cannot be said to have been proved,"
+_Mythology of the British Islands_, 30.
+
+[178] _Village Communities_, 17.
+
+[179] _Principles of Sociology_, i. 714.
+
+[180] _Arch. Cambrensis_, 6th ser. v. 3.
+
+[181] _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, xx. 259.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+MATERIALS AND METHODS
+
+
+The materials of folklore consist of traditional tales (so called) and
+traditional customs and superstitions (so called), the feature of both
+groups being that at the time of first being recorded and reduced to
+writing they existed only by the force of tradition. There is no fixed
+time for the record. It is sometimes quite early, as, for instance,
+the examples which come to us from historians; it is generally quite
+late, namely, the great mass of examples which, during the past
+century or so, have been collected directly from the lips or
+observances of the people, sometimes by the curious traveller or
+antiquary, lately by the professed folklorist.
+
+The consideration of the relationship of history and folklore has
+cleared the ground for definitions and method. Before the material of
+which folklore consists can be considered by the light of method, we
+must get rid of definitions which are often applied to folklore in its
+attributed sense. Folk-tales are not fiction or art, were not invented
+for amusement, are not myth in the sense of being imaginative
+only.[182] Customs and superstitions are not the result of ignorance
+and stupidity. These attributes are true only if folk-tales, customs,
+and superstitions are compared with the literary productions and with
+the science and the culture of advanced civilisation; and this
+comparison is exactly that which should never be undertaken, though
+unfortunately it is that which is most generally adopted. The
+folk-tale may be lent on occasion to the artist--to Mr. Lang, to Mr.
+Jacobs, and their many copyists; and these artists may rejoice at the
+wonderful results of the unconscious art that resides in these
+products of tradition, but the folk-tale must not be wholly
+surrendered. It does not belong to them. It does not belong to art at
+all, but to science. That it is artistic in form is an addition to its
+characteristics, but has nothing whatever to do with its fundamental
+features. Similarly with legend. It may be lent to Malory, to
+Tennyson, to Longfellow, to the literary bards of the romance period,
+for the purpose of weaving together their story of the wonderful; but
+it must not be surrendered to the romancist, and, above all things,
+the romances must never be allowed to enter the domain of folklore.
+Romances may be stripped of their legends so that the source of
+legendary material may be fully utilised, but the romances themselves
+belong to literature, and must remain within their own portals. And so
+with customs. They may be pleasing and reveal some of the beauties of
+the older joyousness of life which has passed away, it is to be
+regretted, from modern civilisation; they may be revived in May-day
+celebrations, in pageants, in providing our schools with games which
+tell of the romance of living. But they do not belong to the lover of
+the beautiful or to the revivalists. Equally with the folk-tale they
+belong to science. And so also with superstitions. The Psychical
+Research Society, the spiritualists, the professional successors of
+the mediæval witch and wizard, may turn their attention to traditional
+superstitions; but the folklorist refuses to hand them over, and
+claims them for science.
+
+This use of traditional material for modern purposes is not the only
+danger to proper definitions. There is also its appearance in the
+earlier stages of literature. The traditional narrative, the myth, the
+folk-tale or the legend, is not dependent upon the text in which it
+appears for the first time. That text, as we have it, was not written
+down by contemporary or nearly contemporary authority. Before it had
+become a written document it had lived long as oral tradition.[183] In
+some cases the written document is itself centuries old, the record
+of some early chronicler or some early writer who did not make the
+record for tradition's sake. In other cases the written document is
+quite modern, the record of a professed lover of tradition. This
+unequal method of recording tradition is the main source of the
+difficulty in the way of those who cannot accept tradition as a record
+of fact. In all cases the test of its value and the interpretation of
+its testimony are matters which need special study and examination
+before the exact value of each tradition is capable of being
+determined. The date when and the circumstances in which a tradition
+is first reduced to literary form are important factors in the
+evidence as to the credibility of the particular form in which the
+tradition is preserved; but they are not all the factors, nor do they
+of themselves afford better evidence when they are comparatively
+ancient than forms of much later date and of circumstances far
+different. It cannot be too often impressed upon the student of
+tradition that the tradition itself affords the chief if not the only
+sure evidence of its age, its origin, and its meaning; for the
+preservation of tradition is due to such varied influences that the
+mere fact of preservation, or the particular method or date of
+preservation, cannot be relied upon to give the necessary authority
+for the authenticity of the tradition. Tradition can never assume the
+position of written history, because it does not owe its origin, but
+only its preservation, to writing.
+
+Documentary material is examined as to its palæographical features, as
+to the testimony afforded by its author or assumed author, as to its
+credibility in dealing with contemporary events or persons, as to its
+date, and in other ways according to the nature of the document.
+Traditional material has nothing to do with all this. It has no
+palæography; it has no author, and if a personal author is assigned to
+any given fragment or element it is generally safe to ignore the
+tradition as the product of a later age; it does not deal with persons
+nor, as a rule, with specific events; it has no date. It has therefore
+to undergo a process of its own before it can be accepted as
+historical evidence, and this process, if somewhat tedious, is all the
+more necessary because of the tender material of which tradition is
+composed. This will be made clearer if we understand exactly what the
+different classes of tradition are and how they stand to each other.
+
+Considering the materials of folklore in their true sense and not
+their attributed sense then, we may proceed to say something as to
+methods. Definitions and rules are needed. No student can attack so
+immense a subject without the aid of such necessary machinery, and it
+is because the attempt has been so often made ill-equipped in this
+respect, that the science of folklore has suffered so much and has
+remained so long unrecognised. Already, in dealing with the
+relationship of history and folklore, one or two necessary
+distinctions in terms have been anticipated. We have discovered that
+the impersonal folk-tale is distinguished in a fundamental manner from
+the personal or local legend, and that the growth of mythology is a
+later process than the growth of myth. These distinctions need,
+however, to be systematised and brought into relationship with other
+necessary distinctions. The myth and the folk-tale are near
+relations, but they are not identical, and it is clear that we need to
+know something more about myth. Because mythic tradition has been
+found to include many traditions, which of late years have been
+claimed to belong to a definitely historical race of people, it must
+not be identified with history. This claim is based upon two facts,
+the presence of myth in the shape of the folk-tale and the
+preservation of much mythic tradition beyond the stage of thought to
+which it properly belongs by becoming attached to an historical event,
+or series of events, or to an historical personage, and in this way
+carrying on its life into historic periods and among historic peoples.
+The first position has resulted in a wholesale appropriation of the
+folk-tale to the cause of the mythologists; the second position has
+hitherto resulted either in a disastrous appropriation of the entire
+tradition to mythology, or in a still more disastrous rejection both
+of the tradition and the historical event round which it clusters.
+Historians doubting the myth doubt too the history; mythologists
+doubting the history reject the myth from all consideration, and in
+this way much is lost to history which properly belongs to it, and
+something is lost to myth.
+
+If, therefore, I have hitherto laid undue stress upon the foundation
+of tradition in the actual facts of life, and upon the close
+association of tradition with historic fact, it is because this side
+of the question has been so generally neglected. Everything has been
+turned on to the mythic side. Folk-tales have been claimed as the
+exclusive property of the mythologists, and those who have urged their
+foundation on the facts of real life have scarcely been listened to.
+There is, however, no ground for the converse process to be
+advocated. If tradition is not entirely mythology it is certainly not
+all founded on sociology, and the mythic tradition in the possession
+of a people advanced in culture has to be considered and accounted
+for. It is myth in contact with history, and the contact compels
+consideration of the result.
+
+
+I
+
+The first necessity is for definitions. Careful attention to what has
+already been said will reveal the fact that tradition contains three
+separate classes, and I would suggest definition of these classes by a
+precise application of terms already in use: The _myth_ belongs to the
+most primitive stages of human thought, and is the recognisable
+explanation of some natural phenomenon, some forgotten or unknown
+object of human origin, or some event of lasting influence; the
+_folk-tale_ is a survival preserved amidst culture-surroundings of a
+more advanced stage, and deals with events and ideas of primitive
+times in terms of the experience or of episodes in the lives of
+unnamed human beings; the _legend_ belongs to an historical personage,
+locality, or event. These are new definitions, and are suggested in
+order to give some sort of exactness to the terms in use. All these
+terms--myth, folk-tale, and legend--are now used indiscriminately with
+no particular definiteness. The possession of three such distinct
+terms forms an asset which should be put to its full use, and this
+cannot be done until we agree upon a definite meaning for each.
+
+The first place must be given to mythic tradition. This is not
+special to our own, or to any one branch of the human race. It belongs
+to all--to the Hindu, the Greek, the Slav, the Teuton, the Celt, the
+Semite, and the savage. It goes back to a period of human history
+which has only tradition for its authority, in respect of which no
+contemporary records exist, and which relates to a time when the
+ancestors of now scattered peoples lived together, and when they were
+struggling from the position of obedient slaves to all the fears which
+unknown nature inflicted on them, to that of observers of the forces
+of nature.
+
+Traditions which are properly classed as myth are those which are too
+ancient to be identified with historical personages, and too little
+realistic to be a relation of historical episodes. They are rather the
+explanations given by primitive philosophers of events which were
+beyond their ken, and yet needed and claimed explanation. In this
+class of tradition we are in touch with the struggles of the earliest
+ancestors of man to learn about the unknown. Our own research in the
+realms of the unknown we dignify by the name and glories of science.
+The research of our remote ancestors was of like kind, though the
+domain of the unknown was so different from our own. It was primitive
+science.
+
+The best type of this class of myth is, I think, the creation
+myth.[184] Everywhere, almost, man has for a moment stood apart and
+asked himself the question, Whence am I?--stood apart from the
+struggle for existence when that struggle was in its most severe
+stages. The answer he has given himself was the answer of the Darwin
+of his period. From the narrow observation of the natural man and his
+surroundings, governed by the enormous impressions of his own life,
+the answer has obviously not been scientific in our sense of the term.
+But it was scientific. It was the science of primitive man, and if we
+have to reject it as science not so good as our science, nay, as not
+science at all judged by our standard, we must not deny to primitive
+man the claim of having preceded modern man in his observation and
+interpretation of the world of nature.
+
+The range of the creation myth is almost world-wide. It includes
+examples from all quarters, and examples of great beauty as well as of
+singular, almost grotesque hideousness; the New Zealand myth is surely
+the best type of the former, and perhaps the Fijian of the latter. As
+Mr. Lang says: "all the cosmogonic myths waver between the theory of
+construction, or rather of reconstruction and the theory of evolution
+very rudely conceived."[185]
+
+It is not necessary to quote a large number of examples, because I am
+not concerned with their variety nor with their essentials. I am only
+anxious to point out their existence as evidence of the scientific
+character of primitive myth.[186] It is not to the point to say that
+the science was all wrong. What is to the point is to say that the
+attempt was made to get at the origin of man and his destiny. Mr. Lang
+thinks that "the origin of the world and of man is naturally a problem
+which has excited the curiosity of the least developed minds," but in
+the use of the term "naturally," I think the stupendous nature of the
+effort made by the least developed minds is entirely neglected, and we
+miss the opportunity of measuring what this effort might mean.
+
+When savages ask themselves, as they certainly _do_ ask themselves,
+whence the sky, whence the winds, the sun, moon, stars, sea, rivers,
+mountains and other natural objects, they reply in terms of good logic
+applied to deficient knowledge. All the knowledge they possess is that
+based upon their own material senses. And therefore, when they apply
+that knowledge to subjects outside their own personality, they deal
+with them in terms of their own personality. How did the sky get up
+there, above their heads--the sky evidently so lovingly fond of the
+earth, so intimately connected with the earth?
+
+The New Zealand answer to these questions is a great one, by whatever
+standard it is measured. Heaven and earth, they say, were husband and
+wife, so locked in close embrace that darkness everywhere prevailed.
+Their children were ever thinking amongst themselves what might be the
+difference between darkness and light. At last, worn out by the
+continued darkness, they consulted amongst themselves whether they
+should slay their parents, Rangi and Papa, _i.e._ heaven and earth, or
+whether they should rend them apart. The fiercest of their children
+exclaimed, "Let us slay them!" but the forest, another of the sons,
+said, "Nay, not so. It is better to rend them apart, and to let
+heaven stand far above us and the earth to lie under our feet. Let the
+sky become as a stranger to us, but the earth remain close to us as
+our nursing-mother." The brothers consented to this proposal with the
+exception of Tawhiri-ma-tea, the father of winds and storms; thus five
+of the brothers consented and one would not agree. Then each of the
+brothers tries to rend his parents, heaven and earth, asunder. First
+the father of cultivated food tries and fails; then the father of fish
+and reptiles; then the father of uncultivated food; then the father of
+fierce human beings. Then at last slowly uprises Tane-mahuta, the
+father of forests, birds, and insects, and he struggles with his
+parents; in vain he strives to rend them apart with his hands and
+arms. Lo, he pauses; his head is now firmly planted on his mother, the
+earth; his feet he raises up and rests against his father, the skies;
+he strains his back and limbs with mighty effort, and at last are rent
+apart Rangi and Papa, who shriek aloud with cries and groans. But
+Tane-mahuta pauses not, he regards not their shrieks and cries; far,
+far beneath him he presses down the earth; far, far above him he
+thrusts up the sky. Then were discovered a multitude of human beings
+whom heaven and earth had begotten, and who had hitherto lain
+concealed. But Tawhiri-ma-tea, the wind and storm, the brother who had
+not consented, is angry at this rending apart of his parents, and he
+rises and follows his father, the sky, and fights fiercely with the
+earth and his brothers.[187]
+
+The explanation of this myth is simple. Unaided by the facts of
+science, the New Zealand savages could only think of the facts of
+their own experience. Only two personalities could produce the various
+products of the world; therefore the earth was the mother and the sky
+the father. But they are now separated and apart. Only a personality
+could have separated, and the forest, root-sown in the earth,
+branch-up in the sky, is evidently the means of this separation. And
+so, satisfactorily to their own minds, these rude savages settled the
+question of the origin of heaven and earth.
+
+The close similarity of this to the story of Kronos has frequently
+been pointed out; but a Greek story is always worth repeating. Near
+the beginning of things Earth gave birth to Heaven. Later, Heaven
+became the husband of Earth, and they had many children. Some of these
+became the gods of the various elements, among whom were Okeanos, and
+Hyperion, the sun. The youngest child was Kronos of crooked counsel,
+who ever hated his mighty sire. Now the children of Heaven and Earth
+were concealed in the hollows of Earth, and both the Earth and her
+children resented this. At last they conspired against their father,
+Heaven, and, taking their mother into the counsels, she produced Iron
+and bade her children avenge her wrongs. Fear fell upon all of them
+except Kronos, and he determined to separate his parents, and with his
+iron weapon he effected his object. All the brothers rejoiced except
+one, Okeanos, and he remained faithful to his father.[188]
+
+It would be well for the sake of the story itself to give a creation
+myth from India, but I shall have other use for it than its particular
+charm.
+
+      "'In the beginning, when Twashtri came to the creation
+      of woman, he found that he had exhausted his materials
+      in the making of man, and that no solid elements were
+      left. In this dilemma, after profound meditation, he
+      did as follows. He took the rotundity of the moon, and
+      the curves of creepers, and the clinging of tendrils,
+      and the trembling of grass, and the slenderness of the
+      reed, and the bloom of flowers, and the lightness of
+      leaves, and the tapering of the elephant's trunk, and
+      the glances of deer, and the clustering of rows of
+      bees, and the joyous gaiety of sunbeams, and the
+      weeping of clouds, and the fickleness of the winds,
+      and the timidity of the hare, and the vanity of the
+      peacock, and the softness of the parrot's bosom, and
+      the hardness of adamant, and the sweetness of honey,
+      and the cruelty of the tiger, and the warm glow of
+      fire, and the coldness of snow, and the chattering of
+      jays, and the cooing of the _kókila_, and the
+      hypocrisy of the crane, and the fidelity of the
+      _chakrawáka_, and compounding all these together, he
+      made woman and gave her to man. But after one week,
+      man came to him and said: Lord, this creature that you
+      have given me makes my life miserable. She chatters
+      incessantly and teases me beyond endurance, never
+      leaving me alone; and she requires incessant
+      attention, and takes all my time up, and cries about
+      nothing, and is always idle; and so I have come to
+      give her back again, as I cannot live with her. So
+      Twashtri said: Very well; and he took her back. Then
+      after another week, man came again to him and said:
+      Lord, I find that my life is very lonely, since I
+      gave you back that creature. I remember how she used
+      to dance and sing to me, and look at me out of the
+      corner of her eye, and play with me, and cling to me;
+      and her laughter was music, and she was beautiful to
+      look at, and soft to touch; so give her back to me
+      again. So Twashtri said: Very well; and gave her back
+      again. Then after only three days, man came back to
+      him again and said: Lord, I know not how it is; but
+      after all I have come to the conclusion that she is
+      more of a trouble than a pleasure to me; so please
+      take her back again. But Twashtri said: Out on you! Be
+      off! I will have no more of this. You must manage how
+      you can. Then man said: But I cannot live with her.
+      And Twashtri replied: Neither could you live without
+      her. And he turned his back on man, and went on with
+      his work. Then man said: What is to be done? for I
+      cannot live either with her or without her.'"[189]
+
+Now this myth has, so far as its central fact is concerned, its
+counterpart in Celtic folklore. In the Welsh Mabinogi of Math, son of
+Mathonwy, it is related how Arianrod laid a destiny upon her son, whom
+she would not recognise, that he should never have a wife of the race
+that now inhabits the earth, and how Gwydion declared that he should
+have a wife notwithstanding. "They went thereupon unto Math, the son
+of Mathonwy, and complained unto him most bitterly of Arianrod. Well,
+said Math, we will seek, I and thou, by charms and magic, to form a
+wife for him out of flowers. So they took the blossoms of the oak, and
+the blossoms of the broom, and the blossoms of the meadow-sweet, and
+produced from them a maiden, the fairest and most graceful that man
+ever saw." No one can doubt that this interesting fragment of Welsh
+tradition takes us back to a creation legend of the same order as the
+Indian legend, and that the two widely separated parallels belong to
+the period when men were carving out for themselves theories as to the
+origin of women in relation to men.
+
+It is impossible to deny a place among these myths of creation to the
+Hebrew tradition of Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. The first
+chapter of Genesis is the answer which the early Hebrews gave to the
+scientific question as to the origin of man. How much it cost them to
+arrive at this conclusion one cannot guess, one only knows that it has
+become a glory to the ages of Hebrew history, as well as to the
+civilisation of Christianity. Unfortunately it has become much more.
+The science of the primitive Hebrew has been adopted as the God-given
+revelation to all mankind. It is the function of folklore to correct
+this error, to restore the Hebrew tradition to its proper place among
+the myths of the world which have answered the cry of early man for
+the knowledge of his origin. There is no degradation here. Science is
+no longer in doubt as to the origin of man within the evolutionary
+process of the natural world, and it rightly rejects the first chapter
+of Genesis as of value to modern research. But science should accept
+it as a chapter in the history of anthropology, a chapter which has
+only proved not to be true, because of the limited range of early man
+in the facts about man, but a chapter, nevertheless, which has the
+inherent value of a faithful record of man's search after truth. This
+is a great position. This is the revelation which is made to us from
+the first chapter of Genesis, and when the theologian is bold and able
+enough to step outside the formularies of his ancient faith, and reach
+the magnificent world of thought which lies in front of him by the
+revelations of scientific discovery, he will consider the
+anthropological interpretation of the Hebrew Bible as one of the
+necessary elements of his equipment. There is on present lines a
+whole world of thought between science and religion, although they
+both have the same object. They both seek the great unknown. Science,
+however, gives up all efforts in the past which have proved futile and
+erroneous, cheerfully surrenders all errors of research and
+interpretation, starts investigation afresh, begins new discoveries,
+and rewrites the story they have to tell. Religion, on the other hand,
+comes to a full stop when once she has made or accepted a discovery,
+when once she has pronounced that the great unknown has become known
+to her votaries and supporters. She is skilful to use the results of
+science up to the point where they serve her purpose, and to use the
+terms of science in order to build up her shattering position. But she
+does not advance. She does not accept the first chapter of Genesis as
+a wonderful revelation of the early stages of human investigation into
+the realms of the unknown, but still keeps to her old formula of a
+revelation of the deity as to the origin of man, and she does not see
+that by this attitude she is lessening every day her capacity for
+teaching truth.
+
+I think the attitude of science to the Hebrew tradition is only a
+little less unfortunate than that of religion. Professor Huxley
+employed all the resources of his great knowledge to disprove the
+scientific accuracy of the tradition, and when one rereads his
+chapters on this subject[190] one wonders at the absence of the sense
+of proportion. Perhaps it was necessary, considering the place which
+the Hebrew tradition occupies in civilised thought, to show its utter
+inconsistency with the facts of nature, but it was equally necessary
+to show that it has its place in the history of human thought. The
+folklorist replaces it among the myths of creation, and then proceeds
+to analyse and value it. The Hebrew is shown by the myth he adopted to
+have frankly acknowledged that the origin of man and of the world was
+undiscoverable by him. Whatever older myths he once possessed, he
+discarded them in favour of a mythic God-creator, and this is only
+another way of stating that the mystery of man's origin could not, to
+the Hebrew mind, be met by such a myth as the New Zealander believed
+in, or as the Kumis believed in, but could only be met by the larger
+conception of a special creation. The Hebrew could not find his answer
+in nature, so he appealed to super-nature. His God was the unknown
+God, and the realm of the unknown God was the unknowable. Though in
+terms this may not be the interpretation of the Hebrew creation myth,
+its ultimate resolve is this; and because modern science has
+penetrated beyond this confession of the unknown origin of man to the
+evolution of man, it should not therefore treat contemptuously the
+effort of early Hebrew science. Because it is not possible to admit
+this effort as part of modern science, it must not be rejected from
+the entire region of science. It must be respected as one of the many
+efforts which have made possible the last effort of all which
+proclaims that man has kinship with all the animal world.
+
+These points illustrate the unsatisfactory attitude of science and
+religion to myth. There is still to notice the unsatisfactory
+attitude of the folklorist. Wrong interpretation of special classes of
+myth is, of course, to be anticipated in the commencement of a great
+study such as folklore; but there are also wrong interpretations of
+the fundamental basis of myth. Thus even Mr. Frazer, with all his vast
+research into savage thought and action, doubts the possession of good
+logical faculty by mankind. If mankind, he says, had always been
+logical and wise, history would not be a long chronicle of folly and
+crime.[191] But surely we cannot doubt man's logical powers. They have
+been too strong for his facts. He has applied mercilessly all the
+powers of his logical faculties upon isolated observations of
+phenomena, and it is this limited application which has produced the
+folly and crime. I venture to think that civilised man shares with the
+savage of to-day, and with the primitive ancestors of all mankind, the
+charge of applying perfectly good logic to an insufficiency of facts,
+and producing therefrom fresh chapters of folly and crime.
+
+If myth is correctly defined as primitive science, as I have ventured
+to suggest, it is important to know how it assumes a place among the
+traditions of a people. Primitive science was also primitive belief.
+If it accounted for the origin of mankind, of the sun, moon, and
+stars, of the earth and the trees, it accounted for them as creations
+of a higher power than man, or, at all events, of a great and
+specially endowed man, and higher powers than man were of the unknown
+realm. The unknown was the awful. Primitive science and primitive
+belief were therefore on one and the same plane.[192] They were
+subjects to be treated with reverence and with awe. The story into
+which the myth was so frequently woven is not a story to those who
+believe in the truth of the myth. It assumes the personal shape,
+because the personal is the only machinery by which primitive man is
+capable of expressing himself. It was held only by tradition, because
+tradition was the only means of transmitting it, and it was of a
+sacred character, because sacred things and beliefs were the only
+forces which influenced primitive thought. When it was repeated to new
+generations of learners, it was not a case of story-telling--it was a
+matter of the profoundest importance. Everywhere among the lowest
+savagery we find the secrets of the group kept from all but the
+initiated, and these secrets are the traditions which have become
+sacred, traditions expressed sometimes in ceremonial, sometimes in
+rites, sometimes in narratives. Thus the mythological and religious
+knowledge of the Bushmen is imparted in dances, and when a man is
+ignorant of some myth, he will say, "I do not dance that dance,"
+meaning that he does not belong to the group which preserves that
+particular sacred chapter.[193] The Ashantees have an interesting
+creation myth which is stated to be the foundation of all their
+religious opinions.[194] Mr. Howitt, in his important chapter on
+"Beliefs and Burial Practices,"[195] seems to me to exactly interpret
+the savage mind. The first thing he notes is the belief--a belief that
+"the earth is flat, surmounted by the solid vault of the sky," that
+"there is water all round the flat earth," that the sun is a woman,
+and that the moon was once a man who lived on earth, and so on. Then,
+secondly, he notes the manner in which these beliefs are translated to
+and held by the people, the myth in point of fact--unfortunately, Mr.
+Howitt calls it a legend--wherein it is perfectly obvious that the
+Australian is interpreting the facts of nature in the only language
+known to him to be applicable, namely, that of his own personality.
+Messrs. Spencer and Gillen produce much the same kind of
+evidence,[196] and describe a ceremony among the northern tribes
+connected with the myth of the sun, which ends in a newly initiated
+youth being brought up, "shown the decorations, and had everything
+explained to him."[197] Among the central tribes the same authorities
+describe minutely the initiation ceremonies, during which the initiate
+boy "is instructed for the first time in any of the sacred matters
+referring to totems, and it is by means of the performances which are
+concerned with certain animals, or rather, apparently with the
+animals, but in reality with Alcheringa individuals who were the
+direct transformations of such animals, that the traditions dealing
+with this subject, which is of the greatest importance in the eyes of
+the natives, are firmly impressed upon the mind of the novice, to whom
+everything which he sees and hears is new and surrounded with an air
+of mystery."[198] Sir George Grey, speaking of the traditions of the
+Maori which he collected, says his reader will be in "the position of
+one who listens to a heathen and savage high priest, explaining to him
+in his own words and in his own energetic manner, the traditions in
+which he earnestly believes, and unfolding the religious opinions upon
+which the faith and hopes of his race rest."[199] This "school of
+mythology and history," as it is significantly termed in John White's
+_Ancient History of the Maori_, was "Whare-Kura, the sacred school in
+which the sons of high priests were taught our mythology and history,"
+and it "stood facing the east in the precincts of the sacred place of
+Mua." The school was opened by the priests in the autumn, and
+continued from sunset to midnight every night for four or five months
+in succession. The chief priest sat next to the door. It was his duty
+to commence the proceedings by repeating a portion of history; the
+other priests followed in succession, according to rank. On the south
+side sat the old and most accomplished priests, "whose duty it was to
+insist on a critical and verbatim rehearsal of all the ancient
+lore."[200] The American-Indian account, by the Iroquois, of how myths
+were told to an ancient chief and an assembly of the people on a
+circular open space in a deep forest, wherein was a large wheel-shaped
+stone, from beneath which came a voice which told the tale of the
+former world, and how the first people became what they are at
+present,[201] is in exact accord with this evidence. The priestly
+novice among the Indians of British Guiana is taught the traditions of
+the tribe, while the medicine man of the Bororó in Brazil has to learn
+certain ritual songs and the languages of birds, beasts, and
+trees.[202]
+
+I do not want to press the point too far, because evidence is not easy
+to get on account of the incomplete fashion in which it has been
+collected and presented to the student. The records of native life are
+divided off into chapters arranged, not on the basis of native ideas,
+but on the basis of civilised ideas, and from this cause we get myth
+and belief in different chapters as if they had no connection with
+each other; we get myths treated as if they were but the
+fancy-begotten amusements of the individual, instead of the serious
+ideas of the collective people about the elements of nature to which
+they have directed their attention. Mr. J. A. Farrer comes practically
+to this correct conclusion,[203] while Mr. Jevons seems to me to have
+arrived at the same result in spite of some false intermediate steps,
+due to his failure to discriminate between myth and mythology.[204]
+Failures of this kind are of almost infinite loss to scientific
+research. They stop the results which might flow from the stages
+correctly reached, and hide the full significance which arises from
+the fact that man's aspirations are always so much in excess of his
+accomplished acts. Poetry, philosophy, prayer, worship, are all short
+of the ideal; and the question may surely arise whether the actual
+accomplishments of man in civilisation, as compared with those of man
+in savagery, afford any sort of indication of the distance between
+man's accomplishment and his aspiration at any age. If man has never
+travelled at one moment of time, or at one definite period of life,
+all this distance in thought, it may still be possible to use this
+distance between savage and cultured accomplishment as a standard of
+measurement between accomplishment and ideal, wherever the material
+for such a purpose is available. If folklorists will keep such a
+possibility in mind, whenever they are called upon to investigate
+myth, it will at all events save them from proceeding upon lines which
+cannot lead to progress in the investigation of human history.
+
+The primitive myth does not include all that properly comes within the
+definition of myth. There must be included the myth formed to explain
+a rite or ceremony, which originating in most ancient times has been
+kept up at the instance of a particular religion or cult, but the
+meaning and intent of which has been forgotten amidst the progress of
+a later civilisation. Pausanias is the great storehouse of such myths
+as this, and Mr. Lang has, more than any other scholar, examined and
+explained the process which has gone on.
+
+There is also included in this secondary class of myth, the myths upon
+which are founded the great systems of mythology. The Hindu mythology,
+in spite of all that has been done to place it on the pedestal of
+primitive original thought, is definitely relegated to the secondary
+position by its best exponents. The Vedic religion is tribal in form,
+and in the pre-mythological stage.[205] In the Rámáyaná and
+Mahábhárata, on the contrary, "we trace unequivocal indications of a
+departure from the elemental worship of the Vedas, and the origin or
+elaboration of legends which form the great body of the mythological
+religion of the Hindus."[206] The pre-mythological and the
+mythological stages of Hindu religion, therefore, are both
+discoverable from the traditional literature which has descended from
+both ages, and this fact is important in the classification of the
+various phases of tradition. When once it is admitted that the
+beginnings of mythology are to be traced in one section of the people
+who are supposed to derive a common system of mythology from a common
+home, future research will hesitate to interpret, as Kuhn and Max
+Müller and their school have done, the traditions of Celts, Teutons,
+and Scandinavians as the detritus of ancient mythologies instead of
+the beginnings of what, under favourable conditions, might have grown
+into mythologies. Mythological tradition is essentially a secondary
+not a primary stage. This fact is overlooked by many authorities, and
+I have noted some of the unfortunate results. It is not overlooked by
+those who study the principles of their subject as well as the
+details. Thus, as Robertson-Smith has so well explained, "mythology
+was no essential part of ancient religion, for it had no sacred
+sanction and no binding force on the worshippers.... Belief in a
+certain series of myths was neither obligatory as a part of true
+religion, nor was it supposed that by believing a man acquired
+religious merit and conciliated the favour of the gods. What was
+obligatory or meritorious was the exact performance of certain sacred
+acts prescribed by religious tradition. This being so, it follows that
+mythology ought not to take the prominent place that is too often
+assigned to it in the scientific study of ancient faiths."[207] This
+is exactly the position, and all that I have advanced for the purpose
+of aiming at a classification of the various kinds of tradition is in
+accord with this view.
+
+All that I am anxious to prove, all that it is possible to prove, from
+these considerations of the position occupied by myth, is that myths
+constitute a part of the serious life of the people. They belong to
+the men and women, perhaps some of them to the men only and others to
+the women only, but essentially to the life of the people.
+
+I do not think that even Mr. Hartland in his special study of the
+subject has quite understood this. He begins at a later period in the
+history of tradition, the period of story-telling proper, when myths
+have become folk-tales,[208] and he treats this period as the earliest
+instead of the secondary stage of myth. In this stage something has
+happened to push myth back from the centre of the people's life to a
+lesser position--a new religious influence, a new civilisation, a new
+home, any one of the many influences, or any combination of
+influences, which have affected peoples and sent them along the paths
+of evolution and progress.
+
+It is in this way that we come upon the folk-tale. The folk-tale is
+secondary to the myth. It is the primitive myth dislodged from its
+primitive place. It has become a part of the life of the people,
+independently of its primary form and object and in a different
+sense. The mythic or historic fact has been obscured, or has been
+displaced from the life of the people. But the myth lives on through
+the affections of the people for the traditions of their older life.
+They love to tell the story which their ancestors revered as myth even
+though it has lost its oldest and most impressive significance. The
+artistic setting of it, born of the years through which it has lived,
+fashioned by the minds which have handed it down and embellished it
+through the generations, has helped its life. It has become the fairy
+tale or the nursery tale. It is told to grown-up people, not as belief
+but as what was once believed; it is told to children, not to men; to
+lovers of romance, not to worshippers of the unknown; it is told by
+mothers and nurses, not by philosophers or priestesses; in the
+gathering ground of home life, or in the nursery, not in the hushed
+sanctity of a great wonder.[209]
+
+The influence of changing conditions upon the position of mythic
+tradition is well illustrated by Dr. Rivers in his account of the
+Todas. This people, he says, "are rapidly forgetting their folk-tales
+and the legends of their gods [that is, their myths], while their
+ceremonial remains to a large extent intact and seems likely to
+continue so for some time." Dr. Rivers attributes this to the effect
+of intercourse with other people. This intercourse has had no
+missionary results and has not therefore affected their religious
+rites and ceremonies, but has shown itself largely in the form of loss
+of interest in the stories of the past.[210] In other words, and in
+accordance with the definitions I am suggesting, the primitive myths
+of the Todas have definitely assumed a secondary position as
+folk-tale, and not a strong position at that, while religion has clung
+to rite and formula.
+
+Primitive myth dislodged in this fashion is sometimes preserved in a
+special manner and for religious purposes in its ancient setting as a
+belief, or as a tradition belonging to sacred places and appertaining
+to sacred things. This is what has happened to the Genesis myth of the
+Hebrews; it has also happened to some of the sacred myths of the
+Hindus, and perhaps to some of the sacred myths of the Greeks. In this
+position the myth may even be reduced to writing, and where this
+happens all the sacredness appertaining to tradition is transferred to
+the written instrument.
+
+Thus in Arkadia, Pausanias tells us, was a temple of Demeter, and
+every second year, when they were celebrating what they called the
+greater mysteries, they took out certain writings which bore on the
+mysteries, and having read them in the hearing of the initiated, put
+them back in their place that same night.[211] In India examples occur
+of land being held for telling stories at the Ucháos or festivals of
+the goddess Dévi.[212] The colleges of Rome, composed of men specially
+skilled in religious lore, and charged with the preservation of
+traditional rules regarding the more general religious observances,
+the proper fulfilment of which implied a certain amount of
+information, and rendered it necessary for the state in its own
+interest to provide the faithful transmission of that information,
+have been described by Mommsen.[213]
+
+I pass to the third class of tradition, namely, the legend, and this
+need not detain us long. We have already illustrated it by the notes
+on history and folklore, and by its very nature it belongs essentially
+to the historic age. In dealing with legend, there is first to
+determine whether its characters are historical, or are unknown to
+history. If the former, there is next to disengage those parts of the
+tradition which, by their parallels to other traditions, or by their
+nature, may be safely certified as not belonging to the historical
+hero or to the period of the historical hero. If the latter, the
+details must be analysed to see what elements of culture are contained
+therein. In both cases tradition will have served a purpose, and that
+purpose must be sought. Tradition does not attach itself to an
+historical personage without cause. There is necessity for it, and in
+the case of Hereward the necessity was proved to have been the great
+gap in the history of a national hero. Tradition does not preserve
+details of primitive culture-history without cause, and in the
+examples already quoted it has been shown that this cause rests upon
+the indissoluble links which the uncultured peasant of to-day has with
+the pre-cultured past of his race. He will have forgotten all about
+his tribal life and its consequences, but will retain legends which
+are founded upon tribal life. He will have lost touch with ideas which
+proclaim that man or woman not of his tribe is an enemy to be feared
+or attacked, but will gladly relate legends which deal with events
+growing out of a state of perpetual strife among the ancestors of
+people now in friendship. He will not understand the personal tie of
+ancient times, but will listen to the legends attached to places in
+such strange fashion as to make places seem to possess a personal life
+full of events and happenings. He will know nothing of giants and
+ogres, but will love the legends which tell of heroes meeting and
+conquering such beings. The history of the school books is nothing to
+him, but the history unknowingly contained in the legends is very
+real, and is applied over and over again to such later events as by
+force of circumstances become stamped upon the popular mind and thus
+succeed in displacing the original. It would be an important
+contribution to history to have these legends collected and examined
+by a competent authority. They would be beacon lights of national
+history preserved in legend.
+
+It will be readily conceded, I think, that in attempting these
+definitions of the various classes of tradition, and in illustrating
+them from the records of man's life in various parts of the world, it
+has been impossible for me to deal with certain points in the problem
+before us. In particular I have not considered the favourite subject
+of the diffusion of folk-tales. I do not believe in a general system
+of diffusion, such a system, I mean, as would suffice to account for
+the parallels to be found in almost all countries.[214] I think
+diffusion occupies a very small part indeed of the problem, and that
+it only takes place in late historical times. It is a large subject,
+and I have virtually stated my answer to the theory of diffusion in
+the definitions and classifications which I have ventured to put
+forward. It may be considered by some that other facts in the
+conditions of myth, folk-tale, and legend would not confirm the
+general outline I have given of the three classes of tradition to
+which I have applied these terms; and of course there are many side
+issues in so great a problem. I would not urge the correctness of the
+views I have put forward as applicable to every part of the world, or
+to every phase in the history of tradition; but I would urge that in
+the great centres of traditional life they are practically the only
+means of arriving at the position occupied by tradition, and that in
+all cases they form a working hypothesis upon which future inquirers
+may well base their researches.
+
+
+II
+
+Of late years there have been placed alongside of the traditional
+myth, folk-tale, and legend many other products of tradition--customs,
+ceremonies, practices, and beliefs, and it has been argued, and argued
+strongly and convincingly, that the tradition which has brought down
+the saga and song as far-off echoes of an otherwise unrecorded past
+has also brought down these other elements which must also belong to
+the same distant past. This argument is now no longer seriously
+disputed. But there still remains open for discussion the exact kind
+of evidence which these elements of tradition supply, the particular
+period or people from which they have descended, the particular
+department of history to which they relate. All this is highly
+disputed.
+
+Folklore has in this department been greatly aided by Dr. Tylor's
+impressive terminology, whereby the custom, ceremony, practice, and
+belief which have come down by tradition are classed as "survivals."
+This term implies an ancient origin, and the necessary work of the
+student is to get back to the original. Until very lately the fact of
+survival has carried with it the presumption of ancient origin, but
+Mr. Crawley has raised an objection which I think it is well to meet.
+He urges that "the history of religious phenomena exemplifies in the
+most striking manner the continuity of modern and primitive culture;
+but there is a tendency on the part of students to underestimate this
+continuity, and, by explaining it away on a theory of survivals, to
+lose the only opportunity we have of deducing the permanent elements
+of human nature."
+
+This sentence at once prepares us for much that follows; but Mr.
+Crawley leaves the point itself untouched, except by implication,
+until he is in the middle of his book, and then we have his dictum
+that "it may be finally asserted that nothing which has to do with
+human needs ever survives as a mere survival."[215] It will at once be
+seen that we have here a new estimate of the force which survivals
+play in the evidence of human progress. They prove the continuity of
+modern and primitive culture. They are part and parcel of modern life,
+filling a vacuum which has not been filled by modern thought, carrying
+on, therefore, the standard of religious belief and religious ideal
+from point to point until they can be replaced by newer ideas and
+concepts. This definition of survivals is very bold. It answers Mr.
+Crawley's purpose and argument in a way which no other fact in human
+history, so far as we can judge, could answer it. It is the basis upon
+which his whole argument is founded. Occupying such an important
+place, it should have received explicit investigation, instead of
+being treated as a sort of side issue of incidental importance.
+
+When explicit investigation is undertaken, Mr. Crawley's case must, I
+think, break down. Survivals are carried along the stream of time by
+people whose culture-status is on a level with the culture in which
+the survivals originated. It matters not that these people are placed
+in the midst of a higher civilisation or alongside of a higher
+civilisation. When once the higher civilisation penetrates to them,
+the survival is lost. There is not continuity between modern and
+primitive thought here, but, on the contrary, there is strong
+antagonism, ending with the defeat and death of the primitive
+survival. This is the evidence wherever survivals can be studied,
+whether in the midst of our own civilisation, or even of primitive
+civilisations, which constantly exhibit traces of older beliefs and
+ideas being pushed out of existence by newer. It is, indeed, a mistake
+to suppose, as some authorities apparently do, that survivals can only
+be studied when they are embedded in a high civilisation. It is almost
+a more fruitful method to study them when they appear in the lower
+strata; and even in such a case as the Australian aborigines I think
+that it is the neglect of observing survivals that has led to some of
+the erroneous theories which have recently been advanced against
+Messrs. Spencer and Gillen's conclusions.
+
+For the purpose of examining survivals in custom, rite, and belief, we
+have nothing more than a series of notes of customs and beliefs
+obtaining among the lower and lowest classes of the people, and not
+being the direct teaching of any religious or academic body. These
+notes are very unequal in value, owing to the manner in which they
+have been made. They are often accidental, they are seldom if ever the
+result of trained observation, and they are often mixed up with
+theories as to their origin and relationship to modern society and
+modern religious beliefs. To a great extent the two first of these
+apparent defects are real safeguards, for they certify to the
+genuineness of the record, a certificate which is more needed in this
+branch of inquiry than perhaps in any other. But with regard to the
+third defect there is considerable danger. An inquirer with an object
+is so apt to find what he wishes to find, either by the exercise of
+his own credulity or the ingenuous extension of inquiry into answer;
+whereas the inquirer who is content to note with the simplicity of
+those who occupy themselves by collecting what others have not
+collected, may be deficient in the details he gives, but is seldom
+wrong or violently wrong in what he has recorded. In every direction,
+however, great caution is needed, and especially where any section of
+custom and belief has already been the subject of inquiry. It is
+indeed almost safe to say that all research into custom and belief,
+even that of such masters as Tylor, Lang, Hartland, Frazer, and
+others, needs re-examination before we can finally and unreservedly
+accept the conclusions which have been arrived at.
+
+Such an examination must be directed towards obtaining some necessary
+points in the life-history of each custom, rite, and belief. We have
+to approach this part of our work guided by the fact that folklore
+cannot by any possibility develop. The doctrine of evolution is so
+strong upon us that we are apt to apply its leading idea insensibly to
+almost every branch of human history. But folklore being what it is,
+namely the survival of traditional ideas or practices among a people
+whose principal members have passed beyond the stage of civilisation
+which those ideas and practices once represented, it is impossible for
+it to have any development. When the original ideas and practices
+which it represents were current as the standard form of culture,
+their future history was then to be looked for along the lines of
+development. But so soon as they dropped back behind the standard of
+culture, whatever the cause and whenever the event happened, then
+their future history could only be traced along the lines of decay and
+disintegration. We are acquainted with some of the laws which mark the
+development of primitive culture, but we have paid no attention to the
+influences which mark the existence of survivals in culture. For this
+purpose we must first ascertain what are the component parts of each
+custom or superstition; secondly, we must classify the various
+elements in each example; and thirdly, we must group the various
+examples into classes which associate with each other in motif and
+character.
+
+By this treble process we shall have before us examples of the changes
+in folklore, and demonstrably they are changes of decay, not of
+development. By grouping and arranging these changes it may be
+possible to ascertain and set down the laws of change--for that there
+are laws I am nearly certain. It is these laws which must be
+discovered before we can go very far forward in our studies. Every
+item of custom and superstition must be tested by analysis to find out
+under which power it lives on in survival, and according to the result
+in each case, so may we hope to find out something about the original
+from which the survival has descended.
+
+Each folklore item, in point of fact, has a life history of its own,
+and a place in relationship to other items. Just as the biography of
+each separate word in our language has been investigated in order to
+get at Aryan speech as the interpretation of Aryan thought, so must
+the biography of each custom, superstition, or story be investigated
+in order to get at Aryan belief or something older than Aryan belief.
+We must try to ascertain whether each item represents primitive belief
+by direct descent, by symbolisation, or by changes which may be
+discovered by some law equivalent to Grimm's law in the study of
+language.
+
+Analysis of each custom, rite, or belief will show it to consist of
+three distinct parts, which I would distinguish by the following
+names:--
+
+1. The formula.
+
+2. The purpose.
+
+3. The penalty or result.
+
+It will be found that these three component parts are not equally
+tenacious of their original form in all examples. In one example we
+may find the formula either actually or symbolically perfect, while
+the purpose and penalty may not be easily distinguishable. Or it may
+happen that the formula remains fairly perfect; the purpose may be set
+down to the desire of doing what has always been done, and the penalty
+may be given as luck or ill-luck. Of course, further variations are
+possible, but these are usually the more general forms.
+
+I will give an example or two of these phases of change or degradation
+in folklore. First, then, where the formula is complete, or nearly so,
+and the purpose and penalty have both disappeared. At Carrickfergus it
+was formerly the custom for mothers, when giving their child the
+breast for the last time, to put an egg in its hand and sit on the
+threshold of the outer door with a leg on each side, and this ceremony
+was usually done on a Sunday. Undoubtedly I think we have here a very
+nearly perfect formula; but what is its purpose, and what is the
+penalty for non-observance? Upon both these latter points the example
+is silent, and before they can be restored we must search among the
+other fragments of threshold customs and see whether they exist either
+separately from the formula or with a less perfect example. Secondly,
+where the formula has disappeared and the purpose and penalty remain,
+nearly the whole range of those floating beliefs and superstitions
+which occupy so largely the collections of folklore would supply
+examples. But I will select one example which will be to the point.
+When the Manx cottager looks for the traces of a foot in the ashes of
+his firegrate for the purpose of seeing in what direction the toes
+point, the penalty being that, if they point to the door, a death will
+occur, if to the fireplace, a birth,[216] there is no trace of the
+ancient formula. It is true we may find the missing formula in other
+lands; for instance, among some of the Indian tribes of Bombay. There
+the formula is elaborate and complete, while the purpose and the
+penalty are exactly the same as in the Isle of Man. But this hasty
+travelling to other lands is not, I contend, legitimate in the first
+place. We must begin by seeing whether there is not some other item of
+folklore, perhaps now not even connected with the house-fire group of
+customs and superstitions, whose true place is that of the lost
+formula of this interesting Manx custom. And when once we have taught
+ourselves the way to restore these lost formulæ to their rightful
+places, the explanation of the mere waifs and strays of folklore will
+be attended with some approach to scientific accuracy, and we shall
+then be in a position to get rid of that shibboleth so dear to the
+non-folklore critic, that all these things we deal with are "mere
+superstitions."
+
+Thirdly, when the formula is complete, or nearly so, and the purpose
+and penalty become generalised. At St. Edmundsbury a white bull, which
+enjoyed full ease and plenty in the fields, and was never yoked to the
+plough or employed in any service, was led in procession in the chief
+streets of the town to the principal gate of the monastery, attended
+by all the monks singing and a shouting crowd. Knowing what Grimm has
+collected concerning the worship of the white bull, knowing what is
+performed in India to this day, there is no doubt that this formula of
+the white bull at St. Edmundsbury has been preserved in very good
+condition. The purpose of it was, however, not so satisfactory. It is
+said to have taken place whenever a married woman wished to have a
+child; and the penalty is lost in the obvious generalisation that not
+to perform the ceremony is not to obtain the desired end.[217]
+
+The second process, that of classification of the various elements in
+each example, will reveal some characteristics of folklore, which, so
+far as I know, have never yet been taken count of. One very important
+characteristic is the prevalence of a particular belief attached to
+different objects in different places. Thus Sir John Rhys in his
+examination of Manx folklore stopped short in his explanation of the
+superstition of the first-foot, because he had heard that, while in
+the Isle of Man it was attached to a dark man, elsewhere it was
+attached to a fair man. Of the examples where, on New Year's morning,
+it is held to be unlucky to meet a dark person, I may mention
+Lincolnshire, Durham, Yorkshire, and Northumberland. It is, on the
+contrary, _lucky_ to meet, as first-foot, a dark-haired man in
+Lancashire, the Isle of Man, and Aberdeenshire.[218] In these cases we
+get the element of "dark" or "fair" as the varying factor of the
+superstition; but instances occur in Sutherlandshire, the West of
+Scotland, and in Durham, where the varying factor rests upon sex--a
+man being lucky and a woman being unlucky.
+
+Similarly of the well-known superstition about telling the bees of the
+death of their owner, in Berkshire, Bucks, Cheshire, Cornwall,
+Cumberland, Lincolnshire, Lancashire, Monmouthshire, Notts,
+Northumberland, Shropshire, Somersetshire, Suffolk, Surrey, Sussex,
+Wilts, Worcestershire, it appears that a relative may perform the
+ceremony, or sometimes a servant merely, while in Derbyshire, Hants,
+Northants, Rutland, and Yorkshire it must be the heir or successor of
+the deceased owner. Again, while in the above places the death of the
+owner is told to the bees, in other places it is told to the cattle,
+and in Cornwall to the trees;[219] and, in other places, marriages as
+well as death are told to the bees.[220]
+
+In some cases the transfer from one object to another of a particular
+superstition is a matter of absolute observation. Thus, the labourers
+in Norfolk considered it a presage of death to miss a "bout" in corn
+or seed sowing. The superstition is now transferred to the drill,
+which has only been invented for a century. Again, in Ireland, it is
+now considered unlucky to give any one a light for his pipe on
+May-day--a very modern superstition, apparently. But the pipe in this
+case has been the means of preserving the old superstition found in
+many places of not giving a light from the homestead fire.
+
+I will just refer to one other example, the well-known custom of
+offering rags at sacred wells. Sir John Rhys thought that the object
+of these scraps of clothing being placed at the well was for
+transferring the disease from the sick person to some one else. But I
+ventured to oppose this idea, and considered that they were offerings,
+pure and simple, to the spirit of the well, and referred to examples
+in confirmation. Among other items, I have come across an account of
+an Irish "station," as it is called, at a sacred well, the details of
+which fully bear out my view as to the nature of the rags deposited at
+the shrine being offerings to the local deity. One of the devotees, in
+true Irish fashion, made his offering accompanied by the following
+words: "To St. Columbkill--I offer up this button, a bit o' the
+waistband o' my own breeches, an' a taste o' my wife's petticoat, in
+remimbrance of us havin' made this holy station; an' may they rise up
+in glory to prove it for us in the last day."[221] I shall not attempt
+to account for the presence of the usual Irish humour in this, to the
+devotee, most solemn offering; but I point out the undoubted nature of
+the offerings and their service in the identification of their
+owners--a service which implies their power to bear witness in
+spirit-land to the pilgrimage of those who deposited them during
+lifetime at the sacred well.[222]
+
+Now, in all these cases there is an original and a secondary, or
+derivative, form of the superstition, and it is our object to trace
+out which is which. Do the rags deposited at wells symbolise offerings
+to the local deity? If so, they bring us within measurable distance of
+a cult which rests upon faith in the power of natural objects to harm
+or render aid to human beings. Does the question of first-foot rest
+upon the colour of the hair or upon the sex of the person? I think,
+looking at all the examples I have been able to examine, that colour
+is really the older basis of the superstition, and, if so,
+ethnological considerations are doubtless the root of it. Again, if
+the eldest son of the deceased owner of bees appears in the earliest
+form of the death-telling ceremony, we have an interesting fragment of
+the primitive house-ritual of our ancestors.
+
+When, however, we come upon the worship of local deities, when we can
+suggest ethnological elements in folklore, and when we can speak of
+the house-father, and can see that duties are imposed upon him by
+traditional custom, unknown to any rules of civilised society, we are
+in the presence of facts older than those of historic times. It is
+thus that folklore so frequently points back to the past before the
+age of history. Over and over again we pause before the facts of
+folklore, which, however explained, always lead us back to some
+unexplored epoch of history, some undated period, which has not
+revealed its heroes, but which has left us a heritage of its mental
+strivings.
+
+The method of using these notes of custom, rite, and belief for
+scientific purposes is therefore a very important matter. It is
+essential that each single item should be treated definitely and
+separately from all other items, and, further, that the exact wording
+of the original note upon each separate item should be kept intact.
+There must be no juggling with the record, no emendations such as
+students of early literary work are so fond of attempting. Whatever
+the record, it must be accepted. The original account of every custom
+and belief is a corpus, not to be tampered with except for the purpose
+of scientific analysis, and then after that purpose has been effected
+all the parts must be put together again, and the original restored to
+its form.
+
+The handling of each custom or belief and of its separate parts in
+this way enables us, in the first place, to disentangle it from the
+particular personal or social stratum in which it happens to have been
+preserved. It may have become attached to a place, an object, a
+season, a class of persons, a rule of life, and may have been
+preserved by means of this attachment. But because every item of
+folklore of the same nature is not attached to the same agent
+wherever that particular item has been preserved, it is important not
+to stereotype an accidental association as a permanent one. Moreover,
+the modern association is not necessarily the ancient association, and
+there is the further difficulty created by writers on folklore
+classifying into chapters of their own creation the items they collect
+or discuss.[223] In the second place, we are enabled to prepare each
+item of folklore for the place to which it may ultimately be found to
+belong. The first step in this preparation is to get together all the
+examples of any one custom, rite, or belief which have been preserved,
+and to compare these examples with each other, first as to common
+features of likeness, secondly as to features of unlikeness. By this
+process we are able to restore what may be deficient from the
+insufficiency of any particular record--and such a restoration is
+above all things essential--and to present for examination not an
+isolated specimen but a series of specimens, each of which helps to
+bring back to observation some portion of the original. The
+reconstruction of the original is thus brought within sight.
+
+Generally, it may be stated that the points of likeness determine and
+classify all the examples of one custom or belief; the points of
+unlikeness indicate the line of decay inherent in survivals.
+
+This partial equation and partial divergence between different
+examples of the same custom or belief allows a very important point to
+be made in the study of survivals. We can estimate the value of the
+elements which equate in any number of examples, and the value of the
+elements which diverge; and by noting how these values differ in the
+various examples we shall discover the extent of the overlapping of
+example with example, which is of the utmost importance. A given
+custom consists, say, of six elements, which by their constancy among
+all the examples and by their special characteristics may be
+considered as primary elements, in the form in which the custom has
+survived. Let us call these primary elements by algebraical signs,
+a, b, c, d, e, f. A second example of the same custom has
+four of these elements, a, b, c, d, and two divergences, which
+may be considered as secondary elements, and which we will call by the
+signs g, h. A third example has elements a, b, and divergences
+g, h, i, k. A further example has none of the primary elements,
+but only divergences g, h, i, l, m. Then the statement of the case
+is reduced to the following:--
+
+      1 = a, b, c, d, e, f.
+      2 =       a, b, c, d + g, h.
+      3 =             a, b + g, h, i, k.
+      4 =                  + g, h, i, l, m.
+
+The first conclusion to be drawn from this is that the overlapping of
+the several examples (No. 1 overlapping No. 2 at a, b, c, d,
+No. 2 overlapping No. 3 at a, b + g, h, No. 3 overlapping No.
+4 at + g, h, i) shows all these several examples to be but
+variations of one original custom, example No. 4, though possessing
+none of the elements of example No. 1, being the same custom as
+example No. 1. Secondly, the divergences g to m mark the line of
+decay which this particular custom has undergone since it ceased to
+belong to the dominant culture of the people, and dropped back into
+the position of a survival from a former culture preserved only by a
+fragment of the people.[224]
+
+The first of these conclusions is not affected by the order in which
+the examples are arranged; whether we begin with No. 4 or with No. 1,
+the relationship of each example to the others, thus proved to be in
+intimate association, is the same. The second conclusion is
+necessarily dependent upon what we take to be "primary elements" and
+"secondary elements;" and the question is how can these be determined?
+As a rule it will be found that the primary elements are the most
+constant parts of the whole group of examples, appearing more
+frequently, possessing greater adherence to a common form, changing
+(when they do change) with slighter variations; while the secondary
+elements, on the other hand, assume many different varieties of form,
+are by no means of constant occurrence, and do not even amongst
+themselves tend to a common form. The primary elements, therefore,
+constitute the form of the custom which represents the oldest part of
+the survival. They alone will help us to determine the origin of the
+custom, whether by features represented in the elements thus brought
+together or by comparison with ancient custom elsewhere or with
+survivals elsewhere similarly reconstituted. Altogether these
+elements, thus linked together by the tie of common attributes, are
+parts of one organic whole, and it is on this reconstructed organism
+we have to rely for the evidence from tradition.
+
+When any given custom or belief has undergone this double process of
+analysis of its component parts and classification of its several
+elements, another process has to be undertaken, namely, to ascertain
+its association with other customs or beliefs, in the same country or
+among the same people, each of which customs or beliefs, being treated
+in exactly the same manner, is found to exhibit some degree of
+relationship in origin, condition, or purpose to the whole group under
+examination. In this way classification, analysis, and association go
+hand in hand as the necessary methods of studying survivals. Without
+analysis we cannot properly arrive at a classification; without
+classification we cannot work out the association of survivals.
+
+The process is perhaps highly technical and complicated. It may not be
+of interest to all to discuss the process by which results are
+attained when what is most desired are the results themselves. But in
+truth the two parts of this study cannot well be separated. To judge
+of the validity of the results one must know what the process has
+been, and too often results are jumped at without warrant; items of
+custom and usage or of belief and myth are docketed as belonging to a
+given phase of culture, a given group of people, when they have no
+right to such a place in the history of man. It is not only
+distasteful to the inquirer, but almost impossible to dislodge any
+item of folklore once so placed, and thus much of the value of the
+material supplied by folklore is lost or discounted.
+
+Custom, rite, and belief treated in this fashion become veritable
+monuments of history--a history too ancient to have been recorded in
+script, too much an essential part of the folk-life to have been lost
+to tradition. We may hope to restore therefrom the surviving mosaic of
+ancient institutions, ancient law, and ancient religion, and we may
+further hope, with this mosaic to work upon, to restore much of the
+entire fabric which has been lying so many centuries beneath the
+accumulated and accumulating mass of new developments representing the
+civilisation of the Western world.
+
+
+III
+
+It is only here that we can discover the point where we may properly
+commence the work of comparative folklore. An item of folklore which
+stands isolated is practically of no use for scientific investigation.
+It may be, as we have seen, that the myth is in its primary stage as a
+sacred belief among primitive people, in its secondary or folk-tale
+stage as a sacred memory of what was once believed, in its final or
+legendary stage when it does duty in preserving the memory of a hero
+or a place of abiding interest. It may be, as we have seen, that the
+custom, rite, or belief is a mere formula without purpose or result, a
+mere traditional expression of a purpose without formula or result, a
+mere statement of result without formula or purpose. We must know the
+exact position of each item before we begin to compare, or we may be
+comparing absolutely unlike things. The exact position of each item of
+folklore is not to be found from one isolated example. It has first to
+be restored to its association with all the known examples of its
+kind, so that the earliest and most complete form may be recorded.
+That is the true position to which it has been reduced as a survival.
+This restored and complete example is then in a position to be
+compared either with similar survivals in other countries on the same
+level of culture, or within the same ethnological or political sphere
+of influence, or with living customs, rites, or beliefs of peoples of
+a more backward state of culture or in a savage state of culture.
+Comparison of this kind is of value. Comparison of a less technical or
+comprehensive kind may be of value in the hands of a great master; but
+it is often not only valueless but mischievous in the hands of less
+experienced writers, who think that comparison is justified wherever
+similarity is discovered.
+
+Similarity in form, however, does not necessarily mean similarity in
+origin. It does not mean similarity in motive. Customs and rites which
+are alike in practice can be shown to have originated from quite
+different causes, to express quite different motifs, and cannot
+therefore be held to belong to a common class, the elements of which
+are comparable. Thus to take a very considerable custom, to be found
+both in folk-tales and in usage, the succession of the youngest son,
+it is pretty clear that among European peoples it originated in the
+tribal practice of the elder sons going out of the tribal household to
+found tribal households of their own, thus leaving the youngest to
+inherit the original homestead. But among savage peoples where the
+youngest son inherits the homestead, he does not do so because of a
+tribal custom such as that to be found in the European evidence. It is
+because of the conditions of the marriage rites. Thus among the Kafir
+peoples of South Africa
+
+      "the young man of the commonality, who being a young
+      man has had but little or no means of displaying his
+      sagacity--a quality with them most frequently
+      synonymous with cunning--commences for himself in a
+      small way. Hence, too, being polygamous, and his wives
+      being bought with cattle, his first wife is taken from
+      a position accordant with that of a young, untried,
+      and poor or comparatively poor man. Hence also it
+      happens that his wives increase in number, and in--so
+      to speak--position, in accordance with his wealth, and
+      with his reputation for wisdom and sagacity, which may
+      have raised him to the rank of headman of a district,
+      and one of the Chief's counsellors. It is, therefore,
+      only when old in years that he takes to himself his
+      'great wife,' one of greater social and racial
+      position than were his previous wives, and her son,
+      that is, her eldest son, who is consequently the
+      father's youngest or nearly his youngest, becomes his
+      'great son,' and par excellence the heir. If the
+      father be a Chief, this son becomes the Chief at his
+      father's death.
+
+      "As, however, subordinate heirs, the father after some
+      consultation and ceremony chooses out of his other
+      sons, secondly 'the son of his right hand,' and
+      thirdly, 'the son of his grandfather.' If the father
+      be a Chief, these two are after his death accounted as
+      Chiefs in the tribe, subordinate to the 'great son,'
+      and even if through their superior energy, the size of
+      the tribe requiring emigration to pastures new, or
+      other causes, one or both of them break off, and with
+      their respective inheritance or following form a
+      separate tribe or tribes, yet they are federally bound
+      to their great brother, and their successors to his
+      successors, and recognise him as their supreme or
+      national Chief. Thus Krili, the Chief of the
+      Amagcaleka tribe across the Kei, was also paramount
+      Chief of all the Amaxosas, including his own tribe,
+      and those this side the Kei, who are divided into the
+      two great divisions--each of which includes several
+      tribes--of the Amangquika and Amandhlambi, which
+      latter has among it the Amagqunukwebi, a tribe of
+      Caffre intermingled with Hottentot blood, and
+      therefore rather looked down upon."[225]
+
+Dr. Nicholson, from whom I quote this evidence, goes on to say that
+the
+
+      "custom then of the heirship of the youngest, appears
+      to me to have not unlikely grown up among a polygamous
+      race, and to have arisen both from considerations of
+      self security and from those of race and rank."
+
+Quite independently of Dr. Nicholson I had come to the same
+conclusion;[226] and Dr. Nicholson, after handsomely acknowledging my
+priority in the "discovery," very properly alludes to the not
+unimportant fact of two workers in the same field coming to like
+conclusions. It is remarkable that the same distinction between the
+succession of the youngest son and of the son of the youngest wife
+appears in folk-tales.[227] Now clearly it would be quite wrong to
+suggest a parallel between the heirship of the youngest among the
+Kafir peoples of Africa and heirship of the youngest among the tribal
+people of early Europe. They are not comparable at all points, and it
+is just where the point of comparison fails that it becomes so
+important to science.[228]
+
+I will take one other example, and this is the important practice of
+human sacrifice which looms so largely in anthropological research,
+and which is considered by so good an authority as Schrader to have
+taken a prominent place among the Aryans,[229] though he takes his
+examples, not from language, but from the unexamined customs of the
+Greeks, Romans, northerns, Indians, and Persians. We know more about
+the development of sacrifice now that Professor Robertson Smith has
+dealt with the Semitic part of the evidence. Without resting on the
+fact that the occurrence of human sacrifice in a country occupied by
+Aryan-speaking people does not, of itself alone, imply that the rite
+was Aryan, it is far more important to point out that among the higher
+races "the feeling that the slaying involves a grave responsibility
+and must be justified by divine permission" appears, and "care was
+taken to slay the victim without bloodshed, or to make believe that it
+had killed itself."[230] This feeling marks distinctly the Greek
+sacrifice as at Thargelia and in the Leukadian ceremony, the Roman
+sacrifice at the Tarpeian Rock, the sacrifice at the Valhalla rock of
+the northerns, while among the Hindus there is much to show that the
+idea of human sacrifice in some of the early writings is a literary
+borrowing from the Hebrews; and that if it ever prevailed among the
+Aryas of India it was very early superseded by the sacrifice of
+animals.[231] Colonel Dalton has given good reasons for his views
+"that the Hindus derived from the aboriginal races the practice of
+human sacrifices."[232] Although, then, Greek ritual and Greek myth
+are full of legends which tell of sacrifices once human, but
+afterwards commuted into sacrifices where some other victim is slain
+or the dummy of a man is destroyed;[233] although the significant
+Hindu ceremonial of so throwing the limbs of an animal slaughtered to
+be burnt with the dead that every limb lies upon a corresponding part
+of the corpse;[234] although Teuton, Celt, and Norse[235] are credited
+with the practice by authorities not to be questioned, it appears by
+the evidence that the European form of human sacrifice has little in
+common with the savage form except in the nature of the victim. It
+occurred, as Grimm states, when some great disaster, some heinous
+crime, had to be retrieved or purged, a kind of sacrifice, says Mr.
+Lang, not necessarily savage except in its cruelty; and the victims
+were not tribesmen, but captive enemies, purchased slaves, or great
+criminals.
+
+These two examples will serve as warning against the too general
+acceptance of the custom and belief of savage and barbaric races, as
+identical with the custom and belief of early or primitive man. Such
+identification is in the main correct; but it is correct not because
+it has been proved by the best methods to be so, but because, of all
+possible explanations, this is the only one that meets the general
+position in a satisfactory manner. In many cases, however, it is
+monstrously incorrect, and it is the incorrect conclusion which weighs
+far more against the acceptance of the results of folklore than do the
+correct conclusions in its favour.
+
+The work which has to be accomplished by the comparative method of
+research is of such magnitude that it needs to be considered. The
+labour and research might in point of volume be out of proportion to
+the results, and it may be questioned, as it has already been
+questioned by inference, whether it is worth the while. The first
+answer to this objection is that all historical investigation is
+justified, however much the labour, however extensive the research.
+Secondly, considering the very few results which the study of folklore
+has hitherto produced upon the investigations into prehistoric Europe,
+it must be worth while for the student of custom and belief to conduct
+his experiments upon a recognised plan in order to get at the secret
+of man's place in the struggle for existence, which is determined more
+by psychological than by physical phenomena. Thirdly, if the psychical
+anthropology of prehistoric times is to be sought for in the customs
+and beliefs of modern savages, it is of vital importance to
+anthropological science that this should be established by methods
+exactly defined. Whatever of traditional custom and belief is capable
+of bearing the test and of being definitely labelled as belonging to
+prehistoric man, becomes thereafter the data for the psychical
+anthropology of civilised man. Edmund Spenser understood this when his
+official duties took him among the "wild" Irish. "All the customs of
+the Irish," he says, "which I have often noted and compared with that
+I have read, would minister occasion of a most ample discourse of the
+original of them, and the antiquity of that people, which in truth I
+think to be more ancient than most that I know in this end of the
+world; so as if it were in the handling of some man of sound judgment
+and plentiful reading, it would be most pleasant and profitable."[236]
+
+Comparative folklore, then, to be of value must be based upon
+scientific principles. The unmeaning custom or belief of the peasantry
+of the Western world of civilisation must not be taken into the
+domains of savagery or barbarism for an explanation without any
+thought as to what this action really signifies to the history of the
+custom or belief in question. No doubt the explanation thus afforded
+is correct in most cases, and perhaps it was necessary to begin with
+the comparative method in order to understand the importance and scope
+of the study of apparently worthless material. A new stage in
+comparative folklore must now be entered upon. It must be understood
+what the effective comparison of a traditional peasant custom or
+belief with a savage custom or belief really amounts to. The process
+includes the comparison of an isolated custom or belief belonging,
+perhaps secretly, to a particular place, a particular class of
+persons, or perhaps a particular family or person, with a custom or
+belief which is part of a whole system belonging to a savage race or
+tribe; of a custom or belief whose only sanction is tradition, the
+conservative instinct to do what has been done by one's ancestors,
+with a custom or belief whose sanction is the professed and
+established polity or religion of a people; of a custom or belief
+which is embedded in a civilisation, of which it is not a part and to
+which it is antagonistic, with a custom or belief which helps to make
+up the civilisation of which it is part. In carrying out such a
+comparison, therefore, a very long journey back into the past of the
+civilised race has been performed. For unless it be admitted that
+civilised people consciously borrow from savages and barbaric peoples
+or constantly revert to a savage original type of mental and social
+condition, the effect of such a comparison is to take back the custom
+or belief of the modern peasant to a date when a people of savage or
+barbaric culture occupied the country now occupied by their
+descendants, the peasants in question, and to equate the custom or
+belief of this ancient savage or barbaric culture with the custom or
+belief of modern savage or barbaric culture. The line of comparison is
+not therefore simply drawn level from civilisation to savagery; but it
+consists, first, of two vertical lines from civilisation and savagery
+respectively, drawn to a height scaled to represent the antiquity of
+savage culture in modern Europe, and then the level horizontal line
+drawn to join the two vertical lines. Thus the line of comparison is
+
+      Ancient savagery                Ancient savagery
+             +-------------------------------+
+             |                               |
+             |                               |
+             |                               |
+             |                               |
+          Savagery                     Civilisation
+
+We thus arrive at some conception of the work to be accomplished by
+and involved in comparative folklore. The results are worth the work.
+They relate to stages of culture in the countries of civilisation
+which are recoverable by no other means. The stages of culture are
+practically lost to history. In ancient Greek and Roman history, and
+in ancient Scandinavian history, there are priceless fragments of
+information which tell us much. But these fragments are not the
+complete story, and they belong to relatively small areas of European
+history. Every nation has the right to go back as far in its history
+as it is possible to reach. It can only do this by the help of
+comparative folklore. In our own country we have seen how history
+breaks down, and yet historical records in Britain are perhaps the
+richest in Europe. The traditional materials known to us as folklore
+are the only means left to us, and we can only properly avail
+ourselves of these when we have mastered the methods of science which
+it is necessary to use in their investigation.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[182] Mr. MacCulloch, in the title of his interesting book, the
+_Childhood of Fiction_, has emphasised this mischievous idea. I am not
+convinced to the contrary by the evidence he gives as to the popularity
+of the folk-tale among all peoples (p. 2). Indeed, the book itself is
+an emphatic testimony against its title. Mr. MacCulloch evidently began
+with the idea that the folk-tale belonged to the domain of fiction.
+Thus the opening words of his book are: "Folk-tales are the earliest
+form of romantic and imaginative literature--the unwritten fiction of
+early man and of primitive people in all parts of the world;" whereas
+as he nears the end of his study he observes: "Thus, in their origin,
+folk-tales may have had some other purpose than mere amusement; they
+may have embodied the traditions, histories, beliefs, ideas, and
+customs of men at an early stage of civilisation" (p. 451). Mr.
+MacCulloch himself proves this to be the case, and it is therefore all
+the more unfortunate that he should have stamped his very important
+study with the word "fiction."
+
+[183] A folk-tale of the Veys, a North African people, explains this
+view most graphically in its opening sentences. The narrator begins his
+tale by saying: "I speak of the long time past; hear! It is written in
+our old-time-palaver-books--I do not say _then_; in old time the Vey
+people had no books, but the old men told it to their children and they
+kept it; afterwards it was written" (_Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, N.S., vi.
+354). A parallel to this comes from Ireland: "What I have told your
+honour is true; and if it stands otherwise in books, it's the books
+which are wrong. Sure we've better authority than books, for we have it
+all handed down from generation to generation" (Kohl's _Travels in
+Ireland_, 140).
+
+[184] I am the more willing to take this as my illustration of myth
+because, strangely enough, Mr. MacCulloch has omitted it from the
+examples he uses in his _Childhood of Fiction_.
+
+[185] _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, i. 166.
+
+[186] Mr. Jeremiah Curtin has collected and published the _Creation
+Myths of Primitive America_ (London, 1899), and his introduction is a
+specially valuable study of the subject. I printed the Fijian myth from
+Williams' _Fiji and Fijians_, i. 204, and the Kumis myth from Lewin's
+_Wild Races of South-east India_, 225-6, in my _Handbook of Folklore_,
+137-139, and Mr. Lang, in cap. vi. of his _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_
+deals with a sufficient number of examples. _Cf._ also Tylor,
+_Primitive Culture_, cap. ix.
+
+[187] Grey, _Polynesian Mythology_, 1-15. I have only summarised the
+full legend on the lines adopted by Dr. Tylor.
+
+[188] On the Kronos myth consult Farnell, _Cults of the Greek States_,
+i. 23-31, who gives an admirable summary of the evidence as it at
+present stands; Harrison and Verrall, _Mythology and Monuments of Anc.
+Athens_, 192; Lang, _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, i. 295-323.
+
+[189] Mr. Crawley discovered this story in Mr. Bain's _A Digit of the
+Moon_, 13-15, and printed it in his _Mystic Rose_, 33-34.
+
+[190] "The Interpreters of Genesis and the Interpreters of Nature," and
+"Mr. Gladstone and Genesis," in _Science and Hebrew Tradition_, cap.
+iv. and v.
+
+[191] _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, 4, 25. Mr. Jevons, too, lays stress
+upon "the source of errors in religion" as human reason gone astray,
+_Introd. to Hist. of Religion_, 463.
+
+[192] Mr. Jevons practically arrives at this conclusion from a
+different standpoint. "Beliefs," he says, "are about facts, are
+statements about facts, statements that certain facts will be found to
+occur in a certain way or be of a certain kind" (_Introd. to Hist. of
+Religion_, 402). Mr. Curtin, _Creation Myths of Primitive America_ (p.
+xx), confirms the view I take.
+
+[193] Orpen, _Cape Monthly Magazine_. Quoted in Lang's _Myth, Ritual,
+and Religion_, i. 71.
+
+[194] This myth is, I think, worth giving, because of its obvious
+object to account for the difference between white and black races. It
+is as follows: "In the beginning of the world God created three white
+men and three white women, and three black men and three black women.
+In order that these twelve human souls might not thenceforth complain
+of Divine partiality and of their separate conditions, God elected that
+they should determine their own fates by their own choice of good and
+evil. A large calabash or gourd was placed by God upon the ground, and
+close to the side of the calabash was also placed a small folded piece
+of paper. God ruled that the black man should have the first choice. He
+chose the calabash, because he expected that the calabash, being so
+large, could not but contain everything needful for himself. He opened
+the calabash, and found a scrap of gold, a scrap of iron, and several
+other metals of which he did not understand the use. The white man had
+no option. He took, of course, the small folded piece of paper, and
+discovered that, on being unfolded, it revealed a boundless stock of
+knowledge. God then left the black men and women in the bush, and led
+the white men and women to the seashore. He did not forsake the white
+men and women, but communicated with them every night, and taught them
+how to construct a ship, and how to sail from Africa to another
+country. After a while they returned to Africa with various kinds of
+merchandise, which they bartered to the black men and women, who had
+the opportunity of being greater and wiser than the white men and
+women, but who, out of sheer avidity, had thrown away their chance."
+
+[195] _Native Tribes of South-east Australia_, cap. viii.
+
+[196] _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, cap. xxii.; _Native
+Tribes of Central Australia_, cap. xviii.
+
+[197] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, 624; _cf. Native Tribes of
+Central Australia_, 564.
+
+[198] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, 229.
+
+[199] Grey, _Polynesian Mythology_, p. xi. _Cf._ Taylor, _Te Ika a
+Maui_, where myths told by the priests are given in cap. vi. and vii.,
+and _Trans. Ethnological Soc._, new series, i. 45.
+
+[200] White's _Anc. Hist. of the Maori_, i. 8-13.
+
+[201] Curtin, _Creation Myths of Primitive America_, p. xxi.
+
+[202] Im Thurn, _Indians of Guiana_, 335; Landtman, _Origin of
+Priesthood_, 117.
+
+[203] _Primitive Manners and Customs_, cap. i. "Some Savage Myths and
+Beliefs," and cap. viii., "Fairy Lore of Savages."
+
+[204] _Introd. to Hist. of Religion_, 263. Of course I do not accept
+Mr. J. A. Stewart's "general remarks on the μυθολογία or
+story-telling myth" in his _Myths of Plato_, 4-17. All Mr. Stewart's
+research is literary in object and result, though he uses the materials
+of anthropology.
+
+[205] H. H. Wilson, _Rig Veda Sanhita_, i. p. xvii.
+
+[206] H. H. Wilson, _Vishnu Purana_, i. p. iv; _Rig Veda Sanhita_, i.
+p. xlv.
+
+[207] _Religion of the Semites_, 19.
+
+[208] Mr. Hartland passes rapidly in his opening chapter from the myth
+as primitive science to the myth as fairy tale, from the savage to the
+Celt (_Science of Fairy Tales_, pp. 1-5), and I do not think it is
+possible to make this leap without using the bridge which is to be
+constructed out of the differing positions occupied by the myth and the
+fairy tale.
+
+[209] It will be interesting, I think, to preserve here one or two
+instances of the actual practice of telling traditional tales in our
+own country. Mr. Hartland has referred to the subject in his _Science
+of Fairy Tales_, but the following instances are additional to those he
+has noted, and they refer directly back to the living custom. They are
+all from Scotland, and refer to the early part of last century. "In
+former times, when families, owing to distance and other circumstances,
+held little intercourse with each other through the day, numbers were
+in the habit of assembling together in the evening in one house, and
+spending the time in relating the tales of wonder which had been handed
+down to them by tradition" (Kiltearn in Ross and Cromarty; Sinclair,
+_Statistical Account of Scotland_, xiv. 323). "In the last generation
+every farm and hamlet possessed its oral recorder of tale and song. The
+pastoral habits of the people led them to seek recreation in listening
+to, and in rehearsing the tales of other times; and the senachie and
+the bard were held in high esteem" (Inverness-shire, _ibid._, xiv.
+168). "In the winter months, many of them are in the habit of visiting
+and spending the evenings in each other's houses in the different
+hamlets, repeating the songs of their native bard or listening to the
+legendary tales of some venerable senachie" (Durness in
+Sutherlandshire, _ibid._, xv. 95).
+
+[210] W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_, 3-4.
+
+[211] Pausanias, viii. cap. xv. § 1.
+
+[212] _Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc._, ii. p. 218.
+
+[213] _Hist. of Rome_, i. pp. 177-179. _Cf._ Gunnar Landtman, _Origin
+of Priesthood_, p. 77.
+
+[214] Perhaps Mr. Lang's study of "Cinderella and the Diffusion of
+Tales" in _Folklore_, iv. 413 _et seq._, contains the best summary of
+the position.
+
+[215] Crawley, _Tree of Life_, 5, 144.
+
+[216] Train, _Hist. of Isle of Man_, ii. 115.
+
+[217] The ceremony is fully described in _Relics for the Curious_, i.
+31; _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1784 (see _Gent. Mag. Library_, xxiii.
+209), quoting from a tract first published in 1634; and see _Proc. Soc.
+Antiq. Scot._, x. 669.
+
+[218] See _Folklore_, iii. 253-264; Rhys, _Celtic Folklore_, i.
+337-341.
+
+[219] Couch, _Hist. of Polperro_, 168.
+
+[220] I have investigated the bee cult at some length, and it will form
+part of my study on _Tribal Custom_ which I am now preparing for
+publication.
+
+[221] Carleton, _Traits and Stories of the Irish Peasantry_.
+
+[222] Mr. Eden Phillpotts mentions in one of his Cornish stories
+exactly this conception. Rags were offered. "Just a rag tored off a
+petticoat or some such thing. They hanged 'em up around about on the
+thorn bushes, to shaw as they'd 'a' done more for the good saint if
+they'd had the power."--_Lying Prophets_, 60.
+
+[223] I gave an example of this false classification of folklore in
+accord with its apparent modern association in my preface to _Denham
+Tracts_, ii. p. ix. The left-leg stocking divination is not associated
+with dress, but with the left-hand as opposed to the right-hand augury,
+and I pointed out that the district of the Roman wall, the _locus_ of
+the Denham tracts, thus preserves the luck of the left, believed in by
+the Romans, in opposition to the luck of the right believed in by the
+Teutons. See Schrader, _Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_,
+253-7.
+
+[224] I elaborated this plan of comparative analysis in a report to the
+British Association at Liverpool, in 1896 (see pp. 626-656),
+illustrating it from the fire customs of Britain.
+
+[225] _Archæological Review_, ii. 163-166; _cf._ the Rev. J. Macdonald
+in _Folklore_, iii. 338.
+
+[226] _Athenæum_, 29th December, 1883; _Archæologia_, vol. l. p. 213.
+
+[227] See MacCulloch's _Childhood of Fiction_, chap. xiii., where this
+distinction is noted, though its significance is not pointed out.
+
+[228] Dr. Rivers has dealt with a very similar case of dual origin in
+connection with bride capture, see _Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc._, 1907, p.
+624.
+
+[229] Schrader's _Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_, 422.
+
+[230] Robertson Smith's _Religion of the Semites_, 397.
+
+[231] Monier Williams, _Indian Wisdom_, pp. 29-31. The word-equations
+for sacrifice are given by Schrader, _op. cit._, 130, 415.
+
+[232] _Journ. Asiatic Soc. Bengal_, xxxiv. p. 7. On the influence of
+the aboriginal races _cf._ Monier Williams, _Indian Wisdom_, 312-313;
+Steel and Temple's _Wide Awake Stories_, 395; Campbell, _Tales of West
+Highlands_, l. p. xcviii.
+
+[233] Lang, _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, i. p. 271.
+
+[234] H. H. Wilson, _Religion of the Hindus_, ii. 289. I compare this
+with the custom of the cow following the coffin mentioned by Mannhardt,
+_Die Gotterwelt_, 320, and the soul shot or gift of a cow at death
+recorded by Brand, ii. 248.
+
+[235] _Cf._ Olaus Magnus, pp. 168, 169, for the significant Norse
+ceremony.
+
+[236] Spenser, _View of the State of Ireland_, 1595 (Morley reprint),
+73.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+PSYCHOLOGICAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+Although the great mass of folklore rests upon tradition and tradition
+alone, an important aid to tradition comes from certain psychological
+conditions which we must now consider. At an early stage all students
+of folklore will have discovered that it is not entirely to tradition
+that folklore is indebted for its material. There are still people
+capable of thinking, capable of believing, in the primitive way and in
+the primitive degree. Such people are of course the descendants of
+long ancestors of such people--people whose minds are not attuned to
+the civilisation around them; people, perhaps, whose minds have been
+to an extent stunted and kept back by the civilisation around them.
+There can be no doubt that civilisation and all it demands of mankind
+acts as a deterrent upon the minds of some living within the
+civilisation zone, and belonging apparently to the civilised society.
+This is the root cause of some of the lunacy and much of the crime
+which apparently exists as a necessary adjunct of civilisation, and it
+leads to various forms of thought inconsistent with the knowledge and
+ideas of the age. When these forms of thought are not concentrated
+into a new religious sect by the operation of social laws, they
+become what is sometimes called mere superstition, that kind of
+superstition which consists of using the same power of logic to a
+narrow set of facts which primitive man was in the habit of using, and
+thus repeating in this age the methods of primitive science. We cannot
+quite understand this in the age of railways and schools and
+inventions, but it will be understood better if we go back for only a
+generation or two to those parts of our country which are most remote
+from civilising influences, and obtain some information as to their
+condition.
+
+This cannot be better accomplished than by referring to a Scottish
+author writing, in 1835, of the superstitions then prevailing in
+Scotland. "Our whole genuine records," says Dalyell,
+
+      "teem with the most repulsive pictures of the
+      weakness, bigotry, turbulence, and fierce and
+      treacherous cruelty of the populace. False and corrupt
+      innovations of literature, a compound of facts and
+      fiction, intermingling the old and the new in
+      heterogeneous assemblage, would persuade us to think
+      much more of our forefathers than they thought of
+      themselves. Scotland, until the most modern date, was
+      an utter stranger to civilisation, presenting a
+      sterile country with a famished people, wasted by
+      hordes of mendicants readier to seize than to
+      solicit--void of ingenious arts and useful
+      manufactures, possessed of little skill and learning,
+      plunged in constant war and rapine, full of
+      insubordination, disturbing public rule and private
+      peace. For waving pendants, flowing draperies,
+      brilliant colours, eagles' feathers, herons' plumes,
+      feasts or festivals so splendid in imagination, let
+      naked limbs, scanty, sombre garments to elude
+      discovery by the foe, bits of heath stuck in bonnets
+      if they had them, precarious sustenance, abject
+      humility and all those hardships inseparable from
+      uncultivated tribes and countries be instituted as a
+      juster portrait of earlier generations."[237]
+
+This statement as to Scotland is correctly drawn from social
+conditions which have now passed away, but which, down to the
+beginning of last century, belonged to the ordinary life of the
+people. Thus it is recorded that
+
+      "over all the highlands of Scotland, and in this
+      county in common with others, the practice of building
+      what are called head-dykes was of very remote
+      antiquity. The head-dyke was drawn across the head of
+      a farm, when nature had marked the boundary betwixt
+      the green pastures and that portion of hill which was
+      covered totally or partially with heath. Above this
+      fence the young cattle, the horses, the sheep and
+      goats were kept in the summer months. The milch cows
+      were fed below, except during the time the farmer's
+      family removed to the distant grazings called
+      sheilings. Beyond the head-dyke little attention was
+      paid to boundaries. These enclosures exhibit the most
+      evident traces of extreme old age."[238]
+
+[Illustration: REPRESENTATION OF AN IRISH CHIEFTAIN SEATED AT DINNER, 1581
+FROM DERRICKE'S "IMAGE OF IRELAND"]
+
+In Ireland the same conditions obtained so late as the sixteenth
+century; the native Irish retained their wandering habits, tilling a
+piece of fertile land in the spring, then retiring with their herds to
+the booleys or dairy habitations, generally in the mountain districts
+in the summer, and moving about where the herbage afforded sustenance
+to their cattle.[239] An eighteenth-century traveller in Ireland
+was assured that the quarter called Connaught was "inhabited by a kind
+of savages," and there is record of the capture of a hairy dwarf near
+Longford, who appears hardly to belong to civilisation.[240] Similar
+conditions obtained in the northern counties of England, and in other
+parts.[241] Special circumstances kept the borderland outside the
+influences of ordinary civilised thought and control, and these
+circumstances have been recorded by an eighteenth-century observer,
+from whom I will quote one or two facts as to the mode of life of
+these people: "That they might be more invisible during their outrodes
+and consequently less liable to the effects of their enemies'
+vigilance, the colour of their cloathes resembled that of the scenes
+of their employment or of their season of action, that is, of a brown
+heath and cloudy evening. Thus examples of what might condemn their
+conduct were never offered to them, and immemorial custom seemed as it
+were to sanctify their wildness. Every border-man, almost without
+exception, was brought up in a state which we would call unhappy, and
+every circumstance of his life tended to confirm his partiality for an
+uncertain bed and unprovided diet."[242]
+
+The evidence which this acute observer collected led him to conclude
+that the "almost uniform train of circumstances which affected these
+countries from their border situation, and the little difference there
+was between one of the dark ages and another, strongly induce me to
+believe that the Northern people were little altered in manners from
+very remote times to those immediately preceding the reign of Queen
+Elizabeth," and this is confirmed by what we actually find from the
+report of the Commissioners appointed to settle the peace of the
+Marches by fixed and established ordinances, who collected "their
+ordinances from the traditional accounts of ancient usages that had
+been sanctified as laws by the length of time which they had endured.
+These laws were different from most others, nay, almost peculiar to
+the men to whom they belonged."[243]
+
+I need not continue these notes as to the backwardness of portions of
+the country compared with its general level of culture, because I have
+dealt with the evidence elsewhere.[244] What I am anxious to point out
+here is that the faculty of such people as these to think, not in
+terms of modern science but in terms of their own psychological
+conditions, must have been pronounced. If they ever put the question
+to themselves as to the origin of things, they would answer themselves
+according to the life impressions they were then receiving, and
+according to the limited range of their actual knowledge. As with the
+creators of the traditional myths, the scientific inquirers of
+primitive times, so with these non-advanced people of later times,
+they would deal with the problems they did not understand in fashions
+suitable to their own understanding. It has always appeared to me that
+the impressions of the surrounding life are not sufficiently regarded
+in their influence upon primitive thought. They press down upon the
+mind, and enclose it within barriers so that it can only act through
+these surroundings. Child-life is, in this respect, much the same as
+the life of primitive man. A child thinks and acts in terms of his
+nursery, his school, or his playground. Thus a memory of my own is to
+the point. When quite a child, probably about eight or nine years old,
+I was entrusted with the changing of a small cheque drawn by my father
+in a country town where we were staying. I had never seen a cheque
+before. I remember the ceremony of writing it and the care with which
+the necessary instructions were given to me, and I remember the
+amazement with which I received the golden sovereigns. But my mind
+dwelt upon this strange thing called a cheque, and after a time I
+deliberately came to the conclusion that my father was allowed to get
+money for these cheques on condition only that he wrote them without a
+mistake and without a blot. The conception is absurd until we come to
+analyse the cause of it. My young life at that time was receiving its
+greatest impressions, its all-absorbing impressions, from my school
+exercises in writing. It was a copybook life for the time being, and
+when I turned to ask my question as to origins, as every human being
+has asked himself in turn, I could express myself only in copybook
+terms. It is so with the primitive mind. It can only express itself in
+the terms of its greatest impressions, and it is in this way that
+primitive animism, sympathetic magic and other conceptions obtained
+from the results of anthropological research, are to be found in much
+the same degree wherever humanity is found in primitive conditions.
+As Mr. Hickson puts it so well: "Just as the little black baby of the
+negro, the brown baby of the Malay, the yellow baby of the Chinaman,
+are in face and form, in gestures and habits, as well as in the first
+articulate sound they mutter, very much alike, so the mind of man,
+whether he be Aryan or Malay, Mongolian or Negrito, has, in the course
+of its evolution, passed through stages which are practically
+identical. In the intellectual childhood of mankind natural phenomena,
+or some other causes, of which we are at present ignorant, have
+induced thoughts, stories, legends, and myths, that in their
+essentials are identical among all the races of the world with which
+we are acquainted;"[245] or to take one other example from the
+experience of travellers, Mr. Mitchell, speaking of the Australians,
+says: "I found a native still there, and on my advancing towards him
+with a twig he shook another twig at me, waving it over his head, and
+at the same time intimating with it that we must go back. He and the
+boy then threw up dust at us with their toes (_cf._ 2 Sam. xvi. 13).
+These various expressions of hostility and defiance were too
+intelligible to be mistaken. The expressive pantomime of the man
+showed the identity of the human mind, however distinct the races or
+different the language."[246]
+
+This identity is shown in many other ways to have been operating,
+perhaps to be operating still, upon minds not attuned to the
+civilisation around them. The resistance of agriculturists to change
+is well known.[247] The crooked ridges of the open-field system were
+believed to be necessary because they were supposed to deceive the
+devil,[248] while a superstitious dislike was entertained against
+winnowing machines, because they were supposed to interfere with the
+elements.[249] This is nothing but a modern example of sympathetic
+magic produced by the introduction of the new machine.
+
+I need not go through the researches of the masters of anthropology to
+explain what the psychological evidence exactly amounts to, and the
+realms of primitive thought and experience which it connotes.[250] It
+will, however, be useful for the purpose of our present study, if we
+can find among the peasantry of our country (perchance from those
+districts where we have noted conditions under which primitive thought
+might retain a continuous hold) examples of belief or superstition
+which belongs rather to psychological than to traditional influences.
+The interpretation of dreams, the belief in spirit apparitions, the
+practice of charms, all belong to this branch of our subject, though I
+shall illustrate the points I wish to bring out by reference to less
+common departments.
+
+It was only in the seventeenth century that a learned divine of the
+Church of England was shocked to hear one of his flock repeat the
+evidence of his pagan beliefs in language which is as explicit as it
+is amusing; and I shall not be accused of trifling with religious
+susceptibilities if I quote a passage from a sermon delivered and
+printed in 1659--a passage which shows not a departure from
+Christianity either through ignorance or from the result of
+philosophic study or contemplation, but a sheer non-advance to
+Christianity, a passage which shows us an English pagan of the
+seventeenth century.
+
+"Let me tell you a story," says the Reverend Mr. Pemble, "that I have
+heard from a reverend man out of the pulpit, a place where none should
+dare to tell a lye, of an old man above sixty, who lived and died in a
+parish where there had bin preaching almost all his time.... On his
+deathbed, being questioned by a minister touching his faith and hope
+in God, you would wonder to hear what answer he made: being demanded
+what he thought of God, he answers that he was a good old man; and
+what of Christ, that he was a towardly youth; and of his soule, that
+it was a great bone in his body; and what should become of his soule
+after he was dead, that if he had done well he should be put into a
+pleasant green meadow."[251]
+
+Of the four articles of this singular creed, the first two depict an
+absence of knowledge about the central features of Christian belief,
+the latter two denote the existence of knowledge about some belief not
+known to English scholars of that time. If it had so happened that
+the Reverend Mr. Pemble had thought fit to tell his audience only of
+the first two articles of this creed, it would have been difficult to
+resist the suggestion that they presented us merely with an example of
+stupid, or, perhaps, impudent, blasphemy caused by the events of the
+day. But the negative nature of the first two items of the creed is
+counterbalanced by the positive nature of the second two items; and
+thus this example shows us the importance of considering evidence as
+to all phases of non-belief in Christianity.
+
+Passing on to the two items of positive belief, it is to be noted that
+the soul resident in the body in the shape of a bone is no part of the
+early European belief, but equates rather with the savage idea which
+identifies the soul with some material part of the body, such as the
+eyes, the heart, or the liver; and it is interesting to note in this
+connection that the backbone is considered by some savage races,
+_e.g._, the New Zealanders, as especially sacred because the soul or
+spiritual essence of man resides in the spinal marrow.[252] And there
+is a well-known incident in folk-tales which seems to owe its origin
+to this group of ideas. This is where the hero having been killed, one
+of his bones tells the secret of his death, and thus acts the part of
+the soul-ghost.
+
+In the pleasant green fields we trace the old faiths of the
+agricultural peasantry which, put into the words of Hesiod, tell us
+that "for them earth yields her increase; for them the oaks hold in
+their summits acorns, and in their midmost branches bees. The flocks
+bear for them their fleecy burdens ... they live in _unchanged
+happiness_, and need not fly across the sea in impious ships"--faiths
+which are in striking contrast to the tribal warrior's conception as
+set forth by the Saxon thane of King Eadwine of Northumbria. "This
+life," said this poetical thane, "is like the passage of a bird from
+the darkness without into a lighted hall where you, O King, are seated
+at supper, while storms, and rain, and snow rage abroad. The sparrow
+flying in at our door and straightway out at another is, while within,
+safe from the storm; but soon it vanishes into the darkness whence it
+came."
+
+Such faiths as these, indeed, show us primitive ideas at their very
+roots. This seventeenth-century pagan depended upon himself for his
+faith. He worked out his own ideas as to the origin of soul and heaven
+and God and Christ. They were terms that had filtered down to him
+through the hard surroundings of his life, and he set to work to
+define them in the fashion of the primitive savage. We meet with other
+examples. Thus among the superstitions of Lancashire is one which
+tells us of the lingering belief in a long journey after death, when
+food is necessary to support the soul. A man having died of apoplexy,
+near Manchester, at a public dinner, one of the company was heard to
+remark: "Well, poor Joe, God rest his soul! He has at least gone to
+his long rest wi' a belly full o' good meat, and that's some
+consolation," and perhaps a still more remarkable instance is that of
+the woman buried in Cuxton Church, near Rochester, who directed by
+her will that the coffin was to have a lock and key, the key being
+placed in her dead hand, so that she might be able to release herself
+at pleasure.[253]
+
+These people simply did not understand civilised thought or civilised
+religion. To escape from the pressure of trying to understand they
+turned to think for themselves, and thinking for themselves merely
+brought them back to the standpoint of primitive thought. It could
+hardly be otherwise. The working of the human mind is on the same
+plane wherever and whenever it operates or has operated. The
+difference in results arises from the enlarged field of observation.
+When the Suffolk peasant set to work to account for the existence of
+stones on his field by asserting that the fields produced the stones,
+and for the origin of the so-called "pudding-stone" conglomerate, that
+it was a mother stone and the parent of the pebbles,[254] he was
+beginning a first treatise on geology; and when the Hampshire peasant
+attributes the origin of the tutsan berries to having germinated in
+the blood of slaughtered Danes,[255] other counties following the same
+thought, I am not at all sure that he is not beginning all over again
+the primitive conception of the origin of plants.
+
+[Illustration: LONG MEG AND HER DAUGHTERS]
+
+[Illustration: STONE CIRCLES ON STANTON MOOR]
+
+This beginning shows the mark of the primitive mind, and that it was
+operating in a country dominated by scientific thought is the
+phenomenon which makes it so important to consider psychological
+conditions among the problems of folklore. They account for some
+beliefs which may not contain elements of pure tradition. When the
+Mishmee Hill people of India affirm of a high white cliff at the foot
+of one of the hills that approaches the Burhampooter that it is the
+remains of the "marriage feast of Raja Sisopal with the daughter of the
+neighbouring king, named Bhismak, but she being stolen away by Krishna
+before the ceremony was completed, the whole of the viands were left
+uneaten and have since become consolidated into their present
+form,"[256] we can understand that the belief is in strict accord with
+the primitive conditions of thought of the Mishmee people. Can we
+understand the same conditions of the parallel English belief
+concerning the stone circle known as "Long Meg and her daughters,"[257]
+and of that at Stanton Drew;[258] or of the allied beliefs in Scotland
+that a huge upright stone, Clach Macmeas, in Loth, a parish of
+Sutherlandshire, was hurled to the bottom of the glen from the top of
+Ben Uarie by a giant youth when he was only one month old;[259] and in
+England that "the Hurlers," in Cornwall, were once men engaged in the
+game of hurling, and were turned into stone for playing on the Lord's
+Day; that the circle, known as "Nine Maidens," were maidens turned into
+stone for dancing on the Lord's Day;[260] that the stone circle at
+Stanton Drew represents serpents converted into stones by Keyna, a holy
+virgin of the fifth century;[261] and that the so-called snake stones
+found at Whitby were serpents turned into stones by the prayers of the
+Abbess Hilda.[262] These are only examples of the kind of beliefs
+entertained in all parts of the United Kingdom,[263] and they seem
+based upon psychological, rather than traditional conditions.
+
+The giant and the witch, or wizard, are terms applied to the unknown
+personal agent. "The two standing stones in the neighbourhood of West
+Skeld are said to be the metamorphosis of two wizards or giants, who
+were on their way to plunder and murder the inhabitants of West Skeld;
+but not having calculated their time with sufficient accuracy, before
+they could accomplish their purpose, or retrace their steps to their
+dark abodes, the first rays of the morning sun appeared, and they were
+immediately transformed, and remain to the present time in the shape
+of two tall moss-grown stones of ten feet in height."[264] This is
+paralleled by the Merionethshire example of a large drift of stones
+about midway up the Moelore in Llan Dwywe, which was believed to be
+due to a witch who "was carrying her apron full of stones for some
+purpose to the top of the hill, and the string of the apron broke, and
+all the stones dropped on the spot, where they still remain under the
+name of Fedogaid-y-Widdon."[265] Giant and witch in these cases are
+generic terms by which the popular mind has conveyed a conception of
+the origin of these strange and remarkable monuments, whether natural
+or constructed by a long-forgotten people; and we cannot doubt that
+such beliefs are generated by the peasantry of civilisation from a
+mental conception not far removed from that of the primitive savage.
+Neither their religion nor their education was concerned with such
+things, so the peasants turned to their own realm and created a myth
+of origins suitable to their limited range of knowledge.
+
+It may perhaps be urged that such beliefs as these are on the
+borderland of psychological and traditional influences. Witches and
+giants certainly belong to tradition, but on the other hand they are
+the common factors of the natural mind which readily attributes
+personal origins to impersonal objects. I am inclined on the whole to
+attribute the beliefs attachable to the unexplained boulders or
+unknown monoliths to the eternal questionings in the minds of the
+uncultured peasants of uncivilised countries similar to those of the
+unadvanced savage. That the peasant of civilisation should confine his
+questionings to the by-products of his surroundings and not to the
+greater subjects which occupy the minds of savages, is only because
+the greater subjects have already been answered for him by the
+Christian Church.[266]
+
+There is a point, however, where psychological and traditional
+conditions are in natural conjunction, and I will just refer to this.
+That matters of legal importance should be preserved by the agency of
+tradition has already been shown to belong to that part of history for
+which there are no contemporary records, and its importance in this
+connection has been proved. Equally important from the psychological
+side is the fact that law is also preserved by tradition where people
+are unaccustomed to the use of writing, or by reason of their
+occupation have little use for writing. To illustrate this, I will
+quote an excellent note preserved by a writer on Cornish
+superstitions.
+
+      "There is an old 'vulgar error'--that no man can swear
+      as a witness in a court of law to any thing he has
+      seen through glass. This is based upon the formerly
+      universal use of blown glass for windows, in which
+      glass the constant recurrence of the greenish, and
+      barely more than semi-transparent bull's eyes, so much
+      distorted the view that it was unsafe for a spectator
+      through glass to pledge his oath to what he saw going
+      on outside. Now, through our present glass, this
+      belief is relegated to the region of forgotten things,
+      but nevertheless it has hold on Westcountry people
+      still. I was, some years since, investigating the case
+      of a derelict ship which had been found off the Scilly
+      Islands, and towed by the pilots into a safe anchorage
+      for the night. Next morning the pilots going out to
+      complete their salvage, saw some men on board the
+      derelict casting off the anchor rope by which they had
+      secured her, but they distinctly declined to swear to
+      the truth of what they had seen, and it turned out
+      that they had seen through glass, by which they meant
+      a telescope. In the same case I found that when these
+      pilots (men intelligent much beyond the average, as
+      all Scillonians are) had, on boarding the derelict
+      (which had, of course, been deserted by her crew),
+      found a living dog, they had deliberately thrown it
+      overboard. They explained this act of cruelty to me by
+      saying that a ship was not derelict if on board of her
+      was found alive 'man, woman, child, dog, or cat.' And
+      it turned out, on after-investigation, that these were
+      the very words used in an obsolete Act of Parliament
+      of one of the early Plantagenet kings, forgotten
+      centuries ago by the English people, but borne in mind
+      as a living fact by the Scillonians."[267]
+
+In some special departments elementary psychological conditions
+operate in a considerable degree--operate to produce not waifs and
+strays of primitive thought and belief, but whole classes. Thus in the
+curious accretion of superstition around the objects connected with
+church worship, the same agencies are at work. The general
+characteristic of popular beliefs which originated with, or have grown
+up around the consecrated objects of the Church, is that such objects
+are beneficent in their action when employed for any given purpose.
+Thus, as Henderson says of the North of England, "a belief in the
+efficacy of the sacred elements in the Eucharist for the cure of
+bodily disease is widely spread." Silver rings, made from the
+offertory money, are very generally worn for the cure of epilepsy.
+Water that had been used in baptism was believed in West Scotland to
+have virtue to cure many distempers; it was a preventive against
+witchcraft, and eyes bathed with it would never see a ghost. Dalyell
+puts the evidence very succinctly. "Everything relative to sanctity
+was deemed a preservative. Hence the relics of saints, the touch of
+their clothes, of their tombs, and even portions of structures
+consecrated to divine offices were a safeguard near the person. A
+white marble altar in the church of Iona, almost entire towards the
+close of the seventeenth century, had disappeared late in the
+eighteenth, from its demolition in fragments to avert shipwreck." And
+so what has been consecrated, must not be desecrated. In
+Leicestershire and Northamptonshire there is a superstitious idea that
+the removal or exhumation of a body after interment bodes death or
+some terrible calamity to the surviving members of the deceased's
+family.[268]
+
+In the West of Ireland there were usually found upon the altars of the
+small missionary churches one or more oval stones, either natural
+waterwashed pebbles or artificially shaped and very smooth, and these
+were held in the highest veneration by the peasantry as having
+belonged to the founders of the churches, and were used for a variety
+of purposes, as the curing of diseases, taking oaths upon them,
+etc.[269] Similarly the using of any remains of destroyed churches for
+profane purposes was believed to bring misfortune,[270] while the land
+which once belonged to the church of St. Baramedan, in the parish of
+Kilbarrymeaden, county Waterford, "has long been highly venerated by
+the common people, who attribute to it many surprising virtues."[271]
+In 1849 the people of Carrick were in the habit of carrying away from
+the churchyard portions of the clay of a priest's grave and using it
+as a cure for several diseases, and they also boiled the clay from the
+grave of Father O'Connor with milk and drank it.[272] One of the
+superstitious fancies of the Connemara folk in 1825 was credulity with
+respect to the gospels, as they are called, which "they wear round
+their neck as a charm against danger and disease. These are prepared
+by the priest, and sold by him at the price of two or three
+tenpennies. It is considered sacrilege in the purchaser to part with
+them at any time, and it is believed that the charm proves of no
+efficacy to any but the individual for whose particular benefit the
+priest has blessed it. The charm is written on a scrap of paper and
+enclosed in a small cloth bag, marked on one side with the letters
+I. H. S. On one side of the paper is written the Lord's Prayer, and
+after it a great number of initial letters."[273]
+
+Such examples could be multiplied indefinitely, but no folklorist has
+properly classified such beliefs and endeavoured to ascertain their
+place in the science of folklore.[274] It is clear they have arisen
+not from tradition, but from a new force acting on minds which were
+not yet free to receive new influences without going back to old
+methods of thought.
+
+How completely the sanctity of the church exercises a constant
+influence upon the minds of men, thus substituting a new form of
+belief when older forms were thrust on one side by the advance of the
+new religion, is perhaps best illustrated by a practice in early
+Christian times for giving sanctity to the oath. Among the Jews the
+altar in the Temple was resorted to by litigants in order that the
+oath might be taken in the presence of Yahveh himself, and "so
+powerful was the impression of this upon the Christian mind, that in
+the early ages of the Church there was a popular superstition that an
+oath taken in a Jewish synagogue was more binding and more efficient
+than anywhere else."[275] In exactly the same way the altar of the
+Christian Church is used in popular belief after its use in Church
+ceremonial has been discontinued. Thus, to get in beneath the altar of
+St. Hilary Church, Anglesey, by means of an open panel and then turn
+round and come out is to ensure life for the coming year,[276] and the
+white marble altar in Iona which has been entirely demolished by
+fragments of it being used to avert shipwreck has already been
+referred to.[277] These are cases where there has been a throwing back
+from the new religion to the objects connected with the old religion,
+and they are paralleled by the practice of Protestants appealing to
+the Roman Catholic priesthood for protection against witchcraft, and
+of Nonconformists believing that the clergy of the Episcopal Church
+possess superior powers over evil spirits.[278]
+
+Psychological evidence is therefore important. One can never be quite
+sure to what extent civilised man is free from creating fresh myths in
+place of acquired scientific result, and to what extent this
+influences the production of primitive beliefs, or allows of the
+acceptance of traditional belief on new ground. The great mass of
+traditional belief has come through the ages traditionally, that is,
+from parent to child, from neighbour to neighbour, from class to
+class, from locality to locality, generation after generation.
+Occasionally this main current of the traditional life of a people is
+swollen by small side streams from fresh psychological sources.
+Individual examples, such as those I have cited, have perhaps always
+been present, but their effect must have died away with the passing of
+those with whom they originated. There are, however, stronger effects
+than these, coming not from individuals, but from classes. Thus the
+votaries and enemies of witchcraft produced a more lasting effect.
+Witchcraft, as Dr. Karl Pearson, I think, conclusively proves, and as
+I have helped to prove,[279] is founded upon traditional belief and
+custom, but its remarkable revival in the Middle Ages was in the main
+a psychological phenomenon. Traditional practices, traditional
+formulæ, and traditional beliefs are no doubt the elements of
+witchcraft, but it was not the force of tradition which produced the
+miserable doings of the Middle Ages and of the seventeenth century
+against witches. These were due to a psychological force, partly
+generated by the newly acquired power of the people to read the Bible
+for themselves, and so to apply the witch stories of the Jews to
+neighbours of their own who possessed powers or peculiarities which
+they could not understand, and partly generated by the carrying on of
+traditional practices by certain families or groups of persons who
+could only acquire knowledge of such practices by initiation or family
+teaching. Lawyers, magistrates, judges, nobles, and monarchs are
+concerned with witchcraft. These are not minds which have been crushed
+by civilisation, but minds which have misunderstood it or have misused
+it. It is unnecessary, and it is of course impossible on this occasion
+to trace out the psychic issues which are contained in the facts of
+witchcraft, but it may be advisable to illustrate the point by one or
+two references.
+
+I will note a few modern examples of the belief in witchcraft:--
+
+      "In 1879 extraordinary stories were current among the
+      populace of Caergwrle. Mrs. Braithwaite supplied a
+      Mrs. Williams with milk, but afterwards refused to
+      serve her, and the cause was as follows: Mrs.
+      Braithwaite had up to that time been very successful
+      in churning her butter, but about a month ago the
+      butter would not come. She tried every known agency;
+      she washed and dried her bats, but all to no purpose.
+      The milk would not yield an ounce of butter. Under the
+      circumstances she said Mrs. Williams had witched her.
+      The neighbours believed it, and Mrs. Williams was
+      generally called a witch. Hearing these reports, Mrs.
+      Williams went to Mrs. Braithwaite to expostulate with
+      her, when Mrs. Braithwaite said, 'Out, witch! If you
+      don't leave here, I'll shoot you.' Mrs. Williams
+      thereupon applied to the Caergwrle bench of
+      magistrates for a protection order against Mrs.
+      Braithwaite. She assured the Bench she was in danger,
+      as every one believed she was a witch. The Clerk: What
+      do they say is the reason? Applicant: Because she
+      cannot churn the milk. Mr. Kryke: Do they see you
+      riding a broomstick? Applicant (seriously): No, sir.
+      The Bench instructed the police officer to caution
+      Mrs. Braithwaite against repeating the threats."[280]
+
+The next example is from Lancashire:--
+
+      "At the East Dereham Petty Sessions, William Bulwer,
+      of Etling Green, was charged with assaulting
+      Christiana Martins, a young girl, who resided near the
+      Etling Green toll-bar. Complainant deposed that she
+      was 18 years of age, and on Wednesday, the 2nd inst.,
+      the defendant came to her and abused her. The
+      complainant, who looks scarce more than a child,
+      repeated, despite the efforts of the magistrates'
+      clerk to stop her, and without being in the least
+      abashed, some of the worst language it was possible to
+      conceive--conversation of the most gross description,
+      alleged to have taken place between herself and the
+      defendant. They appeared to have got from words to
+      blows and, while trying to fasten the gate, the
+      defendant hit her across the hand with a stick. She
+      alleged that there was no cause for the abuse and the
+      assault, so far as she knew, and in reply to rigid
+      cross-examination as to the origin of the quarrel,
+      adhered to this statement. Mrs. Susannah Gathercole
+      also corroborated the statement as to the assault,
+      adding that the defendant said the complainant's
+      mother was a witch. Defendant then blazed forth in
+      righteous indignation, and, when the witness said she
+      knew no more about the origin of the quarrel, he said,
+      'Mrs. Martins is an old witch, gentlemen, that is what
+      she is, and she charmed me, and I got no sleep for her
+      for three nights, and one night at half-past eleven
+      o'clock, I got up because I could not sleep, and went
+      out and found a "walking toad" under a clod that had
+      been dug up with a three-pronged fork. That is why I
+      could not rest; she is a bad old woman; she put this
+      toad under there to charm me, and her daughter is just
+      as bad, gentlemen. She would bewitch any one; she
+      charmed me, and I got no rest day or night for her,
+      till I found this "walking toad" under the turf. She
+      dug a hole and put it there to charm me, gentlemen,
+      that is the truth. I got the toad out and put it in a
+      cloth, and took it upstairs and showed it to my
+      mother, and "throwed" it into the pit in the garden.
+      She went round this here "walking toad" after she had
+      buried it, and I could not rest by day or sleep by
+      night till I found it. The Bench: Do you go to church?
+      Defendant: Sometimes I go to church, and sometimes to
+      chapel, and sometimes I don't go nowhere. Her mother
+      is bad enough to do anything; and to go and put the
+      "walking toad" in the hole like that, for a man which
+      never did nothing to her, she is not fit to live,
+      gentlemen, to go and do such a thing; it is not as if
+      I had done anything to her. She looks at lots of
+      people, and I know she will do some one harm. The
+      Chairman: Do you know this man, Superintendent Symons?
+      Is he sane? Superintendent Symons: Yes, sir;
+      perfectly."[281]
+
+In Somerset belief in witchcraft still lingers in nooks and corners of
+the west, as appears from a case brought before the magistrates of the
+Wiveliscombe division.
+
+      "Sarah Smith, the wife of a marine store dealer,
+      residing at Golden Hill, was for some time ill and
+      confined to her bed. Finding that the local doctor
+      could not cure her, she sent for a witch doctor of
+      Taunton. He duly arrived by train on St. Thomas's day.
+      Smith inquired his charge, and was informed he usually
+      charged 11s., remarking that unless he took it from
+      the person affected his incantation would be of no
+      avail. Smith then handed it to his wife, who gave it
+      to the witch doctor, and he returned 1s. to her. He
+      then proceeded to foil the witch's power over his
+      patient by tapping her several times on the palm of
+      her hand with his finger, telling her that every tap
+      was a stab on the witch's heart. This was followed by
+      an incantation. He then gave her a parcel of herbs
+      (which evidently consisted of dried bay leaves and
+      peppermint), which she was to steep and drink. She was
+      to send to a blacksmith's shop and get a donkey's shoe
+      made, and nail it on her front door. He then
+      departed."[282]
+
+Such examples as these may be added to from various parts of the
+country, but they do not compare with the terrible case at Clonmel, in
+county Tipperary, which occurred in 1895. The evidence showed that the
+husband, father, and mother of the victim, together with several other
+persons, were concerned in this matter, and one of the witnesses, Mary
+Simpson, stated "that on the night of March 14th she saw Cleary
+forcibly administer herbs to his wife, and when the woman did not
+answer when called upon in the name of the Trinity to say who she was,
+she was placed on the fire by Cleary and the others. Mrs. Cleary did
+not appear to be in her right senses. She was raving."[283] The whole
+record of the trial is of the most amazing description, pointing back
+to a system of belief which, if based upon traditional practices, has
+been fed by entirely modern influences. Such records as these stretch
+back through the ages, and almost every village, certainly every
+county in the United Kingdom, has its records of trials for
+witchcraft, in which clergy and layman, judge, jury, and victim play
+strange parts, if we consider them as members of a civilised
+community. Superstition which has been preserved by the folk as sacred
+to their old faiths, preserved by tradition, has remained the
+cherished possession, generally in secret, of those who practise it.
+The belief in witchcraft is a different matter. Though it has
+traditional rites and practices it has been kept alive by a cruel and
+crude interpretation of its position among the faiths of the Bible,
+and it has thus received fresh life.
+
+The miserable records of witchcraft illustrate in a way no other
+subject can how the human mind, when untouched by the influences of
+advanced culture, has the tendency to revert to traditional culture,
+and they demonstrate how strongly embedded in human memory is the
+great mass of traditional culture. The outside civilisation, religious
+or scientific, has not penetrated far. Science has only just begun her
+great work, and religion has been spending most of her efforts in
+endeavouring to displace a set of beliefs which she calls
+superstition, by a set of superstitions which she calls revelation.
+Not only have the older faiths not been eradicated by this, but the
+older psychological conditions have not been made to disappear. The
+folklorist has to make note of this obviously significant fact, and
+must therefore deal with both sides of the question, the traditional
+and the psychological, and because by far the greater importance
+belongs to the former it does not do to neglect the importance, though
+the lesser importance, of the latter.
+
+It assists the student of tradition in many ways. People who will
+still explain for themselves in primitive fashion phenomena which they
+do not understand, and who remain content with such primitive
+explanations instead of relying upon the discoveries of science, are
+just the people to retain with strong persistence the traditional
+beliefs and ideas which they obtained from their fathers, and to
+acquire other traditional beliefs and ideas which they obtain from
+neighbours. One often wonders at the "amazing toughness" of tradition,
+and in the psychological conditions which have been indicated will be
+found one of the necessary explanations.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[237] Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, 197-198.
+
+[238] Robertson, _Agriculture of Inverness-shire_. For Argyllshire see
+_New Stat. Account of Scotland_, vii. 346; Brown, _Early Descriptions
+of Scotland_, 12, 49, 99.
+
+[239] Wilde, _Catalogue of Museum of Royal Irish Academy_, 99; Joyce,
+_Social Hist. of Anc. Ireland_, ii. 27.
+
+[240] _Tour in Ireland_, 1775, p. 144; _Gent. Mag._, v. 680.
+
+[241] Hutchinson, _Hist. of Cumberland_, i. 216.
+
+[242] James Clarke, _Survey of the Lakes_, 1789, p. xiii; _Berwickshire
+Nat. Field Club_, ix. 512.
+
+[243] Clarke, _Survey of the Lakes_, pp. x, xv. Referring to the
+statutes enacted as a result of the Commissioners' work the facts are
+as follows: There were certain franchises in North and South Tynedale
+and Hexhamshire, by virtue of which the King's writ did not run there.
+[Tynedale, though on the English side of the border, was an ancient
+franchise of the Kings of Scotland.] In 1293 Edward I. confirmed this
+grant in favour of John of Balliol (1 Rot. Parl., 114-16), and the
+inhabitants took advantage of this immunity to make forays and commit
+outrages in neighbouring counties. In the year 1414, at the Parliament
+holden at Leicester, "grievous complaints" of these outrages were made
+"by the Commons of the County of Northumberland." It was accordingly
+provided (2 Henry V., cap. 5) that process should be taken against such
+offenders under the common law until they were outlawed; and that then,
+upon a certificate of outlawry made to lords of franchises in North and
+South Tynedale and Hexhamshire, the offender's lands and goods should
+be forfeited. In 1421 the provisions of this statute were extended to
+like offenders in Rydesdale, where also the King's writ did not run (9
+Henry V., cap. 7). Still these excesses continued in Tynedale. By an
+enactment of Henry VII. (2 Henry VII., cap. 9) this "lordship and
+bounds" were annexed to the county of Northumberland. "Forasmuch," the
+preamble sets forth, "as the inhabitants and dwellers within the
+lordships and bounds of North and South Tyndale, not only in their own
+persons, but also oftentimes accompanied and confedered with Scottish
+ancient enemies to this realm, have at many seasons in time past
+committed and done, and yet daily and nightly commit and do, great and
+heinous murders, robberies, felonies, depredations, riots and other
+great trespasses upon the King our Sovereign lord's true and faithful
+liege people and subjects, inhabiters and dwellers within the shires of
+Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, Exhamshire [_sic_], the
+bishopric of Durham and in a part of Yorkshire, in which treasons,
+murders, robberies, felonies, and other the premises, have not in time
+past in any manner of form been punished after the order and course of
+the common law, by reason of such franchise as was used within the same
+while it was in the possession of any other lord or lords than our
+Sovereign lord, and thus for lack of punishment of these treasons,
+murders, robberies and felonies, the King's true and faithful liege
+people and subjects, inhabiters and dwellers within the shires and
+places before rehearsed, cannot be in any manner of surety of their
+bodies or goods, neither yet lie in their own houses, but either to be
+murdered or taken or carried into Scotland and there ransomed, to their
+great destruction of body and goods, and utter impoverishing for ever,
+unless due and hasty remedy be had and found," it is therefore provided
+that North and South Tynedale shall from thenceforth be gildable, and
+part of the shire of Northumberland, that no franchise shall stand good
+there, and the King's writ shall run, and his officers and all their
+warrants be obeyed there as in every other part of that shire. Further,
+lessees of lands within the bounds are to enter into recognisances in
+two sureties to appear and answer all charges.
+
+[244] See my _Ethnology in Folklore_, cap. vi.
+
+[245] Hickson, _North Celebes_, 240.
+
+[246] Mitchell's _Australian Expeditions_, i. 246.
+
+[247] See my _Village Community_, 18; Stewart's _Highlanders of
+Scotland_, i. 147, 228.
+
+[248] _Notes and Queries_, second series, iv. 487.
+
+[249] Wild, _Highlands, Orcadia and Skye_, 196.
+
+[250] The psychology of primitive races is now receiving scientific
+attention, thanks chiefly to Dr. Haddon and the scholars who
+accompanied him upon his Torres Straits expedition in 1898. The volume
+of the memoirs of this expedition which relates to psychology has
+already been published, and students should consult it as an example of
+scientific method.
+
+[251] One is reminded of the famous Shakespearian emendation whereby
+Falstaff on his death-bed "babbled o' green fields."
+
+[252] Shortland, _New Zealanders_, 107. An Algonquin backbone story is
+quoted by MacCulloch, _Childhood of Fiction_, 92, and he says, "the
+spine is held by many people to be the seat of life," 93 and _cf._ III.
+_Cf._ Frazer, _Adonis, Attis, and Osiris_, 277.
+
+[253] _Gent. Mag. Lib._, _Popular Superstitions_, 122.
+
+[254] _County Folklore, Suffolk_, 2.
+
+[255] _Hardwick's Science Gossip_, vi. 281; _cf._ Worsaae, _Danes and
+Norwegians_, 25.
+
+[256] _Journ. Asiatic Soc., Bengal_, xiv. 479.
+
+[257] King, _Munimenta Antiqua_, i. 195-6; _Gent. Mag. Lib._,
+_Archæology_, i. 319-321; Hutchinson, _Hist. Cumberland_, i. 226.
+
+[258] _Arch. Journ._, xv. 204.
+
+[259] Sinclair, _Stat. Acct. of Scotland_, xv. 191.
+
+[260] _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, i. 2; _Gent. Mag. Lib._, _Archæology_,
+i. 21.
+
+[261] _Archæologia_, xxv. 198.
+
+[262] _Gent. Mag._, 1751, pp. 110, 182.
+
+[263] Some Irish examples are collected in _Folklore Record_, v.
+169-172.
+
+[264] Sinclair, _Stat. Acct. of Scotland_, xv. 111.
+
+[265] _Trans. Cymmrodorion Soc._ (1822), i. 170.
+
+[266] It is not worth while, perhaps, to pursue this part of our
+subject into further regions. It is to be sought for in innumerable
+pamphlets, such, for instance, as those relating to the Civil War.
+Beesley, _Hist. of Banbury_, 334, mentions one, the title of which I
+will quote: "A great Wonder in Heaven shewing the late Apparitions and
+prodigious noyses of War and Battels seen on Edge Hill neere Keinton,"
+and the contents are "Certified under the hands of William Wood Esq and
+Justice for the Peace in the said Countie, Samuel Marshall, Preacher of
+God's Word in Keinton, and other Persons of Qualitie." The date is
+exactly three months after the battle of Edgehill, "London, printed for
+Thomas Jackson, January 23rd, 1642-3."
+
+[267] _West of England Magazine_, February, 1888.
+
+[268] Henderson, _Folklore of the Northern Counties_, 146; Napier,
+_Folklore of West of Scotland_, 140; Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of
+Scotland_, 142; _Choice Notes_ (_Folklore_), 8; Brand, iii. 300; Dyer,
+_English Folklore_, 146, 153 (Hereford, Lincoln, and Yorks).
+
+[269] Wilde, _Catalogue of Royal Irish Academy_, 131.
+
+[270] _Folklore Record_, iv. 105.
+
+[271] Rev. R. H. Ryland, _Hist. of Waterford_, 271.
+
+[272] Wilde, _Beauties of the Boyne_, 45; Croker, _Researches in South
+of Ireland_, 170; _Revue Celtique_, v. 358.
+
+[273] Blake, _Letters from the Irish Highlands_, 130-131.
+
+[274] _Church Folklore_, by Rev. J. E. Vaux, is a collection of
+material, and does not attempt to give any indication of its value.
+
+[275] Lea, _Superstition and Force_, 28.
+
+[276] _Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc._, xxv. 142; Rev. W. Bingley, _North
+Wales_, 216-217.
+
+[277] Sacheverell, _Voyage to Isle of Man_, 132.
+
+[278] Tylor, _Primitive Culture_, i. 115; Landt, _Origin of the
+Priesthood_, 85; Henderson, _Folklore of Northern Counties_, 32-33;
+_Folklore Record_, i. 46.
+
+[279] Pearson's _Chances of Death_, ii. cap. ix., "Woman as Witch;"
+Gomme, _Ethnology in Folklore_, 48-62.
+
+[280] _Daily Chronicle_, 15th February, 1879.
+
+[281] _Leigh Chronicle_, 19th April, 1879.
+
+[282] _Somerset County Gazette_, 22nd January, 1881.
+
+[283] _Standard_, 3rd April, 1895. The full details are reprinted in
+_Folklore_, vi. 373-384.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+ANTHROPOLOGICAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+In dealing with the folklore of any country, it is important to note
+the general bearing of anthropological conditions. The earliest
+inhabitants, to whom part of the folklore belonged, and the later
+peoples, to whom part belonged, have both arrived at their ultimate
+point of settlement in the country where we discover their folklore
+after being in touch with many points of the world's surface. They are
+both world-people as well as national people--they belonged to
+anthropology before they came under the dominion of history. This
+important fact is often or nearly always neglected. We are apt to
+treat of Greek and Roman and Briton, of Cretan, Scandinavian, and
+Russian, as bounded by the few thousands of years of life which have
+fixed them with their territorial names, and to ignore all that lies
+behind this historic period. There is, as a matter of fact, an immense
+period behind it, reckoned according to geological time in millions of
+years, and this period, longer in duration, more strenuous in its
+influences upon character and mind, containing more representatives in
+peoples, societies, and races than the later period, has affected the
+later period to a far greater extent than is generally conceded or
+understood. We cannot understand the later period without knowing
+something of the earlier period.
+
+There is more than this; for the dominating political races occupying
+European countries to-day were, in most cases, preceded by a
+non-political people. Thus, if we turn to Britain for illustration, we
+find evidence of a people physically allied with a race which cannot
+be identified with Celt or Teuton,[284] philologically allied with a
+people which spoke a non-Aryan language,[285] archæologically allied
+with the prehistoric stone-circle and monolith builders,[286] and we
+find custom, belief, and myth in Britain retaining traces of a culture
+which is not Celtic and not Teutonic, and which contains survivals of
+the primitive system of totemism.[287] These four independent classes
+of evidence have to be combined if we would ascertain the true
+position they occupy in the history of Britain, and it is perfectly
+clear that, apart from general considerations, a direct appeal to
+anthropology is necessary to help out the deficiencies of both history
+and folklore. The questions involved in totemism alone compel us to
+this course. It is questionable whether there is any existing savage
+or barbaric people who are non-totemic in the sense of either not
+possessing the rudimentary beginnings of totemism, or not having once
+possessed a full system of totemism. Totemism, at one stage or another
+of its development, is, in fact, one of the universal elements of
+man's life, and all consideration of its traces in civilised countries
+must begin with some conception of its origin. Its origin must refer
+back to conditions of human life which are also universal. Special
+circumstances, special peoples, special areas could not have produced
+totemism unless we proceed to the somewhat violent conclusion that
+beginning in one area it has spread therefrom to all areas. I know of
+no authority who advocates such a theory and no evidence in its
+favour. We are left therefore with the proposition that the origin of
+totemism must be sought for in some universal condition of human life
+at one of its very early stages, which would have produced a state of
+things from which would inevitably arise the beliefs, customs, and
+social organisations which are included under the term totemism.
+
+There is therefore ample ground for a consideration of anthropological
+conditions as part of the necessary equipment of the study of folklore
+as an historical science. Unfortunately, authorities are now greatly
+divided on several important questions in anthropology, and it is not
+possible to speak with even a reasonable degree of certainty on many
+things. This compels further research than the mere statement of the
+present position, and I find myself obliged even for my present
+limited purpose to suggest many new points beyond the stage reached
+by present research. There is one advantage in this. It allows of a
+hypothesis by which to present the subject to the student, and a
+working hypothesis is always a great advantage where research is not
+founded entirely on actual observation by trained experts in the
+field. Where, therefore, I depart from the guidance of conclusions
+already arrived at by scholars in this department of research, it will
+be in order to substitute an opinion of my own which I think it is
+necessary to consider, and the whole study of the anthropological
+problems in their relation to folklore will assume the shape of a
+restatement of the entire case.
+
+I am aware that a subject of this magnitude is too weighty and
+far-reaching to be properly considered in a chapter of a book not
+devoted to the single purpose, but it is necessary to attempt a rough
+statement of the evidence, though it will take us somewhat beyond the
+ordinary domain of folklore; but, while dealing with the
+anthropological position at sufficient length to make a complicated
+subject clear, if I can do so, I shall limit both my arguments and the
+evidence in support of them to the narrowest limits.
+
+
+I
+
+Mr. Wallace, I think, supplies the dominant note of the
+anthropological position when he suggests, though in a strangely
+unsatisfactory terminology, that it is the conscious use by man of his
+experience which causes his superior mental endowments, and his
+superior range of development.[288] We must lay stress upon the
+important qualification "conscious." It is conscious use of experience
+which is the great factor in man's progress. It is the greatest
+possession of man in his beginning, and has remained his greatest
+possession ever since. His experience did not always lead him to the
+best paths of progress, but it has led him to progress.
+
+Even Mr. Wallace did not appreciate the full significance of this
+principle. The conscious adoption of a natural fact, of an observation
+from nature, or an assumed observation from nature, for social
+purposes, is an altogether different thing from the unconscious
+knowledge which man might have been possessed of, but which he never
+put to any use in his social development. Anthropologists must note
+not the natural facts known to later man or known to science, but the
+facts, or assumed facts, which early man consciously adopted for his
+purpose during the long period of his development from savage to
+civilised forms of life. The unconscious acts of mankind are of no
+use, or of very little use. It is only the conscious acts that will
+lead us along the lines of man's development. Man did not begin to
+build up his social system with the scientific fact of blood kinship
+through father and mother, but he evolved a theory of social
+relationship which served his purpose until the fact of blood kinship
+supplied a better basis. At almost the first point of origin in savage
+society we see man acting consciously, and it is amongst his conscious
+acts that we must place those traces of a sort of primitive
+legislation which have been found.[289]
+
+Now this being the basis of anthropological observation, we have to
+apply it to the question of man's earliest progress. It is at its base
+an economic question. Primitive economics dominated the movements and
+condition of early man in a far more thorough manner than modern
+economics affect civilisation, and between the two systems lies the
+whole history of man. It reveals man adapting the social unit to the
+productive powers of its food supply, and developing towards the
+adaptation of the productive powers of food supply to the social unit.
+In the various stages that accompany this great change, there is no
+defined separation of peoples according to stages of culture, savage,
+barbaric, or civilised. There is nothing to suggest that all peoples
+do not come from one centre of human life. On the contrary, the
+evidence is strong that the primal stages in human evolution are
+traceable in all the culture stages, and, therefore, that they fit in
+with the general conclusions of anthropologists and naturalists as to
+man's origin in one definite centre, and his gradual spreading out
+from that centre.
+
+I will take the chief conclusions arrived at in respect of this
+condition of birth at one centre and subsequent spreading out. Darwin
+has summarised the problem between the monogenists and polygenists in
+a manner which still ranks as a sufficient statement of the case, and
+his conclusion that "all the races of man are descended from a single
+primitive stock"[290] is accepted by the most prominent
+naturalists,[291] and confirmed by recent discoveries, which go to
+prove that this primitive stock began in miocene or pliocene times in
+the Indo-Malaysian intertropical lands.[292]
+
+Anthropologists, who have been deeply interested in the controversy
+ranging round the origin of man, have in a remarkable manner neglected
+to take into full account the most significant phenomenon of spreading
+out.[293] They either neglect it altogether, or they relegate it to so
+small a place in their argument as to become a practical neglect. They
+treat of man as if he were always in a stationary condition, and
+exclude the important condition of movement as an element in his
+development. Mr. Spencer's general dictum that geological changes and
+meteorological changes, as well as the consequent changes of flora and
+fauna, must have been causing over all parts of the earth perpetual
+emigrations and immigrations,[294] does not help much, because it
+refers to special and cataclysmic events. Lord Avebury, though
+stating the true case, unfortunately contents himself at the end of
+his book on prehistoric man with a short summary of the evidence as to
+the equipment of primitive man in mental and social qualities when he
+began the great movement, and gives only a few lines to his conclusion
+that "there can be no doubt that he originally crept over the earth's
+surface little by little, year by year, just, for instance, as the
+weeds of Europe are now gradually but surely creeping over the surface
+of Australia."[295]
+
+Mr. Keane is the first authority who thinks it appropriate to commence
+his treatise on man with an examination of the facts which show that
+"the world was peopled by migration from one centre by pleistocene
+man ... who moved about like other migrating faunas, unconsciously,
+everywhere following the lines of least resistance, advancing or
+receding, and acting generally on blind impulse rather than of set
+purpose;"[296] and it still remains with Dr. Latham to have formulated
+some fixed principles of the migratory movement in his admirable
+though, of course, wholly inadequate summary of man and his
+migrations. I will quote the passage in full: "So long as any
+continental extremities of the earth's surface remained
+unoccupied--the stream (or rather the enlarging circle of migration)
+not having yet reached them--the _primary_ migration is going on; and
+when all have got their complement, the primary migration is over.
+During this primary migration, the relations of man, thus placed in
+movement and in the full, early and guiltless exercise of his high
+function of subduing the earth, are in conflict with physical
+obstacles and with the resistance of the lower animals only. Unless,
+like Lot's wife, he turn back upon the peopled parts behind him, he
+has no relations with his fellow-men--at least none arising out of the
+claim of previous occupancy. In other words, during the primary
+migration, the world that lay before our progenitors was either brute
+or inanimate. But before many generations have passed away, all
+becomes full to overflowing, so that men must enlarge their boundaries
+at the expense of their fellows. The migrations that now take place
+are _secondary_. They differ from the primary in many respects. They
+are slower, because the resistance is that of humanity to humanity,
+and they are violent, because dispossession is the object. They are
+partial, abortive, followed by the fusion of different populations, or
+followed by their extermination as the case may be."[297] This
+passage, written so long ago as 1841, is still applicable to the facts
+of modern science, and there is only to add to it that the migration
+of man from a common centre, where life was easy, to all parts of the
+world, where life has been difficult, must have been undertaken in
+order to meet some great necessity, and must have become possible by
+reason of some great force which man alone possessed. The necessity
+was economic; the force was social development. If the movement has
+not been geographically ever forward, it has been ethnographically
+constant.[298] Movement always; sometimes the pressure has come from
+one direction, sometimes from another; sometimes it has caused
+compression and at other times expansion; sometimes it has sent
+humanity to inhabit regions that required generations of victims
+before it could hold its own. At all times the essential condition of
+life has been that of constant movement in face of antagonistic
+forces.[299] In whatever form the movement has come about, movement of
+a very definite character has taken place over an immense period of
+time, and sufficient to cover practically the whole earth with
+descendants from the original human stock. This conclusion is
+enormously strengthened by the accumulating evidence for the
+world-wide area covered by the remains of man's earliest weapon, the
+worked stone implement. It is everywhere. It is practically
+co-extensive with man's wanderings, and the greatness of the territory
+it covers marks it off as another of the universal relics of man's
+primitive life. Of no other weapon or instrument or associated object
+can this be said. The bow and arrow are unknown to the Australians and
+other peoples; pottery is unknown to the Bushmen and other peoples;
+the use of fire in cookery is not found among the South Sea Islanders,
+and is not claimed for other peoples.[300] We can get behind the
+development of these and other arts and come upon the ruder people who
+had not arrived at the stage they represent. But we cannot get behind
+the worked flint. It must have been the chief material cause of man's
+success in the migratory movement, and with the social development
+accompanying it must have made migration not only possible, but the
+only true method of meeting the earliest economic difficulties. It
+also provides us with the elements of a chronological basis. Behind
+palæolithic times there is an immensity of time when man struggled
+with his economic difficulties and spread out slowly and painfully.
+During palæolithic times the movement was more rapid and more general.
+Obstacles were overcome by palæolithic man becoming superior to his
+enemies by the use of weapons, and use of weapons caused, or at all
+events aided, the development of social institutions capable of
+bearing the new force of movement.
+
+These two factors of economic necessity and social development are of
+equal importance in man's history, and they interlace at all points.
+They lead straight to the necessity for always taking count of the
+fact that man is primarily a migratory being, and that he has spread
+over the earth. Everywhere we find man. There is no habitable part of
+the world where he has not found a home. But we do not find him under
+equal conditions everywhere, and the different conditions afford
+evidence of the main lines of development. Roughly speaking, it may be
+put in this way. In the savage world the people appear as aborigines,
+that is to say, the first and only occupiers of the territory where
+they are located. In the barbaric world the condition of aboriginal
+settlement is tinged with the result of conquest, namely, the pushing
+out or absorption of the aboriginal folk in favour of a more powerful
+and conquering folk. In the political world, and in the political
+world only, there is not only the element of conquest, but the
+definite aim of conquest, which is to retain the aboriginal or
+conquered people as part of the political fabric necessary to the
+settlement of the conqueror, and at the same time to keep intact the
+superior position of the conqueror. In the savage world, society and
+religion are based upon locality; in the barbaric world there is the
+first sign of the element of kinship consciously used in the effort of
+conquest, which dies away gradually as successful settlement, by which
+conqueror and conquered become merged in one people, follows conquest;
+in the political world, and in the political world only, kinship is
+elevated into a necessary institution, is made sacred to the minds of
+tribesmen, and becomes an essential part of the religion of the tribe
+in order to keep the organisation of the tribal conquerors intact and
+free from the perils of dissolution when conquerors and conquered
+become members of one political unit. The savage and barbaric worlds
+are the homes of the backward peoples, the non-advanced or fossilised
+types of early humanity. The political world is the domain for the
+most part of the Aryan-speaking people, and of the Semitic people, and
+of those people who in Egypt within the Mediterranean area, and in
+China in the eastern Asian area, have built up civilisations which
+have only recently come under scientific observation.
+
+These distinctions are not made by anthropologists as a rule, yet I
+cannot but think they are in the main the true distinctions which must
+be made if we are to arrive at any general conception of the progress
+of man from savagery to civilisation. The distinctions which seem to
+hold the field against those I have suggested, are those of hunter,
+pastoral, and agricultural. I say seem to hold the field, because they
+have never been scientifically worked out. They are stated in
+textbooks and research work almost as an axiom of anthropology, but
+their claim to this position is singularly weak and unsatisfactory,
+and has never been scientifically established. They are only
+economical distinctions, not social, and they do not properly express
+related stages. Hunting, cattle keeping, and agriculture are found in
+almost all stages of social evolution, and I, for one, deny that in
+the order they are generally given, they express anything approaching
+to accurate indication of the line of human progress. The
+distinctions I have suggested do not, of course, contain everything
+indicative of human progress. They are the first broad outlines to be
+filled up by the details of special peoples, special areas, and
+special ages. They involve many sub-stages which need to be properly
+worked out, and for which a satisfactory terminology is required. In
+the meantime, as measuring-posts of man's line of progress, they
+express the most important fact about man, namely, that his present
+enforced stationary condition has followed upon an enormous period of
+enforced movement. That movement has finally resulted in the presence
+of man everywhere on the earth's surface. This has been followed by
+the continued moving of savage man within the limited areas to which
+he has been finally pushed; by the movement of barbaric man from one
+place of settlement to another place of settlement, again within
+limited areas; and by the movement of political man through countries
+and continents of vast extent, and the final overlordship of political
+man over savage and barbaric man whom he has subjected and used for
+his purpose of final settlement in the civilised form of settlement.
+It will be apparent from the terms I have used to express the three
+chief stages in man's progress, that I give a special significance to
+the use of blood kinship as a social force, and in the sequel I think
+this special significance will be justified.[301]
+
+No one can properly estimate the tremendous amount of movement which
+preceded these later limitations to movement. Savage and barbaric
+races are now hemmed in by the forces of modern civilisation. This was
+not the case even a few hundred years ago, and though we cannot say
+when constant movement all over the world was stayed, we can form some
+idea of the comparatively late period when this took place by a
+contemplation of the very recent growth of the political civilisations
+known to history. At the most, this can only be reckoned at some ten
+thousand years. At the back of this short stretch of time, or of the
+successive periods at which the new civilisations have arisen, there
+are recollections of great movements and great migrations. Egypt,
+Babylonia, India, Persia, Greece, and Rome have preserved these
+recollections by tradition, and tradition has been largely confirmed
+by archæology. Celts and Teutons have preserved parallel traditions
+which are confirmed by history observed from without. These traditions
+and memorials of the migration period have not been scientifically
+examined in each case, but where scholars have touched upon them,
+great and unexpected results have been produced.[302]
+
+There was time enough, before these late and special movements which
+led to civilisation, for man, in the course of peopling the earth, to
+be brought at various stages to a standstill, and such a change in his
+life-history would have its own special results. One of the most
+momentous of these results is the fossilisation of social and mental
+conditions. Man stationary, or movable by custom within restricted
+areas, would live under conditions which must have produced forms of
+culture different from those under which man lived when he was always
+able to penetrate, not by custom but by the force of circumstances,
+into the unknown domain of unoccupied territory; and the fossilisation
+of his culture at various stages of development, in accord with the
+various periods of his being brought to a standstill, would be the
+most important result.[303] Whenever man was compelled to move onward
+the social forces which were demanded of him, as he proceeded from
+point to point, must have been quite different from those which he
+could have adopted if he had been allowed to stay in areas which
+suited him, if he could have selected his settlement grounds and
+awaited events. The calmness of the latter methods would perhaps have
+led to the unconscious development of social forms; the roughness of
+the actual method of constant movement led to the conscious adoption
+of social forms which has altered man's history. These considerations
+bring us to the conclusion that it is during the period of migratory
+movement that man has developed the social and religious elements with
+which the anthropologist finds him endowed, when at last in modern
+days he has been brought within the ken of scientific observation, and
+that therefore it is as a migratory not a stationary organism that the
+evolution of human society has to be studied, aided by the fact that
+enforced stationary conditions have produced in the savage world
+examples of perhaps the most remote as well as the more recent types
+of primitive humanity.
+
+This last possibility, however, is not admitted by the best
+authorities. They endeavour to use biological methods in order to get
+behind existing savagery for the earliest period of human savagery.
+Darwin is not satisfied with the evidence as to promiscuity, strong as
+it appeared to him to be, and he pronounced it to be "extremely
+improbable" in a state of nature, and falls back upon the evidence of
+the rudimentary stages of human existence, there being, as among the
+gorillas, but one adult male in the band, and "when the young male
+grows up, a contest takes place for the mastery, and the strongest, by
+killing and driving out the others, establishes himself as the head of
+the community."[304] Mr. McLennan nowhere states the evidence for his
+first stage of human society--the primitive horde without any ideas of
+kinship, and based upon a fellowship of common interests and
+dangers[305]--but arrives at it by argument deduced from the
+conditions of later stages of development, and from the necessary
+suppositions as to the pre-existing stage which must have led to the
+later. Mr. Westermarck leads us straight to the evidence of the lower
+animals, from which he arrives at the small groups of humans headed by
+the male, and provides us with the theory of a human pairing
+season.[306] Mr. Morgan claims that no exemplification of mankind in
+his assumed lower status of savagery remained to the historical
+period,[307] presumably meaning the anthropo-historical period. And
+finally, Mr. Lang definitely claims that conjecture, and conjecture
+alone, remains as the means of getting back to the earliest human
+origins.[308]
+
+There is great danger in relying too closely upon conjecture. We shall
+be repeating in anthropology what the analytical jurists accomplished
+in law and jurisprudence, and it will then soon become necessary to do
+for anthropology what Sir Henry Maine did for comparative
+jurisprudence, namely, demonstrate that the analytical method does not
+take us back to human origins, but to highly developed systems of
+society. Law, in the hands of the analytical jurists, is merely one
+part of the machinery of modern government. Social beginnings in the
+hands of conjectural anthropologists are merely abstractions with the
+whole history of man put on one side. Mr. Lang in leading the way
+towards the analytical method in anthropology has avoided many of its
+pitfalls, but his disciples are not so successful. Thus, when Mr.
+Thomas declares that "custom which has among them [primitive peoples]
+far more power than law among us, determines whether a man is of kin
+to his mother and her relatives alone, or to his father and father's
+relatives, or whether both sets of relatives are alike of kin to
+them,"[309] he is neglecting the whole significance and range of
+custom. His statement is true analytically, but it is not true
+anthropologically until we have ascertained what this custom to which
+he refers really is, whence it is derived, how it has obtained its
+force, what is its range of action, how it operates in differentiating
+among the various groups of mankind--in a word, what is the human
+history associated with this custom.
+
+We must, however, at certain points in anthropological inquiry have
+recourse to the conjectural method. Its value lies in the fact that it
+states, and states clearly, the issue which is before us, and it is
+always possible to take up the conjectural position and endeavour to
+ascertain whether the neglected facts of human history which it
+expresses can be recovered. Its danger lies in the neglect of certain
+anthropological principles which can only be noted from definite
+examples, and the significance of which can only be discovered by the
+handling of definite examples. I will refer to one or two of the
+principles which I have in mind. Thus, it is necessary to distinguish
+between what is a practice and what is a rule. A practice precedes a
+rule. A practice incidental to one stage of society must not be
+confused with a rule, similar to the practice, obtaining in a
+different stage of society. Again, it must be borne in mind that
+identity of practice is no certain evidence of parallel stages of
+culture, and already it has been pointed out that identical practices
+do not always come from the same causes. Thirdly, it has to be borne
+in mind that primitive peoples specialise in certain directions to an
+extreme extent, and correspondingly cause neglect in other directions.
+The normal, therefore, has to give way to the special, and it is the
+degree of specialisation and the degree of neglect which are measuring
+factors of progress; in other words, it is the conscious adoption of
+certain rules of life with which we alone have to do.
+
+These principles are apt to be wholly neglected, and, indeed, the
+last-mentioned element in the evolution of human society does not
+enter into the calculations of analytical anthropologists. They
+provide for the normal according to scientific ideas of what the
+normal is. They either neglect or openly reject what cannot be called
+abnormal, because it appears everywhere, but which they are inclined
+to treat as abnormal because it does not fit into their accepted lines
+of development. That which I have ventured to term specialisation and
+neglect is a great and important feature in anthropology. It obtains
+everywhere in more or less degree, and accounts for some of the
+apparently unaccountable facts in savage society, where we are
+frequently encountered by a comparatively high degree of culture
+associated with a cruel and debasing system of rites and practices
+which belong to the lowest savagery. Dr. Haddon has usefully suggested
+the term "differential evolution" for this phenomenon in the culture
+history of man,[310] and as I find myself in entire agreement with
+this distinguished anthropologist as to the facts[311] which call for
+a special terminology, I gladly adopt his valuable suggestion.
+
+It is advisable to explain this phenomenon by reference to examples, and
+I will take the point of specialisation first. Even where industrial
+arts have advanced far beyond the primitive stage we are considering, we
+have the case of the Ahts, with whom "though living only a few miles
+apart, the tribes practise different arts and have apparently distinct
+tribal characteristics. One tribe is skilful in shaping canoes, another
+in painting boards for ornamental work, or making ornaments for the
+person, or instruments for hunting and fishing. Individuals as a rule
+keep to the arts for which their tribe has some repute, and do not care
+to acquire those arts in which other tribes excel. There seems to be
+among all the tribes in the island a sort of recognised tribal monopoly
+in certain articles produced, or that have been long manufactured in
+their own district. For instance, a tribe that does not grow potatoes,
+or make a particular kind of mat, will go a long way year after year to
+barter for those articles, which if they liked they themselves could
+easily produce or manufacture."[312] The remarkable case of the Todas
+specialising in cattle rearing and dairy farming is another example.
+Other people, both higher and lower in civilisation than the Todas, keep
+cattle and know the value of milk, but it is reserved for the Todas
+alone to have used this particular economic basis of their existence as
+the basis also of their social formation and their religious life.[313]
+The result is that they neglect other forms of social existence. They
+are not totemists, though perhaps they have the undeveloped germs of
+totemistic beliefs.[314] Their classificatory system of relationship
+makes their actual kinship scarcely recognisable; they "have very
+definite restrictions on the freedom of individuals to marry," and have
+a two-class endogamous division, but their marriage rite is merely the
+selection of nominal fathers for their children.[315] Throughout the
+careful study which we now possess, thanks to Dr. Rivers, of this
+people, there is the dominant note of dairy economy superimposing itself
+upon all else, and even religion seems to be in a state of
+decadence.[316] I do not know that anywhere else could be found a
+stronger example of the results of extreme specialisation upon the
+social and mental condition of a people. As a rule such specialisation
+does not extend to a whole people, but rather to sections, as, for
+instance, among the Gold Coast tribes of Africa who "transmit the secret
+of their skill from father to son and keep the corporation to which they
+belong up to a due degree of closeness by avoiding intermarriage with
+any of the more unskilled labourers,"[317] and Dr. Bucher, who has
+worked out many of the earliest conditions of primitive economics,
+concludes that it may be safely claimed that every "tribe displays some
+favourite form of industrial activity in which its members surpass the
+other tribes."[318] This rule extends to the lowest type of man, as, for
+instance, among the Australians. Each tribe of the Narrinyeri, says
+Taplin, have been accustomed to make those articles which their tract of
+country enabled them to produce most easily; one tribe will make
+weapons, another mats, and a third nets, and then they barter them one
+with another.[319]
+
+The evidence for industrial evolution is full of cases such as these,
+and they are extremely important to note, because it is not the mere
+existence of particular customs or particular beliefs among different
+peoples which is the factor to take into account, but the use or
+non-use, and the extent of the use or non-use, to which the particular
+customs or beliefs are put in each case.[320] Let me turn from the
+phenomenon of over-specialisation to that of neglect, and for this
+purpose I will take the simple fact of blood kinship. Existing
+obviously everywhere through the mother, and not obviously but
+admittedly through the father among most primitive peoples, there are
+examples where both maternal kinship and paternal kinship are
+neglected factors in the construction of the social group. The Nahals
+of Khandesh, for instance, neglect kinship altogether, and exist
+perfectly wild among the mountains, subsisting chiefly on roots,
+fruits, and berries, though the children during infancy accompany the
+mother in her unattached freedom from male control,[321] just as
+Herodotos describes the condition of the Auseans "before the Hellenes
+were settled near them."[322] Similarly, among many primitive peoples,
+kinship with the mother is recognised while kinship with the father is
+purposely neglected as a social factor. Thus, among the Khasia Hill
+people, the husband visits his wife occasionally in her own home,
+where "he seems merely entertained to continue the family to which his
+wife belongs."[323] This statement, so peculiarly appropriate to my
+purpose, is not merely an accident of language. With the people allied
+to the Khasis, namely, the Syntengs and the people of Maoshai, "the
+husband does not go and live in his mother-in-law's house; he only
+visits her there. In Jowai, the husband came to his mother-in-law's
+house only after dark," and the explanation of the latest authority
+is that among these people "the man is nobody ... if he be a husband
+he is looked upon merely as _u shong kha_, a begetter."[324]
+
+The neglect of maternal and paternal kinship respectively in these two
+cases is obvious. They are recognised physically. But they are not
+used as part of the fabric of social institutions. Physical motherhood
+or fatherhood is nothing to these people, and one must learn to
+understand that there is wide difference between the mere physical
+fact of having a mother and father, and the political fact of using
+this kinship for social organisation. Savages who have not learnt the
+political significance have but the scantiest appreciation of the
+physical fact. The Australians, for instance, have no term to express
+the relationship between mother and child. This is because the
+physical fact is of no significance, and not as Mr. Thomas thinks
+because of the meagreness of the language.[325] Our field
+anthropologists do not quite understand the savage in this respect. It
+is of no use preparing a genealogical tree on the basis of civilised
+knowledge of genealogy if such a document is beyond the ken of the
+people to whom it relates. The information for it may be correctly
+collected, but if the whole structure is not within the compass of
+savage thought it is a misleading anthropological document. It is of
+no use translating a native term as "father," if father did not mean
+to the savage what it means to us. It might mean something so very
+different. With us, fatherhood connotes a definite individual with all
+sorts of social, economical, and political associations, but what
+does it mean to the savage? It may mean physical fatherhood and
+nothing more, and physical fatherhood may be a fact of the veriest
+insignificance. It may mean social fatherhood, where all men of a
+certain status are fathers to all children of the complementary
+status, and social fatherhood thus becomes much more than we can
+understand by the term father.
+
+We cannot ignore the evidence which over-specialisation in one
+direction and neglect in other directions supply to anthropology. It
+shows us that human societies cannot always be measured in the scale
+of culture by the most apparent of the social elements contained in
+them. The cannibalism of the Fijians, the art products of the Maori,
+the totemism of the Australian blacks, do not express all that makes
+up the culture of these people, although it too often happens that
+they are made to do duty for the several estimates of culture
+progress. It follows that a survey of the different human societies
+might reveal examples of the possible lowest in the scale as well as
+various advances from the lowest; or in lieu of whole societies in the
+lowest scale, there might be revealed unexceptional examples of the
+possible lowest elements of culture within societies not wholly in the
+lowest scale. It will be seen how valuable an asset this must be in
+anthropological research. It justifies those who assert that existing
+savagery or existing survival will supply evidence of man at the very
+earliest stages of existence. It is the root idea of Dr. Tylor's
+method of research, and it is an essential feature in the science of
+folklore.
+
+Evidence of this nature, however, needs to be exhaustively collected,
+and to be subjected to the most careful examination, as otherwise it
+may be used for the merest _a priori_ argument of the most mischievous
+and inconclusive description. It involves consideration of whole human
+groups rather than of particular sections of each human group, of the
+whole corpus of social, religious, and economical elements residing in
+each human group rather than of the separated items. Each human group,
+having its specialised and dormant elements, must be treated as an
+organism and not as a bundle of separable items, each one of which the
+student may use or let alone as he desires. That which is
+anthropological evidence is the indivisible organism, and whenever,
+for convenience of treatment and considerations of space, particular
+elements only are used in evidence, they must be qualified, and the
+use to which they are provisionally put for scientific purposes must
+be checked, by the associated elements with which the particular
+elements are connected.
+
+The human groups thus called upon to surrender their contributions to
+the history of man are of various formations, and consist of various
+kinds of social units. There is no one term which can properly be
+applied to all, and it will have been noted that I have carefully
+avoided giving the human groups hitherto dealt with any particular
+name, and only under protest have I admitted the terms used by the
+authorities I have quoted. I think the term "tribe" is not applicable
+to savage society, for it is used to denote peoples in all degrees of
+social evolution, and merely stands for the group which is known by a
+given name, or roams over a given district. But the use of this term
+is not so productive of harm as the use of the term "family," because
+of the universal application of this term to the smallest social unit
+of the civilised world, and because of the fundamental difference of
+structure of the units which roughly answer to the definition of
+family in various parts of the world. It is no use in scientific
+matters to use terms of inexact reference. As much as almost anything
+else it has led to false conclusions as to the evolution of the
+family, conclusions which seem to entangle even the best authorities
+in a mass of contradictions. I cannot think of a family group in
+savagery with father, mother, sons, and daughters, all delightfully
+known to each other, in terms which also belong to the civilised
+family, and still less can I think of these terms being used to take
+in the extended grouping of local kinships. One of our greatest
+difficulties, indeed, is the indiscriminate use of kinship terms by
+our descriptive authorities. We are never quite sure whether the
+physical relationships included in them convey anything whatever to
+the savage. If he knows of the physical fact, he does not use it
+politically, for blood kinship as a political force is late, not
+early, and the early tie was dependent upon quite other circumstances.
+Over and over again it will be found stated by established authorities
+that the family was the primal unit, the grouped families forming the
+larger clan, the grouped clans forming the larger tribe. This is Sir
+Henry Maine's famous formula, and it is the basis of his investigation
+into early law and custom.[326] It is founded upon the false
+conception of the family in early history, and upon a too narrow
+interpretation of the stages of evolution. When we are dealing with
+savage society, the terms family and tribe do not connote the same
+institution as when we are dealing with higher forms of civilisation.
+There is something roughly corresponding to these groupings in both
+systems, but they do not actually equate. When we pass to the Semitic
+and the Aryan-speaking peoples, both the family and tribe have assumed
+a definite place in the polity of the races which is not to be found
+outside these peoples.
+
+So strongly has the family impressed itself upon the thought of the
+age that students of man in his earliest ages are found stating that
+"the family is the most ancient and the most sacred of human
+institutions."[327] This proposition, however, is not only denied by
+other authorities, as, for instance, Mr. Jevons, who affirms that "the
+family is a comparatively late institution in the history of
+society,"[328] but it rests upon the merely analytical basis of
+research, separated entirely from those facts of man's history which
+are discoverable by the means just now suggested. One is, of course,
+quite prepared to find the family among civilisations older than the
+Indo-European, and yet to find that it is a comparatively late
+institution among Indo-European peoples. As a matter of fact, this is
+the case; for the two kinds of family, the family as seen in savage
+society and the family as it appears among the antiquities of the
+Indo-European people, are totally distinct in origin, in compass, and
+in force; while welded between the two kinds of family is the whole
+institution of the tribe. It is no use introducing the theory adopted
+by Grote, Niebuhr, Mommsen, Thirlwall, Maine, and other authorities
+who have studied the legal antiquities of classical times, that the
+tribe is the aggregate of original family units. Later on I shall show
+that this cannot be the case. The larger kinship of the tribe is a
+primary unit of ancient society, which thrusts itself between the
+savage family and the civilised family, showing that the two types are
+separated by a long period of history during which the family did not
+exist.
+
+It has taken me some time to explain these points in anthropological
+science, which appear to me not to have received proper consideration
+at the hands of the masters of the science, but which are essential
+factors in the history of man and are necessary to a due consideration
+of the position occupied by folklore. The chief results obtained
+are:--
+
+      (1) Migratory man would deposit his most rudimentary
+      social type not at the point of starting his
+      migration, but at the furthest point therefrom.
+
+      (2) Custom due to the migratory period would continue
+      after real migratory movement had ceased, and from
+      this body of custom would be derived all later forms
+      of social custom.
+
+      (3) Non-kinship groups are more rudimentary than
+      kinship groups, and are still observable in savage
+      anthropology.
+
+      (4) Anthropological evidence must be based upon the
+      whole of the characteristics of human groups, not upon
+      special characteristics singled out for the purpose of
+      research.
+
+It is with these results we have to work. They will help us to see how
+far the facts of anthropology, which begin far behind the historical
+world, have to do with the problems presented by folklore as a science
+having to deal with the historical world.
+
+
+II
+
+We may now inquire where anthropology and folklore meet. It is
+significant in this connection that in order to reach back to the
+earliest ages of man, our first appeal seems to be to folklore. The
+appeal at present does not lead us far perhaps, but it certainly acts
+as a finger post in the inquiry, for Dr. Kollmann, rejecting the
+evidence of the Java _Pithecanthropus erectus_ as the earliest
+palæontological evidence of man, advances the opinion that the direct
+antecedents of man should not be sought among the species of
+anthropoid apes of great height and with flat skulls, but much further
+back in the zoological scale, in the small monkeys with pointed
+skulls; from which, he believes, were developed the human pygmy races
+of prehistoric ages with pointed skulls, and from these pygmy races
+finally developed the human race of historic times. And he relies upon
+folklore for one part of his evidence, for it is this descent of man,
+he thinks, which explains the persistency with which mythology and
+folklore allude to the subject of pygmy people, as well as the
+relative frequency with which recently the fossils of small human
+beings belonging to prehistoric times have been discovered.[329] It
+must not be forgotten, too, that this remote period is found in
+another class of tradition, namely, that to which Dr. Tylor refers as
+containing the memory of the huge animals of the quaternary
+period.[330]
+
+It must be confessed that we do not get far with this evidence alone.
+If it proves that the true starting point is to be found in folklore,
+it also proves that folklore alone is not capable of working through
+the problem. Anthropology must aid here, and I will suggest the lines
+on which it appears to me it does this.
+
+Our first effort must be made by the evidence suggested by the
+conjectural method. This leads us to small human groups, each headed
+by a male who drives out all other males and himself remains with his
+females and his children. Sexual selection thus acts with primitive
+economics[331] in keeping the earliest groups small in numbers, and
+creating a spreading out from these groups of the males cast out. We
+have male supremacy in its crudest form accompanied by an enforced
+male celibacy, so far as the group in which the males are born is
+concerned, on the part of those who survive the struggle for supremacy
+and wander forth on their own account. Marking the stages from point
+to point, in order to arrive at a systematic method of stating the
+complex problem presented by the subject we are investigating, we can
+project from this earliest condition of man's life two important
+elements of social evolution, namely--
+
+      (a) Younger men are celibate within the natural
+      groups of human society, or are driven out therefrom.
+
+      (b) Men thus driven out will seek mates on their own
+      account, and will secure them partly from the original
+      group as far as they are permitted or are successful
+      in their attempts, and partly by capture from other
+      local groups.
+
+The first of these elements strongly emphasises the migratory
+character of the earliest human groups. The second shows how each
+group is relieved of the incubus of too great a number for the
+economic conditions by the double process of sending forth its young
+males, and of its younger females being captured by successful
+marauders.
+
+Let us take a fuller note of what the conditions of such a life might
+be. There is no tie of kinship operating as a social force within the
+groups; there is the unquestioned condition of hostility surrounding
+each group, and there is the enforced practice of providing mates by
+capture. Of these three conditions the most significant is undoubtedly
+the absence of the kinship tie. If then we use this as the basis for
+grouping the earliest examples of social organisation, we proceed to
+inquire whether there are any examples of kinless society in
+anthropological evidence.
+
+Following up the clue supplied by folklore, we may see whether the
+pygmy people of anthropological observation answer in any way to those
+conjectural conditions.[332] I think they do. Thus, we find that the
+pygmy people are in all cases on the extreme confines of the world's
+occupation ground; that they occupy the territory to which they have
+been pushed, not that which they have chosen. As the most primitive
+representatives, they are the last outposts of the migratory
+movements. Dr. Beke has preserved an account of the pygmies which even
+in its terminology assists in their identification as a type of the
+remotest stages of social existence. Dr. Beke obtained certain
+information about the countries south-west of Abyssinia, from which
+Latham quotes the following:--
+
+      "The people of Doko, both men and women, are said to
+      be no taller than boys nine or ten years old. They
+      never exceed that height even in the most advanced
+      age. They go quite naked; their principal foods are
+      ants, snakes, mice, and other things which commonly
+      are not used as food.... They also climb trees with
+      great skill to fetch down the fruits, and in doing
+      this they stretch their hands downwards and their legs
+      upwards.... They live mixed together; men and women
+      unite and separate as they please.... The mother
+      suckles the child only as long as she is unable to
+      find ants and snakes for its food; she abandons it as
+      soon as it can get its food by itself. No rank or
+      order exists among the Dokos. Nobody orders, nobody
+      obeys, nobody defends the country, nobody cares for
+      the welfare of the nation."[333]
+
+This evidence is confirmed in many directions. It coincides with the
+account by Herodotos of the expedition from Libya which met with a
+pygmy race,[334] and with a seventeenth-century account of a Dutch
+expedition to the north from the south, who "found a tribe of people
+very low in stature and very lean, entirely savage, without huts,
+cattle, or anything in the world except their lands and wild
+game."[335] Captain Burrows' account of the Congoland pygmies agrees
+in all essentials, and he particularly notes that they "have no ties
+of family affection such as those of mother to son or sister to
+brother, and seem to be wanting in all social qualities;" they have no
+religion and no fetich rites; no burial ceremony and no mourning for
+the dead; in short, he adds, "they are to my thinking the closest link
+with the original Darwinian anthropoid ape extant."[336] The evidence
+of the African pygmy people everywhere confirms these views, and
+differences of detail do not alter the general results.[337]
+
+[Illustration: CHINESE REPRESENTATION OF PYGMIES GOING ABOUT
+ARM-IN-ARM FOR MUTUAL PROTECTION]
+
+[Illustration: SEMANG OF KUALA KENERING, ULU PERAK]
+
+[Illustration: NEGRITO TYPE: SEMANG OF PERAK]
+
+Following this up we get the greatest assistance from Asia.[338] The
+Semang people of the Malay Peninsula are a short race, the male being
+four feet nine inches in height, with woolly and tufted hair, thick
+lips and flat nose, and their language is connected with the group
+of which the Khasi people is a member.[339] They subsist upon the
+birds and beasts of the forest, and roots, eating elephants,
+rhinoceros, monkeys, and rats. They are said to have chiefs among
+them, but all property is common. Their huts or temporary dwellings,
+for they have no fixed habitations but rove about like the beasts of
+the forest, consist of two posts stuck in the ground with a small
+cross-piece and a few leaves or branches of trees laid over to secure
+them from the weather, and their clothing consists chiefly of the
+inner bark of trees.[340] They use stone or slate implements. The
+authority for this information does not directly state their social
+formation, but in a footnote he compares them to the Negritos of the
+Philippine Islands, "who are divided into very small societies very
+little connected with each other." This is confirmed by Mr. Hugh
+Clifford, who relates a story told to him in the camp of the Semangs,
+which tells how these people were driven to their present
+resting-place, "not for love of these poor hunting grounds," but
+because they were thrust there by the Malays who stole their women.
+One further point is interesting; they have a legend of a people in
+their old home, composed of women only. "These women know not men, but
+but when the moon is at the full, they dance naked in the grassy
+places near the salt-licks; the evening wind is their only spouse, and
+through him they conceive and bear children."[341] All this has been
+confirmed and more than confirmed by the important researches of
+Messrs. Skeat and Blagden in their recently published work on these
+people. There is no necessity to do more than refer to the principal
+features brought out by these authorities. In the valuable notes on
+environment, we have the actual facts of the migratory movement drawn
+clearly for us;[342] their nomadic habits, rude nature-derived
+clothing, forest habitations and natural sources of food are
+described;[343] the evolution of their habitations from the natural
+shelters, rock shelters, caves, tree buttresses, branches, etc., is to
+be traced;[344] they belong to the old Stone Age, if not to a previous
+Wood and Bone Age;[345] they have no organised body of chiefs, and
+there is no formal recognition of kinship; marital relationship is
+preceded by great ante-nuptial freedom;[346] the name of every child
+is taken "from some tree which stands near the prospective birthplace
+of the child; as soon as the child is born, this name is shouted aloud
+by the _sage femme_, who then hands over the child to another woman,
+and buries the after-birth underneath the birth-tree or name-tree of
+the child; as soon as this has been done, the father cuts a series of
+notches in the tree, starting from the ground and terminating at the
+height of the breast;"[347] the child must not in later life injure
+any tree which belongs to the species of his birth-tree, and must not
+eat of its fruit. There is a theory to accompany this practice, for
+birds are believed to be vehicles for the introduction of the soul
+into the newborn child, and all human souls grow upon a soul-tree in
+the other world, whence they are fetched by a bird which is killed and
+eaten by the expectant mother;[348] but there seems to be no evidence
+of any religious cult or rite, and what there is of mythology or
+legend is probably borrowed.[349] The details in this case are of
+special importance, as they form a complete set of associated culture
+elements, and I shall have to return to them later on.
+
+[Illustration: SEMANG OF KEDAH HAVING A MEAL]
+
+I shall not attempt to exhaust the evidence to be derived from the
+pygmy people. What has been said of the examples I have chosen may in
+all essentials be said of the remaining examples. But it is perhaps
+advisable to be assured that the evidence of kinless people is not
+confined to the stunted and dwarfed races, for it has been argued that
+the pygmies are nothing but the ne'er-do-wells of the stronger races,
+and may not therefore be taken as true racial types. This may be true,
+but it does not affect my case, because I am not depending so much
+upon the physical characteristics of these people as upon their
+culture characteristics. These are definite and conclusive, and they
+are repeated among people of higher physical type. Thus the Jolas of
+the Gambia district have practically no government and no law; every
+man does as he chooses, and the most successful thief is considered
+the greatest man. There is no recognised punishment for murder or any
+other crime. Individual settlement is the only remedy, and the fittest
+survives. There is no formality in regard to marriage, or what passes
+for marriage, amongst them. Natural selection is observed on both
+sides, and the pair, after having ascertained a reciprocity of
+sentiment, at once cohabit. They do not intermarry with any other
+race.[350]
+
+It is possible to proceed from this to other regions of man's
+occupation ground. In America, the evidence of the modern savage is
+preceded by most interesting facts. If we compare Dr. Brinton's
+conclusions as to the spread of the American Indians from the north to
+the south, and as to the development of culture in the favoured
+districts being of the same origin as the undeveloped culture of the
+less favoured and of absolutely sterile districts, with Mr. Curtin's
+altogether independent conclusions as to the growth of the American
+creation myth with its cycle of first people peaceful and migratory,
+and its cycle of second people "containing accounts of conflicts which
+are ever recurrent," we are conscious that mythic and material remains
+of great movements of people are in absolute accord,[351] an accord
+which leads us to expect that the peoples who were pushed ever forward
+into the most desolate and most sterile districts of southern America
+would be the most nearly savage of all the American peoples. This is
+in agreement with Darwin's estimate of the Fuegians who wander about
+in groups of kinless society,[352] and it is in accord with other
+evidence. Thus the Zaparos, belonging to the great division of
+unchristianised Indians of the oriental province of Ecuador, have the
+fame of being most expert woodsmen and hunters. To communicate with
+one another in the wood, they generally imitate the whistle of the
+toman or partridge. They believe that they partake of the nature of
+the animals they devour. They are very disunited, and wander about in
+separate hordes. The stealing of women is much carried on even amongst
+themselves. A man runs away with his neighbour's wife or one of them,
+and secretes himself in some out of the way spot until he gathers
+information that she is replaced, when he can again make his
+appearance, finding the whole difficulty smoothed over. In their
+matrimonial relations they are very loose--monogamy, polygamy,
+communism, and promiscuity all apparently existing amongst them. They
+allow the women great liberty and frequently change their mates or
+simply discard them when they are perhaps taken up by another. They
+believe in a devil or evil spirit which haunts the woods, and call him
+Zamáro.[353]
+
+In all these cases, and I do not, of course, exhaust the evidence,
+there is enough to suggest that the social forms presented are of the
+most rudimentary kind. Conjecture has not and, I think, cannot get
+further back than such evidence as this. The social grouping is
+supported by outside influences rather than internal organisation;
+neither blood kinship nor marital kinship is recognised; hostility to
+all other groups and from other groups is the basis of inter-groupal
+life. To these significant characteristics has to be added the special
+birth custom and belief of the Semang pygmies. It is clear that the
+soul-bird belief and the tree-naming custom are different phases of
+one conception of social life, a conception definitely excluding
+recognition of blood kinship, and derived from the conscious adoption
+of an experience which has not reached the stage of blood kinship, but
+which includes a close association with natural objects. All this
+makes it advisable to take fuller count of pygmy culture than has
+hitherto been given to it. The pygmies have in truth always been a
+problem in man's history. From the time of Homer, Herodotos, and
+Aristotle, the pygmies have had their place among the observable types
+of man, or among the traditions to which observers have given
+credence. In modern times they have been accounted for either as
+peoples degraded from a higher level of culture, or as peoples who
+have never advanced. But whether we look upon these people as the last
+remnants of the primitive condition of hostility or whether they are
+reversions to that condition by reason of like causes, they bring
+before us what conjectural research has prepared us for. The first
+supposition is neither impossible nor incredible. The slow
+spreading-out in hostile regions would allow of the preservation of
+some examples of preference for unrestrained licence at the expense of
+constant hostility, in place of a modified peacefulness at the expense
+of restricted freedom in matters so dear to the human animal as sexual
+choice and power. The second supposition contains an element of human
+history which must find a place in anthropological research. The
+possible phases of social formation are very limited. If any section
+of mankind cannot develop in one direction, they will stagnate at the
+stage they have reached, or they will retrograde to one of the stages
+from which in times past they have proceeded. There is no other
+course, and the very limitations of primitive life prevent us from
+considering the possibility of any other course. Either of these
+alternatives allows us to consider the examples of hostile
+inter-grouping as sufficient to supply us with the vantage ground for
+observation of man in his earliest stages of existence. Perhaps each
+of them may contain somewhat of the truth. But whatever may be
+considered as the true cause of the pygmy level of culture, there is
+an underlying factor which must count most strongly in its
+determination, namely, that these people are the people who in the
+process of migration have been pushed out to the last strongholds of
+man. Whether they could not or would not conform to the newer
+condition of stationary or comparatively stationary society is not
+much to the point in presence of the fact that nowhere have they
+conformed to this standard of existence. Moreover we are entitled to
+the argument, which has been the main point advanced in connection
+with the anthropological problems we are discussing, that the most
+primitive type of man must of necessity be sought for, and can only be
+found at the extremes of the migration movement wherever that is
+discernible.[354]
+
+The question now becomes, can we by means of recognisable links
+proceed from the rudimentary kinless stage of society to the earliest
+stage of kinship society? This is a most difficult problem, but it
+must be solved. If the rudimentary kinless groups do indeed constitute
+a factor in human evolution, they are a most important factor. If they
+do not constitute such a factor, they can only be accidental
+productions, the sport of exceptional circumstances not in the line of
+evolution, and as such they are not of much use in anthropology. It
+will be seen, therefore, that the connection between rudimentary
+kinless society and the earliest, or representatives of the earliest,
+kinship society, is an essential part of an inquiry into origins.
+
+It may be approached first from the conjectural basis. On this basis
+it may be asserted that the victorious male of the primary groups
+would remain victorious only just so long as he could continue to
+adjust the conditions on the primary basis, and preserve his females
+to himself. New conditions would arise whenever the limitation of the
+food lands produced a degree of localisation of the hitherto movable
+groups. There would then have crept into human experience the
+necessity for something of common action among a wider range than the
+simple group. This is a new force, and social evolution is henceforth
+going to operate in addition to, perhaps to a limited extent in
+substitution of, the constant movement towards new food lands. The
+single male would no longer be the victorious male by himself; and
+sharing his power with other males meant the reduction of his power in
+his own group. Called away for something more than the defence of his
+own primary group of females, he would leave the females with the
+practical governance of the primary groups. This tendency would
+develop. Wherever the constant movement outwards became stayed by
+geographical or other influences, the groups which experienced the
+shock of stoppage would undergo change. The female in the various
+primary groups would become a static element, and the male alone would
+follow out in the more restricted area the older force of movement
+which he had learned during the period of unrestricted scope.[355] He
+would have to find his mates during his roamings, instead of the
+former condition of fighting for them during the group movements; and
+his relationship to the primary groups would be therefore
+fundamentally changed. From being the central dominant head, he would
+become a constantly shifting unit. The female under these conditions
+would become the centre of the new social unit, and the male would
+become the hunter for food and the fighter against enemies. The new
+social forces would thus consist of local units commanded by the
+female, and revolving units composed of the males, and there would
+arise therefrom cleavage between the economic conditions of the two
+sexes.
+
+That primitive economics bear the impress of sex cleavage is borne out
+by every class of evidence, and it is in this circumstance that we
+first come upon societies distinguished by containing two of the most
+important social elements, exogamy and totemism. Before, however,
+examining examples of societies containing the two elements of exogamy
+and totemism, it will be necessary to say something by way of
+preliminaries on these two elements themselves. They have rightly been
+made the subject of important special inquiry by anthropological
+scholars, as being in fact the key to the question of social
+evolution, and we shall clear the ground considerably by first of all
+turning to the principal authorities on the subject, and ascertaining
+the present position of the inquiry.
+
+I must however note, in the first place, that as I have stated the
+case, exogamy and totemism appear as two separate and distinct
+elements, whereas it is usual to consider exogamy as an essential part
+of totemism. I cannot, however, see that this is so. In advanced
+totemism, it is true, they are found as inseparable parts of one
+system, but they may well have started separately and coalesced later.
+In point of fact, all the evidence points in this direction, and if we
+cease to consider exogamy as a necessary element of totemism, we can
+advance investigation more rapidly and with greater accuracy.
+
+We come very quickly upon what may be termed natural exogamy. Male
+working with male outside the groups formed by women and the younger
+offspring would produce a natural exogamy, which would have followed
+upon the exogamy produced by hostile capture of women, and two streams
+of influence would thus tell in favour of the evolution of a system of
+formal exogamy, and Dr. Westermarck's theory of a natural avoidance of
+housemates, with all its wealth of evidence, helps us at this point.
+
+The position is not so clear as to totemism. If we begin, however,
+with a clear understanding that it is not a part of the machinery of
+exogamous grouping, but an independent growth of its own, we shall
+have gained an important point, for the contrary opinion has very
+often obscured the issue and prevented research in the right
+direction.
+
+It will be advisable to have before us the principal theories as to
+the origin of totemism. There are practically three--Mr. Frazer's, Mr.
+Lang's, and Mr. Baldwin Spencer's. Mr. Frazer considers totemism to be
+"in its essence nothing more or less than an early theory of
+conception, which presented itself to savage man at a time when he was
+still ignorant of the true cause of the propagation of the species."
+Mr. Frazer explains this theory further by saying that "naturally
+enough, when she is first aware of the mysterious movement within her,
+the mother fancies that something has that very moment passed into her
+body, and it is equally natural that in her attempt to ascertain what
+the thing is, she should fix upon some object that happened to be near
+her, or to engage her attention at the critical moment."[356]
+
+Mr. Lang rejects Mr. Frazer's theory _in toto_, and propounds his own
+as due to the naming of savage societies, and to a sort of natural
+exogamy produced by practically the same set of conditions as I have
+already described. Mr. Lang's totemism began in the primary groups,
+and began with exogamy as a necessary part of it. "Unessential to my
+system," says Mr. Lang, "is the question how the groups got animal
+names, as long as they got them, and did not remember how they got
+them, and as long as the names according to their way of thinking
+indicated an essential and mystic rapport between each group and its
+name-giving animal. No more than these three things--a group animal
+name of unknown origin; belief in a transcendental connection between
+all bearers human and bestial of the same name; and belief in the
+blood superstitions (the mystically sacred quality of the blood as
+life)--was needed to give rise to all the totemic creeds and practices
+including exogamy," and further, "we guess that for the sake of
+distinction, groups gave each other animal and plant names. These
+became stereotyped we conjecture, and their origin was forgotten. The
+belief that there must necessarily be some connection between animals
+and men of the same names led to speculation about the nature of the
+connection. The usual reply to the question was that the men and
+animals of the same name were akin by blood. The kinship _with
+animals_ being particularly mysterious was peculiarly sacred. From
+these ideas arose tabus, and among others that of totemic
+exogamy."[357]
+
+Mr. Baldwin Spencer, and with him Dr. Haddon, consider totemism to
+have arisen from economic conditions. Primitive human groups, says Dr.
+Haddon, "could never have been large, and the individuals comprising
+each group must have been closely related. In favourable areas each
+group would have a tendency to occupy a restricted range, owing to the
+disagreeable results which arose from encroaching on the territory
+over which another group wandered. Thus, it would inevitably come
+about that a certain animal or plant, or group of animals or plants,
+would be more abundant in the territory of one group than in that of
+another."[358]
+
+These theories are not necessarily mutually destructive, though they
+seem to me even collectively not to contain the full case for
+totemism. Mr. Frazer does not account for woman's isolation at the
+time of conceptual quickening, for the closeness of her observation of
+local phenomena, and for the separateness of her ideas from the actual
+facts of procreation. Mr. Lang overloads his case. He is accounting
+not for the origin of totemism, but for the origin of all, or almost
+all, that totemism contains in its most developed forms--"all the
+totemic creeds and practices including exogamy" as he says. He
+postulates a name-giving process by drawing upon the conceptions as to
+names by advanced savage thought, and he does not account for the fact
+that according to his theory, animals and plants must not only have
+been named, but named upon some sort of system known to a wide area of
+peoples, before totemistic names for the groups could have been given
+to them. Mr. Spencer's and Dr. Haddon's theory is perhaps open to the
+doubts caused by Mr. Lang's criticism of it that there is only one
+case of a known economic cause for totemism--an Australian case where
+two totem kins are said to have been so called "from having in former
+times principally subsisted on a small fish and a very small
+opossum;"[359] but on the other hand it does supply a _vera causa_,
+the actual evidence for which may well have passed away with the
+development of totemism, without leaving survivals.
+
+All these theories, however, are the result of considerable research
+and experience, and it is more than probable that they may each
+contain fragments of the truth which need the touch of combination to
+show how they stand in relation to the problem which they are
+propounded to solve. There are features of totemism which are not
+noticed by any of these distinguished authorities. By using the
+hitherto unnoticed features, I think it possible to produce a theory
+as to the origin of totemism, which will contain the essential
+features of those theories now prominently before the world.
+
+I will set down the order in which the problem can be approached from
+the standpoint already reached, and we may afterwards try to ascertain
+what proof is to be derived from totemic societies of the rudest type.
+
+Now totemism is essentially a system of social grouping, whose chief
+characteristic is that it is kinless--that is to say, the tie of
+totemism is not the tie of blood kinship, but the artificially created
+association with natural objects or animals. It takes no count of
+fatherhood, and only reckons with the physical fact of motherhood. It
+is not the actual fatherhood or the actual motherhood which is the
+fundamental basis of totemism, but the association with animal, plant,
+or other natural object. This is evidently the fact, whatever view is
+taken of totemism, and that totemism is, in its origin and principle,
+a kinless, not a kinship system, is the first fact of importance to
+bear in mind throughout all inquiry. Thus Messrs. Spencer and Gillen
+say "the identity of the human individual is often sunk in that of
+the animal or plant from which he is supposed to have originated."[360]
+
+The next fact of importance is that as it commences at birth time, it
+must be closely associated with the mother and her actions as mother.
+This leads us to the observation that it is through the agency of the
+mother that the totem name is conferred upon their children, and to
+the necessary antecedent fact that women must have themselves
+possessed the name they conferred--possessed, that is, either the name
+as a personal attribute and valued as such, or else the power of
+evolving the name and the capacity of using it with totemic
+significance. I conclude from this, therefore, that the search for the
+origin of totemism must be made from the women's side of the social
+group. Such a search would lead straight to the industrialism of early
+woman, from which originated the domestication of animals, the
+cultivation of fruits and cereals, and the appropriation of such trees
+and shrubs as were necessary to primitive economics.[361] The close
+and intimate relationship with human life which such animals, plants,
+and trees would assume under the social conditions which have been
+postulated as belonging to this earliest stage of evolution, and the
+aid which these friendly and always present companions would render at
+all times and under most circumstances, would generate and develop
+many of those savage conceptions which have become known to research.
+As human friends they would become part of humanity, just as
+Livingstone notes of an African people that they did not eat the beef
+which he offered to them because "they looked upon cattle as human and
+living at home like men,"[362] an idea which is also the basis of the
+custom in India not to taste fruit of a newly planted mangrove tree
+until it is formally "married" to some other tree.[363] These are but
+the fortunate instances where definite record in set terms has been
+made. At the back of them lies a whole collection of anthropomorphic
+conceptions, indulged in by man at all stages of his career.[364] As
+superhuman agencies for pregnancy and birth, they would do what the
+human father in the society we are contemplating could not be expected
+to do, for he would be seldom present during the long period of
+pregnancy; he would have shared with other males the privileges of
+sexual intercourse, and he would therefore not be so closely in
+companionship with the women of the local groups as the friendly
+animal, plant, or tree who did so much for the mothers. There would
+thus be formed the groundwork for the fashioning of that most
+incredible of all beliefs, well founded, as Mr. Hartland has proved
+both from tradition and belief,[365] that the human father was not
+father, and that other agencies were responsible for the birth of
+children.
+
+Gathering up the several threads of this argument, it seems to me that
+there is within this sphere of primitive thought and within these
+conditions of primitive life, ample room for the growth of all the
+main conceptions belonging to totemism; and it will be seen how
+necessary it is to separate totemism at its beginning from totemism in
+its most advanced stages. Totemism has not come to man fully equipped
+in all its parts. It is like every other human institution, the result
+of a long process of development, and the various stages of
+development are important parts of the evidence as to origins. At the
+beginning, it was clearly not connected with blood kinship and
+descent; it was as clearly not connected with any class system of
+marriage. But its beginnings would allow of these later growths, would
+perhaps almost engender these later growths.
+
+Thus, the primary notion of the totem birth of children would, when
+blood kinship and descent became a consciously accepted element in
+social development, easily slide into the belief of a totemic ancestor
+and kinship with the totem; the protection and assistance afforded by
+the totem to the women of the primary groups who became the mothers of
+new generations, would easily grow into a sort of worship of the
+totem; the adoption of the totem name from the circumstances of birth
+implying the origin of the name from within the group and not from
+without would, as aggregation took the place of segregation, give way
+before the association of groups of persons with common interests; the
+aggregate totem name would come to the separate local totems as soon
+as, but not before, aggregation had taken the place of segregation in
+the formation of the social system, and this was not at the earliest
+stage; the close association of the totems with groups of mothers who
+always took the fathers of their children from without the mother
+group, would readily develop into differentiating the mother totems
+within the group from the totems of the fathers without the group, and
+this differentiation would produce a special relationship between the
+sexes based upon the difference of totems instead of upon the sameness
+of them; and finally there would be produced first a two-class
+division founded on sex--all the mothers and all the fathers--and,
+only in a developed form, a two-class division founded on the accepted
+totem name.
+
+If this is a probable view of the course of totemic evolution, we may
+more confidently refer to its final stages for further evidence.
+Advanced totemic society shows a constant tendency to substitute
+blood kinship for the association with natural objects: first, blood
+kinship with the mother, then with the mother and the father, finally
+recognised through the father only. At this last stage, blood kinship
+has practically succeeded in expelling totemic association altogether
+in favour of tribal kinship by blood descent, for totemism with male
+descent as the basis of the social group is totemism in name only; the
+names of totemism remain but they are applied to kinship tribes or
+sections of tribes, and they do duty therefore as a convenient
+name-system without reference to their origin in definite association
+with the naming animal or plant; and it is already in position to
+surrender also the names and outward signs. Blood kinship is therefore
+the destroyer, not the generator, of totemism, and we are therefore
+compelled to get at the back of blood kinship if we want to find totem
+beginnings.
+
+This is an important aspect of the case, and it is one which, I think,
+cannot be ignored. We have found that rudimentary totemism was the
+basis of a social system founded on artificial associations with
+animal or plant, was therefore kinless in character; and we have found
+that when totemism has been carried on into a society developed upon
+the recognition of blood kinship, blood kinship became antagonistic to
+totemism, and ultimately displaced it. These two facts point to the
+rudimentary kinless system as the true origin of totemism.
+
+
+III
+
+Now we may test these conclusions by applying the theory they contain
+to an actual case of totemic society. It would be well to choose for
+this purpose a people who had specialised their totemic organisation,
+and there are only two supreme instances of this among the races of
+the world--the North American Indians and the Australians. Everywhere
+else, where totemism exists, it is not the dominant feature of the
+social organisation. In Asia and in Africa totemism is subordinate to,
+or at all events in close or equal association with, other elements,
+and we cannot be quite sure that we have in these cases pure totemism.
+North American totemism is in the most advanced stage. Australian
+totemism is to a very considerable degree less advanced, and it is
+therefore to Australian totemism I shall turn for evidence.
+
+But even here it is necessary to bear in mind that primitive as the
+Australians are, they are not so primitive as to be in the primary
+stages of totemic society. They have developed, and developed strongly
+along totemic lines, and we know that such development once started
+has the capacity to proceed far. What we have to do, therefore, is to
+attempt to penetrate beneath the range of development, to search for
+the social group at the farthest from the centre point from which
+migration started, to discover, if we can, relics of group hostility,
+hostile capture of women and of kinless society, all of which belong
+to the primary stage from which totemic development has taken place.
+If we can do this, we may hope to arrive at the origin of totemism,
+and we are more likely to accomplish it in the case of the Australians
+than with any other people. If we cannot, as Mr. Lang alleges,
+anywhere see "absolutely primitive man and a totemic system in the
+making,"[366] we may go back along the lines from which totemism has
+developed in Australian society and see somewhat of the process of the
+making.
+
+We may commence with evidence of the survival of the most primitive
+human trait, the condition of hostility among the local groups
+produced by the struggle for women. "The possession of a girl appears
+to be connected with all their ideas of fighting ... after a battle
+the girls do not always follow their fugitive husbands from the field,
+but frequently go over as a matter of course to the victors, even with
+young children on their backs."[367] Mr. Curr puts the evidence even
+more definitely in a primitive setting when he informs us of "the
+young bachelors of the tribe carrying off some of the girl wives of
+the grey-beards," leaving the old territory and settling at the first
+convenient place within thirty or forty miles of the old territory. I
+call this state of things "survival,"[368] because it is the existence
+in totemic society of the fundamental basis of pre-totemic society. It
+is checked in Australian totemic society by rules which show a strong
+development from the primitive. Thus the successful warrior may not
+take any of his captives to himself; "if a warrior took to himself a
+captive who belonged to a forbidden class, he would be hunted down
+like a wild beast," is the evidence of Mr. Fison, who allows it to be
+"a strong statement, but it rests upon strong evidence."[369] This is
+the exogamous class system operating even in the case of conflict,
+when men have resorted to their primitive instincts and their
+primitive methods.
+
+This discovery of primitive hostility accompanying the obtaining of
+wives leads us to look for other survivals of the earliest conditions,
+and we come upon mother-right groups in which the females in each
+local group are the sexual companions of males from outside their own
+social group. This is shown by the Kamilaroi organisation, where "a
+woman is married to a thousand miles of husbands."[370] This phrase
+may be textually an exaggeration of actual fact, but it undoubtedly
+expresses a condition of things which actually existed. Women in
+Australian society must look outside their class, and in general
+outside their totem, for their sexual mates, and they must expect to
+be claimed as rightful sexual mates by men whom they have never seen
+and who live at great distances. Carry this state of things but a few
+steps back, and we must come to a condition of localised female groups
+with males moving from group to group. Surely there is something more
+here than savage organisation. The something more is the development
+into a system of one of the results of the enforced migratory
+conditions of early man, namely, the migratory instincts of the males
+moving outside the female local groups and thus producing natural
+exogamy. This is what appears to me to be clearly a distinct element
+in the Australian system. But there is a new element in juxtaposition
+with it. The new element is the organisation into marriage
+classes--not every man from without, but only special men from
+without, are allowed the sexual companionship.
+
+Now in both these cases, where we have apparently penetrated to the
+most primitive conditions, we are also brought up abruptly against
+conditions which are not primitive, namely, the exogamous class system,
+and we are bound to conclude that this class system thus shows itself
+to be an intruding force which has not, however, been strong enough to
+quite obliterate the older forces of hostile marriage-capture and
+mother-right society.
+
+Our next quest is therefore to find out, if we can, an explanation of
+these two contrasted elements in Australian totemic society, and for
+this purpose it is advisable to still further narrow down the range of
+inquiry to one special section of the Australian peoples. For this
+purpose I shall take the Arunta. There has been much controversy about
+this people. Mr. Lang argues that the presence of exogamous classes
+and male descent shows the Arunta to be more advanced than other
+Australian peoples;[371] Messrs. Spencer and Gillen that the survival
+of totem beliefs, which are local and unconnected with the class
+system, proves them to be the least advanced. In this country Mr.
+Hartland and Mr. Thomas side with Mr. Lang; Mr. Frazer with Messrs.
+Spencer and Gillen.
+
+The first point of importance to note about the Arunta people is that
+they occupy the least favourable districts for food supply.[372] This
+means that they have been pushed there. They did not choose such a
+location--in other words, they are among the last units of the
+migration movements which peopled Australia; they are among the last
+people to have become stationary as a group, and to have been
+compelled to resort to the development of social organisation in lieu
+of constantly swarming off from the centre or from the last stopping
+place to the ends. This tells for primitive, not advanced, conditions.
+
+The next point is the totem system. Messrs. Spencer and Gillen,
+describing one special case as an example of the rest, give us the
+following particulars. The Arunta believe that the most marked
+features of the district they inhabit, the gaps and the gorges, were
+formed by their Alcheringa ancestors. These Alcheringa are represented
+as collected together in companies, each of which consisted of a
+certain number of individuals belonging to one particular totem. Each
+of these Alcheringa ancestors carried about with him or her one or
+more of the sacred stones called churinga. These are the general
+traditions related by the Arunta of to-day to explain their own
+customs, and let it be noted that the explanation does not necessarily
+lead us to the primitive conceptions of the Arunta people, but to
+their present conceptions as to unknown facts. The local example is
+found close to Alice Springs, where there are deposited a large number
+of churinga carried by the witchetty grub men and women. A large
+number of prominent rocks and boulders, and certain ancient gum
+trees, are the nanja trees and rocks of these spirits. If a woman
+conceives a child after having been near to this gap, it is one of
+these spirit individuals which has entered her body, and when born
+must of necessity be of the witchetty grub totem; "it is, in fact,
+nothing else but the reincarnation of one of the witchetty grub people
+of the Alcheringa;" the nanja tree, or stone, ever afterwards is the
+nanja of the child, and there is special connection between it and the
+child, injury to the nanja object meaning injury to the nanja
+man.[373] There is evidence that the reincarnation theory is not
+admissible,[374] and, indeed, it does not seem warranted on the facts
+presented by the authors. With this unnecessary element out of the
+way, then, there is left a system of local totemism, arising at birth
+and depending upon the mother, without reference in any way to the
+father, associated with natural features, rocks and trees, and showing
+in a special way a curious system of sex cleavage by the men of the
+group being the exclusive guardians of the sacred churinga, and the
+women the active power by which the churinga becomes connected with
+the newly-born member of the totem group.[375]
+
+Now at this point we may surely refer back to the custom and belief of
+the Semang people of the Malay Peninsula, and I suggest that we have
+the closest parallel between Semang belief and custom and Arunta
+totemism, not quite the same formula perhaps, but assuredly the same
+fundamental conception of every child at birth being in intimate
+association with objects of nature, and this association being the
+determining force of the newly-born man's social status and class,
+lasting all through life. In each case the kinless basis of totemism
+is thus fully shown. The totem names given by women, or assumed on
+account of the conditions attachable to women as mothers, did not
+extend to the human fathers. The fathers may be known or unknown to
+the mothers, but they did not become associated with the totems which
+the mothers associated with their children. To the extent of
+fatherhood, therefore, totemism of this type was clearly not based
+upon the natural fact of blood kinship, but upon the conscious
+adoption of a non-kinship form of society. To the extent of motherhood
+also it was not based upon blood kinship, for it was the local totem,
+not the mother's totem, which became the totem of the newly-born
+member of the group. We thus have an entirely non-kinship form of
+society to deal with, a kinless society, "where there is no necessary
+relationship of any kind between that of children and parents."[376]
+Primitive man consciously adapted certain of his observations of
+nature to his social needs, and among these observations the fact of
+actual blood kinship with father and mother played no part. It would
+appear therefore that totemism at its foundation was based upon a
+theoretical conception of relationship between man and animal or
+plant. Place of birth, association with natural objects, not
+motherhood and not fatherhood, are the determining factors.
+
+We may proceed to inquire as to the social form which has become
+evolved from this kinless system.
+
+In the case of the Semangs we have the kinless totemic belief and
+custom existing within a kinless society. In the case of the Arunta we
+have the kinless totemism existing in a society based on a kinless
+organisation still, but containing also full recognition of
+motherhood,[377] and perhaps recognition of physical fatherhood.[378]
+There is, therefore, an important distinction in the social position
+of the two parallel systems. Among the Semang people, their totemic
+belief and custom do not carry with them a superstructure of society.
+They form the substantive cult of the scattered social groups, which
+are kinless groups dependent upon ties local in character and derived
+from the conscious use of the facts of nature surrounding them. Among
+the Arunta people, on the contrary, the totem belief and custom are
+contained within a social system of extraordinary dimensions and
+proportions. Of course, the obvious questions to raise are--have the
+Semang people lost a once existing social system connected with their
+totemic cult? Have the Arunta people had imposed upon them a social
+system which has not destroyed their primitive totemic cult?
+
+To answer these questions I can only deal with the Semang evidence as
+it appears in researches of great authority and weight, and there is
+undoubtedly in all the evidence produced by Messrs. Skeat and
+Blagden, and the authorities they use, nothing whatever to suggest
+that Semang totemism once possessed above it an elaborate social
+organisation of the usual totemic type. There is indeed, the myth
+which points to a two-class exogamous division for marital
+purposes,[379] but there is more than myth for the unrestricted
+intercourse of the sexes both before and after marital rights.[380] In
+every other direction we get simple groups fashioned on no larger
+basis than nomadic roaming and journeying to fresh food grounds. On
+the other hand, there is much to suggest that the Arunta have a dual
+system of organisation; one, in which the primitive types are still
+surviving, the second, a more advanced type which covers but does not
+crush out the first. If this is so, it is clear that the parallel
+between Semang and Arunta totemism is considerably closer than at
+first appears.
+
+It will be necessary, therefore, to deal with the two principal signs
+of alleged Arunta progress, male descent and the exogamous classes. I
+see no evidence whatever of male descent; male ascendancy, a very
+different thing, appears, but there cannot strictly be male descent
+where fatherhood is unrecognised. And here I would interpose the
+remark that the use of the term descent, male descent and female
+descent, in these studies is far too indiscriminate.[381] Descent
+means succession by blood kinship by acknowledged sons or daughters,
+and this is exactly what does not always occur. Sonship and
+daughtership in our sense of the term are not always known to
+savagery. They were not known to the Arunta males, for fatherhood was
+not recognised by them and motherhood was not definitely used in the
+social sense. All that the Arunta can be said to have developed is a
+mother-right society with male ascendancy in the group.[382] Group
+sons succeeded to group fathers, but individual descent from father to
+son there is not.
+
+There remain the exogamous classes. In the first place, it is
+necessary to get rid of a difficulty raised by Mr. Lang. "In no tribe
+with female descent can a district have its local totem as among the
+Arunta.... This can only occur under male reckoning of descent."[383]
+But surely so acute an observer as Mr. Lang would see that with female
+descent right through, as it exists among the Khasia and Kocch people
+of Assam, local totem centres are just as possible as with male
+descent. Mr. Lang is conscious of some discrepancy here, for a little
+later on he repeats the statement that local totem centres "can only
+occur and exist under male reckoning of descent," but adds the
+significant qualification "in cases where the husbands do not go to
+the wives' region of abode."[384] This is the whole point. Where
+husbands do go to the wives' region of abode, as they do among the
+Khasis and the Kocch, female descent would allow of the formation of
+local totem centres. This is not far from the position of the Arunta.
+They are mother-right societies. The mother secures the totem name.
+The father, _de facto_, is not father according to the ideas of the
+Arunta people, is at best only one of a group of possible fathers
+according to the practices of the Arunta people. Therefore, the local
+totem centre is formed out of a system which may be called a
+mother-right system for the purpose of scientific description, but
+which is not even a mother-right system to the natives, because
+motherhood is not the foundation of the local group.
+
+Secondly, we have the important fact, which Mr. Lang has duly noted,
+though he does not apparently see its significance in the argument as
+to origins, that the class system "arose in a given centre and was
+propagated by emigrants and was borrowed by distant tribes."[385]
+Messrs. Spencer and Gillen distinctly affirm that the "division into
+eight has been adopted (or rather the names for the four new divisions
+have been) in recent times by the Arunta tribe from the Ilpirra tribe
+which adjoins the former on the north, and the use of them is at the
+present time spreading southwards."[386] This view is supported by the
+widespread organisation of eaglehawk and crow, and by the general
+homogeneity of Australian social forms. It is clear, therefore, that
+room is made for the external organisation of the class system and the
+consequent production of the dual characteristics of the Arunta--the
+joint product of the fossilisation of mother-right society at the end
+of the migration movement, and the superimposing upon this
+fossilisation, with its tendency towards the class system, of the
+fully organised class system. The two systems are not now fully welded
+in the Arunta group. Whatever view is taken of these, whether they be
+considered advanced or primal, the undoubted dualism has to be
+accounted for, and the best way of accounting for this dualism is, I
+submit, that of differential evolution. Further study of Messrs.
+Spencer and Gillen's work, together with the criticisms of various
+scholars, Mr. Lang, Mr. Hartland, Mr. Frazer, Mr. Thomas, and others,
+convinces me that the extreme artificiality of the class system is due
+partly to a want of understanding of the entire facts, and partly to
+the _ad hoc_ adoption by the natives themselves of new plans to meet
+difficulties which must arise out of a too close adhesion to their
+rules. Mr. Lang has allowed me to see a manuscript note of his, in
+which he points out that the inevitable result of the one totem to the
+one totem rule of marital relationship,--that is, totem A always
+intermarrying with totem B, males and females from both totems, and
+with no others,--is the consanguineous relationship of all the members
+of the two totems. The rule for non-consanguineous marriage has
+therefore broken down, and when it breaks down the Australian
+introduces a new rule which satisfies immediate necessities. When this
+in turn breaks down a further new rule is made, and this is the way I
+think the differing rules resulted. They represent, therefore, not
+varying degrees of culture progress, but only varying degrees of
+artificial social changes, and they spring from the oldest conditions
+of all where there is no class system at all.[387] Arunta society is
+not a "sport" under this view, but a product--a product to be
+accounted for and explained by anthropological rules, derived not only
+from Australian society but from the general facts of human society
+which have remained for observation by the science of to-day. The
+parallel between Semang and Arunta, therefore, helps us in two ways.
+It enables us to go back to Semang totemism as an example of primitive
+kinless society, and forward to Arunta totemism as an example of early
+development therefrom. We have, in point of fact, discovered the datum
+line of totemism. Upon this may be constructed the various examples
+according to their degrees of development, and we may thus see in
+detail the commencing elements of totemism as well as the means by
+which we may proceed from the commencing elements to the more advanced
+elements, and finally to the last stages of totemic society where
+blood kinship is fully recognised and used, where, in fact, totemic
+tribes as distinct from totemic peoples take their place in the
+world's history.
+
+
+IV
+
+I do not propose in this chapter to proceed further with this inquiry.
+It will not advance my object, nor is it absolutely necessary.
+Totemism in the full has been described adequately by Mr. Frazer in
+his valuable abstract of the evidence supplied from all parts of the
+world, and there is not much in dispute among the authorities when
+once the stage of origin is passed. There is danger, however, at the
+other extreme, namely, the attempt to discover totemism in impossible
+places in civilisation. Mr. Morgan has shown us totemic society in its
+highest form of development, untouched by other influences of
+sufficient consequence to divert its natural evolution. This, I think,
+is the merit of Mr. Morgan's great work, and not his attempt, his
+futile attempt as I think, to apply the principles of totemic society
+to the elucidation of societies that have long passed the stage of
+totemism. In particular, the great European civilisations are not
+totemic, nor are they to be seen passing from totemism. It is true
+that Mr. Lang, Mr. Grant Allen, and others have attempted to trace in
+certain features of Greek ritual and belief, and in certain tribal
+formations discoverable in Anglo-Saxon Britain, the relics of a living
+totemism in the civilised races of Europe;[388] but I do not believe
+either of these scholars would have endorsed his early conclusions in
+later studies. Mr. Grant Allen did not, so far as I know, repeat this
+theory after its first publication, and Mr. Lang has given many signs
+of being willing to withdraw it. The fact is, there is no necessity to
+think of Greek or English totem society because in Greece and England
+there are traces of totem beliefs. We may disengage them from their
+national position and put them back to the position they occupied
+before the coming of Greek or Englishman into the countries they have
+made their own.
+
+In that position there may well have been totemic peoples in Britain
+of the type we have been considering from Australia. I have already
+indicated that totemic survivals in folklore have been the subject of
+a special study of my own which still in the main stands good, and for
+which I have collected very many additional illustrations and proofs.
+I discovered that folklore contained some remarkably perfect examples
+of totemic belief and custom, and also a considerable array of
+scattered belief and custom connected with animals and plants which,
+unclassified, seemed to lead to no definite stage of culture history,
+yet when classified, undoubtedly led to totemism. The result was
+somewhat remarkable. At many points there are direct parallels to
+savage totemism, and the whole associated group of customs received
+adequate explanation only on the theory that it represented the
+detritus of a once existing totemic system of belief.
+
+The present study enables me to take the parallel to primitive
+totemism much closer. One of the perfect examples was of a local
+character. This was found in Ossory. Giraldus Cambrensis tells an
+extraordinary legend to the following effect: "A priest benighted in a
+wood on the borders of Meath was confronted by a wolf, who after some
+preliminary explanations gave this account of himself: There are two
+of us, a man and a woman, natives of Ossory, who through the curse of
+one Natalis, saint and abbot, are compelled every seven years to put
+off the human form and depart from the dwellings of men. Quitting
+entirely the human form, we assume that of wolves. At the end of the
+seven years, if they chance to survive, two others being substituted
+in their places, they return to their country and their former
+shape."[389] Here is a saintly legend introduced to explain the
+current tradition of the men of Ossory, that they periodically turned
+into wolves. Fynes Moryson, in 1603, ridiculed the beliefs of "some
+Irish who will be believed as men of credit," that men in Ossory were
+"yearly turned into wolves."[390] But an ancient Irish MS. puts the
+matter much more clearly in the statement that the "descendants of the
+wolf are in Ossory,"[391] while the evidence of Spenser and Camden
+explains the popular beliefs upon even more exact lines. Spenser says
+"that some of the Irish doe use to make the wolf their gossip;"[392]
+and Camden adds that they term them "Chari Christi, praying for them
+and wishing them well, and having contracted this intimacy, professed
+to have no fear from their four-footed allies." Fynes Moryson
+expressly mentions the popular dislike to killing wolves, and they
+were not extirpated until the eighteenth century.[393] Aubrey adds
+that "in Ireland they value the fang-tooth of an wolfe, which they set
+in silver and gold as we doe ye Coralls;"[394] and Camden notes the
+similar use of a bit of wolf's skin.[395]
+
+In the local superstitions of Ossory, therefore, we have several of
+the cardinal features of savage totemism, the descent from the
+totem-animal, the ascription to the totem of a sacred character, the
+belief in its protection, and a taboo against killing it. I will
+venture to suggest, however, that to these important features there is
+to be added a parallel in survival to the Semang and Arunta features
+where the local circumstances of birth are the determining forces
+which supply the totem name, for the relationship of "gossip,"
+"god-sib," is clearly of the same character as that of the soul-tree
+of the Semang and the alcheringa of the Australian.[396] The condition
+of survival has altered the detail of the parallel, but the parallel
+is on the same plane.
+
+The wolf as gossip to the men of Ossory leads us on to inquire whether
+any other animal had such close connections with human beings. In
+Erris, a part of Connaught, "the people consider that foxes perfectly
+understand human language, that they can be propitiated by kindness,
+and even moved by flattery. They not only make mittens for Reynard's
+feet to keep him warm in winter, and deposit these articles carefully
+near their holes, but they make them sponsors for their children,
+supposing that under the close and long-established relationship of
+Gossipred they will be induced to befriend them."[397] Thus it appears
+that the selfsame conception which the men of Ossory had in the
+thirteenth century for the wolf, the men of Erris had for the fox in
+the nineteenth century. No explanation from the dry details of the
+natural history of these animals is sufficient to account for this
+curious parallel, and we must turn to ancient beliefs for the
+explanation.
+
+The general attitude of the men of Erris towards the fox is confirmed
+as an attribute of totemism when we come to examine a special local
+form of it. This we can do by turning to Galway. The Claddagh fishermen
+in Galway would not go out to fish if they saw a fox: their rivals of
+a neighbouring village, not believing in the fox, do all they can
+to introduce a fox into the Claddagh village.[398] These people
+are peculiar in many respects, and are distinctively clannish. They
+retain their old clan-dress--blue cloaks and red petticoats--which
+distinguishes them from the rest of the county of Galway, and it may be
+conjectured that the present-day custom of naming from the names of
+fish--thus, Jack the hake, Bill the cod, Joe the eel, Pat the trout,
+Mat the turbot, etc.[399]--may be a remnant of the mental attitude of
+the folk towards that belief in kinship between men and animals which
+is at the basis of totemism. But, returning to the fox, we have in the
+belief that meeting this animal would prevent them from going out to
+fish, a parallel to the prohibition against looking at the totem which
+is to be found among savage people, and we have in the neighbours'
+disbelief in the fox and a corresponding belief in the hare,[400] that
+local distribution of different totems which is also found in savagery.
+But all these particulars about the relationship of the fox to the
+Claddagh fishermen receive unexpected light when we inquire into the
+biography of their local saint, named MacDara. This saint is the patron
+saint of the fishermen who, when passing MacDara's island, always dip
+their sails thrice to avoid being shipwrecked. But then, in the
+folk-belief, we have this remarkable fact, that MacDara's real name was
+Sinach, a fox[401]--an instance, it would seem, of a totem cult being
+transferred to a Christian saint. Thus, then, in the superstitions of
+these Claddagh fisherfolk we can trace the elements of totemism, the
+root of which is contained, first, in the nominal worship of a
+Christian saint, and second, in the actual worship of an animal, the
+fox.
+
+These examples of local totemism may be followed by a remarkable
+example of tribal or kinship totemism. It was noted by Mr. G. H.
+Kinahan in his researches for Irish folklore, and is mentioned quite
+incidentally among other items, the collector himself not fully
+perceiving the importance of his "find." This really enhances the
+value of the evidence, because it destroys any possibility of an
+objection to its validity--a really important matter, considering the
+remarkable character of this survival of totem-stocks in Western
+Europe. The exact words of Mr. Kinahan are as follows:--
+
+"In very ancient times some of the clan Coneely, one of the early
+septs of the county, were changed by 'art magick' into seals; since
+then no Coneely can kill a seal without afterwards having bad luck.
+Seals are called Coneelys, and on this account many of the name
+changed it to Connolly."[402] The same local tradition is mentioned by
+Hardiman in one of his notes to O'Flaherty's _Description of West or
+H-iar Connaught_,[403] but the note is equally significant of
+genuineness from the fact that the tradition is styled "a ridiculous
+story." It strengthens Mr. Kinahan's note in the following passage:
+"In some places the story has its believers, who would no more kill a
+seal, or eat of a slaughtered one, than they would of a human
+Coneely."
+
+The clan Coneely is mentioned both by Mr. Kinahan and by Mr. Hardiman
+as one of the oldest Irish septs; and that it is widely spread, and
+not congregated into one locality, is to be inferred from the
+description of the tradition as prevalent in Connaught, especially
+from Mr. Hardiman's words, describing that "in some places" the story
+has its believers now; and hence we may conclude that wherever the
+clan Coneely are situated there would exist this totem belief.
+
+The full significance of these facts may best be tested by reference
+to the conditions laid down by Dr. Robertson Smith for the discovery
+of the survivals of totemism among the Semitic races. These conditions
+are as follows:--
+
+      "'(1) The existence of stocks named after plants and
+      animals'--such stocks, it is necessary to add, being
+      scattered through many local tribes; (2) the
+      prevalence of the conception that the members of the
+      stock are of the blood of the eponym animal, or are
+      sprung from a plant of the species chosen as totem;
+      (3) the ascription to the totem of a sacred character
+      which may result in its being regarded as the god of
+      the stock, but at any rate makes it be regarded with
+      veneration, so that, for example, a totem animal is
+      not used as ordinary food. If we can find all these
+      things together in the same tribe, the proof of
+      totemism is complete; but even when this cannot be
+      done, the proof may be morally complete if all the
+      three marks of totemism are found well developed
+      within the same race. In many cases, however, we can
+      hardly expect to find all the marks of totemism in its
+      primitive form; the totem, for example, may have
+      become first an animal god, and then an
+      anthropomorphic god, with animal attributes or
+      associations merely."[404]
+
+Now in the Irish case all three of these conditions are found together
+in the same tribe, the clan Coneely, and it is impossible to overlook
+the importance of such a discovery. It proves from survivals in
+folklore that totemistic people once lived in ancient Ireland, just as
+the corresponding evidence proved that the ancient Semitic stock
+possessed the totemic organisation.
+
+We have now examined the most archaic forms of the survival of
+totemism in Britain. If we pass on to inquire whether we can detect
+the more scattered and decayed remnants of totem beliefs and customs,
+we turn to Mr. Frazer as our guide. From Mr. Frazer's review of the
+beliefs and customs incidental to the totemistic organisation of
+savage people, it is possible to extract a formula for ascertaining
+the classification of savage beliefs and practices incidental to
+totemism. This formula appears to me to properly fall into the
+following groups:--
+
+      (a) Descent from the totem.
+
+      (b) Restrictions against injuring the totem.
+
+      (c) Restrictions against using the totem for food.
+
+      (d) The petting and preservation of totems.
+
+      (e) The mourning for and burying of totems.
+
+      (f) Penalties for non-respect of totem.
+
+      (g) Assistance by the totem to his kin.
+
+      (_h_) Assumption of totem marks.
+
+      (_i_) Assumption of totem dress.
+
+      (_j_) Assumption of totem names.
+
+My suggestion is that if a reasonable proportion of the superstitions
+and customs attaching to animals and plants, preserved to us as
+folklore, can be classified under these heads this is exactly what
+might be expected if the origin of such superstitions and customs is
+to be sought for in a primitive system of totemism which prevailed
+amongst the people once occupying these islands. The clan Coneely and
+the Ossory wolves are proofs that such a system existed, and if such
+perfect survivals have been able to descend to modern times, in spite
+of the influences of civilisation, there is no _primâ facie_ reason
+why the beliefs and customs incidental to such a system should not
+have survived, even though they are no longer to be identified with
+special clans. When once a primitive belief or custom becomes
+separated from its original surroundings, it would be liable to
+change. Thus, when the wolf totem of Ossory passes into a local
+cultus, we meet with the belief that human beings may be transformed
+into animal forms, as the derivative from the totem belief in descent
+from the wolf. Fortunately, the process by which this change took
+place is discernible in the Ossory example; but it will not be so in
+other examples, and we may therefore assume that the Ossory example
+represents the transitional form and apply it as a key to the origin
+of similar beliefs elsewhere.
+
+Again, if we endeavour to discover how the associated totem-beliefs of
+the clan Coneely would appear in folklore supposing they had been
+scattered by the influences of civilisation, we can see that at the
+various places where members of the clan had resided for some time
+there would be preserved fragments of the once perfect totem-belief.
+Thus, one place would retain traditions about a fabulous animal who
+could change into human form; another place would preserve beliefs
+about its being unlucky to kill a seal (or some other animal specially
+connected with the locality); another place would preserve a
+superstitious regard for the seal (or some other local animal) as an
+augury; and thus the process of transference of beliefs into folklore,
+from one form into other related forms, from one particular object
+connected with the clan to several objects connected with the
+localities, would go on from time to time, until the difficulty of
+tracing the original of the scattered beliefs and customs would be
+well-nigh insurmountable without some key. But having once proved the
+existence of such examples as the clan Coneely and the Ossory wolves,
+this difficulty, though still great, is very much lessened. Our method
+would be as follows. We first of all postulate that totem peoples did
+actually exist in ancient Britain, or whence such extraordinary
+survivals? We next examine and classify the beliefs and customs which
+are incidental to totemism in savage society, and having set these
+forth by the aid of Mr. Frazer's admirable study on the subject, we
+ascertain what parallels to these beliefs and customs may be found in
+the folklore of Britain. And then our position seems to be very
+clearly defined. We prove that in folklore certain customs and
+superstitions are identical, or nearly so, with the beliefs and
+customs of totemism among savage tribes, and we conclude that this
+identity in form proves an identity in origin, and therefore that
+this section of folklore originated from the totemistic people of
+early Britain.
+
+I shall not take up all these points on the present occasion,
+especially as they have in all essentials appeared in the study to
+which I have referred; but as an example of the scattering of totem
+beliefs I will refer to the well-known passage in Cæsar (lib. v. cap.
+xii.), from which we learn that certain people in Britain were
+forbidden to eat the hare, the cock, or the goose, and see whether
+this does not receive its only explanation by reference to the totemic
+restriction against using the totem for food. Mr. Elton, with this
+passage in his mind, notices that "there were certain restrictions
+among the Britons and ancient Irish, by which particular nations or
+tribes were forbidden to kill or eat certain kinds of animals;" and he
+goes on to suggest that "it seems reasonable to connect the rule of
+abstaining from certain kinds of food with the superstitious belief
+that the tribes were descended from the animals from which their names
+and crests or badges were derived."[405]
+
+Let us see whether this reasonable conjecture holds good. The most
+famous example is that of Cuchulainn, the celebrated Irish chieftain,
+whose name means the hound of Culain. It is said that he might not eat
+of the flesh of the dog, and he came by his death after transgressing
+this totemistic taboo. The words of the manuscript known as the Book
+of Leinster are singularly significant in their illustration of this
+view. "And one of the things that Cúchulainn was bound not to do was
+going to a cooking hearth and consuming the food [_i.e._ the dog];
+and another of the things that he must not do was eating his
+namesake's flesh."[406] Diarmaid, whose name seems to be continued in
+the current popular Irish name for pig (Darby), was intimately
+associated with that animal, and his life depended on the life of the
+boar.[407] These examples are so much to the point that we may examine
+the cases mentioned by Cæsar from the same standard.
+
+Mr. Frazer points out that even among existing totem-tribes the
+respect for the totem has lessened or disappeared, and among the
+results of this he notes instances where, if any one kills his totem,
+he apologises to the animal. Under such an interpretation as this, we
+may surely classify a "memorandum" made by Bishop White-Kennett about
+the hare, the first of the British totems mentioned by Cæsar: "When
+one keepes a hare alive and feedeth him till he have occasion to eat
+him, if he telles before he kills him that he will doe so, the hare
+will thereupon be found dead, having killed himself."[408] But respect
+for the hare, in accordance with totem ideas, was carried further than
+this at Biddenham, where, on the 22nd September, a little procession
+of villagers carried a white rabbit [a substitute for hare] decorated
+with scarlet ribbons through the village, singing a hymn in honour of
+St. Agatha. All the young unmarried women who chanced to meet the
+procession extended the first two fingers of the left hand pointing
+towards the rabbit, at the same time repeating the following
+doggerel:--
+
+      Gustin, Gustin, lacks a bier,
+      Maidens, maidens, bury him here.[409]
+
+This points to a very ancient custom, not yet fully explained, but
+which clearly had for its object the reverential burying of a rabbit
+or hare. It is characteristic of the totem animal that it serves as an
+omen to its clansmen, and we find that the hare is an omen in Britain.
+Boudicca is said to have drawn an augury from a hare, taken from her
+bosom, and which when released pursued a course that was deemed
+fortunate for her attack upon the Roman army;[410] and in modern south
+Northamptonshire the running of a hare along the street or mainway of
+a village portends fire to some house in the immediate vicinity.[411]
+In 1648 Sir Thomas Browne tells us that in his time there were few
+above three-score years that were not perplexed when a hare crossed
+their path.[412] In Wilts and in Scotland it was unlucky to meet a
+hare, but the evil influence did not extend after the next meal had
+been taken.[413] Then, too, the prohibition against naming the totem
+object is found in north-east Scotland attached to the hare, whose
+name may not be pronounced at sea, and Mr. Gregor adds the significant
+fact that some animal names and certain family names were never
+pronounced by the inhabitants of some of the villages, each village
+having an aversion to one or more of the words.[414] A classification
+of the beliefs and customs connected with the hare takes us, indeed,
+to almost every phase of totemistic belief, and it is impossible to
+reject such a mass of cumulative evidence.
+
+Of the second of the British food taboos mentioned by Cæsar we have
+the most perfect illustration in the instance of the Irish chieftain,
+Conaire, who, descended from a fowl, was interdicted from eating its
+flesh.[415]
+
+Turning next to the goose, we find that at Great Crosby, in
+Lancashire, there is held an annual festival which is called the
+"Goose Fair," and although it is accompanied by great feasting, the
+singular fact remains that the goose itself, in whose honour the feast
+seems to have been held, is considered too sacred to eat, and is never
+touched by the villagers.[416] In Scotland also the goose was never
+eaten, being too sacred for food.[417]
+
+Thus the hare, the fowl, and the goose have retained their sacred
+character in a special manner in various parts of the country, and I
+may add a further note of more general significance. In Scotland there
+exists a prejudice against eating hares and cocks and hens.[418] In
+the south-western parts of England the peasant would not eat hares,
+rabbits, wild-fowl, or poultry, and when asked whence this dislike
+proceeds, he asserts that it was derived from his father[419]--the
+traditional sanction which is so essential to folklore.[420]
+
+The ideas surrounding these three special animals might be easily
+extended to others, but I will only observe that Mr. Elton, noting
+both the classical and modern accounts of certain districts in
+Scotland and Ireland where fish, though abundant, is tabooed as food,
+quotes with approval a modern suggestion that this abstinence was a
+religious observance.[421] That fish are carved on numerous stones is
+a curious commentary on this assertion, while another point to be
+noted is that the inhabitants of the various islands have each their
+peculiar notions as to what fish are good for food. Some will eat
+skate, some dog-fish, some eat limpets and razor-fish, and as a matter
+of course, says Miss Gordon Cumming, those who do not, despise those
+who do.[422] A prejudice also existed against white cows in Scotland,
+and Dalyell ventures upon the acute supposition that this was on
+account of the unlawfulness of consuming the product of a consecrated
+animal.[423] These are not stray notes of inexperienced observers, and
+with two centuries between them it must be that they contain the
+essence of the people's conception--a conception which leads us back
+to totemism for its explanation.
+
+I do not think we could get closer to totemic beliefs and ideas than
+this, nor could we have a better example of the necessity of examining
+early historical data by anthropological tests and by folklore
+parallels. Cæsar's words are unimportant by themselves. They convey
+nothing of any significance to the modern reader--a mere dietetic
+peculiarity which means nothing and counts for nothing. And yet it
+might be considered certain that Cæsar knew that the details he
+recorded were of importance in the historical sense. He did not
+indicate what the importance was, probably because he was not aware of
+it; but because he was conscious that among the influences which
+counted with these people were the food taboos, he rightly recorded
+the facts. They have remained unconsidered trifles until now, when
+anthropology has brought them within the range of scientific
+observation, and they are now to be reckoned with as part of the
+material which tells of the culture conditions of a section of the
+early British peoples.
+
+I must here interpose a remark with reference to this grouping of the
+evidence. Apart from the significance of the superstitions as they are
+recorded in their bare condition among the peasantry, there is the
+additional fact to note that the superstition against eating or
+killing certain animals or birds, or against looking at them or naming
+them, etc., is not universal. It obtains in one place and not in
+another. If the injunction not to kill, injure, or eat a certain
+animal were simply the reflection of a universal practice, such a
+practice might originate in some attribute of the animal itself which
+characteristically would produce or tend to produce superstition. But
+the spread of this class of superstition in certain districts, and not
+in others, is indicative of an ancient origin, and it is exactly what
+might be expected to have been produced from totem-peoples.
+Unfortunately, neither the negative evidence of superstitious beliefs
+nor the local distribution of superstitious beliefs has ever been
+considered worthy of attention. But some little evidence is
+incidentally forthcoming, and I would submit that this may be taken as
+indicative of what might be obtained more fully by further research
+into this neglected aspect of folklore. I drew Miss Burne's attention
+to this subject, and she has noted some particulars in her valuable
+_Shropshire Folklore_.[424] But for the most part this portion of our
+evidence wants picking out by a long and tedious process from the mass
+of badly recorded facts about popular superstitions. I do not believe
+in the generally stated opinion that certain superstitions are
+universally believed or practised. It is difficult to prove a
+negative, and such evidence is not absolutely scientific, but when it
+comes in direct antithesis to positive, there does not seem any harm
+in accepting it. Every class of superstition wants tracing out
+geographically, and local variants want careful noting. I cannot doubt
+if this were properly done that many so-called universal superstitions
+would be found to be distinctly local. In the meantime, it is not with
+universal superstitions that we have to deal. It is primarily with
+those local variants which show us side by side the differences of
+belief. It is thus that we can afford evidence of that intermixture
+of totem-objects which is to be expected from the known facts of
+totem-beliefs and customs. Indeed, Mr. McLennan has laid it down that
+"we might expect that while here and there perhaps a tribe might
+appear with a single animal god, as a general rule tribes and nations
+should have as many animal and vegetable gods as there were distinct
+stocks in the population ... we should not expect to find the same
+animal dominant in all quarters, or worshipped even everywhere within
+the same nation."[425]
+
+It is important that we should thoroughly understand what these
+survivals of totemism in the British isles really mean. On the extreme
+west coast of Ireland, farthest away from the centres of civilisation,
+there are found these unique examples of a savage institution. The
+argument that they might have been transplanted thither by travellers
+from the far west, where totemism has developed to its highest form,
+cannot seriously be advanced. The argument that they might be the
+accidental form into which some merely superstitious fancies of
+ignorant peasants happened to have ultimately shaped themselves, is
+met by the mathematical demonstration that the ratio of chance against
+such a development would be well-nigh incalculable. The remaining
+argument is that they indicate the last outpost, or perhaps one of the
+last outposts, of a primitive savage organisation which once existed
+throughout these lands. This is the view that appears to me to be the
+only possible one to meet all the conditions of the case; one proof
+in support of this view being the discovery of evidence in other
+parts of the country which shows that totemism has left its stamp in
+more or less perfect form upon the traditional beliefs and practices
+of the nation. Though we are not able to identify further complete
+examples of the same type as the seal clan of Western Ireland, or the
+wolf people of Ossory, we should be able, if the explanation I have
+advanced of their origin be the correct one, to produce examples of
+the varying forms which such an institution as totemism must have
+assumed when it had been broken up by the advance of civilising
+influences. If the seal clan, or the wolf clan, is in truth the last
+outpost of a savage organisation, there will be in the lands less
+remote from the centres of civilisation some evidences of the break-up
+of savagery as it has been driven westward. Somewhere in tradition,
+somewhere in local observances of beliefs or superstition, there must
+still be echoes, more or less faint, but still echoes, from totemism.
+Having discovered these undoubted examples of totemism, the argument
+shifts its ground. We can no longer say that the theory of totemism
+may possibly explain some of the customs and traditions of the people.
+We are, by the logic of the position, compelled to say that custom and
+tradition must have preserved many relics of totemism, and that so far
+from seeking to explain custom and tradition by the theory of
+totemism, we must seek to explain the survival of totemism by custom
+and tradition. I lay stress on this view of the case because it is
+hard to combat the views of those who look upon "mere superstition" as
+no explanation of primitive originals. To us of the present day the
+beliefs of the peasantry are no doubt properly definable as "mere
+superstition." But when we examine it as folklore we are seeking for
+its origin, not for its modern aspect; we are asking how "mere
+superstition" first arose, and in what forms, not how it exists; we
+are pushing back the inquiry from to-day when it exists side by side
+with a philosophical and moral religion to the time when it existed as
+the sole substitute for philosophy and morals. Even if it is "mere
+superstition" it has a dateless history. It is not conceivable that it
+suddenly arose at a particular period before which "mere superstition"
+did not exist, and all, both peasant and chief, were philosophical and
+moral. It is not conceivable that the mere superstition of to-day has
+replaced bodily the mere superstition of other ages. Every succeeding
+age of progress has influenced it, no doubt, but not eradicated it,
+and hence the mere superstition of to-day has just such an unbroken
+continuity of history as language or institutions. That we are able to
+pick out from among its items undoubted forms of totemism, and that we
+may add to these complete examples a classified grouping of customs
+and beliefs in survival parallel to the customs and beliefs of savage
+totemism, affords proof that at least we may carry back that history
+to the era of totemism, at whatever point that era may cross the line
+of, or come into contact with, political history.
+
+This is the definite conclusion to be drawn from the anthropological
+interpretation of the presence of totemic beliefs among the survivals
+of folklore. The study of the anthropological conditions has occupied
+a wide range of thought and inquiry, but it leads us back to a safe
+basis for research, for it brings definitely within touch of that
+realm of man which lies outside the civilisation wherein folklore is
+embedded, the peoples who have made, and the peoples who are dominated
+by, that civilisation. The savage of Britain cannot with this evidence
+before us be considered as the mere product of the literature of
+Greece and Rome. He is part and parcel of the savagery of the human
+race. Anthropology has shown us that savagery reached the land we now
+call Britain as part of the general movement of people which has
+caused the whole earth to become a dwelling-place for man, and now
+that we know this we must appeal to anthropology whenever we find that
+the problems of folklore take us out of the culture period of a
+civilisation known to history.[426]
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+I append a synopsis of the culture-structure of the Semangs of the
+Malay Peninsula (references are to Skeat and Blagden's _Pagan Races of
+the Malay Peninsula_ where not otherwise specified), in order that the
+position claimed for the one section of totemic belief may be tested
+by the remaining characteristics of Semang culture. I claim that there
+is nothing that remains which is inconsistent with the interpretation
+given of the totemic items.
+
+_Physical_:--
+
+(a). Live exclusively in the forest surrounded by hostile fauna (i.
+13).
+
+(b). Food consists of such wild vegetable food as may happen to fall
+from time to time in season (i. 109, 341, 525), together with small
+mammals and birds (i. 112), fish (i. 113).
+
+(c). As soon as they have exhausted the sources of food in one
+neighbourhood they move on to the next (i. 109).
+
+(d). Fire obtained by friction (i. 111, 113), but meat is eaten raw
+(i. 112).
+
+(e). Nudity is alleged (_Journ. Indian Archipelago_, i. 252; ii.
+258); no satisfactory proof (i. 137); do not use skins of animals nor
+feathers of birds (i. 138); a girdle of fungus string (i. 138, 142,
+380); fringe of leaves suspended from a string (i. 139, 142);
+necklaces and ligatures of jungle fibre (i. 144, 145); women wear a
+comb made of bamboo as a charm against diseases (i. 149).
+
+(f). Habitations are rock shelters (i. 173), tree shelters afforded
+by branches of trees improved by construction of a weather screen (i.
+174); ground screen of palm leaves (i. 175).
+
+(g). Hunt successfully the largest animals, escaping easily up the
+trees (i. 202-204).
+
+(h). Knives made of bamboo, flakes and chips of stone, knives of
+bone (i. 249, 269); bow and arrow (i. 251, 255); not sufficiently
+advanced to have produced neolithic implements (i. 268); wooden spear
+(i. 270).
+
+(i). Ignorant of pottery, vessels made from big stems of bamboo (i.
+383).
+
+_Social_:--
+
+(j). Chief of the group is the principal medicine man, but is on an
+equal footing with his men, no caste and property is in common (i.
+497, 499).
+
+(k). Marriage rights are secured by the presentation of a jungle
+knife to the bride's parents and a girdle to the bride, and the bride
+never lets the girdle part from her for fear of its being used to her
+prejudice in some magic ceremony; adultery is punishable by death (ii.
+58, 59) [but this information was not obtained from the most primitive
+of the Semang people].
+
+(l). Semang women are common to all men (Newbold, _Political and
+Stat. Acc. of Settlements in Straits of Malacca_, ii. 379). Great
+ante-nuptial freedom (ii. 56, 218); "Of the Semang I have not had an
+opportunity of personally judging" (ii. 377, Newbold).
+
+[Illustration: TREE HUT, ULU BATU, ABOUT 12 MILES FROM KUALA LUMPUR,
+SELANGOR]
+
+(m). Eat dead kindred except head (Newbold, ii. 379); burial takes
+place in the ground, and the older practice was exposure in trees;
+the Semang have no dread of ghosts of the deceased (ii. 89, 91).
+
+(n). No sacred shrines or places (ii. 197).
+
+(o). Avoidance of mother-in-law (ii. 204).
+
+(p). Myth of the ringdove informing the children of the first woman
+that they had married within prohibited degrees of consanguinity, and
+advising them to separate and marry "other people" (ii. 218).
+
+(q). Myth as to ignorance of cause of birth being dispelled by the
+cocoanut monkey informing the first man and woman (ii. 218).
+
+(r). The Semang are almost ineradicably nomadic, have no fixed
+habitation, and rove about like the beasts of the forest (i. 172; ii.
+470).
+
+(s). Women and girls are not allowed to eat until the men and boys
+have finished their repast (i. 116); the men do most of the hunting
+and trapping, and the women take a large share in the collecting of
+roots and fruits; all the cooking is performed by the women and girls
+(i. 375).
+
+(t). They are split up into a large number of dialects, each of
+which is confined to a relatively small area, and it often happens
+that a little [clan] or even a single family uses a form of speech
+which is differentiated from other dialects to be practically
+unintelligible to all except the members of the little community
+itself (ii. 379).
+
+(u). Natural segregation of the [tribes] into small [clans] to some
+extent cut off from one another and surrounded by settled Malay
+communities (ii. 379).
+
+(v). The most thoroughly wild and uncivilised members of our race,
+regarded by the Malays as little better than brute beasts, with no
+recorded history (ii. 384).
+
+(w). Nomadic life of the Semang leads them over a considerable tract
+of country (ii. 388).
+
+_Psychical_:--
+
+(x). Decorative patterns on quivers representing natural objects,
+and possessing magical virtue to bring down various species of monkeys
+and apes and other small mammals (i. 417), and as charms for the men
+(i. 423).
+
+(y). Decorative pattern on magic comb worn by women to serve as a
+charm against venomous reptiles and insects, similar design for
+similar reason sometimes painted on the breast (i. 41, 420-436).
+
+(z). Child's name is taken from some tree which stands near the
+prospective birthplace of the child. As soon as the child is born this
+name is shouted aloud by the _sage femme_, who then hands over the
+child to another woman, who buries the afterbirth underneath the
+birth-tree or name-tree of the child. As soon as this is done the
+father cuts a series of notches in the tree, starting from the ground
+and terminating at the height of the breast. The cutting of these
+notches is intended to signalise the arrival on earth of a new human
+being, since it thus shows that Kari registers the souls that he has
+sent forth by notching the tree against which he leans. Trees thus
+"blazed" are never felled. The child must not in later life injure any
+tree which belongs to the species of his tree; for him all such trees
+are taboo, and he must not even eat their fruit, the only exception
+being when an expectant mother revisits her birth-tree. Every tree of
+its species is regarded as identical with the birth-tree (ii. 3, 4).
+When an East Semang dies his birth-tree dies too (ii. 5).
+
+(aa). The child's soul is conveyed in a bird, which always inhabits
+a tree of the species to which the birth-tree belongs. It flies from
+one tree of the species to another, following the as yet unborn body.
+The souls of first-born children are always young birds newly hatched,
+the offspring of the bird which contained the soul of the mother. If
+the mother does not eat the soul-bird during her accouchement the
+child will be stillborn or will die shortly after birth (ii. 4, 192,
+194, 216). She keeps the soul-bird within the birth-bamboo, and does
+not eat it all at once, but piecemeal (ii. 6). All human souls grow
+upon a soul-tree in the other world, whence they are fetched by a bird
+which was killed and eaten by the expectant mother (ii. 194).
+
+(bb). Semang religion, in spite of its recognition of a thunder-god
+(Kari) and certain minor deities (so called), has very little indeed
+in the way of ceremonial, and appears to consist mainly of mythology
+and legend. It shows remarkably few traces of demon worship, very
+little fear of ghosts of the deceased, and still less of any sort of
+animistic beliefs (ii. 174). [As the Kari is the deity common to the
+Semang and the people higher in culture than the Semang, it is
+difficult to trace out the primitive idea. The myths also show a
+common impress, "which is probably mainly due to the same savage
+Malay element" (ii. 183).]
+
+(cc). During a storm of thunder and lightning the Semang draw a few
+drops of blood from the region of the shin bone, mix it with a little
+water in a bamboo receptacle, and throw it up to the angry skies (ii.
+204).
+
+(dd). Pretend entire ignorance of a supreme being, but on pressure
+confessed to a very powerful yet benevolent being, the maker of the
+world (ii. 209).
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[284] Beddoe, _Races of Britain_, cap. ii., and _Journ. Anthrop.
+Inst._, xxxv. 236-7; Boyd-Dawkins, _Early Man in Britain_, cap. vii.
+viii. and ix.; Ripley, _Races of Europe_, cap. xii.
+
+[285] Rhys, _Celtic Britain_, 271; Rhys, _Celtic Heathendom_, _passim_;
+Rhys and Jones, _Welsh People_, cap. i. and Appendix B on "Pre-Aryan
+Syntax in Insular Celtic," by Professor Morris Jones.
+
+[286] Barrows, mounds, tumuli, stone circles, monoliths are generally
+admitted to belong to the Stone Age people before the Celts arrived,
+and when they are adequately investigated, as Mr. Arthur Evans has
+investigated Stonehenge (_Archæological Review_, vol. ii. pp. 312-330),
+and the Rollright Stones (_Folklore_, vol. vi. pp. 5-51), the evidence
+of a prehistoric origin is unquestioned.
+
+[287] I have worked out the evidence for this in the _Archæological
+Review_, vol. iii. pp. 217-242, 350-375, and though I do not endorse
+all I have written there, the main points are still, I think, good.
+
+[288] Wallace, _Darwinism_, cap. xv.
+
+[289] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes of Australia_, 12, 272, 324,
+368, 420.
+
+[290] _Descent of Man_, i. cap. vii. 176.
+
+[291] _Cf._ Topinard's _Anthropology_, part iii., "On the Origin of
+Man," pp. 515-535, for the details of the various authorities ranged on
+the sides of monogenists and polygenists.
+
+[292] Keane, _Man, Past and Present_, discusses the important evidence
+obtained by Dr. Dubois from Java, and Dr. Noetling from Upper Burma,
+pp. 5-8. It is only fair to that brilliant scholar, Dr. Latham, to
+point out that without the evidence before him to prove the point, he
+came to the same conclusion that the original home of man was
+"somewhere in intra-tropical Asia, and that it was the single locality
+of a single pair."--Latham, _Man and his Migrations_, 248.
+
+[293] The most recent example of this is Mr. Thomas's extraordinary
+treatment of the evidence of migration in Australia. It produces in his
+mind "novel conditions," but has effects which he cannot neglect, but
+which he strangely misinterprets. N. W. Thomas, _Kinship Organisations
+in Australia_, 27-28.
+
+[294] Spencer, _Principles of Sociology_, i. 18.
+
+[295] Lord Avebury, _Prehistoric Times_, 586.
+
+[296] _Man, Past and Present_, pp. 1, 8.
+
+[297] Latham, _Man and his Migrations_, 155-6.
+
+[298] The ethnographic movement is a very definite fact in
+anthropological evidence, though it has been little noted. Thus "the
+Coles are evidently a good pioneering race, fond of new clearings and
+the luxuriant and easily raised crops of the virgin soil, and have
+constitutions that thrive on malaria, so it is perhaps in the best
+interest of humanity and cause of civilisation that they be kept moving
+by continued Aryan propulsion. Ever armed with bow, arrows, and
+pole-axe, they are prepared to do battle with the beasts of the forest,
+holding even the king of the forest, the 'Bun Rajah,' that is, the
+tiger, in little fear."--Col. Dalton in _Journ. Asiatic Soc., Bengal_,
+xxxiv. 9.
+
+[299] Traditions of great migrations exist among most primitive races.
+Some of these contain unexpected corroboration from actual discoveries.
+Thus the natives of New Zealand had a tradition that their ancestors,
+when they arrived in their canoes some four centuries ago, buried some
+sacred things under a large tree. It is said that the tree was blown
+down in recent times and that the sacred things were discovered. Taplin
+records "a good specimen of the kind of migration which has taken place
+among the aborigines all over the continent" (_The Narrinyeri_, p. 4);
+and similar evidence could be produced in almost every direction. Mr.
+Mathew in _Eaglehawk and Crow_ deals with "the argument from mythology
+and tradition" as to the origin of the Australians in a very suggestive
+fashion (pp. 14-22). Stanley has preserved an African native tradition
+of local groups spreading out from the parent home _(Through the Dark
+Continent_, i. 346).
+
+[300] I am aware this is disputed by O. Peschel--_Races of Man_, 137
+_et seq._--but I think the evidence is sufficient; and it must be
+remembered that there is direct evidence of the most backward races not
+using the fire they possess for cooking, but always eating their animal
+food raw, as, for instance, the Semang people of the Malay Peninsula.
+(See Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_, i. 112.)
+The Andaman Islanders could not make fire, though they possessed and
+kept it alive. This shows that they must have borrowed it and did not
+previously possess it.--Quatrefages, _The Pygmies_, 108. Tylor, _Early
+History of Mankind_, cap. ix., should be consulted.
+
+[301] The term political is, I confess, a little awkward, owing to its
+specially modern use, but it is the only term which, in its early
+sense, expresses the stage of social development represented by a
+polity as distinct from a mere localisation.
+
+[302] It was one of the first efforts of the science of language to
+endeavour to trace out the original home of the so-called Aryas and
+their subsequent migrations. "Emigration," said Bunsen, "is the great
+agent in forming nations and languages" (_Philosophy of Hist._, i. 56);
+and Niebuhr, who has traced out most of the migrations of the Greek
+tribes, observes that "this migration of nations was formerly not
+mentioned anywhere" (_Anc. Hist._, ii. 212). Quite recently, Professor
+Flinders Petrie has worked at the question of European migrations in
+the Huxley lecture of 1907 (_Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, xxxvi. 189-232),
+his valuable maps showing "the movements of twenty of the principal
+peoples that entered Europe during the centuries of great movements
+that are best known to us" (204). In the meantime, the folklorist has
+much to do in this direction, and up to the present he has almost
+entirely ignored or misread the evidence. I do not know whether Mr.
+Nutt would still adhere to his conclusion that the myth embodied in the
+Celtic expulsion-and-return formula is undoubtedly solar (_Folklore
+Record_, iv. 42), but a restatement of Mr. Nutt's careful and elaborate
+analysis would lead me to trace the myth to the migration period of
+Aryan history, just as I agree with von Ihering that the _ver sacrum_
+of the Romans is a rite continued from the migration period to express
+in religious formulæ, and on emergency to again carry out, the ancient
+practice of sending forth from an overstocked centre sufficient of the
+tribesmen and tribeswomen to leave those who remained economically
+well-conditioned (_The Evolution of the Aryan_, 249-290). Pheidon's law
+at Corinth, alluded to by Aristotle (_Pol._, ii. cap. vi.), could only
+be carried out by a sending out of the surplus. See also Aristotle,
+_Pol._, ii. cap. xii.; and Newman's note to the first reference,
+quoting similar laws elsewhere. Both the "junior-right" traditions and
+customs take us back to the same conditions. The occupation of fresh
+territories is an observable feature of the Russian mir (Wallace,
+_Russia_, i. 255; Laveleye _Primitive Property_, 34), and Mr. Chadwick
+has recently called attention to the corresponding Scandinavian
+evidence (_Origin of the English Nation_, 334).
+
+[303] Mr. J. R. Logan long ago pointed out that "the further we go
+back, we find ethnic characteristics more uniform," and further
+concluded that certain facts observed by himself "lead to the inference
+that the Archaic world was connected."--_Journ. Indian Archipelago_,
+iv. 290, 291.
+
+[304] _Descent of Man_, pp. 590, 591.
+
+[305] _Studies in Ancient History_, i. 84.
+
+[306] _History of Human Marriage_, cap. ii.
+
+[307] _Ancient Society_, p. 10.
+
+[308] _Secret of the Totem_, p. 32.
+
+[309] N. W. Thomas, _Kinship Organisation in Australia_, 4.
+
+[310] _Folklore_, xii. 232.
+
+[311] Both Dr. Haddon and myself made the same point on a criticism of
+Mr. Fraser's _Golden Bough_, mine being from the Aricia rites, and Dr.
+Haddon's from the savage parallels thereto. See _Folklore_, xii. 223,
+224, 232.
+
+[312] Sproat's _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, 19. The use of the
+term "tribe" in this quotation is, of course, descriptive only. There
+is no tribal constitution among the Ahts, and "group" would have been
+the preferable term.
+
+[313] Dr. W. H. Rivers' recently published work on the Todas is the
+best authority.
+
+[314] Rivers, _op. cit._, 432, 455.
+
+[315] Rivers, _op. cit._, cap. xxi. 504, 517.
+
+[316] Rivers, _op. cit._, 452-456.
+
+[317] Latham, _Descriptive Ethnology_, ii, 137.
+
+[318] Bucher, _Industrial Evolution_, 56.
+
+[319] Rev. George Taplin, _The Narrinyeri; South Australian
+Aborigines_, 40. _Cf._ Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-east Australia_,
+710-720; Grierson, _The Silent Trade_, 22.
+
+[320] _Cf._ Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Tribes of Malay Peninsula_, i,
+10.
+
+[321] Graham, _Bheel Tribes of Khandesh_, 3.
+
+[322] Herodotos, iv. 180.
+
+[323] _Journ. Asiatic Soc., Bengal_, xiii. 625.
+
+[324] Major Gurdon, _The Khasis_, 76, 82.
+
+[325] N. W. Thomas, _Kinship Organisations in Australia_, 124.
+
+[326] Fustel de Coulange's _Cité Antique_, cap. xiv. and xv., is,
+however, the most exaggerated example of this point of view.
+
+[327] Lang, _Social Origins_, 1. The latest exponent of anthropological
+principles affirms that "the family which exists in the lower stages of
+culture, though it is overshadowed by the other social phenomena, has
+persisted through all the manifold revolutions of society."--N. W.
+Thomas, _Kinship Organisations in Australia_, 1.
+
+[328] Jevons' _Introd. to Hist. of Religion_, 195.
+
+[329] See also Prof. Geikie in _Scottish Geographical Mag._ (Sept.
+1897).
+
+[330] _Early Hist. of Mankind_, 303; MacCulloch, _Childhood of
+Fiction_, 396; Gould, _Mythical Monsters_.
+
+[331] Mr. Westermarck has collected excellent evidence as to the
+economic influences upon savage society (_Hist. of Human Marriage_,
+39-49), and we may quite properly assume the same conditions for
+earliest man.
+
+[332] A very good summary of the pygmy peoples in all parts of the
+world is given by Mr. W. A. Reed in his useful _Negritos of Zambales_,
+13-22. _Cf._ Keane, _Man, Past and Present_, 118-121; Keane,
+_Ethnology_, 246-248; and Sir W. H. Flower, _Essays on Museums_, cap.
+xix.
+
+[333] Latham, _Man and his Migrations_, 55, 56. Dr. Beke was a most
+cautious observer, and I have consulted all his contributions to the
+_Journal of the Geographical Society_ (vol. xiii.) and have found no
+sign of his retraction of the evidence. His correspondence in the
+_Literary Gazette_ of 1843, p. 852, discusses the question of the Dokos
+being pygmies, but he adheres to his information as to the absence of
+social structure being correct.
+
+[334] Lib. ii. 32, 8; _cf._ Quatrefages, _The Pygmies_, cap. 1, "The
+Pygmies of the Ancients."
+
+[335] Lieut.-Col. Sutherland, _Memoir respecting the Kaffirs,
+Hottentots, and Bosjemans_, i. 67 (Cape Town, 1846).
+
+[336] Burrows, _The Land of Pygmies_, 182.
+
+[337] Mr. A. B. Lloyd's volume _In Dwarfland and Cannibal Country_, p.
+96, is the most recent evidence.
+
+[338] It is worth noting here that the Chinese traditions of the
+pygmies are exceedingly suggestive and curious. See Moseley, _Notes by
+a Naturalist_, 369.
+
+[339] Skeat and Blagden, _Malay Peninsula_, ii. 443.
+
+[340] _Journ. Indian Archipelago_, iv. 425-427; _cf._ _Journ. Anthrop.
+Inst._, xvi. 228; Wallace, _Malay Archipelago_, 452.
+
+[341] Clifford, _In Court and Kampong_, 171-181.
+
+[342] Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of Malay Peninsula_, i. 13.
+
+[343] _Op. cit._, i. 53-4, 139, 169, 172, 341.
+
+[344] _Op. cit._, i. 170.
+
+[345] _Op. cit._, i. 243-248, 268.
+
+[346] _Op. cit._, i. 494; ii. 56, 218.
+
+[347] _Op. cit._, ii. 3. Compare _Journ. Indian Archipelago_, iv. 427,
+"they are called after particular trees, that is, if a child is born
+under or near a cocoanut or durian, or any particular tree in the
+forest, it is named accordingly," and John Anderson, _Considerations
+relative to Malayan Peninsula_, 1824, p. xli.
+
+[348] _Op. cit._, ii. 4, 192, 194.
+
+[349] _Op. cit._, ii. 174, 209.
+
+[350] _Archæological Review_, i. 13, from an official report published
+in a Government Blue Book.
+
+[351] Brinton, _The American Race_; Curtin, _Creation Myths of
+Primitive America_.
+
+[352] Darwin, _Journal of Researches_, 228.
+
+[353] _Anthropological Inst._, vii. 502-510.
+
+[354] Quatrefages, _The Pygmies_, 24, 48, 69.
+
+[355] There is ample evidence of this characteristic. Thus, of the
+Australians of Port Lincoln district, it is said that "the habit of
+constantly changing their place of rest is so great that they cannot
+overcome it even if staying where all their wants can be abundantly
+supplied."--_Trans. Roy. Soc., Victoria_, v. 178.
+
+[356] _Fortnightly Review_, lxxviii. 455.
+
+[357] _Secret of the Totem_, 125, 140.
+
+[358] _British Association Report_, 1902, p. 745. _Cf._ Spencer and
+Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, 160.
+
+[359] Lang, _Secret of the Totem_, 140, quoting Grey, _Vocabulary of
+the Dialects of South-west Australia_.
+
+[360] Spencer and Gillen, _Tribes of Central Australia_, 119.
+
+[361] The reader should consult Mason's _Women's Share in Primitive
+Culture_, and Bucher's _Industrial Evolution_, for evidence on this
+point.
+
+[362] Livingstone, _South Africa_, 462.
+
+[363] Sleeman, _Rambles of an Indian Official_, i. 43. "Banotsarg is
+the name given to the marriage ceremony performed in honour of a newly
+planted orchard, without which preliminary observance it is not proper
+to partake of its fruit. A man holding the Salagram personates the
+bridegroom, and another holding the sacred Tulsi personates the bride.
+After burning a hom or sacrificial fire, the officiating Brahmin puts
+the usual questions to the couple about to be united. The bride then
+perambulates a small spot marked out in the centre of the orchard.
+Proceeding from the south towards the west, she makes the circuit three
+times, followed at a short distance by the bridegroom holding in his
+hand a strip of her chadar of garment. After this, the bridegroom takes
+precedence, making his three circuits, and followed in like manner by
+his bride. The ceremony concludes with the usual offerings" (Elliot,
+_Folklore of North-west Provinces of India_, i. 234).
+
+[364] Myths explaining the domestication of animals belong to this
+stage of culture. The dog is a sacred animal among the Khasis, with
+certain totemic associations, and there is a very realistic and
+humanising myth relating how the dog came to be regarded as the friend
+of man (Gurdon, _The Khasis_, 51, 172-3). The Kyeng creation legend
+includes a good example of animal friendship with man (Lewin, _Wild
+Races of South-east India_, 238-9). The American creation myths afford
+remarkable testimony to this view of the case. "Game and fish of all
+sorts were under direct divine supervision ... maize or Indian corn is
+a transformed god who gave himself to be eaten to save men from hunger
+and death" (Curtin, _Creation Myths of Primitive America_, pp. xxvi,
+xxxviii). The Narrinyeri Australians "do not appear to have any story
+of the origin of the world, but nearly all animals they suppose
+anciently to have been men who performed great prodigies, and at last
+transformed themselves into different kinds of animals and stones"
+(Taplin, _The Narrinyeri_, 59).
+
+[365] _Legend of Perseus_, i. cap. vi.
+
+[366] _Secret of the Totem_, 29.
+
+[367] Mitchell, _Australian Expeditions_, i. 307; _cf._ Fison and
+Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, 200, 224; Taplin, _The Narrinyeri_, 10.
+
+[368] Curr, _Australian Race_, i. p. 193; _cf._ Smyth, _Aborigines of
+Victoria_, ii. p. 316.
+
+[369] Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, 66, 285, 289.
+
+[370] Fison and Howitt, _op. cit._, 68, 73.
+
+[371] Lang, _Secret of the Totem_, 64.
+
+[372] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes_, 7.
+
+[373] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes_, 120, 124, 133.
+
+[374] _Globus_, xci, a very important criticism of Spencer and Gillen's
+work.
+
+[375] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._, 139, 154.
+
+[376] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, 144.
+
+[377] _Globus_, xci, gives important evidence of traces of female descent
+among the Arunta.
+
+[378] There is conflict of testimony on this point. Spencer and Gillen
+deny that the Arunta recognise the fact of paternity in any way (see
+_Northern Tribes_, pp. xiii, 145, 330), and yet talk of the "actual
+father" in ceremonial functions (p. 361).
+
+[379] Skeat and Blagden, _Malay Peninsula_, ii. 218.
+
+[380] Newbold, _Political and State Acc. of Malacca_, ii.; Skeat and
+Blagden, _op. cit._, ii. 56.
+
+[381] Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes_, 36, give a useful
+note on this point.
+
+[382] In this they are exactly paralleled by the Khasi people of Assam,
+among whom we find a limited sort of male chiefship by succession
+through females, and an absolute succession to property by females by
+succession through females (Gurdon, _The Khasis_, 68, 88). Descent from
+the female is absolute in both cases, and all we get is male
+ascendancy.
+
+[383] _Secret of the Totem_, 73.
+
+[384] _Op. cit._, 79.
+
+[385] Lang, _Secret of the Totem_, 148.
+
+[386] _Central Tribes_, 72. Mrs. Langloh Parker's information as to the
+origin of the Euahlayi two-class division having arisen from an
+amalgamation of two distinct tribes, points to the same
+facts.--_Euahlayi Tribe_, 12.
+
+[387] Spencer and Gillen, _Tribes of Central Australia_, 96, 99, 106.
+
+[388] Lang's Introd. to Bolland's _Aristotle's Politics_ (1877), p.
+104; Grant Allen's _Anglo-Saxon Britain_ (1888), pp. 79-83.
+
+[389] _Topography of Ireland_, lib. ii. cap. 19.
+
+[390] _Hist. of Ireland_, ii. 361.
+
+[391] _Irish Nennius_, p. 205; Lang, _Custom and Myth_, p. 265; _Revue
+Celtique_, ii. 202.
+
+[392] _View of the State of Ireland_, p. 99.
+
+[393] Moryson, _Hist. of Ireland_, ii. 367.
+
+[394] Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme_, 204.
+
+[395] Camden, _Britannia_, iii. 455; iv. 459.
+
+[396] The significance of the word "gossip" is worth noting. Halliwell
+says it "signified a _relation_ or sponsor in baptism, all of whom were
+to each other and to the parents _God-sibs_, that is, _sib_, or related
+by means of religion." This meaning does not seem to have died out in
+the days of Spenser, and his use of the word to describe the
+relationship of the men of Ossory to wolves is very significant. For
+the history of this important word see Hearn's _Aryan Household_, 290.
+
+[397] Otway, _Sketches in Erris_, 383-4.
+
+[398] _Folklore Record_, iv. 98.
+
+[399] _Ulster Journ. Arch._, ii. 161, 162. They have also another
+primitive trait. Their trade emblems are carved on their tombstones.
+_Roy. Irish Acad._, vii. 260.
+
+[400] This I gather from _Ulster Journ. Arch._, ii. 164, where it is
+stated that the hare is unpropitious.
+
+[401] _Folklore Journal_, ii. 259.
+
+[402] _Folklore Journal_, ii. 259; _Folklore Record_, iv. 104. Miss
+Ffennell kindly informed me at the meeting of the Folklore Society
+where I read a paper on the subject, that she had frequently heard the
+islanders of Achill, off the coast of Ireland, state their belief that
+they were descended from seals.
+
+[403] Published by the _Irish Archæological Society_, p. 27; there is a
+Seal Island off the coast of Donegal (Joyce, _Irish Place-Names_, ii.
+282); and some Shetland legends of the seal will be found in _Soc.
+Antiq. Scot._, i. 86-89. Seals are eaten for food in the island of
+Harris (see Martin, _Western Islands_, 36), and one called the Virgin
+Mary's Seal is offered to the minister (Reeves, _Adamnan Vita.
+Columb._, 78, note _g_). The attitude of the Irish to seals is shown by
+the two following notes:--"At Erris, in Ireland, seals are considered
+to be human beings under enchantment, and they consider it unlucky to
+have anything to do with seals, and to have one live near their
+dwelling is considered as productive of evil to life and property. A
+story current, in 1841, describes how a young fisherman came in a fog
+upon an island whereon lived these enchanted men in their human form,
+but when they quitted it they turned to seals again" (Otway, _Sketches
+of Erris_, 398, 403). Off Downpatrick Head they used to take seals, but
+have given up the practice, because once two young fellows had urged
+their curraghs into a cave where the seals were known to breed, and
+they were killing them right and left when, in the farthest end of the
+cave and sitting up on its bent tail in a corner, there sat an old
+seal. One of the boys was just making ready to strike him, when the
+seal cried out, "Och, boys! och, ma bouchals, spare your old
+grandfather, Darby O'Dowd." He then proceeded to tell the boys his
+story. "It's true I was dead and dacently buried, but here I am for my
+sins turned into a sale as other sinners are and will be, and if you
+put an end to me and skin me maybe it's worser I'll be, and go into a
+shark or a porpoise. Lave your ould forefather where he is, to live out
+his time as a sale. Maybe for your own sakes you will ever hereafter
+leave off following and parsecuting and murthering sales who may be
+nearer to yourselves nor you think." The story is universally believed,
+and on the strength of it the people have given up seal hunting (Otway,
+_Sketches of Erris_, 230).
+
+[404] _Kinship and Marriage in Arabia_, 188. _Cf._ Mr. Jacobs' articles
+in _Archæological Review_, "Are there totem clans in the Old
+Testament?" vol. iii. pp. 145-164.
+
+[405] _Origins of English History_, 297.
+
+[406] _Proc. Roy. Irish Acad._, x. 436; Lang's _Custom and Myth_, 265;
+Elton's _Origins of English History_, 299-300; _Revue Celtique_, i. 50;
+iii. 176.
+
+[407] _Rev. Celtique_, vi. 232.
+
+[408] Aubrey's _Remaines of Gentilisme_, 102.
+
+[409] _Folklore Record_, i. 243.
+
+[410] Xiphilinus in _Mon. Hist. Brit._, p. lvii.
+
+[411] _Choice Notes, Folklore_, p. 16.
+
+[412] _Vulgar Errors_, p. 320.
+
+[413] Aubrey, _Gentilisme and Judaisme_, 109; Napier, _Folklore of West
+of Scotland_, 26. Consult Mr. Billson's valuable paper on "The Easter
+Hare" in _Folklore_, iii. 441-466.
+
+[414] Gregor, _Folklore of North-East Scotland_, 129, 199.
+
+[415] O'Curry, _Manners of the Anc. Irish_, i. p. ccclxx.
+
+[416] _Notes and Queries_, 3rd ser. iv. 82, 158; Dyer's _Popular
+Customs_, 384.
+
+[417] Gordon Cumming, _Hebrides_, 369.
+
+[418] Gordon Cumming, _Hebrides_, 369.
+
+[419] _Gentleman's Magazine Library, Pop. Sup._, 216.
+
+[420] It will be useful to refer to Mr. Thrupp's paper on "British
+Superstition as to Hares, Geese, and Poultry" in _Trans. Ethnological
+Society of London_, new ser. vol. v. pp. 162-167.
+
+[421] _Origins of English History_, 170.
+
+[422] Gordon Cumming, _Hebrides_, 365.
+
+[423] Dalyell's _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, 431. It should be
+noted that Dalyell wrote before the age of scientific folklore, and
+therefore his observations are founded more upon conjectures derived
+from the practices and beliefs themselves than from any theory as to
+origins.
+
+[424] White horse, p. 208; black cat, p. 211, note 3; two magpies, p.
+224; crickets, p. 238; hawthorn, p. 244.
+
+[425] _Fortnightly Review_, xii. 562.
+
+[426] It is just possible that the value of investigating Australian
+totemism may prove to have a still more direct bearing upon British
+folklore, for Huxley's opinion as to the Australoid race is not
+entirely to be neglected. He argued that "The Australoid race are dark
+complexion, ranging through various shades of light and dark chocolate
+colour; dark or black eyes; the hair of the scalp black and soft, silky
+and wavy; the skull dolichocephalic. The great continent of Australia
+is the headquarters of the Australoid race.... The Dekkan, which is so
+remarkably isolated on the north by the valleys of the Ganges and
+Indus, beyond these by the Himalaya Mountains, and on the east and west
+by the sea, was originally inhabited, and is still largely peopled by
+men who completely come under the definition of the Australoid race
+given above. In Abyssinia and Egypt there is a smooth-haired,
+dark-complexioned, long-headed stock which I am strongly inclined to
+regard as a westward extension of the Australoid race. I would venture
+to suggest that the dark whites who stretch from Northern Hindostan
+through Western Asia, skirt both shores of the Mediterranean, and
+extend through Western Europe to Ireland, may have had their origin in
+a prolongation of the Australoid race, which has become modified by
+selection or intermixture" (Huxley in _Prehistoric Congress, 1868_, pp.
+92-94). This point of view is confirmed by Mr. Mathew's conclusions,
+_Eaglehawk and Crow_, cap. iii.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+SOCIOLOGICAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+Perhaps the most important part of the anthropological aspect of
+custom, rite, and belief in tradition is sociological. Perhaps, too,
+it is the most neglected. Inquirers into the origin of religion
+proceed one after the other to investigate the phenomena of early
+beliefs as they interpret the origin of religion, without one thought
+of the sociological conditions of the problem. They interpose, as I
+have already pointed out, the theory of a state religion, when such a
+foundation is incidentally found to be necessary to carry the imposing
+superstructure of Celtic mythology, but they do not pause to inquire
+whether the state, suddenly introduced into the argument, is a
+discoverable factor; or they proceed to erect their superstructure of
+religious origins without any social foundation whatever, and we are
+left with a great concept of abstract thought having no roots in the
+source from which it is supposed to be drawn. The sun-god and the
+dawn-god, even the All-father, are traced in the most primitive
+thought of man, but it is not deemed necessary to show in what
+relation these concepts stand to practical life. It is here I must
+refer back to Robertson-Smith's dictum on mythology, for it is the
+necessary preliminary to showing that belief cannot enter into life
+except through the sociological units into which all humanity fits
+itself; or rather, I would prefer Robertson-Smith's way of putting it,
+"the circle into which a man was born was not simply a human society,
+a circle of kinfolk and fellow-citizens, but embraced also certain
+divine beings, the gods of the family and the state, which to the
+ancient mind were as much a part of the particular community with
+which they stood connected as the human members of the social
+group."[427] Any proposal to examine a group of customs, beliefs, and
+rites which at their origin take us back to the earliest history of a
+country must, therefore, be considered from the sociological side. The
+great mass of the material to be used in such an inquiry is not
+ancient so far as its date of record is a test of antiquity, but it is
+ancient as traditional survival, and it is not possible to trace back
+custom and belief surviving in modern times to the earliest times,
+except through the medium of the institutions which formed the social
+basis of the peoples to whom such custom and belief belonged. A custom
+or belief exists as a living force before it sinks back into the
+position of a survival. It is the lingering effect of this living
+force which helps to preserve it for so many ages, and in the midst of
+such adverse circumstances, as a survival among other customs and
+beliefs existing under a different living force. It is not possible,
+therefore, to ascertain the origin of custom or belief in survival,
+except as a fragment of the social institution to which it originally
+belonged. No custom or belief has a life of its own separate from all
+other. It is joined to other customs and beliefs in indissoluble
+co-partnership, the whole group making up the institutions under which
+the race or people to whom they belong live and flourish. This, as we
+have already seen, is a most important principle in the study of
+survivals. Not only is it strictly true of all primitive peoples, but
+it is true of the early stages of more advanced communities.[428]
+Indeed it has been put into a phrase used long ago by an English
+writer on the manorial tenant, "His religion is a part of his
+copyhold,"[429] and when the jurist talks to us in highly technical
+language of lords, freeholders, villans, and serfs, we must bear in
+mind that at any rate these villans and serfs belonged to a social
+institution, one element of which was religion. So, too, must the
+folklorist bear in mind that it is not the individual belief he is
+concerned with, but with the belief that belongs to a community. It
+must be assumed that the true test of the antiquity of every custom or
+belief is its natural and easy assimilation with other customs and
+beliefs, equally with itself in the position of a survival, and the
+recognition of the whole group thus brought into relationship as
+belonging to the institutions of the people from whom it is derived.
+
+It is well to understand what this condition of things exactly means
+as an element in the study of early beliefs. It will be dealing with
+beliefs from their place in the social habitat; housing them, so to
+speak, within the groups of human beings with which they are
+connected. It will be considering them as part of the living organism
+which the social units of man have created. All this indicates a
+method of treating the subject entirely different from what has
+hitherto obtained. Students of early English institutions are content
+to construct elaborate arguments from the often conflicting testimony
+of historical authorities; students of early beliefs construct
+elaborate systems of religious thought far above the custom and rite
+with which they are dealing. The two branches of the same subject are
+never brought together to illustrate each other. Early institutions
+cannot be separated from early beliefs. Early beliefs cannot properly
+be separated from the society of which they form a component part. We
+require to know not only what beliefs a particular people possess, but
+in what manner these beliefs generate custom and rite and take their
+place among the influences which affect the social organism. Early man
+does not live individually. His life is part of a collective group.
+The group worships collectively as it lives collectively, and it is
+extremely important to work out the dual conditions. If the several
+items of custom and belief preserved by tradition are really ancient
+in their origin, they must be floating fragments, as it were, of an
+ancient _system_ of custom and belief--the cultus of the people among
+whom they originated. This cultus has been destroyed, struggling
+unsuccessfully against foreign and more vigorous systems of religion
+and society. To be of service to history each floating fragment of
+ancient custom and belief must not only be labelled "ancient," but it
+must be placed back in the system from which it has been torn away. To
+do this is to a great extent to restore the ancient system; and to
+restore an ancient system of culture, even if the restoration be only
+a mosaic and a shattered mosaic, is to bring into evidence the people
+to which it belongs.
+
+In the previous chapter it was necessary to lay somewhat special
+stress upon the system of social organisation known as totemism, which
+was not founded upon kinship. This was traced in survival among the
+pre-Celtic peoples of Britain. If we now turn to the Celts and Teutons
+of Britain we shall find that we have to deal with a social
+organisation founded definitely upon kinship; and if there are
+survivals of belief, custom, and rite, derived from this kinship
+system, existing side by side in the same culture area with survivals
+from the kinless system, it will be necessary to explain how two such
+opposite streams can have been kept flowing.
+
+It is not difficult in the case of countries occupied by Celtic or
+Teutonic peoples to ascertain what the particular institution was
+which linked together the beliefs of the people, though it is not easy
+to trace out all the phases of it. It is the tribe--that system of
+society which appears as the means by which Greek and Roman, Celt and
+Teuton, Scandinavian and Slav, Hindu and Persian, were able to
+conquer, overrun, and finally to settle in the lands which they have
+made their own. We know something of the Celtic tribe, less of the
+Teutonic tribe, but all we know is that it possesses features in
+common with the tribe of its kindred. There is no fact more certainly
+true as a result of comparative research than that the tribe is the
+common heritage of those people who have become the dominant rulers of
+the Indo-European world. I use this term "tribe" in no formal sense,
+not in the sense of its Roman derivation and use, which shows it quite
+as a secondary institution, but as the most convenient term to define
+that grouping of men with wives, families, and descendants, and all
+the essentials of independent life, which is found as a primal unit of
+European society in a state of unsettlement as regards land or
+country. The tie which bound all together was personal not local,
+kinship with a tribal god, kinship more or less real with
+fellow-tribesmen, kinship in status and rights. We meet with this
+tribal organisation everywhere in Indo-European history. It made
+movement from country to country possible. It made conquest possible.
+Celt and Teuton did not conquer in families any more than Greek or
+Hindu did. They conquered in tribes, and it was because of the
+strength of the tribal organisation during the period, first of
+migration and wandering and then of conquest, that the settlement
+after conquest was possible and was so strong. Everywhere we find
+these people conquerors and settlers. In India, in Iran, in Greece and
+Rome, in Scandinavia, in Celtic and Teutonic Europe, in Slavic Europe,
+they are moving tribes of conquerors come to settle and rule the
+people they conquer.[430] When Dr. Ridgeway asks whence came the
+Acheans,[431] he answers the question much in the same fashion as that
+in which Dr. Duncker describes the settlement on the Ganges:--
+
+      "The ancient population of the new states on the
+      Ganges was not entirely extirpated, expelled, or
+      enslaved. Life and freedom were allowed to those who
+      submitted and conformed to the law of the conqueror;
+      they might pass their lives as servants on the farms
+      of the Aryas (Manu, i. 91). But though the remnant of
+      this population was spared, the whole body of the
+      immigrants looked down on them with the pride of
+      conquerors--of superiority in arms, blood, and
+      character--and in contrast to them they called
+      themselves Vaiçyas, i.e. tribesmen, comrades, in other
+      words those who belong to the community or body of
+      rulers. Whether the Vaiçya belonged to the order of
+      the nobles, the minstrels and priests or peasants, was
+      a matter of indifference, he regarded the old
+      inhabitants as an inferior species of mankind.... In
+      the new states on the Ganges therefore the population
+      was separated into two sharply divided masses. How
+      could the conquerors mix with the conquered? How could
+      their pride stoop to any union with the despised
+      servants?"[432]
+
+These two divided masses thus so clearly described were, in fact,
+tribesmen and non-tribesmen, just that distinction which we meet with
+in Celtic and Teutonic law, and described in the same terms which
+Bishop Stubbs was obliged to use when he set forth the facts of the
+Teutonic invasion of Britain.
+
+The terms are indeed necessary terms. Tribesmen capable of retaining
+the tribal organisation during the period of migration and conquest
+did not lightly lose that organisation when they settled. In Sir
+Alfred Lyall's pure genealogic clan of Central India[433] I recognise
+the unbroken tribal formation before the family group has arisen as a
+political unit. In Mr. Tupper's argument against the conclusions of
+Sir Henry Maine I recognise the Hindu evidence that the tribe was the
+earliest social group, breaking up, as later influences arose, into
+village communities and joint families.[434] In Bishop Stubbs's
+masterly analysis of English constitutional history the tribe appears
+at the outset--"the invaders," he says, "came in families and kindreds
+and in the full organisation of their tribes ... the tribe was as
+complete when it had removed to Kent as when it stayed in Jutland; the
+magistrate was the ruler of the tribe not of the soil; the divisions
+were those of the folk and the host not of the land; the laws were the
+usage of the nation not of the territory."[435] And so I agree with
+Mr. Skene as to the Celtic tribe that "the tuath or tribe preceded the
+fine or clan,"[436] and with the editors of the Irish law tracts that
+"the tribe existed before the family came into being and continued to
+exist after the latter had been dissolved."[437]
+
+We need not go beyond this evidence. The tribe is the common form into
+which the early Indo-European peoples grouped themselves for the
+purpose of conquest and settlement. It was their primal unit. It may
+have been numerically large or small. It may have been the result of
+a combination of many smaller tribes into one great tribe. But in any
+case and under any conditions there stands out the tribal
+organisation, that great institutional force from which spring all
+later institutions. Its roots go back into the remotest past of
+Indo-European history; its active force caused the Indo-European
+people to become the mightiest in human history; its lasting results
+have scarcely yet ceased to shape the aspirations of political society
+and to affect the destinies of nations. The whole life of the early
+period was governed by tribal conditions--the political, social,
+legal, and even religious conceptions were tribal in form and
+expression.
+
+The tribal institution of the Aryan-speaking peoples includes a life
+outside the tribe. That was an outlaw's life, a kinless outcast, whom
+no tribesman would look upon or assist, whom every tribesman
+considered as an enemy until he had reduced him to the position of
+helot or slave, but for whom every tribe had a place in its
+organisation and a legal status in its constitution. But it was the
+legal status imposed by the master over the servant, and the kinless
+included not only the outcast from the tribe, but the conquered
+aboriginal who had never been within the tribe. It is important to
+notice this, for it to some extent measures the strength of the tribal
+organisation. It not only allowed for a special position for all
+tribesmen, but it allowed for that position to have a definite
+relationship to persons who were not tribesmen, and it is in the
+combined forces of tribesmen and non-tribesmen that the tribal
+organisation which swept over part of Asia and over all Europe obtains
+its greatest power. There are tribal systems outside the Semitic and
+the Indo-European, but these do not have the distinctive features that
+the tribal systems of these two great civilising peoples possess. Like
+the Semitic and Aryan tribal systems, savage tribes are fashioned for
+conquest, but, unlike them, they are not fashioned for settlement and
+resettlement, and perhaps again and again conquest and resettlement.
+They spent all their power, or most of their power, in their one great
+effort of conquest, and whether we turn to the American Indian tribes,
+to the African tribes, or to the Asiatic tribes we find the same facts
+of frequent dissipation of power after sudden and complete conquest of
+it. The tribal system which led to civilisation has a different
+history. It has, too, a different constitution in that to the strength
+of tribesmen was added the subordination--politically, industrially,
+and economically--of non-tribesmen. They were the people who, in the
+terms of the northern poem,
+
+        "Laid fences,
+      Enriched the plough lands,
+      Tended swine,
+      Herded goats,
+      Dug peat."[438]
+
+Unfortunately the institution of the tribe has never been properly
+studied by the great authorities in history, and students are left
+without guidance in this important matter. And yet in any attempt to
+get back to the earliest period of history in lands governed by an
+Aryan-speaking people we must proceed, can only proceed, on the basis
+of the tribe, and it is the failure to understand this which has made
+so much early history unsatisfactory and inconclusive and compels us
+to the conclusion that the master-hand is still needed to rewrite in
+terms of tribal history all that has been written in terms merely of
+political history.
+
+If, however, history from the written records is thus at fault, so too
+is history from the traditional records. No systematic effort has been
+made to treat the traditional story or the traditional custom and
+belief as part of the tribal history of our race, and yet in the few
+cases where it has been so treated the results are obviously
+satisfactory. I can illustrate the value of this point of view by an
+example drawn from the period which witnessed the earliest struggles
+of our race. I think with Mr. Keary that in those German stories
+"which delight above all things in that portrait of the youngest son
+of the house--he is the youngest of three--who is left behind despised
+and neglected when his brothers go forth to seek their fortunes," we
+have traces of a veritable fact, of an historical condition where the
+elder sons actually went forth to conquest and to settlement and the
+youngest son remained in the original home as the hearth-child.[439]
+The position of hearth-child, surviving as it does in our law of
+Borough English, is of great significance, and that we can by the aid
+of tradition reach a state of society which gave birth to it is a
+point of the greatest importance, even if we could go no further. But
+there is a stage beyond it. The majority of these youngest-son
+stories relate to events not to be identified with any particular
+tribe or people, but which belong to all the tribes and peoples whose
+course of conquest and settlement took the common form. But if apart
+from these all-world stories there exist stories, or if there be but
+one story which has become identified with an episode, a person, or a
+place belonging to a particular people, we may claim it as part of the
+history of that particular people. It may be that the general story
+has become specialised in this one case, or it may be that an entirely
+new story has sprung out of the special case. But whichever be the
+origin of such a story attached to a particular people, it must tell
+us something of that people at a period when its history was being
+made rather than recorded. What it tells may be very little, may not
+lead up to anything very great or definite, so far as later history is
+concerned; but that for the period to which it belongs it relates to
+an episode worthy to have been kept in the memories of the descendants
+of the chief actors in the events is the point to bear in mind.
+
+There is one such story which belongs to English history. One of the
+most famous of these youngest-son stories is that of Childe Rowland,
+and Mr. Jacobs, on examining its incidents and details, suggests that
+"our story may have a certain amount of historic basis and give a
+record which history fails to give of the very earliest conflict of
+races in these isles."[440] Mr. Jacobs gives good grounds for this
+conclusion, and shows up a picture of earliest English history which
+is certainly not contained elsewhere, and we are able by this means
+to pass from that large group of youngest-son stories, which have
+brought with them living testimony of an ancient institution of our
+race in its oldest home, to the narrower but more direct example which
+comes to us from events which happened just at the dawn of history in
+our own land. It is not necessary to emphasise the importance of this
+service to history at the instance of tradition, for it will be
+obvious to every student that many a struggle must have remained
+unrecorded and many a hero must have died unnamed in the events which
+belong to the period of tribal conquest and settlement. And to have
+still with us the far-off echo of these events is no slight
+encouragement to an inquiry which has for its object the
+reconstruction of the conditions under which such events took place.
+
+This would be all the better understood if we could get a concrete
+case for illustration, and, fortunately, this is possible by turning
+to the evidence of India. "What we know of the manner in which the
+states of Upper India were founded," says Sir Alfred Lyall,
+
+      "gives a very fair sample of the movements and changes
+      of the primitive world. When the dominant Rajput
+      families lost their dominion in the rich Gangetic
+      plains one part of their clan seems to have remained
+      in the conquered country, having submitted to the
+      foreigner, cultivating in strong communities of
+      villages and federations of villages and paying such
+      land tax as the ruler could extract. Another part of
+      the clan, probably the near kinsmen of the defeated
+      chief, followed his family into exile, and helped him
+      to carve out another, but a much poorer, dominion.
+      Here the chief built himself a fort upon the hill; his
+      clansmen slew or subdued the tribes they found in
+      possession of the soil, and the lands were all
+      parcelled off among the chief's kinsfolk, the
+      indigenous proprietors being subjected to payment of a
+      land tax, but not otherwise degraded. When the land
+      grew too strait for the support of the chief's family
+      or of the sept--that is, when there were no vacant
+      allotments, a landless son of the chief would assemble
+      a band, and set forth to make room for himself
+      elsewhere."[441]
+
+The evidence from India is fact, the evidence from England is
+tradition, and yet I do not think any student will deny that both fact
+and tradition are part and parcel of the same conditions of society,
+the same forces operating upon the same material. The conditions of
+society in both cases are tribal conditions, and the common factor
+having thus been discovered, it is possible to determine not only the
+inter-relationship between fact and tradition, but the means by which
+we may estimate the value of both.
+
+We cannot, however, stop here. I carry on the same argument from the
+traditional legend to the traditional custom and belief, and affirm
+that it is only by their position as part of the tribal system that
+custom and belief in survival must be tested. If they have descended
+from early Celtic or Teutonic custom and belief, they have descended
+from tribal custom and belief, and somewhere in the stages of descent
+will be found the link which connects them definitely with the tribe.
+That not all custom and belief has so descended is due to the fact
+that much of it belongs to the pre-Celtic period, which was not
+tribal; some of it, no doubt, to comparatively modern times, when, as
+we have already seen, superstition had taken the place of thought,
+while some phases of early belief belong to conditions which
+transcend the division between pre-Aryan and Aryan folk. On this I
+will say something by way of explanation presently. In the meantime it
+is an extremely important task to classify survivals into tribal and
+non-tribal groups. Those which belong to Celtic or Teutonic origins
+must show their tribal origin, for they could not have come into
+existence apart from the tribe, and apart from the tribe they could
+not have survived after the break-up of the tribe consequent upon the
+development of national and political life. Custom and belief which do
+not fit into the ancient tribal system, therefore, cannot be
+recognised as ancient Celtic or ancient Teutonic custom and belief,
+and contrariwise when it is seen that they naturally fall into this
+system it may be argued that there we must search for their origin.
+Our Anglo-Saxon forefathers have left a curious testimony to this view
+of the question in their word "holy" or wholesome. What is wholesome
+is so for the whole group. The Anglo-Saxon idea of holiness implies as
+its chief element relation to the tribal life.[442]
+
+The classification of survivals in folklore into tribal and non-tribal
+items is a lengthy and intricate process. Some years ago I made a
+start in a study of fire worship which I presented to the British
+Association,[443] and I hope shortly to be ready with a volume on
+_Tribal Custom_, which will embody a fuller study of fire worship and
+its accompanying beliefs, together with a complete study of all the
+remains of traditional custom, rite, and belief, which only as the
+detritus of the ancient tribal organisation receive adequate
+explanation of their presence in the midst of modern political and
+religious institutions. If I leave this part of my subject without
+further illustration in this present volume, I must add one important
+note upon the persistence of survivals of both kinless and kinship
+societies. I have shown that the tribal system of the advanced races
+included provision for non-tribesmen, provision which kept
+non-tribesmen outside the tribal bond, and at the same time kept them
+tied to the tribe by using them as the necessary dependent adjunct of
+the tribe, using them as bondmen and serfs in point of fact. This
+extremely important factor in the history of the tribal organisation,
+which has not been properly noticed by the few authorities who have
+investigated tribal institutions, receives additional importance when
+viewed from the standpoint of folklore, for it allows for the
+preservation of non-tribal cults side by side with tribal cults.
+Non-tribesmen preserved their custom, belief, and rite simply because
+they were not admitted to the custom, belief, and rite of the tribe,
+and this is the explanation of the existence, in survival, of folklore
+which goes back to pre-Celtic times. Some of this pre-Celtic folklore
+we have already had before us, and some of it I have studied in my
+_Ethnology in Folklore_. Later on I shall have something more to say
+on the subject. Here it is only necessary to emphasise the importance
+of having ascertained why it is that the Celtic conquerors of Britain
+and the earliest tribal conquerors of the Indo-European world
+generally permitted to live in their midst what in a sense was opposed
+to all that they believed, to all that they practised, to all that
+governed them in thought and action.
+
+I think this is a strong position upon which to conduct folklore
+research. It includes the whole of the historical position; it takes
+due count of historical facts instead of ignoring them. It is based
+upon a scientific conception of the meaning of a survival of culture.
+A survival is that which has been left stranded amidst the development
+that is going on around. Its future life is not one of development but
+of decay. We are not dealing with the evolution of society, but with
+the decaying fragments of a social system which has passed away. We
+have to trace out its line of decay from the point where it almost
+vanishes as the mere superstition or practice of a peasant or an
+outcast, back to phases where it exists in more strenuous fashion, and
+finally back to its original position as part and parcel of a living
+social fabric. Moreover, the strength of our position is based upon a
+scientific conception of the development of the nation or people among
+whom survivals exist. It is not all parts of the nation which develop
+at the same rate, at the same time, and for the same period. There are
+social strata in every country, and it is the observance of these
+strata which has made it possible for the inquirer of to-day to use
+the evidence they afford for historical purposes.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[427] _Religion of the Semites_, 30. It is worth while quoting here
+Merivale's note in his Boyle lectures, _Conversion of the Northern
+Nations_, 122. "Pagan temples were always the public works of nations
+and communities. They were national buildings dedicated to national
+purposes. The mediæval churches, on the other hand, were the erection
+of individuals, monuments of personal piety, tokens of the hope of a
+personal reward." _Cf._ Stanley, _Hist. Westminster Abbey_, 12.
+
+[428] Mr. Granger has a very instructive passage on this point in his
+_Worship of the Romans_, 210-214; _cf._ Robertson-Smith, _Religion of
+the Semites_, lec. ii.; Mr. MacDonald, _Africana_, i. 64, notes, too,
+that "the natives worship not so much individually as in villages or
+communities." Prof. Sayce, studying early religion, says in its outward
+form it "was made up of rites and ceremonies which could only be
+performed collectively."--_Science of Language_, ii. 290.
+
+[429] Clarke's _Survey of the Lakes_, 36.
+
+[430] Pritchard's _Researches into the Physical Hist. of Mankind_, vol.
+iii., may still be consulted for an account of the tribal movements in
+Europe.
+
+[431] _Early Age of Greece_, i. cap. iv.
+
+[432] _History of Antiquity_, iv. 116-17.
+
+[433] _Asiatic Studies_, i. 173.
+
+[434] _Punjab Customary Law_, ii. 3-59. _Cf._ Baden-Powell's _Indian
+Vill. Com._, 230; Duncker, _Hist. Antiq._, iv. 115-17.
+
+[435] Stubbs's _Const. Hist._, i. 64. _Cf. Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law_,
+12.
+
+[436] _Celtic Scotland_, iii. 137, note 4.
+
+[437] _Anc. Laws of Ireland_, iv. p. 77. _Cf._ also Mr. Andrews' _Old
+English Manor_, p. 20, and Meyer, _Geschichte der Alterthums_, 2-3.
+
+[438] Du Chaillu, _The Viking Age_, i. 488.
+
+[439] Keary, _Origin of Primitive Belief_, 464-5. Mr. MacCulloch,
+_Childhood of Fiction_, devotes a chapter to the clever-youngest-son
+group of tales (cap. xiii.), which should be consulted.
+
+[440] _Folklore_, ii. 194.
+
+[441] Sir A. Lyall, _Asiatic Studies_, 184, and compare pp. 198, 208,
+211.
+
+[442] _Cf._ Granger, _Worship of the Romans_, 211. Mr. Granger uses
+terms which I do not quite accept, though his suggestion is entirely
+good in principle.
+
+[443] _Report of British Association_ (Liverpool Meeting).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+EUROPEAN CONDITIONS
+
+
+There are obviously conditions attaching to European culture history
+which do not apply elsewhere, and as obviously the most important,
+perhaps the only important one, which it is necessary to consider in
+connection with the problems of folklore is that resulting from the
+introduction of a non-European religion and the adoption of this
+religion as part of the state machinery in the several countries. This
+religion is, of course, Christianity. It came into the home of a
+decaying, corrupt, and impossible state religion wherever the Roman
+Empire was established and into the homes of purer and sterner faiths,
+faiths that had belonged to the people through all the years of
+conquest and settlement, migration and resettlement, wherever the
+empire of Rome had not become established.
+
+Until the advent of Christianity into Britain the Celtic peoples
+possessed their own customs, their own religious beliefs, their own
+usages. Until the Anglo-Saxons came into contact with Christianity in
+their new settlements in England, they also possessed their own
+customs, usages, and beliefs. So far as Celt and Teuton were
+responsible for continuing or allowing to continue the still older
+faiths, the faiths of savagery as we have accustomed ourselves to
+term them, they brought these faiths also into contact with
+Christianity, and Christianity dealt with the problem thus presented
+exactly as it dealt with the Celtic and Teutonic faiths, namely, by
+treating all alike as pagan, all equally to be set aside or used in
+any fashion that circumstances might demand. Let it be particularly
+noted that Christianity did not distinguish between the various shades
+of paganism. All that was not Christian was pagan.
+
+Christianity was both antagonistic to and tolerant of pagan custom and
+belief. In principle and purpose it was antagonistic. In practice it
+was tolerant where it could tolerate safely. At the centre it aimed at
+purity of Christian doctrine, locally it permitted pagan practices to
+be continued under Christian auspices. In the earliest days it set
+itself against all forms of idolatry and non-Christian practices; in
+later days, after the fifth century, says Gibbon,[444] it accepted
+both pagan practice and pagan ritual.
+
+The relationship of Christianity to paganism is, therefore, a very
+complex subject, and it would not be possible in this place to work
+out one tithe of it. Nor is it needed. The two cardinal facts with
+which we are now concerned are the principle of antagonism and the
+practice of toleration. As to the former there need not be any
+discussion on the fact. Everywhere throughout Europe its effect is to
+be seen. It formed the most solid and systematic arresting force
+against the natural development of pagan belief and practice, and it
+is this fact of arrested development in pagan belief and practice
+which is of great importance. We can ascertain the point of stoppage,
+note the stage of arrested development, and trace out the subsequent
+history of a custom, belief, or rite so arrested. As a survival in a
+state of arrested development, a custom or belief is observable
+throughout its later history. All it does is to decay, and decay
+slowly, and each stage of decay may oftentimes be discovered. On the
+other hand, if no arrest of development had taken place there would
+have been no survival and no decay. The custom or belief which is not
+arrested by an opposing culture becomes a part of the religion or of
+the institutions of the nation, and the history of its development
+becomes, as a rule, lost in the general advance of religion and
+politics--custom develops into law, belief develops into religion,
+rite develops into ceremonial, and tradition ceases to be the force
+which keeps them alive. The two classes of custom and belief thus
+contrasted are of different value to the student. The one is important
+because it contains the germs and goes back to the origin of existing
+institutions. The other is important because, having been arrested by
+a strong opposing force, unable to destroy it altogether, it remains
+as evidence of custom and belief at the time of its arrestment. It
+will be seen at once how far this evidence may take us. It stretches
+back into the remotest past. It survives in the stage at which it was
+arrested, not of course in the form in which it then appeared, but in
+the decayed form which years of existence beneath the ever-opposing
+forces of the established civilisation must have brought about.
+
+These opposing forces can be detected in working order. What can be
+more indicative of a dual system of belief than the cry of an old
+Scottish peasant when he came to worship at the sacred well?--"O Lord,
+Thou knowest that well would it be for me this day an I had stoopit my
+knees and my heart before Thee in spirit and in truth as often as I
+have stoopit them afore this well. But we maun keep the customs of our
+fathers." It appears over and over again in the lives of early
+Christian saints who were only just parting from a living pagan faith.
+Thus St. Bega was the patroness of St. Bees in Cumberland, where she
+left a holy bracelet which was long an object of profound veneration;
+and in a prefatory statement by the compiler of a small collection of
+her miracles, written in the twelfth century, we learn among other
+things that whosoever forswore himself upon her bracelet swiftly
+incurred the heaviest punishment of perjury or a speedy death. It is
+to be observed that Beagas, the French Bague, is the Anglo-Saxon
+denomination for rings, and Dr. William Bell suggests that holy St.
+Bega was but a personification of one of the holy rings which, having
+gained great hold upon the minds of the heathen Cumbrians, it was not
+politic in their first Christian missionaries wholly to subvert.[445]
+These rings are, of course, the doom rings of the Scandinavian temples
+which are so often referred to in the Sagas.[446]
+
+Baptism, an essentially Christian ceremony, might off-hand be supposed
+to contain nothing but evidence for Christianity. It might at most be
+expected that the details of the ceremony would contain relics of
+adapted pagan rites, and this we know is the case. But we can go
+beyond even this, and discover in the popular conception of the rite
+very clear indications of the early antagonism between Christianity
+and paganism--an antagonism which is certainly some eighteen hundred
+years old in this country, and though so old is still contained in the
+evidence of folklore.
+
+An analysis of baptismal folklore shows us that its most important
+section is contained under the group which deals with the effect of
+non-baptism. In England we have it prevailing in the border counties,
+in Cornwall, Devonshire, Durham, Lancashire, Middlesex,
+Northumberland, and Yorkshire, and in North-East Scotland, that
+children joined the ranks of the fairies if they died unchristened, or
+that their souls wandered about in the air, restless and unhappy,
+until Judgment Day. Various penalties attended the condition of
+non-baptism, but perhaps the most significant is the Northumberland
+custom of burying an unbaptised babe at the feet of an adult Christian
+corpse--surely a relic of the old sacrifice at a burial which is
+indicated so frequently in the graves of prehistoric times,
+particularly of the long-barrow period. In Ireland we have the effect
+of non-baptism in a still more grim form. In the sixteenth century the
+rude Irish used to leave the right arms of their male children
+unchristened, to the intent that they might give a more ungracious and
+deadly blow.[447]
+
+[Illustration: RITE OF BAPTISM, ON FONT AT DARENTH, KENT]
+
+These, and their allied and variant customs, are relics, not so much
+of the absorption by Christian baptism of rites belonging to early
+paganism as of the struggle between Christianity and paganism for the
+mastery, of the anathemas of Christians against pagans, and of the
+terrible answer of the pagan. And what are we to say to it? Is it that
+the struggle itself has lasted all these centuries, or only its
+memory? My belief is that the struggle itself has lasted in reality
+though not in name.
+
+But if we have been able to look through the very portals of
+Christianity to the regions of paganism behind, can we not boldly pass
+through altogether and recover from folklore much of the lost evidence
+of our prehistoric ancestors? I put the question in this way
+purposely, because it is the way which is indicated by the methods and
+data of folklore, and it is a question which has much to do with the
+different views held of the province of folklore.
+
+I will answer by referring to the pre-baptismal rites of washing. In
+Northumberland we meet with the analogue of the sixteenth-century
+Irish practice, for there the child's right hand is left unwashed that
+it may gather riches better[448]--the golden coin taking the place of
+the ancient weapon in this as in other phases of civilisation. Not
+only is the water used for this purpose heated in the old-fashioned
+way by placing red-hot irons in it (_i.e._ the modern equivalent for
+stone-boiling), but in Yorkshire we have the custom that the newborn
+infant must be placed in the arms of a maiden before any one else
+touches it, two practices represented exactly in the customs of the
+Canary Islanders, who were in the stone age of culture and are
+considered to be the last remnants of a race which once included
+Britain among its lands of occupation.[449]
+
+The Rev. C. O'Connor, in his third letter of Columbanus, gives a very
+interesting statement of Irish well-worship in a letter addressed to
+his brother, the late Owen O'Connor Don, and which shows the living
+antagonism between Christian and pagan belief. He says:--
+
+      "I have often enquired of your tenants what they
+      themselves thought of their pilgrimage to their wells
+      of Kill Orcht, Tobbar-Brighde, Tobbar-Muire, near
+      Elphin, and Moore, near Castlereagh, where multitudes
+      assemble annually to celebrate what they, in broken
+      English, termed Patterns; and when I pressed a very
+      old man--Owen Hester--to state what possible advantage
+      he expected to derive from the singular custom of
+      frequenting in particular such wells as were
+      contiguous to an old blasted oak, or an upright unhewn
+      stone, and what the meaning was of the yet more
+      singular custom of sticking rags in the branches of
+      such trees and spitting on them, his answer, and the
+      answer of the oldest men, was that their ancestors
+      always did it; that it was a preservative against
+      Geasa-Dravideacht, _i.e._ the sorceries of Druids;
+      that their cattle was preserved by it from infectious
+      disorders; that the davini maithe, _i.e._ the fairies,
+      were kept in good humour by it; and so thoroughly
+      persuaded were they of the sanctity of these pagan
+      practices that they would travel bareheaded and
+      barefooted from ten to twenty miles for the purpose of
+      crawling on their knees round these wells and upright
+      stones and oak trees westward as the sun travels, some
+      three times, some six, some nine, and so on, in uneven
+      numbers until their voluntary penances were completely
+      fulfilled. The waters of Logh-Con were deemed so
+      sacred from ancient usage that they would throw into
+      the lake whole rolls of butter as a preservation for
+      the milk of their cows against
+      Geasa-Dravideacht."[450]
+
+Scarcely less important than the effect of the antagonism of the
+Church in the production of arrested development is the effect of the
+toleration of the Church for pagan custom and belief. This toleration
+took the shape either of allowing the continuation of pagan custom and
+belief as a matter not affecting Christian doctrine or of actual
+absorption into Church practice and ritual. The story told to the full
+is a long and interesting one. And it still awaits the telling.
+Gibbon, in a few sentences, has told us the outline.[451] Other
+authorities have told us small episodes. I am, of course, not
+concerned here with anything more than to adduce sufficient evidence
+to establish the fact that Christian tolerance of paganism has been
+one of the assistant causes for the long continuance of pagan
+survivals.
+
+I shall not hesitate to begin by quoting at length a luminous passage
+from Grimm's great work. In the preface to his second edition he
+writes as follows:--
+
+      "Oftentimes the Church prudently permitted, or could
+      not prevent, that heathen and Christian things should
+      here and there run into one another; the clergy
+      themselves would not always succeed in marking off the
+      bounds of the two religions: their private leanings
+      might let some things pass which they found firmly
+      rooted in the multitude. In the language, together
+      with a stock of newly-imported Greek and Latin terms,
+      there still remained, even for ecclesiastical use, a
+      number of Teutonic words previously employed in
+      heathen services, just as the names of gods stood
+      ineradicable in the days of the week; to such words
+      old customs would still cling silent and unnoticed
+      and take a new lease of life. The festivals of the
+      people present a tough material: they are so closely
+      bound up with its habits of life that they will put up
+      with foreign additions if only to save a fragment of
+      festivities long loved and tried. In this way
+      Scandinavia, probably the Goths also for a time, and
+      the Anglo-Saxons down to a late period, retained the
+      heathenish Yule as all Teutonic Christians did the
+      sanctity of Easter-tide; and from these two the
+      Yule-boar and Yule-bread, the Easter pancake,
+      Easter-sword, Easter-fire, and Easter-dance could not
+      be separated. As faithfully were perpetuated the name
+      and in many cases the observances of Midsummer. New
+      Christian feasts, especially of saints, seem
+      purposely, as well as accidentally, to have been made
+      to fall on heathen holidays. Churches often rose
+      precisely where a heathen god or his sacred tree had
+      been pulled down, and the people trod their old paths
+      to the accustomed site; sometimes the very walls of
+      the heathen temple became those of the church, and
+      cases occur in which idol images still found a place
+      in a wall of the porch, or were set up outside the
+      door, as at Bamberg Cathedral there lie Slavic heathen
+      figures of animals inscribed with runes. Sacred hills
+      and fountains were rechristened after saints, to whom
+      their sanctity was transferred; sacred woods were
+      handed over to the newly-founded convent or the king,
+      and even under private ownership did not lose their
+      long-accustomed homage. Law usages, particularly the
+      ordeals and oath-takings, but also the beating of
+      bounds, consecrations, image processions, spells and
+      formulas, while retaining their heathen character,
+      were simply clothed in Christian forms. In some
+      customs there was little to change: the heathen
+      practice of sprinkling a newborn babe with water
+      closely resembled Christian baptism; the sign of the
+      hammer, that of the cross; and the erection of tree
+      crosses the irmensûls and world trees of
+      paganism."[452]
+
+This passage, written in 1844, has been abundantly illustrated by the
+research of specialists since that date, and, of course, Mr. Frazer's
+monumental work will occur to every reader. But, after all, the chief
+authority for the action of the Church towards paganism in this
+country is the famous letter of Pope Gregory to the Abbot Mellitus in
+A.D. 601, as preserved by the historian Beda. It is worth while
+quoting this once again, for it is an English historical document of
+priceless value. "We have been much concerned," writes the good St.
+Gregory,
+
+      "since the departure of our congregation that is with
+      you, because we have received no account of the
+      success of your journey. When, therefore, Almighty God
+      shall bring you to the most reverend Bishop Augustine
+      our brother, tell him what I have, upon mature
+      deliberation on the affair of the English, determined
+      upon, namely, that the temples of the idols [fana
+      idolorum] in that nation [gente] ought not to be
+      destroyed; but let the idols that are in them be
+      destroyed; let holy water be made and sprinkled upon
+      the said temples, let altars be erected and relics
+      placed. For if these temples be well built, it is
+      requisite that they be converted from the worship of
+      devils [dæmonum] to the worship of the true God; that
+      the nation seeing that their temples are not destroyed
+      may remove error from their hearts, and knowing and
+      adoring the true God may the more familiarly resort to
+      the places to which they have been accustomed. And
+      because they have been used to slaughter many oxen in
+      the sacrifices to devils some solemnity must be
+      exchanged for them on this account, so that on the day
+      of the dedication, or the nativities of the holy
+      martyrs whose relics are there deposited, they may
+      build themselves huts of the boughs of trees, about
+      those churches which have been turned to that use from
+      temples and celebrate the solemnity with religious
+      feasting and no more offer beasts to the devil
+      [diabolo], but kill cattle to the praise of God in
+      their eating, and return thanks to the giver of all
+      things for their sustenance."[453]
+
+The church of St. Pancras at Canterbury is claimed to be one of the
+temples so preserved,[454] and there have survived down to our own
+times examples of the animal sacrifice which in early Christian days
+may well have been preserved by this famous edict.[455] But beyond
+these illustrations of the two stated objects of Pope Gregory's letter
+there are innumerable additional results from such a policy,[456]
+results which prove that British pagandom was not stamped out by edict
+or by sword, but was rather gradually borne down before the strength
+of the new religion--borne down and pushed into the background out of
+sight of the Church and the State, relegated to the cottage homes, the
+cattle-sheds and the cornfields, the countryside and the denizens
+thereof.[457]
+
+This is where we must search for it, and I think this important
+element in our studies will be better understood if we turn for one
+moment to the results of Christian contact with earlier belief in the
+one country where Christianity has set up its strongest political
+force, namely, Italy. Dr. Middleton wrote a series of remarkable
+letters which tell us much on this point, but before referring to
+this, I wish first to quote a hitherto buried record by an impartial
+observer[458] in the year 1704. It is a letter written from Venice to
+Sir Thomas Frankland, describing the travels and observations of a
+journey into Italy. The traveller writes:--
+
+      "I cannot leave Itally without making some general
+      observations upon the country in general, and first as
+      to their religion; it differs in name only now from
+      what it was in the time of the ancient heathen Romans.
+      I know this will sound very oddly with some sort of
+      people, but compare them together and then let any
+      reasonable man judge of the difference. The heathen
+      Itallians had their gods for peace and for war, for
+      plenty and poverty, for health and sickness, riches
+      and poverty, to whom they addressed themselves and
+      their wants; and the Christian Itallians have their
+      patron saints for each of these things, to whom they
+      also address according to their wants. The heathen
+      sacrificed bulls and other beasts, and the Christian
+      ones after the same manner a piece of bread, which a
+      picture in the garden of Aldobrandina at Rome, painted
+      in the time of Titus Vespasian, shews by the altar and
+      the priests' vestments to have been the same as used
+      now. The Pantheon at Rome was dedicated by the
+      ancients to all the gods, and by the moderns to all
+      the saints; the temple of Castor and Pollux at Rome is
+      now dedicated to Cosmo and Damian, also twin brothers.
+      The respect they pay to the Virgin Mary is far greater
+      than what they pay to the Son, and whatever English
+      Roman Catholics may be made to believe by their
+      priests or impose upon us, it is certain that the
+      devotion to the Madonnas in Itally is something more
+      than a bare representation of the Virgin Mary when
+      they desire her intercession. Miracles they pretend
+      not only to be wrought by the Madonnas themselves, but
+      there is far greater respect paid to a Madonna in one
+      place than another, whereas if this statue were only a
+      bare representation of the Virgin to keep them in mind
+      of her, the respect would be equal. I visited all the
+      famous ones, and it would fill a volume to tell you
+      the fopperies that's said of them. That of Loretto,
+      being what they say is the very house where the Virgin
+      lived, is not to be described, the riches are so
+      great, nor the devotion that's paid to the statue....
+      The Lady of Saronna is another famous one and very
+      rich; she is much handsomer than she of Loretto and a
+      whole church-full of the legend of the miracles she
+      hath wrought. She is in great reputation, and it's
+      thought will at last outtop the Lady of Loretto; there
+      is another near Leghorne that I also visited called
+      _La Madonna della Silva Nera_, to whom all Itallian
+      ships that enter that port make a present of thanks
+      for their happy voyage, and salute her with their
+      cannon, and most ships going out give her something
+      for her protection during their voyage. I could tire
+      you with she at the Annunciata at Florence, she within
+      a mile of Bollognia, for whom the magistracy have
+      piazza'd the road all the way from her station to the
+      city, that she may not be encumbered with sun or rain
+      when she makes them a visit, and hundreds more that
+      would fill a volume of fopperies that I had the
+      curiosity to see, but it would be imposing too much
+      upon your patience."[459]
+
+This only confirms Dr. Middleton's conclusions, which received the
+approval of Gibbon, and those of later writers. "As I descended from
+the Alps," writes the Rev. W. H. Blunt in 1823,
+
+      "I was admonished of my entrance into Italy by a
+      little chapel to the Madonna, built upon a rock by the
+      roadside, and from that time till I repassed this
+      chain of mountains I received almost hourly proof that
+      I was wandering amongst the descendants of that people
+      which is described by Cicero to have been the most
+      religious of mankind. Though the mixture of religion
+      with all the common events of life is anything but an
+      error, yet I could not avoid regretting that, like
+      their heathen ancestors, the modern Italians had
+      supplied the place of our great master mover by a
+      countless host of inferior agents."[460]
+
+Mr. Blunt goes on to give interesting details of the close connection
+between the modern religious festival, ceremony, or service, and those
+of classical times, and the conclusion is obvious. In modern days Dr.
+Mommsen has lent the sanction of his great authority to the
+identification of the birthday of Christ with that of Mithra,[461]
+and Mr. Leland has given such numerous identifications not only of the
+cults of pagan and Christian Italy, but of the god-names of ancient
+Rome with the saint-names or witch-names of modern times,[462] that it
+seems impossible to deny a place for this evidence. "It was," says
+Gibbon,
+
+      "the universal sentiment both of the Church and of
+      heretics that the dæmons were the authors, the
+      patrons, and the objects of idolatry; those rebellious
+      spirits who had been degraded from the rank of angels
+      were still permitted to roam upon earth, to torment
+      the bodies and to seduce the minds of sinful men. It
+      was confessed, or at least it was imagined, that they
+      had distributed among themselves the most important
+      characters of Polytheism, one dæmon assuming the name
+      of Jupiter, another of Æsculapius, a third of Venus,
+      and a fourth perhaps of Apollo."[463]
+
+This, then, is recognition and adoption of pagan beliefs, not the
+uprooting of them. If the Roman Jupiter was a Christian dæmon, his
+existence at all events was recognised. But even this negative way of
+adopting the old beliefs gave way as the Church spread further. The
+tribe of dæmons soon included the popular fairy, elf, and goblin. And
+then came the positive adoption of pagan customs. Gibbon describes how
+the early Christians refused to decorate their doors with garlands and
+lamps, and to take part in the ceremonial of lifting the bride over
+the threshold of the house.[464] Both these customs have survived in
+popular folklore, in spite of the recorded action of the early
+Church, and it would be curious to ascertain whether they have
+survived by the help of the Church. We cannot answer that question of
+historical evidence just now, but it is a question which, in its wider
+aspect, as including many other items of folklore, ought to be
+examined into. There is no doubt, however, that by analogy it can be
+answered, because we have ample evidence, if the writings of reformers
+may be taken as historical facts and not polemical imaginations, that
+many very important customs, among the richest as well as the poorest
+treasures of folklore, have been, so to speak, Christianised by the
+Church, and that the Church has taken part in and adopted
+non-Christian customs, the survivors of olden-time life in
+Europe.[465]
+
+Now it is clear from these considerations, and from the vast mass of
+information which is gradually being accumulated on the subject, that
+not only the arresting force of Christianity but also its toleration
+has assisted in the preservation of pre-Christian belief and custom.
+But the preservation has been in fragments only. The system which
+supported the older faith and might, if it had been allowed a natural
+growth, have produced a newer religion of its own, was completely
+shattered. It left no preservative force except that of tradition,
+the traditional instinct to do what has always been done, to believe
+what has always been believed. Pre-Christian belief and custom has
+thus become isolated beliefs and customs in survival. It has been
+broken up into innumerable fragments of unequal character, and
+containing unequal elements. It has been forced back into secret
+action wherever Christianity was wholly antagonistic, and hence
+primitive public worship has tended to become local worship, or
+household worship, or even personal worship, while all such worship
+which is not the authorised Church worship has tended to become
+superstition. Where Christianity was not wholly antagonistic, it
+absorbed rites, customs, and even beliefs, and these primitive
+survivals have taken their place in the evolution of Christian
+doctrine, and thus become lost to the students of Celtic and Teutonic
+antiquities. But even so, there are discoverable points where the
+dividing line between non-Christian and Christian belief has not been
+obliterated by the process of absorption. In all cases it is the duty
+of the student to note the stage of arrested development in the
+primitive rite, custom, or belief, whether it be caused by antagonism
+or by absorption. It is at this point, indeed, that the history of the
+survival begins. It is here that we have to turn from the polity, the
+religion, or cultus of a people to the belief, practices, or
+superstition of that portion of our nation which has not shared its
+progress from tribesmen to citizens, from paganism to Christianity,
+from vain imaginings to science and philosophy. It is from this point
+we have to turn from the dignity of courts, the doings of armies, and
+the results of commerce, to the doings, sayings, and ideas of the
+peasantry who cannot read, and who have depended upon tradition for
+all, or almost all, they know outside the formalities of law and
+Church.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[444] _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_ (Bury), iii. 214-15.
+
+[445] _Royal Irish Academy_, viii. 258; _Brit. Arch. Assoc._
+(Gloucester volume), 62.
+
+[446] "The Story of the Ere Dwellers," Morris, _Saga Library_, ii. 8.
+
+[447] Camden, _Britannia_, s.v. "Ireland."
+
+[448] Henderson, _Folklore of Northern Counties_, 16.
+
+[449] Glas, _Canary Islands_, 148.
+
+[450] Betham, _Gael and Cymbri_, pp. 236-8.
+
+[451] _Decline and Fall_, iii. p. 214 (edit. Bury).
+
+[452] Grimm, _Teutonic Mythology_, by Stallybrass, iii. pp. 35, 36. A
+passage from Hakon's Saga, quoted by Du Chaillu in his _Viking Age_, i.
+p. 464, shows that the northern peoples adopted the same measures.
+
+[453] Beda, lib. i. cap. 30; and consult Mr. Plummer's learned notes on
+this (vol. ii. 57-61).
+
+[454] Stanley, _Memorials of Canterbury_, 37-38.
+
+[455] _Cf._ my _Ethnology in Folklore_, 30-36, 136-140. Compare St.
+Patrick's dedication of pagan sacred stones to Christian
+purposes.--_Tripartite Life of St. Patrick_, i. 107.
+
+[456] Thus Henry of Huntingdon records that Redwald, King of the East
+Angles, after his conversion to Christianity, "set up altars to Christ
+and the devil in the same chapel" (lib. iii.).
+
+[457] _Cf._ Kemble, _Saxons in England_, i. 330-335. Dr. Hearn writes:
+"Even as the good Pope Gregory the Great permitted the newly converted
+English to retain their old temples and accustomed rites, attaching,
+however, to them another purpose and a new meaning, so his successors
+found means to utilize the simple beliefs of early animism. Long and
+vainly the Church struggled against this irresistible sentiment.
+Fifteen centuries ago it was charged against the Christians of that day
+that they appeased the shades of the dead with feasts like the
+Gentiles. In the Penitentials we find the prohibition of burning grains
+where a man had died. In the _Indiculus superstitionum et Paganiarum_
+among the Saxons complaint is made of the too ready canonisation of the
+dead; and the Church seems to have been much troubled to keep within
+reasonable bounds this tendency to indiscriminate apotheosis. At length
+a compromise was effected, and the Feast of All Souls converted to
+pious uses that wealth of sentiment which previously was lavished on
+the dead" (_The Aryan Household_, p. 60). And, to close this short note
+upon an important subject, Mr. Metcalfe, speaking of the old poetic
+literature of the pagan English, says: "It was kidnapped, and its
+features so altered and disguised as not to be recognisable. It was
+supplanted by Christian poetical legends and Bible lays produced in
+rivalry of the popular lays of their heathen predecessors. Finding that
+the people would listen to nothing but these old lays, the missionaries
+affected their spirit and language, and borrowed the words and phrases
+of heathenism" (Metcalfe's _Englishman and Scandinavian_, p. 155).
+
+[458] For some reason not apparent in the document itself, Mrs. S. C.
+Lomas, the editor of this report, says this interesting letter gives "a
+curious and evidently prejudiced description of the religious houses
+and observances." See preface to _Hist. MSS. Com. Report on the MSS. of
+Chequers Court, Bucks_, p. x.
+
+[459] _Hist. MSS. Com., Chequers Court Papers_, pp. 171-2.
+
+[460] _Vestiges of Ancient Manners and Customs in Italy_, p. 1.
+
+[461] _Corpus insc. Lat._, i. 409; and _cf._ Cumont's _Mysteries of
+Mithra_ (1903).
+
+[462] Leland, _Etruscan Roman Remains_ (1892).
+
+[463] _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_ (Bury), ii. 15.
+
+[464] _Decline and Fall_, ii. 17.
+
+[465] Evidence is scattered far and wide in most of the reliable
+studies in folklore. Two special books may be mentioned. A great
+storehouse of examples is to be found in _The Popish Kingdoms_, by
+Thomas Naogeorgus, Englyshed by Barnabe Googe, 1570, a new edition of
+which was published by Mr. R. C. Hope in 1880; and Mr. H. M. Bower has
+exhaustively examined one important Italian ceremony in his _The
+Elevation and Procession of the Ceri at Gubbio_, published by the
+Folklore Society in 1897.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+ETHNOLOGICAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+Already I have had to point out that an appeal to ethnological
+evidence is the means of avoiding the wholesale rejection of custom
+and belief recorded of early Britain, because it has been rejected as
+appertaining to the historic Celt. I will now proceed with the
+definite proposition that the survivals in folklore may be allocated
+and explained by their ethnological bearing.
+
+Some years ago I advanced this proposition in my little book entitled
+_Ethnology in Folklore_. Only haltingly have my conclusions been
+accepted, but I nowhere find them disproved,[466] while here and there
+I find good authorities appealing to the ethnological element in
+folklore to help them in their views. Mr. MacCulloch, for instance,
+prefers to go for the basis of the Osiris and Dionysius myths to an
+earlier custom than that favoured by Mr. Frazer and Mr. Grant Allen,
+namely, to the practices of the neolithic folk, in Egypt and over a
+wide tract of country which includes Britain, of dismembering the
+dead body previous to its burial.[467] Mr. Lang, Mr. Frazer, Mr.
+Hartland, and others are strangely reticent on this subject. That Mr.
+Lang should be content to trace a story from the Vedas, in which
+Urvasi tells Pururavas that he must never let her see him naked, to "a
+traditional Aryan law of nuptial etiquette,"[468] seems to be using
+the heaviest machinery for the smallest purposes, while for other and
+greater purposes he fails to find in ethnological distinctions,
+explanations which escape his research.[469] That Mr. Frazer should
+have been able to examine in so remarkable a manner the agricultural
+rites of European peoples, and only to have touched upon their
+ethnological bearings in one or two isolated cases, seems to me to be
+neglecting one of the obvious means of arriving at the solution of the
+problem he starts out to solve.[470]
+
+I do not want to discount these fragmentary appeals to the
+ethnological element in folklore. I accept them as evidence that the
+appeal has to be made. I would only urge that it may be done on more
+thorough lines, after due consideration of all the elements of the
+proposition and of all that it means to the study of folklore. We
+cannot surrender to the palæontologist all that folklore contains in
+tradition and in custom as to pygmy peoples, or to the Egyptologist
+all that it contains as to dismemberment burial rites, without at the
+same time realising that if it is correct to refer these two groups of
+folklore respectively to the earliest ages of man's existence as man
+and to the neolithic stage of culture, they must be withdrawn from all
+other classification. We cannot use the same items of folklore in two
+totally different ways. The results of withdrawal are as important as
+the results of allocation, and the necessity for the correct docketing
+of all groups of folklore is thus at once illustrated.
+
+The first point in the argument for ethnological data being
+discoverable in folklore is that a survey of the survivals of custom,
+belief, and rites in any given country shows one marked feature, which
+results in a dividing line being drawn as between two distinct
+classes. This feature is the antagonism which is discoverable in these
+classes. On one side of the dividing line is a set of customs,
+beliefs, and rites which may be grouped together because they are
+consistent with each other, and on the other side is another set of
+customs, beliefs, and rites which may be grouped together on the same
+ground. But between these two sets of survivals there is no agreement.
+They are the negations of each other. They show absolutely different
+conceptions of all the phases of life and thought which they
+represent, and it is impossible to consider that they have both come
+from the same culture source. I have applied the test of ethnology to
+such cases in Britain, and this appears to answer the difficulty which
+their antagonism presents. It appears too to be the only answer.
+
+The subjects which show this antagonism are all of vital importance.
+They include friendly and inimical relations with the dead; marriage
+as a sacred tribal rite and marriage as a rule of polyandrous society;
+birth ceremonies which tell of admittance into a sacred circle of
+kinsmen, and birth ceremonies which breathe of revenge and hostility;
+the reverential treatment of the aged folk and the killing of them
+off; the preservation of human life as part of the tribal blood, and
+human sacrifice as a certain cure for all personal evils; the worship
+of waters as a strongly localised cult, preserved because it is local
+by whatsoever race or people are in occupation and in successive
+occupation of the locality; totemic beliefs connected with animals and
+plants contrasted with ideas entirely unconnected with totemism--all
+this, and much more which has yet to be collected and classified,
+reveals two distinct streams of thought which cannot by any process be
+taken back to one original source.
+
+This fact of definite antagonism between different sets of surviving
+beliefs existing together in one country leads to several very
+important conclusions. This is the case with the Irish Sids. These
+beings are said to be scattered over Ireland, and around them
+assembled for worship the family or clan of the deified patron. While
+there were thus a number of topical deities, each in a particular spot
+where he was to be invoked, the deities themselves with the rest of
+their non-deified but blessed brother spirits had as their special
+abode "Lands of the Living," the happy island or islands somewhere far
+away in the ocean. Now this Sid worship, we are told by Irish
+scholars, "had nothing to do with Druidism--in fact, was quite opposed
+to it," the Sids and the Druids being "frequently found at variance
+with each other in respect to mortals."[471]
+
+This is the commencing point of the evidence which proves Druidism to
+have belonged to the pre-Celtic people, though finding an adopted home
+among them. This is so important a subject and has been so strangely
+and inconsistently dealt with by most authorities that it will be well
+to indicate where we have to search for the non-Celtic, and therefore
+pre-Celtic, origin of Druidism. The Druidism revealed by classical
+authorities is, for the most part, the Druidism of continental peoples
+and not of Britain, and I hesitate to accept off-hand that it is
+proper to transfer the continental system to Britain and say that the
+two systems were one and the same. There is certainly no evidence from
+the British side which would justify such a course, and I think there
+is sufficient argument against it to suspend judgment until the whole
+subject is before us. If Professor Rhys is right in concluding that
+Druidism is at its roots a non-Celtic religion,[472] we must add to
+this that it was undoubtedly a non-Teutonic religion. Celts and
+Teutons were sufficiently near in all the elements of their
+civilisation for this want of parallel in their relationship to
+Druidism to be an additional argument against the Celts having
+originated this cult. And then the explanation of the differences
+between continental and British Druidism becomes comparatively easy to
+understand. The continental Celts, mixing more thoroughly with the
+pre-Celtic aborigines than did the British Celts, would have absorbed
+more of the pre-Celtic religion than the British Celts, and hence all
+the details which classical authorities have left us of continental
+Druidism appear as part of the Celtic religion, while in Britain these
+details are for the most part absent. But this is not all. There are
+certain rites in Britain noted by the early authorities which are not
+attached to any particular cult. They are not Druidic; they are not
+Celtic. They are, as a matter of fact, special examples of rites
+practised in only one locality, and accordingly referred to as
+something extraordinary and not general. From this it is clearly
+correct to argue that the British Celts had in their midst a cult
+which, if they did not destroy, they certainly did not absorb, and
+that therefore this cult being non-Celtic must have been pre-Celtic.
+
+I do not wish to argue this point out further than is necessary to
+explain the position which, it appears to me, Druidism occupies, and I
+will therefore only add a note as to the authorities for the
+statements I have advanced. The differences between continental and
+British Druidism are definite and pronounced,[473] the mixture of the
+continental Celts with the Iberic people, which they displaced, is
+attested, by ancient authority and modern anthropology,[474] while the
+only evidence of such a mixture in Britain is the prominently recorded
+instance of the Picts intermarrying with the Gael,[475] and this has
+to be set against the close distinction between tribesmen and
+non-tribesmen, which is such a remarkable feature of Celtic law;[476]
+the existence of local cults in early Britain having all the
+characteristics of a ruder and more savage origin, and not identified
+with Celticism, is a point derived from our early authorities.[477]
+These are the main facts of the case, and the subject has to be
+worked out in considerable detail before it can be settled.
+
+There is one other primary subject which bears upon the question of
+race distinctions in folklore. With the fact of conquest to reckon
+with, the relationship of the conqueror to the conquered is a matter
+to consider. In the European tribal system it was a definite
+relationship, so definite that the conquered, as we have seen, formed
+an essential part of the tribal organisation--the kinless slaves
+beneath the tribal kindred. There was a place for the kinless in the
+tribal economy and in the tribal laws. There was also a place for them
+in the tribal system of belief, and the mythic influence of the
+conquered is a subject that needs very careful consideration.
+
+It is an influence which appears in all parts of the world. Thus, to
+give a few instances, in New Guinea they have no idols, and apparently
+no idea of a supreme being or a good spirit. Their only religious
+ideas consist in a belief in evil spirits. They live a life of slavish
+fear to these, but seem to have no idea of propitiating them by
+sacrifice or prayer. They believe in the deathlessness of the soul. A
+death in the village is the occasion of bringing plenty of ghosts to
+escort their new companion, and perhaps fetch some one else. All night
+the friends of the deceased sit up and keep the drums going to drive
+away the spirits; they strike the fences and posts of houses all
+through the village with sticks. This is done to drive back the
+spirits to their own quarters on the adjacent mountain tops. But it is
+the spirits of the inland tribes, the aborigines of the country, that
+the coast tribes most fear. They believe, when the natives are in the
+neighbourhood, that the whole plain is full of spirits who come with
+them. All calamities are attributed to the power and malice of these
+evil spirits. Drought, famine, storm and flood, disease and death are
+all supposed to be brought by Vata and his hosts, so that the people
+are an easy prey to any designing individuals who claim power over
+these. Some disease charmers and rain-makers levy heavy toll on the
+people.[478]
+
+It appears that the native population of New Zealand was originally
+composed of two different races, which have retained some of their
+characteristic features, although in course of time they have in all
+other respects become mixed, and a number of intermediate varieties
+have thence resulted. From the existence of two races in New Zealand
+the conclusion might be drawn that the darker were the original
+proprietors of the soil anterior to the arrival of a stock of true
+Polynesian origin, that they were conquered by the latter and nearly
+exterminated. There is a district in the northern island, situated
+between Taupo and Hawke's Bay, called Urewera, consisting of steep and
+barren hills. The scattered inhabitants of this region have the renown
+of being the greatest witches in the country. They are very much
+feared, and have little connection with the neighbouring tribes, who
+avoid them if possible. If they come to the coast the natives there
+scarcely venture to refuse them anything for fear of incurring their
+displeasure. They are said to use the saliva of the people whom they
+intend to bewitch, and visitors carefully conceal their spittle to
+give them no opportunity of working their evil. Like our witches and
+sorcerers of old, they appear to be a very harmless people, and but
+little mixed up with the quarrels of their neighbours.[479] The
+Australians, according to Oldfield, ascribe spirit powers to those
+residing north of themselves and hold them in great dread.[480]
+
+In Asia the same idea prevails among the native races. Thus Colquhoun
+says,
+
+      "it was amusing to find the dread in which the Lawas
+      [a hill tribe] are held by both Burmese and Siamese.
+      This is due to a fear of being bitten by them and
+      dying of the bite. They are called by their Burmese
+      neighbours the 'man-bears.' A singular custom obtains
+      amongst these people which may perhaps partly account
+      for this superstition. On a certain night in the year
+      the youths and maidens meet together for the purpose
+      of pairing. Unacceptable youths are said to be bitten
+      severely if they make advances to the ladies."[481]
+
+The Semang pygmy people, afraid to approach the Malays even for
+purposes of barter, "learnt to work upon the superstition of the
+Malays by presenting them with medicines which they pretended to
+derive from particular shrubs and trees in the woods."[482] That this
+is a real superstition of the conquerors for the conquered is proved
+from other sources to which I have referred elsewhere.[483]
+
+In Africa it appears as a living force, and we are told that the
+stories current in the country of the Ukerewé, "about the witchcraft
+practised by the people of Ukara island, prove that those islanders
+have been at pains to spread abroad a good repute for themselves; that
+they are cunning, and aware that superstition is a weakness of human
+nature have sought to thrive upon it."[484]
+
+It appears in more definite form with the Hindus. The Kathkuri, or
+Katodi, have a belief that they are descended from the monkeys and
+bears which Adi Narayun in his tenth incarnation of Rama, took with
+him for the destruction of Rawun, King of Lanka, and he promised his
+allies that in the fourth age they should become human beings. They
+practise incantation, and encourage the awe with which the Hindu
+regards their imprecations, for a Hindu believes that a Katodi can
+transform himself into a tiger.[485]
+
+To this day the Aryans settled in Chota-Nagpore and Singbhoom firmly
+believe that the Moondahs have powers as wizards and witches, and can
+transform themselves into tigers and other beasts of prey with the
+view of devouring their enemies, and that they can witch away the
+lives of man and beast. They were in all probability one of the tribes
+that were most persistent in their hostility to the Aryan
+invaders.[486] In Ceylon the remnants of the aborigines are found in
+the forests and on the mountains, and are universally looked upon and
+feared as demons, the beliefs engendered therefrom being exactly
+parallel to the witch beliefs of our own country.[487]
+
+There is similar evidence among European peoples. Formerly in Sweden
+the name of Lapp seems to have been almost synonymous with that of
+sorcerer, and the same was the case with Finn. The inhabitants of the
+southern provinces of Sweden believed their countrymen in the north to
+have great experience in magic.[488] The famous Gundhild, of Saga
+renown, was believed to be a sorceress brought up among the
+Finns,[489] and even in respect of classical remains Mr. Warde Fowler
+"prefers to think of the Fauni as arising from the contact of the
+first clearers and cultivators of Italian soil with a wild aboriginal
+race of the hills and woods."[490]
+
+These facts are sufficient to show that the mythic influence of a
+conquered race is a factor which may assist in the discussion of the
+ethnological conditions of folklore, and it is obvious that they
+reveal a very powerful influence for the continuance of ancient ideas
+as well as for the creation of fresh examples of ancient ideas applied
+to new experiences. It is well in this connection to remember certain
+historical facts connected with the settlement of the English in
+Britain.
+
+From Freeman's _Old English History_ it appears that at the beginning
+of the seventh century "the tract of country which the English then
+ruled over south of the Humber, coincided almost exactly with the
+boundary of the Gaulish portion of Britain," as distinct from
+non-Aryan Britain. This apparent recognition of Celtic landmarks, says
+Professor Rhys, by the later invaders, "is a fact, the historical and
+political significance of which I leave to be weighed by others,"[491]
+and I venture to suggest that one important result is to show Britain
+to have contained an Aryan culture-ground and a non-Aryan
+culture-ground. If we try to step from one to the other we quickly
+discover the mythic relationship of conqueror to the conquered.
+
+[Illustration: SCENE FROM THE LIFE OF ST. GUTHLAC SHOWING THE ATTACKS
+OF THE DÆMONES]
+
+Thus in the Anglo-Saxon life of St. Guthlac we have an interesting
+glimpse into the conditions of the country and the attitude of the two
+hostile races, Celts and Teutons, to each other.
+
+      "There is in Britain a fen of immense size which
+      begins from the river Granta, not far from the city,
+      which is named Grantchester ... a man named Tatwine
+      said that he knew an island especially obscure, which
+      ofttimes many men had attempted to inhabit, but no
+      man could do it on account of manifold horrors and
+      fears, and the loneliness of the wild wilderness....
+      No man ever could inhabit it before the holy man
+      Guthlac came thither on account of the dwelling of the
+      accursed spirits there.... There was on the island a
+      great mound raised upon the earth, which same of yore
+      men had dug and broken up in hopes of treasure....
+      Then in the stillness of the night it happened
+      suddenly that there came great hosts of the accursed
+      spirits, and they filled the house with their coming,
+      and they poured in on every side from above and
+      beneath and everywhere. They were in countenance
+      horrible, and they had great heads and a long neck and
+      lean visage; they were filthy and squalid in their
+      beards, and they had rough ears and distorted face,
+      and fierce eyes and foul mouths: and their teeth were
+      like horses' tusks, and their throats were filled with
+      flame, and they were grating in their voice: they had
+      crooked shanks and knees, big and great behind, and
+      distorted toes, and shrieked hoarsely with their
+      voices, and they came with such immoderate noises and
+      immense horror that it seemed to him that all between
+      heaven and earth resounded with their dreadful cries.
+      Without delay, when they were come into the house,
+      they soon bound the holy man in all his limbs, and
+      they pulled and led him out of the cottage and brought
+      him to the black fen and threw and sunk him in the
+      muddy waters. After that they brought him to the wild
+      places of the wilderness, among the dense thickets of
+      brambles that all his body was torn. After they had a
+      long time thus tormented him in darkness they let him
+      abide and stand awhile, then commanded him to depart
+      from the wilderness, or if he would not do so they
+      would torment and try him with greater plagues."[492]
+
+These doings are not sufficiently remote from sober fact for us to be
+unable to detect human enemies in the supposed beings of the spirit
+world, and this conclusion is confirmed by a later passage in the same
+narrative describing Guthlac awakened from his sleep and hearing "a
+great host of the accursed spirits speaking in British [bryttisc] and
+he knew and understood their words because he had been erewhile in
+exile among them."[493] Guthlac in England is only experiencing what
+other saints experienced elsewhere,[494] and we cannot doubt we have
+in these reminiscences of saintly experience that mixture of fact with
+traditional belief which would follow the priests of the new religions
+from their native homes to the cell.
+
+It is necessary to consider another great element in human life with
+reference to its ethnological value, for folklore has always been
+intimately associated with it, and recently, owing to Mr. Frazer's
+brilliant researches, this branch of folklore has been almost unduly
+accentuated. I mean, of course, agriculture. Mr. Frazer has ignored
+the ethnological side of agriculture, and it has been appropriated by
+the student of economics as a purely historical institution. This has
+caused a special position to be given to agricultural rites and
+customs almost without question and certainly without examination, and
+it will be necessary to go rather closely into the subject in order to
+clear up the difficulties which present neglect has produced. I shall
+once again draw my illustrations from the British Isles.
+
+[Illustration: SCENE FROM THE LIFE OF ST. GUTHLAC SHOWING THE ATTACKS
+OF THE DÆMONES]
+
+I put my facts in this way: (1) In all parts of Great Britain there
+exist rites, customs, and usages connected with agriculture which are
+obviously and admittedly not of legislative or political origin,
+and which present details exactly similar to each other in
+_character_, but differing from each other in _status_; (2) that the
+difference in status is to be accounted for by the effects of
+successive conquests; (3) that the identity in character is not to be
+accounted for by reference to manorial history, because the area of
+manorial institutions is not coincident with the area of these rites,
+customs, and usages; (4) that exact parallels to them exist in India
+as integral portions of village institutions; (5) that the Indian
+parallels carry the subject a step further than the European examples
+because they are stamped with the mark of difference in race-origin,
+one portion belonging to the Aryan people and the other to the
+non-Aryan.
+
+I shall now pick out some examples, and explain from them the evidence
+which seems to me to prove that race-distinction is the key for the
+origin of these agricultural rites and usages in Europe as in India. I
+have dealt with these examples at some length in my book on the
+village community, and I shall only use such details as I require for
+my immediate purpose.
+
+My first point is that to get at the survivals of the village
+community in Britain it is not necessary to approach it through the
+medium of manorial history. Extremely ancient as I am inclined to
+think manorial history is, it is unquestionably loaded with an
+artificial terminology and with the chains so deftly forged by
+lawyers. An analysis of the chief features in the types of the English
+village community shows that the manorial element is by no means a
+common factor in the series. These types mark the transition from the
+tribal form to the village form. In Harris Island we have the chief
+with his free tribesmen around him, connected by blood kinship, living
+in scattered homesteads, just like the German tribes described by
+Tacitus. Under this tribal community is the embryo of the village
+community, consisting of smaller tenantry and cottar serfs, who live
+together in minute villages, holding their land in common and yearly
+distributing the holdings by lot. In this type the tribal constitution
+is the real factor, and the village constitution the subordinated
+factor as yet wholly undeveloped, scarcely indeed discernible except
+by very close scrutiny.
+
+At Kilmorie the tribal community is represented merely by the
+scattered homesteads. These are occupied by a joint farm-tenantry, who
+hold their lands upon the system of the village community. Here the
+village constitution has gradually entered into, so to speak, the
+tribal constitution, and has almost absorbed it.
+
+At Heisgier and Lauder the tribal community is represented by the last
+link under the process of dissolution, namely, the free council of the
+community by which the village rights are governed, while the village
+community has developed to a considerable extent.
+
+At Aston and at Malmesbury the old tribal constitution is still kept
+alive in a remarkable manner, and I will venture to quote from my book
+the account of the evolution at Aston of a tenantry from the older
+tribal constitution, because in this case we are actually dealing with
+a manor, and the evidence is unique so far as England is concerned.
+
+The first point is that the village organisation, the rights of
+assembly, the free open-air meetings, and the corporate action
+incident to the manor of Aston and Cote, attach themselves to the land
+divisions of sixteen hides, because although these hides had grown in
+1657 into a considerable tenancy, fortunately as a tenancy they kept
+their original unity in full force and so obstinately clung to their
+old system of government as to keep up by _representation_ the once
+undivided holding of the hide. If the organisation of the hide had
+itself disappeared, it still formed the basis of the village
+government, the sixteen hides sending up their sixteen _elected_
+representatives. How the tenancy grew out of the original sixteen
+homesteads may perhaps be conjecturally set forth. In the first place
+the owners of the yard-lands succeeded to the place originally
+occupied by the owners of the sixteen hides. Instead of the original
+sixteen group-owners we have therefore sixty-four individual owners,
+each yard-land having remained in possession of an owner. And then at
+succeeding stages of this dissolution we find the yard-lands broken up
+until, in 1848, "some farmers of Aston have only half or even a
+quarter of a yard-land, while some have as many as ten or eleven
+yard-lands in their single occupation." Then disintegration proceeded
+to the other proprietary rights, which, originally appendant to the
+homestead only, became appendant to the person and not to the
+residence, and are consequently "bought and sold as separate property,
+by which means it results that persons resident at Bampton, or even at
+great distance, have rights on Aston and Cote Common." And finally we
+lose all trace of the system, as described by Mr. Horde and as
+depicted by the representative character of the Sixteens, and in its
+place find that "there are some tenants who have rights in the common
+field and not in the pasture, and _vice versâ_ several occupiers have
+the right of pasture who do not possess any portion of arable land in
+the common field," so that both yard-lands and hides have now
+disappeared, and absolute ownership of land has taken their place. Mr.
+Horde's MS. enables us to proceed back from modern tenancy-holding to
+the holding by yard-lands; the rights of election in the yard-lands
+enable us to proceed back to the original holding of the sixteen
+hides.
+
+At Hitchin, which is Mr. Seebohm's famous example, we meet with the
+manorial type. But its features are in no way peculiar. There is
+nothing which has not its counterpart, in more or less well-defined
+degree, in the other types which are not manorial. In short, the
+manorial framework within which it is enclosed does little more than
+fix the details into an immovable setting, accentuating some at the
+expense of others, legalising everything so as to bring it all under
+the iron sovereignty which was inaugurated by the Angevin kings.
+
+My suggestion is that these examples are but varying types of one
+original. The Teutonic people, and their Celtic predecessors, came to
+Britain with a tribal, not an agricultural, constitution. In the
+outlying parts of the land this tribal constitution settled down, and
+was only slightly affected by the economical conditions of the people
+they found there; in the more thickly populated parts this tribal
+constitution was superimposed upon an already existing village
+constitution in full vigour. We, therefore, find the tribal
+constitution everywhere--in almost perfect condition in the north, in
+Wales, and in Ireland; in less perfect condition in England. We also
+find the village constitution everywhere--in almost embryo form in the
+north, Wales, and in Ireland; in full vigour and force in England,
+especially in that area which, as already noted, has been identified
+as the constant occupation-ground of all the races who have settled in
+Britain.
+
+Now the factor which is most apparent in all these cases is the
+singular dual constitution which I have called tribal and village. It
+is only when we get to such cases as Rothwell and Hitchin that almost
+all traces of the tribal element are lost, the village element only
+remaining. But inasmuch as this village element is identical in
+_kind_, if not in degree, with the village element in the other types,
+and inasmuch as topographically they are closely connected, we are, I
+contend, justified in concluding that it is derived from the same
+original--an original which was composed of a tribal community with a
+village community in serfdom under it.
+
+This dual element should, I think, be translated into terms of
+ethnology by appealing to the parallel evidence of India. There the
+types of the village community are not, as was thought by Sir Henry
+Maine and others, homogeneous. There the dual element appears, the
+tribal community at the top of the system, the village community at
+the bottom of the system. But in India a new factor is introduced by
+the equation of the two elements with two different races--the tribal
+element being Aryan, and the village element non-Aryan. Race-origins
+are there still kept up and rigidly adhered to. They have not been
+crushed out, as in Europe, by political or economical activity.
+
+But if crushed out of prominent recognition in Europe, are we,
+therefore, to conclude that their relics do not exist in peasant
+custom? My argument is that we cannot have such close parallels in
+India and in England without seeing that they virtually tell the same
+story in both countries. It would require a great deal to prove that
+customs, which in India belong now to non-Aryan aborigines and are
+rejected by the Aryans, are in Europe the heritage of the Aryan race.
+
+The objections to my theory have been formulated by Mr. Ashley, who
+follows Mr. Seebohm and M. Fustel de Coulanges as an adherent of the
+chronological method of studying institutions. Like the old school of
+antiquaries, this new school of investigators into the history of
+institutions gets back to the period of Roman history, and there
+stops. Mr. Ashley suggests that because Cæsar describes the Celtic
+Britons as pastoral, therefore agriculture in Britain must be
+post-Celtic. I will not stop to raise the question as to who were the
+tribes from which Cæsar obtained his evidence. But it will suffice to
+point out that if Cæsar is speaking of the Aryan Celts of Britain--and
+this much seems certain--he only proves of them what Tacitus proves of
+the Aryan Teutons, what the sagas prove of the Aryan Scandinavians,
+what the vedas prove of the Aryan Indians, what philology, in short,
+proves of the primitive Aryans generally, namely, that they were
+distinctly hunters and warriors, and hated and despised the tillers
+of the soil.
+
+It does not, in point of fact, then, help the question as to the
+origin of agricultural rites and usages to turn to Aryan history at
+all. In this emergency Roman history is appealed to. But this is just
+one of those cases where a small portion of the facts are squeezed in
+to do duty for the whole.
+
+Both M. Fustel de Coulanges and Mr. Seebohm think that if a Roman
+origin can be _primâ facie_ shown for the economical side of
+agricultural institutions, there is nothing more to be said. But they
+leave out of consideration a whole set of connected institutions.
+Readers of Mr. Frazer's _Golden Bough_ are now in possession of facts
+which it would take a very long time to explain. They see that side by
+side with agricultural economics is agricultural religion, of great
+rudeness and barbarity, of considerable complexity, and bearing the
+stamp of immense antiquity. The same villagers who were the observers
+of those rules of economics which are thought to be due to Roman
+origin were also observers of ritual and usages which are known to be
+savage in theory and practice. Must we, then, say that all this ritual
+and usage are Roman? or must we go on ignoring them as elements in the
+argument as to the origin of agricultural institutions? One or the
+other of these alternatives must, I contend, be accepted by the
+inquirer.
+
+Because the State has chosen or been compelled for political reasons
+to lift up peasant economics into manorial legal rules, thus forcibly
+divorcing this portion of peasant life from its natural associations,
+there is no reason why students should fix upon this arbitrary
+proceeding as the point at which to begin their examination into the
+origin of village agriculture. Manorial tenants pay their dues to the
+lord, lot out their lands in intermixed strips, cultivate in common,
+and perform generally all those interesting functions of village life
+with which Mr. Seebohm has made us familiar. But, in close and
+intimate connection with these selfsame agricultural economical
+proceedings, it is the same body of manorial tenants who perform
+irrational and rude customs, who carry the last sheaf of corn
+represented in human or animal form, who sacrifice animals to their
+earth deities, who carry fire round fields and crops, who, in a
+scarcely disguised ritual, still worship deities which there is little
+difficulty in recognising as the counterparts of those religious
+goddesses of India who are worshipped and venerated by non-Aryan
+votaries. Christianity has not followed the lead of politics, and
+lifted all this portion of peasant agricultural life into something
+that is religious and definite. And because it remains sanctioned by
+tradition, we must, in considering origins, take it into account in
+conjunction with those economic practices which have been unduly
+emphasised in the history of village institutions. In India primitive
+economics and religion go hand in hand as part of the village life of
+the people; in England primitive economics and _survivals_ of old
+religions, which we call folklore, go hand in hand as part of the
+village life of the people. And it is not in the province of students
+to separate one from the other when they are considering the question
+of origin.
+
+This is practically the whole of my argument from the folklore point
+of view. But it is not the whole of the argument against the theory
+of the Roman origin of the village community. I cannot on this
+occasion re-state what this argument is, as it is set forth at some
+length in my book. But I should like to point out that it is in
+reality supported by arguments to be drawn from ethnological facts.
+Mr. Ashley surrenders to my view of the question the important point
+that ethnological data, derived from craniological investigation, fit
+in "very readily with the supposition that under the Celtic, and
+therefore under the Roman rule, the cultivating class was largely
+composed of the pre-Celtic race; and allows us to believe that the
+agricultural population was but little disturbed." Economically it was
+certainly not disturbed by the Romans. If the agricultural implements
+known to and used by the Romans were never used in Britain after their
+departure; if the old methods of land-surveying under the agrimensores
+is not to be traced in Britain as a continuing system; if wattle and
+daub, rude, uncarpentered trees turned root upwards to form roofs,
+were the leading principles of house-architecture, it cannot be
+alleged that the Romans left behind any permanent marks of their
+economical standard upon the "little disturbed agricultural
+population." Why, then, should they be credited with the introduction
+of a system of lordship and serf-bound tenants, when both lordship and
+serfdom are to be traced in lands where Roman power has never
+penetrated, under conditions almost exactly similar to the feudal
+elements in Europe? If it be accepted that the early agricultural
+population of Britain was non-Aryan; if we find non-Aryan agricultural
+rites and festivals surviving as folklore among the peasants of
+to-day; why should it be necessary, why should it be accepted as a
+reasonable hypothesis, to go to the imperial and advanced economics of
+Rome to account for those other elements in the composition of the
+village community which, equally with the rites and festivals, are to
+be found paralleled among the non-Aryan population living under an
+Aryan lordship in India? The only argument for such a process is one
+of convenience. It does so happen that the Roman theory _may_ account
+for some of the English phenomena. But, then, the Celtic and Teutonic,
+or Aryan theory also accounts for the same English phenomena, and,
+what is more, it accounts for other phenomena not reckoned by the
+Roman theory. My proposition is that the history of the village
+community in Britain is the history of the economical condition of the
+non-Aryan aborigines; that the history of the tribal community is the
+history of the Aryan conquerors, who appear as overlords; and that the
+Romans, except as another wave of Aryan conquerors at an advanced
+stage of civilisation, had very little to do with shaping the village
+institutions of Britain.[495]
+
+It is necessary before leaving this subject to take note of a point
+which may lead, and in fact has led to misconception of the argument.
+I have stated that all custom, rite, and belief which is Aryan custom,
+rite, and belief, as distinct from that which is pre-Aryan--pre-Celtic
+in our own country--must have a position in the tribal system, and I
+have said that custom, rite, and belief which cannot be traced back
+to the tribal system may be safely pronounced to be pre-tribal in
+origin and therefore pre-Celtic, to have survived, that is, from the
+people whom the Celts found in occupation of the country when first
+they landed on its shores. I did not interrupt my statement of the
+case to point out one important modification of it, because this
+modification has nothing to do with the great mass of custom and
+belief now surviving as folklore, but I will deal with this
+modification now so that I may clear up any misconception. We have
+already ascertained that over and above the custom and belief, which
+may be traced back to their tribal origins, there are both customs and
+beliefs which owe their origin to psychological conditions, and there
+are myths surviving as folk-tales or legends which owe their origin to
+the primitive philosophy of earliest man. Neither of these departments
+of folklore enters into the question of race development. The first
+may be called post-ethnologic because they arise in a political
+society of modern civilisation which transcends the boundaries of
+race; the second may be called pre-ethnologic, because they arise in a
+savage society before the great races had begun their distinctive
+evolution. The point about this class of belief is that it has never
+been called upon to do duty for social improvement and organisation,
+has never been specialised by the Celt or Teuton in Europe, nor by
+other branches of the same race. The myth alone of these two groups of
+folklore could have had an ethnological influence, and this must have
+been very slight. It remained in the mind of Aryan man, but has never
+descended to the arena of his practical life. It has influenced his
+practical life indirectly of course, but it has never become a brick
+in the building up of his practical life. This distinction between
+custom and belief which are tribal and custom and belief which are not
+tribal, is of vast importance. It has been urged against the
+classification of custom, rite, and belief into ethnological groups
+that it does not allow for the presence of a great mass of belief,
+primitive in character and undoubtedly Aryan, if not in origin at all
+events in fact. The objection is not valid. The custom, rite, and
+belief which can be classified as distinctively Aryan is that portion
+of the whole corpus of primitive custom, rite, and belief, which was
+used by the Aryan-speaking folk in the building up of their tribal
+organisation. They divorced it by this use from the general primitive
+conceptions, and developed it along special lines. It is in its
+special characteristics that this belief belongs to the tribal system
+of the Aryans, not in its general characteristics. Not every custom,
+rite, and belief was so used and developed. The specialisation caused
+the deliberate rejection or neglect of much custom, rite, and belief
+which was opposed to the new order of things, and did not affect the
+practical doings of Aryan life.
+
+There are thus three elements to consider: (1) the custom, rite, and
+belief specialised by the Aryan-speaking people in the formation and
+development of their tribal system; (2) the custom, rite, and belief
+rejected or neglected by the Aryan tribesmen; and (3) the belief which
+was not affected by or used for the tribal development, but which, not
+being directly antagonistic to it, remained with the primitive Aryan
+folk as survivals of their science and philosophy.
+
+For ethnological purposes we have only to do with the first group. It
+is definite, and it is capable of definite recognition within the
+tribe. When once it was brought into the tribal system it ceased to
+exist in the form in which it was known to general savage belief; it
+developed highly specialised forms, took its part in the formation of
+a great social force, a great fighting and conquering force, a great
+migratory force. In accomplishing this task it grew into a solid
+system, each part in touch with all other parts, each part an
+essential factor in the ever-active forces which it helped to fashion
+and control.
+
+It is in this wise that we must study its survivals wherever they are
+to be found, and the study must be concentrated within certain
+definite ethnographic areas. If I were to pursue the subject and
+choose for my study the folklore of Britain, I should have to object
+to the treatment accorded to British custom, rite, and belief by even
+so great an authority as Mr. Frazer, because they are used not as
+parts of a tribal system but as mere detritus of a primitive system of
+science, or philosophy. According to my views they had long since
+become separated from any such system and it is placing them in a
+wrong perspective, giving them a false value, associating them with
+elements to which they have no affinity to divorce them from their
+tribal connection. The custom, rite, and belief which were tribal,
+when they were brought to their present ethnographic area, cannot be
+considered in the varied forms of their survival except by restoration
+to the tribal organisation from which they were torn when they began
+their life as survivals.
+
+What I have endeavoured to explain in this way are the principles
+which should govern folklore research in relation to ethnological
+conditions. The differing races which made up the peoples of Europe
+before the era of political history must have left their distinctive
+remains in folklore, if folklore is rightly considered as the
+traditional survivals of the prehistory period. To get at and classify
+these remains we must be clear as to the problems which surround
+inquiry into them. The solution of these problems will place us in
+possession of a mass of survivals in folklore which are naturally
+associated with each other, and which stand apart from other survivals
+also naturally associated with each other. In these two masses we may
+detect the main influences of the great tribal races and the
+non-tribal races. We cannot, I think, get much beyond this. We may,
+perhaps, here and there, detect smaller race divisions--Celtic,
+Teutonic, Scandinavian or other distinctions, according to the area of
+investigation--but these will be less apparent, less determinable, and
+will not be so valuable to historical science as the larger division.
+To this we shall by proper investigation be indebted for the solution
+of many doubtful points of the prehistoric period, and it is in this
+respect that it will appeal to the student of folklore.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[466] Mr. Nutt's presidential address to the Folklore Society in 1899
+does not, I think, disprove my theory. It ignores it, and confines the
+problem to legend and folk-tale. Mr. Nutt's powerful, but not
+conclusive, study is to be found in _Folklore_, x. 71-86, and my reply
+and correspondence resulting therefrom are to be found at pp. 129-149.
+
+[467] MacCulloch, _Childhood of Fiction_, 90-101; Greenwell, _British
+Barrows_, 17, 18.
+
+[468] _Custom and Myth_, 76.
+
+[469] _Myth, Ritual and Religion_, ii. 215, compared with Gomme,
+_Ethnology in Folklore_, 16.
+
+[470] I have discussed this point at greater length in _Folklore_, xii.
+222-225.
+
+[471] Mr. J. O'Beirne Crowe in _Journ. Arch. and Hist. Assoc. of
+Ireland_, 3rd ser., i. 321.
+
+[472] Rhys, _Lectures on Welsh Philology_, 32; _Celtic Heathendom_,
+216; _Celtic Britain_, 67-75; Rhys and Brynmôr-Jones, _Welsh People_,
+83.
+
+[473] The continental evidence has been collected together in
+convenient shape by modern scholars: thus Mr. Stock, in his work on
+_Cæsar de bello Gallico_, notes and compares the evidence of Cæsar,
+Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, Ammianus Marcellinus, Mela, Lucan, and Pliny
+as it has been interpreted by modern scholars (see pp. 107-113), and he
+is followed by Mr. T. Rice Holmes in his study of _Cæsar's Conquest of
+Gaul_, pp. 532-536. The Druidic cult of belief in immortality,
+metempsychosis, ritual of the grove, augury, human sacrifice, is all
+set out and discussed. These are the continental Druidic beliefs and
+practices, and they may be compared with the Druidic Irish beliefs and
+practices in Eugene O'Curry's _Manners and Customs of the Ancient
+Irish_, lect. ix. and x. vol. ii. pp. 179-228, and Dr. Joyce's _Social
+History of Ancient Ireland_, i. 219-248, where "the points of agreement
+and difference between Irish and Gaulish Druids" are discussed. Mr.
+Elton notices the difference between the continental and the British
+Druids, but ascribes it to unequal development (_Origins of Eng.
+Hist._, 267-268). Cæsar's well-known account of the wickerwork
+sacrifice is very circumstantial. It is not repeated by either Diodorus
+or Strabo, who both refer to individual human sacrifice. Pliny
+introduces the mistletoe, oak, and serpent cults, and the other three
+authorities are apparently dependent upon their predecessors.
+
+[474] The mixture of Celt and Iberian is very ably dealt with by Mr.
+Holmes in his _Cæsar's Conquest of Gaul_, pp. 245-322, and by Ripley,
+_Races of Europe_, 461, 467, together with cap. vii. and xii.; see also
+Sergi, _Mediterranean Race_, cap. xii.
+
+[475] The intermarrying of the Picts with the Celts of the district
+they conquered is mentioned in all the chronicles as an important and
+significant rite, which determined the succession to the Pictish throne
+through the female side (Skene's _Chron. of the Picts and Scots_, 40,
+45, 126, 319, 328, 329). Beda, i. cap. i., mentions female succession.
+Skene discusses this point in _Celtic Scotland_, i. 232-235, and
+McLennan includes it in his evidence from anthropological data
+(_Studies in Anc. Hist._, 99).
+
+[476] Mr. Seebohm is the best authority for the importance of the
+non-tribesman in Celtic law (_Tribal System in Wales_, 54-60).
+
+[477] The local cults in Great Britain which are not Celtic in form,
+and do not seem to be connected with Celtic religion on any analogy,
+are those relating to Cromm Cruaich, referred to in the _Tripartite
+Life of St. Patrick_ (see Whitley Stokes in _Revue Celtique_, i. 260,
+xvi. 35-36; O'Curry, _MS. Materials of Anc. Irish History_, 538-9;
+Joyce, _Social History of Ancient Ireland_, i. 275-276; Rhys, _Celtic
+Heathendom_, 200-201). I do not follow Rhys in his identification of
+this cult as a part of the ceremonies on mounds, and suggest that Mr.
+Bury in his _Life of St. Patrick_, 123-125, gives the clue to the
+purely local character of this idol worship which I claim for it.
+Similarly the overthrow of the temple at Goodmanham, Godmundingham,
+described by Beda, ii. cap. 13, with its priest who was not allowed to
+carry arms, or to ride on any but a mare, is the destruction of a
+successful local cult, not of a national or tribal religion. I confess
+that Dr. Greenwell's observations in connection with his barrow
+discoveries (_British Barrows_, 286-331) are in favour of an early
+Anglican cultus, but I think his facts may be otherwise interpreted,
+and in any case they confirm my view of the special localisation of
+this cult.
+
+[478] Rev. W. G. Lawes in _Journ. Royal Geographical Soc._, new series,
+iii. 615. _Cf._ Romilly, _From my Verandah_, 249; _Journ. Indian
+Archipelago_ vi. 310, 329.
+
+[479] Dieffenbach, _Travels in New Zealand_, ii. 7, 10, 59.
+
+[480] _Trans. Ethnol. Soc._, new series, iii. 235.
+
+[481] Colquhoun's _Amongst the Shans_, 52; Bastian, _Oestl. Asien_, i.
+119.
+
+[482] Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_, i. 228;
+and compare Rev. P. Favre, _Account of Wild Tribes of the Malayan
+Peninsula_ (Paris, 1865), p. 95.
+
+[483] _Ethnology in Folklore_, 45; and see Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,
+i. 112-113.
+
+[484] Stanley, _Through the Dark Continent_, i. 253. _Cf._ Burrows,
+_Land of the Pigmies_, 180, for the state of fear which the pygmies
+cause to their neighbours.
+
+[485] Latham, _Descriptive Ethnology_, ii. 457.
+
+[486] _Journ. As. Soc. Bengal_, 1866, ii. 158; see also Geiger,
+_Civilisation of Eastern Iranians_, i. 20-21.
+
+[487] _Journ. Ceylon As. Soc._, 1865-1866, p. 3. _Journ. Ind.
+Archipelago_, i. 328; Tennant, _Ceylon_, i. 331; J. F. Campbell, _My
+Circular Notes_, 155-157.
+
+[488] Landtman, _Origin of Priesthood_, p. 82, quoting the original
+authorities.
+
+[489] Vigfusson and Powell, _Corpus Boreale_, ii. 38; and see i. 408.
+
+[490] _Roman Festivals_, 264.
+
+[491] Rhys, _Lectures on Welsh Philology_, 196.
+
+[492] _Life of St. Guthlac_, by Felix of Crowland, edit. C. W. Goodwin,
+pp. 21, 23, 27, 35.
+
+[493] _Life of St. Guthlac_, p. 43.
+
+[494] Wright, _Essays on Popular Superstitions of the Middle Ages_, ii.
+4-10.
+
+[495] The substance of this part of my subject, with more elaboration
+in detail, is taken from a paper I contributed to the _Transactions of
+the Folklore Congress_, 1891.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+aborigines, savage, 219
+Abyssinian pygmies, 241
+African pygmy people, 241-2
+aged, killing of the, 68-78
+agricultural custom, 49, 163, 188, 192, 220, 311, 339, 352-3, 359
+Ahts of Vancouver Island, 62, 228
+All Souls, feast of, 331
+allocation of folklore items, 340
+altar superstitions, 198, 200
+American Indian creation myths, 131, 141, 258
+American Indian traditions, 144, 246
+analysis of custom, 159
+Andaman islanders, 218
+animal traditions, 239
+animals, domestication of, 258
+antagonism in folklore, 340
+anthropological conditions, 208-302
+apparitions, 188
+arm, right, left unchristened, 324, 325
+arresting force of Christianity, 321, 322
+Arthur traditions, 29, 33-34
+Arunta people (Australians), 265-274
+Ashantee creation myth, 141, 142
+ashes, custom connected with, 160
+aspirations of man, 145
+association, law of, in folklore, 166-9
+Aston and Cote, manor, 355
+Australian evidence, 61, 142, 143, 156, 187, 213, 217, 230, 232, 251,
+    256, 258, 262-74, 347
+Australoid race, 296
+Avebury (Lord), quoted, 65, 215
+
+Balder myth, 108
+ballads, growth of, 13
+baptism, 323-4, 325, 328
+baptismal water, 197
+barbaric conquest, 219
+Beddgelert bridge tradition, 26
+Bedfordshire evidence, 95, 287
+bees, telling the, 162, 164
+Bega (St.), 323
+belief the foundation of myth, 140-6
+Beowulf, quoted, 89
+Berkshire evidence, 95, 162
+boar as a totem animal, 287
+Border civilisation, 31, 183-5
+Boudicca, hare portent of, 288
+bow and arrow, 218
+Breton tradition, 21-22, 28
+bridges, tradition concerning, 25, 26
+Britain, totemism in, 276-96
+Buckinghamshire evidence, 162
+bull (white) ceremony, 161
+Bund (Willis), quoted, 118
+burial superstition, 198, 324, 339
+Burmese evidence, 347
+Bury (J. B.), quoted, 35, 345
+Bushmen dances, 141
+
+Cæsar, food taboos in Britain, 286-91
+Canary Islanders, custom, 325
+Catskin story, 59-66
+cattle, telling of death to, 162
+Celtic mythology, 103
+Celtic tribes of Britain, 25-28, 103-5, 111, 310
+Ceylon evidence, 31
+Chadwick (H. M.), quoted, 223
+charms, 188
+Cheshire evidence, 162
+child relationship to parents, 232
+child thought, 186, 187
+Childe Rowland story, 314-15
+children not related to parents, 61, 268, 271
+Christianity and paganism, 320-37
+church ceremony of marriage, 90-1
+church, sacred character of objects and buildings, 197-9
+churning superstition, 202
+civil war pamphlets, 195
+Claddagh fisherfolk, 279
+clan songs, 97
+class system in Australian totemism, 264, 265, 270, 272
+classification, false, of folklore, 166
+Clonmel witch case, 205
+club, for killing the aged, 74-76
+cock as a totem animal, 286, 289
+comparative folklore, 170-9
+conjectural method of inquiry, 225-6, 239, 250
+conquered, mythic influence of, 345-9
+conscious use of experience or observation, 211, 212
+conquest in man's history, 219
+Cook (A. B.), quoted, 106, 108
+Cornwall evidence, 20, 55, 162, 164, 193, 196, 324
+Crawley (E.), quoted, 155
+Crayford legend, 43
+creation myths, 130-9
+Cromm Cruaich, 344
+Cuchulain, totem descent of, 286
+Cuerdale hoard of coins, 30-31
+Cumberland evidence, 162, 184, 323
+custom, belief, and rite, 10, 123, 125, 154-70
+Cynuit, fight with Danes at, 5-6
+
+Danish conquest in tradition, 22, 31, 41, 192
+Darwin (C.), quoted, 213, 224, 247
+death beliefs, 191-2
+death, telling of, to bees, 162
+decay the principal force in folklore, 157-9, 319
+definitions, 129
+Demeter temple custom, 150
+Derbyshire evidence, 162
+descent, use of the term, 270
+Devonshire evidence, 5, 95, 96, 324
+differential evolution, 228
+diffusion of folk-tales, 153
+dog as a totem animal, 286
+doom rings, 323
+doors, decoration of, 334
+Dorsetshire evidence, 45, 94
+dreams, 13-20, 188
+Druidism, 341, 342-4
+duplication of myth, 33, 34
+Durham evidence, 162, 184, 324
+
+Easter-tide, 328
+economic influences upon early man, 219, 257
+Egyptian civilisation, 108
+Elton (C.), quoted, 73, 74, 78, 114, 286, 290, 344
+Essex evidence, 95
+ethnographic movements of man, 216
+ethnological conditions, 338-66
+Eucharist, sacred elements of, 197
+European conditions, 320-37
+European sky god, 106
+Evans (Arthur), quoted, 209
+Exeter custom, 96
+exogamy, 252, 271
+
+fact, basis of tradition upon, 10, 47-49
+fairs, 45
+family, the term, 235-7
+Farrer (J. A.), quoted, 145
+father kinship, 231, 259
+father and daughter marriage, 59-66
+female descent, 271
+festivals, pagan in origin, 328
+fictional literature, 6, 123, 145
+Fijian creation myth, 131
+Fir-Bolgs, 101
+fire, non-use of, 218
+fire worship, 106, 108, 160, 163, 317
+first foot custom, 162, 164
+fish as a totem, 290
+folklore, necessities of, 4-7
+folk-tales, 46-84, 123, 127, 129, 148-9
+food taboos in ancient Britain, 286
+formula of custom, 159
+fox totem in Connaught, 278-80
+Frazer (J.), quoted, 62, 108-9, 110, 140, 228, 253, 255, 265, 274, 283,
+    285, 287, 329, 338, 339, 365
+Fuegians, 247
+
+Gambia district, peoples of, 245
+Genesis creation myth, 137-8, 150
+geological age of man, 214
+giants, 194
+Gibbon (E.), quoted, 321, 327, 334
+Giles (Dr.), quoted, 113
+Gold coast natives, 230
+Gomme (Mrs.), quoted, 26
+goose as a totem animal, 286, 289
+Gospels used as charms, 199
+gossip, meaning of, 278
+Gregory (Pope), letter of, to Mellitus, 329-30
+Greek totemism, 275
+Greek laws, 85, 86, 87, 88
+Grey (Sir George), quoted, 143
+Grierson (P. J. H.), quoted, 45, 230
+Grimm, quoted, 7, 78-81, 327-8
+group (human) the unit of anthropological work, 234
+Guthlac (St.) legend, 350-2
+
+Haddon (A. C.), quoted, 188, 228, 253, 254
+Hampshire evidence, 96, 162, 192
+hare as a totem animal, 280, 287-9
+Harris, island of, 354
+Hartland (E. S.), quoted, 23, 148, 259, 265
+Hawick Common riding, 98-99
+Hebrew creation myth, 137-8
+Hereward in history and tradition, 35-40
+historians, neglect of folklore, 110-20
+historical material, 2-4
+history and folklore, 1-122, 315
+holy, the word, 317
+"holy mawle," 74
+horde, type of society, 225
+hostility among primitive groups of mankind, 264
+Howitt (A. W.), quoted, 142, 230
+hunting stage of society, 220
+Huxley (T. H.), quoted, 138
+
+idols in Christian churches, 328
+Indian evidence, 13, 27, 31, 52, 55, 63, 66, 72, 73, 78, 85, 86, 87,
+    101, 109, 119, 135-6, 146, 151, 174, 175, 193, 217, 229, 231, 258,
+    271, 309, 310, 315, 348, 349, 353, 357
+industrial evolution, 228-30
+Innis (Thomas), quoted, 113
+institutions and religion, 305, 306, 360
+Irish evidence, 11, 49, 50, 56-59, 88, 97, 108, 159, 163, 177, 182, 183,
+    198, 205, 276-82, 286, 287, 324, 330
+Italy, Christian and pagan beliefs in, 331-4, 335
+
+Java, remains of man in, 214
+Jevons (F. B.), quoted, 140, 141, 145, 236
+Jewish temple rite, 200
+Joyce (Dr.), quoted, 116
+junior right inheritance, 96, 172-4, 223, 313
+
+Keane (A. H.), quoted, 214, 215, 241
+Keary (J. F.), quoted, 313
+Kemble (J. M.), quoted, 3, 42, 89
+Kent evidence, 43, 191, 330
+Kentish laws, 92
+Kilmorie, 352
+kinship, 219, 220, 226, 230, 261
+kinlessness, 225, 231, 235, 240-7, 256, 261, 268
+Kronos myth, 134
+
+Lambeth pedlar legend, 20
+Lancashire evidence, 20, 162, 191, 289, 324
+lands, surrender of, to sons, 70-2
+Lang (A.), quoted, 7, 116, 131, 132, 153, 225, 226, 236, 253, 254,
+    255, 263, 265, 271, 272, 273, 275, 339
+Lapps as sorcerers, 349
+Lappenberg (J. M.), quoted, 113
+Latham (Dr.), quoted, 214, 215-16, 241
+Lauder, 354
+Law, traditional origin of, 84-100, 196, 328
+left and right superstition, 166
+legend, 124, 127, 129, 151-2
+legislation, primitive, 213, 273
+Leicestershire evidence, 198
+Lincolnshire evidence, 30, 162, 350-2
+Litlington tradition, 43
+local traditions, 13-33
+locality influence of, 219, 344
+Lockyer (Sir Norman), quoted, 107
+logic of primitive man, 140
+London Bridge legends, 13-33
+Lud, Celtic god, 105
+Lundinium (Roman), 24, 25, 105
+
+Mabinogion creation myth, 136
+MacCulloch (Mr.), quoted, 47, 82, 123, 173, 239, 313, 338
+Maine (Sir Henry), quoted, 85, 87, 117, 226, 235
+male descent, 269, 270
+male groups, 225, 239
+manorial evidence, 94-96, 305
+manumission formula, 92
+Manx custom, 160, 162
+Maori myths, 143, 144
+marriage ceremony, 90-91, 162
+marriage customs in folk-tales, 65
+materials and methods, 123-79
+McLennan (J. F.), quoted, 61, 65, 225, 293
+midsummer festivals, 328
+migratory movements of man, 214-17, 221, 222, 223, 224, 237, 251, 264,
+    266
+monogenists, 213
+Morgan (L. H.), quoted, 225, 275
+mother influence in totemism, 257, 267
+mother kinship, 231
+Moytura monuments, 101, 102
+Murray (Dr.), quoted, 98
+myth, 127, 129, 130-48
+mythology, 9, 100-10, 128, 146-8, 303
+
+names (totem), origin of, 260
+natural objects, interpretation of, 193
+neglect of observation, 231
+neolithic burial custom, 339
+New Guinea evidence, 345
+New Zealand myths, 131, 132-3, 190, 217, 346
+Nicholson (Dr.), quoted, 172, 173
+Nod, Celtic god, 105
+Nonconformist appeal to church, 200
+Norfolk evidence, 14-19, 42, 163
+Norse custom, 174, 175
+Norse tradition, 22-23, 32
+Northamptonshire evidence, 198, 288
+Northumberland evidence, 162, 324, 325
+_Notes and Queries_, quoted, 6
+Nottinghamshire evidence, 96, 162
+nursery rhymes, growth of, 13
+Nutt (A.), quoted, 6, 222, 339
+
+oath-taking customs, 200
+O'Curry (Eugene), quoted, 113
+offertory money, 197
+oral tradition, force of, 87, 125
+outlawry, 311
+oxen, slaughter of, 329
+
+palæolithic implements, 217, 218
+Palgrave (Sir F.), quoted, 88, 113
+parallel practices as evidence of common origin, 109, 171-6, 227
+pastoral stage of society, 220, 358
+Pearson (Dr. Karl), quoted, 47, 78, 201
+Pearson (C. H.), quoted, 115
+Pedlar of Swaffham legend, 14-19
+personal traditions, 33-46
+Petrie (Flinders), quoted, 222
+Pictish marriage custom, 344
+political races, 209, 219, 221
+polygenists, 213
+pottery, 218
+Powell (York), quoted, 3, 8, 104
+practice and rule, 227
+pre-Celtic remains, 101, 118-20, 209, 275, 318, 350
+priest's grave superstition, 199
+priests of old religion regarded as magicians, 200
+promiscuity, 224
+Protestants appeal to Roman Catholicism, 200
+psychological conditions, 180-207
+purpose of custom, 159
+pygmy peoples, 238, 241-5, 248, 348
+
+Ramsay (Sir James), quoted, 115
+record of custom, 156, 165
+religion and folklore, 140
+religion and myth, 138
+religion and science, 138-9, 206
+result in custom, 159
+retrogression in human society, 249
+Rhodopis tradition, 53
+rhyming tenures, 94-95
+Rhys (Sir John), quoted, 29, 33, 34, 105, 114, 115, 161, 163, 209,
+    342, 345, 350
+Ridgeway (Prof.), quoted, 308
+right and left superstition, 166
+rites explained by myth, 146
+Rivers (Dr. W. H. R.), quoted, 150, 174, 229
+Robertson-Smith (W.), quoted, 147, 174, 282, 303, 304
+Rollright stones, 209
+Roman Britain, 25, 30, 105, 360-2
+romances, 124
+Rome, ancient customs of, 26, 34, 151, 332, 349
+
+sacrifice (human), 174-6
+savage customs in Britain, 112-16
+savage incidents in folk-tales, 78-82
+Scandinavian custom, 71, 223, 323, 328
+Scarborough warning, 93-94
+science, primitive, 130, 131
+Scottish evidence, 20, 48, 49, 50, 56, 65, 67-78, 92, 149, 162, 181,
+    182, 198, 288, 289, 290
+seal totem in Connaught, 280-2
+Semangs of Malay peninsula, 218, 242-5, 267, 269, 270, 278, 297-302,
+    348
+sermon quoted, 189
+sex cleavage in human evolution, 251, 260
+Shrewsbury Abbey Church, tradition, 43
+Shropshire evidence, 43, 95, 162, 292
+Sids, Irish, 341
+Skene (W. F.), quoted, 114, 115, 344
+sky-god, 106
+Slavonian tradition, 54
+snake stones of Whitby, 194
+sociological conditions, 303-19
+Somersetshire evidence, 45, 95, 162, 205
+soul resident in backbone, 189, 190
+Southampton custom, 96
+specialisation of culture, 227, 233, 364
+Spencer (Herbert), quoted, 117, 214
+Spencer and Gillen, quoted, 143, 265
+Spenser (Edmund), quoted, 4, 11, 177
+Squire (Mr.), quoted, 33, 34, 101-3, 117
+stationary conditions of life, 223, 224
+state religion, 103-5
+Stevenson (W. H.), quoted, 5
+Stewart (J. A.), quoted, 145
+stone circles, 107, 193, 194
+Stonehenge, 107, 209
+Suffolk evidence, 161, 162, 192
+Sullivan (W. R.), quoted, 113, 120
+Surrey evidence, 20, 162
+survivals, 154-5, 319, 336
+Sussex evidence, 41, 162
+
+tappie, tappie, tousie, 92
+telling tales, 149
+Teutonic religion, 104
+Teutonic tribes, 310
+Thomas (N. W.), quoted, 214, 226, 232, 236, 265
+threshold custom, 159, 334
+toad in witchcraft, 203
+Todas, loss of myth by, 150
+totemism, 209-10, 252, 253-61, 274-96
+transfer of superstition to different objects, 163, 325
+treasure legends, 13-24, 30
+trees, marriage of, India, 258
+tribal life in tradition, 51-59, 103-5
+tribal institutions, 307-18, 356, 364
+tribe, the term, 234, 308
+Tuatha de Danann, 101
+Turner (Sharon), quoted, 113
+Tylor (E. B.), quoted, 9, 133, 154, 200, 233, 239
+
+Upsall, Yorks, legend from, 19
+
+ver sacrum, 223
+Vortigern, 62
+
+water god, 105
+well worship, 163, 164, 323, 326
+Welsh evidence, 20, 26, 34, 162, 194, 200, 202
+Westermarck (Dr.), quoted, 225, 239
+Westmoreland evidence, 184
+Wilde (Sir W.), quoted, 45, 101
+William the Conqueror, Sussex tradition, 41
+Wiltshire evidence, 44, 45, 95, 162, 287, 288, 354
+witchcraft, 194, 201-6
+wolf totem in Ossory, 276-8
+women in early industrialism, 257
+Worcestershire evidence, 162
+
+Yorkshire evidence, 19, 20, 30, 78, 93, 162, 184, 194, 324, 325
+Yule-tide, 328
+
+Zulu folk-tales, 51, 64
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes:
+
+This book contains some archaic and variant spelling, which has been
+retained as printed. Hyphenation has been made consistent where
+appropriate, without note. Minor printer errors (missing or transposed
+letters or punctuation, etc.) have been amended. The list of amendments
+is included below.
+
+Illustrations have been shifted slightly, so that they are not in the
+middle of paragraphs. The frontispiece illustration has been moved to
+follow the title page.
+
+
+Transcriber's List of Amendments:
+
+Page 42--ryhme amended to rhyme--"... the old rhyme is still
+remembered ..."
+
+Page 76--missing accent added to "vice versâ".
+
+Page 92--signifiance amended to significance--"... rhythmical formulæ
+which have legal significance."
+
+Page 118--missing accent added to "primâ facie".
+
+Page 184--preceeding amended to preceding--"... those immediately
+preceding the reign ..."
+
+Page 198--bedesecrated amended to be desecrated--"must not be
+desecrated"
+
+Page 271--missing apostrophe added--"do not go to the wives' region of
+abode."
+
+Page 368--Firbolgs amended to Fir-Bolgs, in line with other
+occurrences.
+
+Footnote 358--missing period added at end of footnote.
+
+Footnote 416--Ser. made consistent with other occurrences--amended to
+"ser."
+
+Footnote 469--comma added--"Myth, Ritual and Religion".
+
+Footnote 473--precedessors amended to predecessors--"... apparently
+dependent upon their predecessors."
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Folklore as an Historical Science, by 
+George Laurence Gomme
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FOLKLORE AS AN HISTORICAL SCIENCE ***
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diff --git a/21852-0.zip b/21852-0.zip
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Folklore as an Historical Science, by 
+George Laurence Gomme
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Folklore as an Historical Science
+
+Author: George Laurence Gomme
+
+Release Date: June 18, 2007 [EBook #21852]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FOLKLORE AS AN HISTORICAL SCIENCE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Clare Boothby, Sam W. and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                           FOLKLORE AS AN
+                         HISTORICAL SCIENCE
+
+
+                                 BY
+                       GEORGE LAURENCE GOMME
+
+
+                  WITH TWENTY-EIGHT ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+                             METHUEN & CO.
+                         36 ESSEX STREET W.C.
+                               LONDON
+
+
+
+
+                     _First Published in 1908_
+
+
+[Illustration: "PEDLAR'S SEAT," SWAFFHAM CHURCH]
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAPTER
+
+I. HISTORY AND FOLKLORE                             _pages_  1-122
+
+      INTRODUCTORY                             _pages_  1-13
+
+      HISTORY AND LOCAL AND PERSONAL TRADITIONS        13-46
+
+      HISTORY AND FOLK-TALES                           46-84
+
+      TRADITIONAL LAW                                 84-100
+
+      MYTHOLOGY AND TRADITION                        100-110
+
+      HISTORIANS AND TRADITION                       110-120
+
+
+II. MATERIALS AND METHODS                                  123-179
+
+      TRADITIONAL MATERIAL                           123-129
+
+      MYTH, FOLK-TALE, AND LEGEND                    129-153
+
+      CUSTOM, BELIEF, AND RITE                       154-179
+
+
+III. PSYCHOLOGICAL CONDITIONS                              180-207
+
+
+IV. ANTHROPOLOGICAL CONDITIONS                             208-302
+
+      PRIMITIVE INFLUENCES                           211-238
+
+      EARLIEST TYPES OF SOCIAL EXISTENCE             238-261
+
+      AUSTRALIAN TOTEM SOCIETY TESTED BY THE
+          EVIDENCE                                   262-274
+
+      TOTEM SURVIVALS IN BRITAIN                     274-296
+
+      SYNOPSIS OF CULTURE-STRUCTURE OF SEMANGS
+          OF MALAY PENINSULA                         297-302
+
+
+V. SOCIOLOGICAL CONDITIONS                                 303-319
+
+
+VI. EUROPEAN CONDITIONS                                    320-337
+
+
+VII. ETHNOLOGICAL CONDITIONS                               338-366
+
+
+INDEX                                                      367-371
+
+
+
+
+LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+                                                                  PAGE
+1. PEDLAR'S SEAT, SWAFFHAM CHURCH, NORFOLK.             _Frontispiece_
+
+2. CARVED WOODEN FIGURE OF THE PEDLAR IN SWAFFHAM
+         CHURCH                                                      8
+
+3. CARVED WOODEN FIGURE OF THE PEDLAR'S DOG IN SWAFFHAM
+         CHURCH                                                      8
+
+      Nos. 1-3 are taken from photographs, and show how the
+    story of the Pedlar of Swaffham has been interpreted in
+    carving. The costume of the Pedlar is noticeable.
+
+4. THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH AND HIS DOG, FIGURED IN THE
+         WINDOW (NOW DESTROYED) OF LAMBETH CHURCH (from
+         Allen's _History of Lambeth_)                              20
+
+5. THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH AND HIS DOG AS DRAWN IN 1786
+         FOR DUCAREL'S _History of Lambeth_                         22
+
+      Nos. 4 and 5 illustrate the traces of the Pedlar legend
+    in Lambeth, and the costume of the Pedlar, though later
+    than that shown in the Swaffham carving, exhibits analogous
+    features which are of interest to the argument.
+
+6. PLAN OF THE SITE OF THE "HEAVEN'S WALLS" AT LITLINGTON,
+         NEAR ROYSTON, CAMBRIDGESHIRE (reprinted from
+           _Archæologia_)                                           43
+
+7. SKETCH OF LITLINGTON FIELD (reprinted from
+         _Archæologia_)                                             44
+
+      Nos. 6 and 7 show the site and general appearance
+    of this interesting relic of the Roman occupation of
+    Britain.
+
+8. STONE MONUMENTS ERECTED AS MEMORIALS IN A KASYA
+          VILLAGE (reprinted from _Asiatic Researches_)             55
+
+9. STONE SEATS AT A KASYA VILLAGE (reprinted from _Asiatic
+         Researches_)                                               55
+
+10. VIEW IN THE KASYA HILLS, SHOWING STONE MEMORIALS
+          (reprinted from _Asiatic Researches_)                     56
+
+      No. 8 shows the practice among the primitive hill-tribes
+    of India of erecting memorials in stone to tribal heroes,
+    and No. 9 is a curious illustration of the stones used as
+    seats by tribesmen at their tribal assemblies. No. 10 is a
+    general view of the site occupied by these stone monuments.
+
+11. THE AULD CA-KNOWE: CALLING THE BURGESS ROLL AT
+          HAWICK (reprinted from Craig and Laing's
+          _Hawick Tradition_)                                       98
+
+12. THE HAWICK MOAT AT SUNRISE (reprinted from Craig and
+          Laing)                                                    99
+
+      The tribal gathering is well illustrated by No. 11, and
+    the moat hill is shown in No. 12.
+
+13. ONE OF FIVE STONE CIRCLES IN THE FIELDS OPPOSITE THE
+          GLEBE OF NYMPHSFIELD (reprinted from Sir William
+          Wilde's _Lough Corrib_)                                  101
+
+14. CARN-AN-CHLUITHE TO COMMEMORATE THE DEFEAT AND
+          DEATH OF THE YOUTHS OF THE DANANNS (reprinted
+          from Wilde)                                              102
+
+15. THE CAIRN OF BALLYMAGIBBON, NEAR THE ROAD PASSING
+          FROM CONG TO CROSS (reprinted from Wilde)                102
+
+      Nos. 13-15 are selected from Sir William Wilde's admirable
+    account of the great conflict on the field of Moytura. They
+    serve to show that the fight was an historical event.
+
+16. ALTAR DEDICATED TO THE FIELD DEITIES OF BRITAIN,
+          FOUND AT CASTLE HILL ON THE WALL OF ANTONINUS PIUS       105
+
+      It is important to remember that the Romans recognised
+    the gods of the conquered people, and this is one of the
+    most important archæological proofs of the fact.
+
+17. ROMAN SCULPTURED STONE FOUND AT ARNIEBOG, CUMBERNAULD,
+          DUMBARTONSHIRE, SHOWING A NAKED BRITON AS
+          A CAPTIVE                                                112
+
+      To the evidence derived from classical writers as to the
+    nakedness of some of the inhabitants of early Britain, it
+    is possible to add the evidence of the memorial stone. This
+    example is reproduced from Sir Arthur Mitchell's _Past in
+    the Present_, and there is at least one other example.
+
+18. REPRESENTATION OF AN IRISH CHIEFTAIN SEATED AT
+          DINNER (from Derrick's _The Image of Ireland_,
+          by kind permission of Messrs. A. & E. Black)             183
+
+      This is reproduced from the very excellent reprint (1883)
+    of this remarkable book, published originally in 1581. The
+    whole book is historically valuable as showing the undeveloped
+    nature of Irish culture. The flesh was boiled in the hide, the
+    fire is lighted in the open camp, and the entire rudeness of
+    the scene depicts the people "whose usages I behelde after the
+    fashion there sette downe."
+
+19. LONG MEG AND HER DAUGHTERS (from a photograph by
+          Messrs. Frith)                                           193
+
+20. STONE CIRCLES ON STANTON MOOR (from
+         _Archæologia_)                                            193
+
+      Nos. 19 and 20 are illustrations of two of the lesser-known
+    circles about which the people hold such curious beliefs.
+
+21. CHINESE REPRESENTATION OF PYGMIES GOING ABOUT ARM-IN-ARM
+          FOR MUTUAL PROTECTION (from Moseley's _Notes by
+          a Naturalist on H.M.S. Challenger_, by permission
+          of Mr. John Murray)                                      242
+
+22. SEMANG OF KUALA KENERING, ULU PERAK (from Skeat and
+          Blagden's _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_,
+          by permission of Messrs. Macmillan)                      242
+
+23. NEGRITO TYPE: SEMANG OF PERAK (from the same)                  243
+
+24. SEMANG OF KEDAH HAVING A MEAL (from the same)                  244
+
+25. TREE HUT, ULU BATU, ABOUT TWELVE MILES FROM KUALA
+          LUMPUR, SELANGOR (from the same)                         298
+
+      The old-world traditions and the scientific observation
+    of pygmy people are illustrated in No. 21 and Nos. 22-25
+    respectively. Though much has been written about the
+    Pygmies, Messrs. Skeat and Blagden's account of the Semang
+    people is by far the most thorough and important.
+
+26. RITE OF BAPTISM ON THE FONT AT DARENTH, KENT (from
+          Romilly Allen's _Early Christian Symbolism_)             324
+
+      The crude paganism on the sculptured stone is confirmatory
+    of the pagan elements preserved in custom, and this
+    illustration from Kent, one of the earliest centres of
+    Christianity in Britain, is singularly interesting from
+    this point of view.
+
+27 and 28. TWO SCENES FROM THE ANGLO-SAXON LIFE OF ST.
+          GUTHLAC BY FELIX OF CROWLAND, DEPICTING THE ATTACK
+          OF THE DEMONS                                       351, 352
+
+      These two plates belong to a series of eight which
+    illustrate the life of the saint. They are less primitive
+    in form than the story which they illustrate. By contrast
+    with the remaining six, however, which are purely
+    ecclesiastical in character, they show how this early
+    episode kept its place among the events of the saint's life.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+If I have essayed to do in this book what should have been done by one
+of the masters of the science of folklore--Mr. Frazer, Mr. Lang, Mr.
+Hartland, Mr. Clodd, Sir John Rhys, and others--I hope it will not be
+put down to any feelings of self-sufficiency on my part. I have
+greatly dared because no one of them has accomplished, and I have so
+acted because I feel the necessity of some guidance in these matters,
+and more particularly at the present stage of inquiry into the early
+history of man.
+
+I have thought I could give somewhat of that guidance because of my
+comprehension of its need, for the comprehension of a need is
+sometimes half-way towards supplying the need. My profound belief in
+the value of folklore as perhaps the only means of discovering the
+earliest stages of the psychological, religious, social, and political
+history of modern man has also entered into my reason for the attempt.
+
+Many years ago I suggested the necessity for guidance, and I sketched
+out a few of the points involved (_Folklore Journal_, ii. 285, 347;
+iii. 1-16) in what was afterwards called by a friendly critic a sort
+of grammar of folklore. The science of folklore has advanced far since
+1885 however, and not only new problems but new ranges of thought have
+gathered round it. Still, the claims of folklore as a definite
+section of historical material remain not only unrecognised but
+unstated, and as long as this is so the lesser writers on folklore
+will go on working in wrong directions and producing much mischief,
+and the historian will judge of folklore by the criteria presented by
+these writers--will judge wrongly and will neglect folklore
+accordingly.
+
+I hope this book may tend to correct this state of things to some
+extent. It is not easy to write on such a subject in a limited space,
+and it is difficult to avoid being somewhat severely technical at
+points. These demerits will, I am sure, be forgiven when considered by
+the light of the human interest involved.
+
+All studies of this kind must begin from the standpoint of a definite
+culture area, and I have chosen our own country for the purpose of
+this inquiry. This will make the illustrations more interesting to the
+English reader; but it must be borne in mind that the same process
+could be repeated for other areas if my estimate of the position is
+even tolerably accurate. For the purpose of this estimate it was
+necessary, in the first place, to show how pure history was intimately
+related to folklore at many stages, and yet how this relationship had
+been ignored by both historian and folklorist. The research for this
+purpose had necessarily to deal with much detail, and to introduce
+fresh elements of research. There is thus produced a somewhat unequal
+treatment; for when illustrations have to be worked out at length,
+because they appear for the first time, the mind is apt to wander from
+the main point at issue and to become lost in the subordinate issue
+arising from the working out of the chosen illustration. This, I
+fear, is inevitable in folklore research, and I can only hope I have
+overcome some of the difficulties caused thereby in a fairly
+satisfactory manner.
+
+The next stage takes us to a consideration of materials and methods,
+in order to show the means and definitions which are necessary if
+folklore research is to be conducted on scientific lines. Not only is
+it necessary to ascertain the proper position of each item of folklore
+in the culture area in which it is found, but it is also necessary to
+ascertain its scientific relationship to other items found in the same
+area; and I have protested against the too easy attempt to proceed
+upon the comparative method. Before we can compare we must be certain
+that we are comparing like quantities.
+
+These chapters are preliminary. After this stage we proceed to the
+principal issues, and the first of these deals with the psychological
+conditions. It was only necessary to treat of this subject shortly,
+because the illustrations of it do not need analysis. They are
+self-contained, and supply their own evidence as to the place they
+occupy.
+
+The anthropological conditions involve very different treatment. The
+great fact necessary to bear in mind is that the people of a modern
+culture area have an anthropological as well as a national or
+political history, and that it is only the anthropological history
+which can explain the meaning and existence of folklore. This subject
+found me compelled to go rather more deeply than I had thought would
+be necessary into first principles, but I hope I have not altogether
+failed to prove that to properly understand the province of folklore
+it is necessary to know something of anthropological research and its
+results. In point of fact, without this consideration of folklore,
+there is not much value to be obtained from it. It is not because it
+consists of traditions, superstitions, customs, beliefs, observances,
+and what not, that folklore is of value to science. It is because the
+various constituents are survivals of something much more essential to
+mankind than fragments of life which for all practical purposes of
+progress might well disappear from the world. As survivals, folklore
+belongs to anthropological data, and if, as I contend, we can go so
+far back into survivals as totemism, we must understand generally what
+position totemism occupies among human institutions, and to understand
+this we must fall back to human origins.
+
+The next divisions are more subordinate. Sociological conditions must
+be studied apart from their anthropological aspect, because in the
+higher races the social group is knit together far more strongly and
+with far greater purpose than among the lower races. The social force
+takes the foremost place among the influences towards the higher
+development, and it is necessary not only to study this but to be sure
+of the terms we use. Tribe, clan, family, and other terms have been
+loosely used in anthropology, just as state, city, village, and now
+village-community, are loosely used in history. The great fact to
+understand is that the social group of the higher races was based on
+blood kinship at the time when they set out to take their place in
+modern civilisation, and that we cannot understand survivals in
+folklore unless we test them by their position as part of a tribal
+organisation. The point has never been taken before, and yet I do not
+see how it can be dismissed.
+
+The consideration of European conditions is chiefly concerned with the
+all-important fact of an intrusive religion, that of Christianity,
+from without, destroying the native religions with which it came into
+contact, conditions which would of course apply only to the folklore
+of European countries.
+
+Finally, I have discussed ethnological conditions in order to show
+that certain fundamental differences in folklore can be and ought to
+be explained as the results of different race origins. We are now
+getting rid of the notion that all Europe is peopled by the
+descendants of the so-called Aryans. There is too much evidence to
+show that the still older races lived on after they were conquered by
+Celt, Teuton, Scandinavian, or Slav, and there is no reason why
+folklore should not share with language, archæology, and physical type
+the inheritance from this earliest race.
+
+In this manner I have surveyed the several conditions attachable to
+the study of folklore and the various departments of science with
+which it is inseparably associated. Folklore cannot be studied alone.
+Alone it is of little worth. As part of the inheritance from bygone
+ages it cannot separate itself from the conditions of bygone ages.
+Those who would study it carefully, and with purpose, must consider it
+in the light which is shed by it and upon it from all that is
+contributory to the history of man.
+
+During my exposition I have ventured upon many criticisms of masters
+in the various departments of knowledge into which I have penetrated;
+but in all cases with great respect. Criticism, such as I have
+indulged in, is nothing more than a respectful difference of opinion
+on the particular points under discussion, and which need every light
+which can be thrown upon them, even by the humblest student.
+
+I am particularly obliged to Mr. Lang, Mr. Hartland, Dr. Haddon, and
+Dr. Rivers, for kindly reading my chapter on Anthropological
+Conditions, and for much valuable and kind help therein; and
+especially I owe Mr. Lang most grateful thanks, for he took an immense
+deal of trouble and gave me the advantage of his searching criticism,
+always in the direction of an endeavour to perfect my faulty evidence.
+I shall not readily part with his letters and MS. on this subject, for
+they show alike his generosity and his brilliance.
+
+To my old friend Mr. Fairman Ordish I am once more indebted for help
+in reading my sheets, and I am also glad to acknowledge the fact that
+two of my sons, Allan Gomme and Wycombe Gomme, have read my proofs and
+helped me much, not only by their criticism, but by their knowledge.
+
+24 DORSET SQUARE, N.W.
+
+
+
+
+FOLKLORE AS AN HISTORICAL SCIENCE
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+HISTORY AND FOLKLORE
+
+
+It may be stated as a general rule that history and folklore are not
+considered as complementary studies. Historians deny the validity of
+folklore as evidence of history, and folklorists ignore the essence of
+history which exists in folklore. Of late years it is true that Dr.
+Frazer, Prof. Ridgeway, Mr. Warde Fowler, Miss Harrison, Mr. Lang, and
+others have broken through this antagonism and shown that the two
+studies stand together; but this is only in certain special
+directions, and no movement is apparent that the brilliant results of
+special inquiries are to bring about a general consideration of the
+mutual help which the two studies afford, if in their respective
+spheres the evidence is treated with caution and knowledge, and if the
+evidence from each is brought to bear upon the necessities of each.
+
+The necessities of history are obvious. There are considerable gaps in
+historical knowledge, and the further back we desire to penetrate the
+scantier must be the material at the historian's disposal. In any case
+there can be only two considerable sources of historical knowledge,
+namely, foreign and native. Looking at the subject from the points
+presented by the early history of our own country, there are the Greek
+and Latin writers to whom Britain was a source of interest as the most
+distant part of the then known world, and the native historians, who,
+witnessing the terribly changing events which followed the break-up of
+the Roman dominion over Britain, recorded their views of the changes
+and their causes, and in course of time recorded also some of the
+events of Celtic history and of Anglo-Saxon history. Then for later
+periods, no country of the Western world possesses such magnificent
+materials for history as our own. In the vast quantity of public and
+private documents which are gradually being made accessible to the
+student there exists material for the illustration and elucidation of
+almost every side and every period of national life, and no branch of
+historical research is more fruitful of results than the comparison of
+the records of the professed historian with the documents which have
+not come from the historian's hands.
+
+All this, however, does not give us the complete story. Necessarily
+there are great and important gaps. Contemporary writers make
+themselves the judges of what is important to record; documents
+preserved in public or private archives relate only to such events as
+need or command the written record or instrument, or to those which
+have interested some of the actors and their families. Hence in both
+departments of history, the historical narrative and the original
+record, it will be found on careful examination that much is needed
+to make the picture of life complete. It is the detail of everyday
+thought and action that is missing--all that is so well known, the
+obvious as it passes before every chronicler, the ceremony, the faith,
+and the action which do not apparently affect the movements of
+civilisation, but which make up the personal, religious and political
+life of the people. It is always well to bear in mind that the
+historical records preserved from the past must necessarily be
+incomplete. An accident preserves one, and an accident destroys
+another. An incident strikes one historian, and is of no interest to
+another. And it may well be that the lost document, the unrecorded
+incident, is of far more value to later ages than what has been
+preserved. This condition of historical research is always present to
+the scientific student, though it is not always brought to bear upon
+the results of historical scholarship.[1] But the scope of the
+historian is gradually but surely widening. It is no longer possible
+to shut the door to geography, ethnography, economics, sociology,
+archæology, and the attendant studies if the historian desires to work
+his subject out to the full.[2] It is even getting to be admitted that
+an appeal must be made to folklore, though the extent and the method
+are not understood. After all that can be obtained from other realms
+of knowledge, it is seen that there is a large gap left still--a gap
+in the heart of things, a gap waiting to be filled by all that can be
+learned about the thought, ideas, beliefs, conceptions, and
+aspirations of the people which have been translated for them, but not
+by them, in the laws, institutions, and religion which find their way
+so easily into history.
+
+The necessities of folklore are far greater than and of a different
+kind from those of history. Edmund Spenser wrote three centuries ago
+"by these old customs the descent of nations can only be proved where
+other monuments of writings are not remayning,"[3] and yet the descent
+of nations is still being proved without the aid of folklore. It is
+certain that the appeal will not be made to its fullest extent unless
+the folklorist makes it clear that it will be answered in a fashion
+which commands attention. It appears to me that the preliminary
+conditions for such an appeal must be ascertained from the folklore
+side. History has not only justified its existence, but during the
+long period of years during which it has been a specific branch of
+learning it has shown its capacity for proceeding on strictly
+scientific and ever-widening lines. Folklore has neither had a long
+period for its study nor a completely satisfactory record of
+scientific work. It is, therefore, essential that folklore should
+establish its right to a place among the historical sciences. At
+present that right is not admitted. It is objected to by scholars who
+will not admit that history can proceed from anything but a dated and
+certified document, and by a few who do not admit that history has
+anything to do with affairs that do not emanate from the prominent
+political or military personages of each period. It is silently, if
+not contemptuously ignored by almost every historical inquirer whose
+attention has not been specially directed to the evidence contained in
+traditional material. Thus between the difficulties arising from the
+interpretation of texts which, originating in oral tradition, have by
+reason of their early record become literature, and the difficulties
+arising from the objections of historians to accept any evidence that
+is not strictly historical in the form they assume to be historical,
+traditional material has not been extensively used as history. It has
+also been wrongly defined by historians. Thus, to give a pertinent
+example, so good a scholar as Mr. W. H. Stevenson, in his admirable
+edition of Asser's _Life of King Alfred_, lays to the crimes of
+tradition an error which is due to other causes. Indeed, he states the
+cause of the error correctly, but does not see that he is
+contradicting himself in so doing. It is worth quoting this case. It
+has to do with the identification of "Cynuit," a place where the Danes
+obtained a victory over the English forces, and Kenwith Castle in
+Devonshire has been claimed as the site of the struggle and "a place
+known as Bloody Corner in Northam is traditionally regarded as the
+scene of a duel between two of the chieftains in 877, and a monument
+recording the battle has been erected."[4] Mr. Stevenson's comment
+upon this is: "We have in this an instructive example of the
+worthlessness of 'tradition' which is here, as so frequently happens
+elsewhere, the outcome of the dreams of local antiquaries, whose
+identifications become gradually impressed upon the memory of the
+inhabitants;" and he then proceeds to show that this particular
+tradition was produced by the suggestion of Mr. R. S. Vidal in 1804.
+Of course, the answer of the folklorist to this charge against the
+value of tradition is that the example is not a case of tradition[5]
+at all. On the contrary, it is a case of false history, started by the
+local antiquary, adopted by the scholars of the day, perpetuated by
+the government in its ordnance survey of the district, and kept alive
+in the minds of the people not by tradition but by a duly certified
+monument erected for the express purpose of commemorating the invented
+incident. There is then no tradition in any one of the stages through
+which the episode has passed. It is all history and false history.
+Historians cannot shake off their responsibilities by looking upon the
+local antiquary as the responsible author of tradition. They cannot
+but admit that the local antiquary belongs to the historical school,
+even though he is not a fully equipped member of his craft, and
+because he blunders they must not class him as a folklorist. They must
+bring better evidence than this to show the worthlessness of
+tradition. In the meantime it is the constant definition of tradition
+as worthless, the relegation of worthless history "to the realms of
+folklore,"[6] which does so much harm to the study of folklore as a
+science.[7] Because the historian misnames an historical error as
+tradition, or fails to discover, at the moment he requires it, the
+fact which lies hidden in tradition, he must not dismiss the whole
+realm of tradition as useless for historical purposes.
+
+Let us freely admit that the historian is not altogether to blame for
+his neglect and for his ignorance of tradition as historical material.
+He has nothing very definite to work upon. Even the great work of
+Grimm is open to the criticism that it does not _prove_ the antiquity
+of popular custom and belief--it merely states the proposition, and
+then relies for proof upon the accumulation of an enormous number of
+examples and the almost entire impossibility of suggesting any other
+origin than that of antiquity for such a mass of non-Christian
+material. Then the great work of Grimm, ethnographical in its methods,
+has never been followed up by similar work for other countries. The
+philosophy of folklore has taken up almost all the time of our
+scholars and students, and the contribution it makes to the history of
+the civilised races has not been made out by folklorists themselves.
+It does not appear to me to be difficult to make out such a claim if
+only scientific methods are adopted, and the solution of definite
+problems is attempted;[8] and if too the difficulties in the way of
+proof are freely admitted, and where they become insuperable, the
+attempt at proof is frankly abandoned. I believe that every single
+item of folklore, every folk-tale, every tradition, every custom and
+superstition, has its origin in some definite fact in the history of
+man; but I am ready to concede that the definite fact is not always
+traceable, that it sometimes goes so far back as to defy recognition,
+that it sometimes relates to events which have no place in the
+after-history of peoples who have taken a position on the earth's
+surface, and which, in the prehistory stage, belong to humanity rather
+than to peoples. Folklore, too, is governed by its own laws and rules
+which are not the laws and rules of history. These concessions,
+however, do not mean the introduction of the term "impossible" to our
+studies. They mean rather a plea for the steady and systematic study
+of our material, on the ground that it has much to yield to the
+historian of man, and to the historians of races, of peoples, of
+nations, and of countries.
+
+[Illustration: CARVED WOODEN FIGURES IN SWAFFHAM CHURCH, NORFOLK]
+
+We cannot, however, show that this is so without facing many
+difficulties created for the most part by folklorists themselves. In
+the first place it is necessary to overtake some of the earlier
+conclusions of the great masters of our science. The first rush, after
+the discovery of the mine, led to the vortex created by the school
+of comparative mythologists, who limited their comparison to the myths
+of Aryan-speaking people, who absolutely ignored the evidence of
+custom, rite, and belief, and who could see nothing beyond
+interpretations of the sun, dawn, and sky gods in the parallel stories
+they were the first to discover and value. We need not ignore all this
+work, nor need we be ungrateful to the pioneers who executed it. It
+was necessary that their view should be stated, and it is satisfactory
+that it was stated at a time early in the existence of our science,
+because it is possible to clear it all away, or as much of it as is
+necessary, without undue interference with the material of which it is
+composed.
+
+The school of comparative mythologists did not, however, entirely
+control the early progress of the study of folklore. There was always
+a school who believed in the foundation of myth being derived from the
+facts of life. Thus Dr. Tylor, in a remarkable study of historical
+traditions and myths of observation,[9] long ago noted that many of
+the traditions current among mankind were historical in origin.
+Writing nearly forty years ago, he had to submit to the influence,
+then at its height, of Adalbert Kuhn and Max Müller, and he conceded
+that there were many traditions which were fictional myths. I think
+this concession must now be much more narrowly scrutinised, and
+preparation made for the conclusion that every genuine myth is a myth
+of observation, the observation by men in a primitive state of
+culture, of a fact which had struck home to their minds. The question
+is, to what part of human history does the central fact appertain?
+Here is undoubtedly a most difficult problem. What the student has to
+do is to admit the difficulty, and to state, if necessary, that the
+fact preserved by tradition is not in all cases possible to discover
+with our present knowledge. This is a perfectly tenable position.
+Human imagination cannot invent anything that is outside of fact. It
+may, and of course too frequently does, misinterpret facts. In
+attempting to explain and account for such facts with insufficient
+knowledge, it gets far away from the truth, but this misinterpretation
+of fact must not be confused with the fact itself. In a word, it must
+be borne in mind by the student of tradition that every tradition
+which has assumed the form of saga, myth, or story contains two
+perfectly independent elements--the fact upon which it is founded, and
+the interpretation of the fact which its founders have attempted.
+
+There is further than this. The other branch of traditional material,
+namely that relating to custom, belief, and rite, rests upon a solid
+basis of historic fact; customs which are strange and irrational to
+this age are not in consequence to be considered the mere worthless
+following of practices which owe their origin to accident or freak;
+beliefs which do not belong to the established religion are not in
+consequence to be considered as mere superstition; rites which were
+not established by authority are not in consequence to be classed as
+mere specimens of popular ignorance. But the difficulties in the way
+of getting all this accepted by the historian are many, and, again,
+not a few of them are the creation of the folklorist himself. Not only
+has he neglected to classify and arrange the scattered items of
+custom, belief, and rite, and to ascertain the degree of association
+which the scattered items have with each other, but he has set about
+the far more difficult and complex task of comparative study without
+having previously prepared his material.
+
+The historian and the folklorist are thus brought face to face with
+what is expected from both, in order that each may work alongside of
+the other, using each other's materials and conclusions at the right
+moment and in the right places. The folklorist has the most to do to
+get his results ready, and to explain and secure his position. He has
+been wandering about in a somewhat inconsequential fashion, bent upon
+finding a _mythos_ where he should have sought for a _persona_ or a
+_locus_, engaged in an extensive quest after parallels when he should
+have been preparing his own material for the process of comparative
+science, seeking for origins amidst human error when he should have
+turned to human experience. He has to change all this waywardness for
+systematic study, and this will lead him in the first place to
+disengage from the results hitherto obtained those which may be
+accepted and which may form the starting-point for future work. But
+his greatest task will be the reconsideration of former results and
+the rewriting of much that has been written on the wrong lines, and
+when this is done we shall have the historian and folklorist meeting
+together in the spirit which Edmund Spenser so finely and truly
+described three centuries ago in his treatment of Irish history: "I do
+herein rely upon those bards or Irish chronicles ... but unto them
+besides I add mine own reading and out of them both together with
+comparison of times likewise of manners and customs, affinity of words
+and manner, properties of natures and uses, resemblances of rites and
+ceremonies, monuments of churches and tombs and many other like
+circumstances I do gather a likelihood of truth, not certainly
+affirming anything, but by conferring of times language monuments and
+such like I do hunt out a probability of things which I leave to your
+judgment to believe or refuse."[10]
+
+I shall of course not be able to undertake either of these tasks. I
+shall attempt, however, to indicate their scope and importance; and as
+a preliminary to the consideration of the definite departments into
+which the subject falls, it is advisable, I think, to test the
+relationship of tradition to history by means of one or two
+illustrations. It may be that the illustrations I shall give are not
+accepted by all students, that some better illustration is forthcoming
+by further research. This is one of the drawbacks from which tradition
+suffers, and must suffer, until our studies are much further advanced
+than they are at present. But I am glad to accept this possibility of
+error as part of the case for the study of tradition, because the
+error of one student cannot be held to disqualify the whole subject.
+It only amounts to saying that the particular fact which seems to me
+to be discoverable in the examples dealt with has to be surrendered in
+favour of another particular fact. My conclusions may be dismissed,
+but that which is not dismissible is the discoverable fact, and it is
+only when the true fact is discovered in each traditional item that
+previous inferences may be neglected or ignored and inquiry cease.[11]
+
+
+I
+
+The evidence of historic events which enter into tradition relates
+principally to the earliest periods, but much of it relates to periods
+well within the domain of history and yet reveals facts which history
+has either hopelessly neglected or misinterpreted. We shall find that
+these facts, though frequently relating to minor events, often have
+reference to matters of the highest national importance, and perhaps
+nowhere more definitely is this the case than in the legends connected
+with particular localities. Of one such tradition I will state what a
+somewhat detailed examination tells in this direction. It will, I
+think, serve as a good example of the kind of research that is
+required in each case, and it will illustrate in a rather special
+manner the value of these traditions to history.
+
+The _locus_ of the legend centres round London Bridge. The earliest
+written version of this legend is quoted from the MSS. of Sir Roger
+Twysden, who obtained it from "Sir William Dugdale, of Blyth Hall, in
+Warwickshire, in a letter dated 29th January, 1652-3." Sir William
+says of it that "it was the tradition of the inhabitants as it was
+told me there," and Sir Roger Twysden adds of it that: "I have since
+learnt from others to be most true." This, therefore, is a very
+respectable origin for the legend, and I will transcribe it from Sir
+William Dugdale's letter which begins "the story of the Pedlar of
+Swaffham-market is in substance this":--
+
+      "That dreaming one night if he went to London he
+      should certainly meet with a man on London Bridge
+      which would tell him good news he was so perplext in
+      his mind that till he set upon his journey he could
+      have no rest; to London therefore he hasts and walk'd
+      upon the Bridge for some hours where being espyed by a
+      shopkeeper and asked what he wanted he answered you
+      may well ask me that question for truly (quoth he) I
+      am come hither upon a very vain errand and so told the
+      story of his dream which occasioned the journey.
+      Whereupon the shopkeeper reply'd alas good friend
+      should I have heeded dreams I might have proved myself
+      as very a fool as thou hast, for 'tis not long since
+      that I dreamt that at a place called Swaffham Market
+      in Norfolk dwells one John Chapman a pedlar who hath a
+      tree in his backside under which is buried a pot of
+      money. Now therefore if I should have made a journey
+      thither to day for such hidden treasure judge you
+      whether I should not have been counted a fool. To whom
+      the pedlar cunningly said yes verily I will therefore
+      return home and follow my business not heeding such
+      dreams hence forward. But when he came home being
+      satisfied that his dream was fulfilled he took
+      occasion to dig in that place and accordingly found a
+      large pot of money which he prudently conceal'd
+      putting the pot amongst the rest of his brass. After a
+      time it happen'd that one who came to his house and
+      beholding the pot observed an inscription upon it
+      which being in Latin he interpreted it that under that
+      there was an other twice as good. Of this inscription
+      the Pedlar was before ignorant or at least minded it
+      not but when he heard the meaning of it he said 'tis
+      very true in the shop where I bought this pot stood
+      another under it which was twice as big; but
+      considering that it might tend to his further profit
+      to dig deeper in the same place where he found that he
+      fell again to work and discover'd such a pot as was
+      intimated by the inscription full of old coins:
+      notwithstanding all which he so conceal'd his wealth
+      that the neighbours took no notice of it."[12]
+
+Blomefield thought it "somewhat surprising to find such considerable
+persons as Sir William Dugdale and Sir Roger Twysden to patronise or
+credit such a monkish legend and tradition savouring so much of the
+cloister, and that the townsmen and neighbourhood should also believe
+it," but I think we shall have reason to congratulate ourselves that
+so good a folk-tale was preserved for us of this age.
+
+The next and, it appears, an independent version, is given in the
+_Diary of Abraham de la Pryme_, under the date November 10th, 1699:--
+
+      "Constant tradition says that there lived in former
+      times, in Soffham (Swaffham), _alias_ Sopham, in
+      Norfolk, a certain pedlar, who dreamed that if he went
+      to London bridge, and stood there, he should hear very
+      joyfull newse, which he at first sleighted, but
+      afterwards, his dream being dubled and trebled upon
+      him, he resolv'd to try the issue of it, and
+      accordingly went to London, and stood on the bridge
+      there two or three days, looking about him, but heard
+      nothing that might yield him any comfort. At last it
+      happen'd that a shopkeeper there, hard by, haveing
+      noted his fruitless standing, seeing that he neither
+      sold any wares nor asked any almes, went to him and
+      most earnestly begged to know what he wanted there, or
+      what his business was; to which the pedlar honestly
+      answer'd, that he had dream'd that if he came to
+      London and stood there upon the bridg, he should hear
+      good newse; at which the shopkeeper laught heartily,
+      asking him if he was such a fool as to take a journey
+      on such a silly errand, adding, 'I'll tell thee,
+      country fellow, last night I dream'd that I was at
+      Sopham, in Norfolk, a place utterly unknown to me,
+      where methought behind a pedlar's house in a certain
+      orchard, and under a great oak tree, if I digged I
+      should find a vast treasure! Now think you,' says he,
+      'that I am such a fool to take such a long jorney upon
+      me upon the instigation of a silly dream? No, no, I'm
+      wiser. Therefore, good fellow, learn witt of me, and
+      get you home, and mind your business.' The pedlar,
+      observeing his words, what he had sayd he had dream'd
+      and knowing they concenterd in him, glad of such
+      joyfull newse went speedily home, and digged and found
+      a prodigious great treasure, with which he grew
+      exceeding rich, and Soffham church being for the most
+      part fal'n down he set on workmen and reedifyd it most
+      sumptuously, at his own charges; and to this day there
+      is his statue therein, cut in stone, with his pack at
+      his back, and his dogg at his heels; and his memory is
+      also preserved by the same form or picture in most of
+      the old glass windows, taverns, and ale-houses of that
+      town unto this day."[13]
+
+Now this version from Abraham de la Pryme was certainly obtained from
+local sources, and it shows the general popularity of the legend,
+together with the faithfulness of the traditional version.[14] But
+other evidence of the traditional force of the story is to be found.
+Observing that De la Pryme's _Diary_ was not printed until 1870,
+though certainly the MS. had been lent to antiquaries, it is curious
+that the following almost identical account is told in the _St.
+James's Chronicle_ of November 28th, 1786:--[15]
+
+      "A Pedlar who lived many Years ago at Swaffham, in
+      Norfolk, dreamt, that if he came up to London, and
+      stood upon the Bridge, he should hear very joyful
+      News; which he at first slighted, but afterwards his
+      Dream being doubled and trebled unto him, he resolved
+      to try the Issue of it; and accordingly to London he
+      came, and stood on the Bridge for two or three Days,
+      but heard nothing which might give him Comfort that
+      the Profits of his Journey would be equal to his
+      Pains. At last it so happened, that a Shopkeeper
+      there, having noted his fruitless standing, seeing
+      that he neither sold any Wares, or asked any Alms,
+      went to him, and enquired his Business; to which the
+      Pedlar made Answer, that being a Countryman, he had
+      dreamt a Dream, that if he came up to London, he
+      should hear good News: 'And art thou (said the
+      Shopkeeper) such a Fool, to take a Journey on such a
+      foolish Errand? Why I tell thee this--last Night I
+      dreamt, that I was at Swaffham, in Norfolk, a Place
+      utterly unknown to me, where, methought, behind a
+      Pedlar's House, in a certain Orchard, under a great
+      Oak Tree, if I digged there, I should find a mighty
+      Mass of Treasure. Now think you, that I am so unwise,
+      as to take so long a Journey upon me, only by the
+      Instigation of a foolish Dream! No, no, far be such
+      Folly from me; therefore, honest Countryman, I advise
+      thee to make haste Home again, and do not spend thy
+      precious Time in the Expectation of the Event of an
+      idle Dream.' The Pedlar, who noted well his Words,
+      glad of such joyful News, went speedily Home, and
+      digged under the Oak, where he found a very large Heap
+      of Money; with Part of which, the Church being then
+      lately fallen down, he very sumptuously rebuilt it;
+      having his Statue cut therein, in Stone, with his Pack
+      on his Back and his Dog at his Heels, which is to be
+      seen at this Day. And his Memory is also preserved by
+      the same Form, or Picture, on most of the Glass
+      Windows of the Taverns and Ale-houses in that Town."
+
+The differences in these versions are sufficient to show independent
+origin. The identities are sufficient to illustrate, in a rather
+remarkable manner, how closely the words of the tradition were always
+followed. It appears from the last words of the contributor to the
+_St. James's Chronicle_, who signed himself "Z," that he heard it by
+word of mouth about the time of his writing it down,[16] so that there
+is more than a hundred years between him and the Dugdale version,
+which was also recorded from "constant tradition."
+
+In Glyde's _Norfolk Garland_ (p. 69), is an account of this legend,
+but with a variant of one incident. The box containing the treasure
+had a Latin inscription on the lid, which John Chapman could not
+decipher. He put the lid in his window, and very soon he heard some
+youths turn the Latin sentence into English:--
+
+      "Under me doth lie
+      Another much richer than I."
+
+And he went to work digging deeper than before, and found a much
+richer treasure than the former. Another version of this rhyme is
+found in _Transactions of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society_ (iii.
+318) as follows:--
+
+      "Where this stood
+      Is another as good."
+
+And both these versions are given by Blomefield.
+
+Now if there were no other places besides Swaffham in Norfolk to which
+this legend is applied the interest in it would, of course, not be
+very great. But there are many other places, and we will first note
+those in Britain. The best is from Upsall, in Yorkshire, as follows:--
+
+      "Many years ago there resided, in the village of
+      Upsall, a man who dreamed three nights successively
+      that if he went to London Bridge he would hear of
+      something greatly to his advantage. He went,
+      travelling the whole distance from Upsall to London on
+      foot; arrived there, he took his station on the
+      bridge, where he waited until his patience was nearly
+      exhausted, and the idea that he had acted a very
+      foolish part began to rise in his mind. At length he
+      was accosted by a Quaker, who kindly inquired what he
+      was waiting there so long for? After some hesitation,
+      he told his dreams. The Quaker laughed at his
+      simplicity, and told him that _he_ had had last night
+      a very curious dream himself, which was, that if he
+      went and dug under a certain bush in Upsall Castle, in
+      Yorkshire, he would find a pot of gold; but he did not
+      know where Upsall was, and inquired of the countryman
+      if he knew, who, seeing some advantage in secrecy,
+      pleaded ignorance of the locality, and then, thinking
+      his business in London was completed, returned
+      immediately home, dug beneath the bush, and there he
+      found a pot filled with gold, and on the cover an
+      inscription in a language which he did not understand.
+      The pot and cover were, however, preserved at the
+      village inn, where one day a bearded stranger like a
+      Jew, made his appearance, saw the pot, and read the
+      inscription on the cover, the plain English of which
+      was--
+
+          "'Look lower, where this stood
+          Is another twice as good.'
+
+      The man of Upsall hearing this resumed his spade,
+      returned to the bush, dug deeper, and found another
+      pot filled with gold, far more valuable than the
+      first. Encouraged by this discovery, he dug deeper
+      still, and found another yet more valuable.
+
+      "This is the constant tradition of the neighbourhood,
+      and the identical bush yet exists (or did in 1860)
+      beneath which the treasure was found; a burtree, or
+      elder, _Sambucus nigra_, near the north-west corner of
+      the ruins of the old castle."[17]
+
+It would be tedious to go through other English versions,[18] but I
+must point out that it is connected with a London district. This is
+shown not by the actual presence of the legend, which has died out in
+London, but by its representation in the parish church of Lambeth. The
+legend so strongly current at Swaffham, in Norfolk, is represented in
+the church in the shape of a carving in wood of a figure to represent
+the pedlar, and below him the figure of what is locally called a
+dog.[19] A comparison of this carving with the representation of the
+pedlar's window formerly existing in Lambeth Church, but which was
+sacrilegiously removed in 1884 by the late vicar of the parish, shows
+much the same general characteristics, and search among the parish
+books shows it to relate to a pedlar known by the name of Dog Smith,
+who left property still known by the name of the "Pedlar's Acre" to
+the parish.[20] All this suggests that we have here the last relics of
+the pedlar legend located in London.
+
+[Illustration: THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH AND HIS DOG
+FIGURED IN THE WINDOW (NOW DESTROYED) OF LAMBETH CHURCH]
+
+The next stage in the history of this legend shows it to belong to the
+world's collection of folk-tales. There is, however, a preliminary
+fact of great significance to note, namely that two non-British
+versions refer to London Bridge. Thus a Breton tale refers to London
+Bridge, and the interest of this story is sufficiently great to quote
+it here from its recorder straight from the Breton folk:--
+
+      "Long ago, when the timbers of the most ancient of the
+      vessels of Brest were not yet acorns, there were two
+      men in a farmhouse in the Côtes du Nord disputing, and
+      they were disputing about London Bridge. One said it
+      was the most beautiful sight in the world, while the
+      other very truly said, 'No! the grace of the good God
+      was more beautiful still.' And as the dispute went on,
+      'Let us,' said one of them, 'settle it once and for
+      all, and in this way: let us now this moment go out
+      along the high-road and let us ask the first three men
+      we meet as to which is the most beautiful--London
+      Bridge or the grace of the good God? And which ever
+      way they decide, he who holds the beaten opinion shall
+      lose to the other all his possessions, farm and cattle
+      and horses, everything.' So each being confident he
+      was right, they went out: and the first man they met
+      declared that though the grace of the good God was
+      beautiful, London Bridge was more beautiful still; and
+      the second the same, and the third. And the man whose
+      opinion was beaten, a rich farmer, gave up all he had
+      and was a beggar.
+
+      "'Now,' said he to himself when the other, taking his
+      horse by the bridle, had left him--'now let me go and
+      see this London Bridge which is so wonderfully
+      beautiful;' and, being very manful and stout, he set
+      out at once to walk, and walking on and on was there
+      by nightfall. But, good Christian that he was, he
+      could see in it nothing to shake his belief that the
+      grace of the good God was more beautiful still.
+
+      "Soon the bridge was silent, and the last to cross it
+      had gone home; and he, notwithstanding his losses,
+      tired out and sleepy, lay down and fell into a doze
+      there; and, while he was dozing, there came by two
+      men, and one of them, standing quite close by him,
+      said to the other, 'The night is fine, the wind
+      gentle, the stars clear! On such a night whoever were
+      to collect the dew would be able to heal the blind.'
+      'It is true,' answered the other; 'but none know of
+      it.' And they passed on, quietly as they had come.
+      Thereupon up rose the beggared farmer, and with basin
+      and cup set about collecting the dew; and in a very
+      short time performed with it the most wonderful cures;
+      finally curing the daughter of a neighbouring Emperor
+      who had been blind from her birth, and whom her
+      grateful father gave to him at once in marriage, since
+      directly she set eyes on him she loved him."[21]
+
+[Illustration: THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH
+FROM DUCAREL'S "HISTORY OF LAMBETH," 1786]
+
+The second non-British variant, which also attaches to London Bridge,
+is to be found in the _Heimskringla_,[22] and I will quote William
+Morris's translation:--
+
+      "West in Valland was a man infirm so that he was a
+      cripple and went on knees and knuckles. On a day he
+      was abroad on the way and was asleep there. That
+      dreamed he that a man came to him glorious of aspect
+      and asked whither he was bound and the man named some
+      town or other. So the glorious man spoke to him:
+      Fare then to Olaf's church the one that is in London
+      and thou wilt be whole. Thereafter he awoke, and fared
+      to seek Olaf's church and at last he came to London
+      bridge and there asked the folk of the city if they
+      knew to tell him where was Olaf's church. But they
+      answered and said that there were many more churches
+      there than they might wot to what man they were
+      hallowed. But a little thereafter came a man to him
+      who asked whither he was bound and the cripple told
+      him. And sithence said that man: We twain shall fare
+      both to the church of Olaf for I know the way thither.
+      Therewith they fared over the bridge and went along
+      the street which led to Olaf's church. But when they
+      came to the lich gate then strode that one over the
+      threshold of the gate but the cripple rolled in over
+      it and straightway rose up a whole man. But when he
+      looked around him his fellow farer was vanished."
+
+I shall have to refer again to these Breton and Norse versions,
+because of their retention of London Bridge as the locale of the
+story, in common with all the versions which have been found in
+Britain. In the meantime it is to be noted that the remaining
+non-British variants are told of other bridges and other places.
+Holland, Denmark, Italy, Cairo, have their representative
+variants;[23] and it thus presents to the student of tradition an
+excellent example for inquiry as to the value to history of legends
+world-wide in their distribution attaching themselves to historical
+localities.
+
+There are some obvious features about this group of traditions, which
+at once lead to interesting questions. There is first the fact that
+all the British variants of the treasure stories centre round London
+Bridge; secondly, there is the extension beyond Britain to the Breton
+variant and the Norse variant, both non-British legends, of which the
+_locus_ is London Bridge. From these two facts it is clear that London
+Bridge had some special influence at a period of its history which
+dates before the separation of the Breton folk from their Celtic
+brethren in Britain, for the Bretons would not after their separation
+acquire a London Bridge tradition; and again at a period of its
+history when Norse legend and saga were fashioning. In the one case
+the myth-makers must have been Celts of the fourth century, and the
+only bridge known to these Celts must have been that belonging to
+Roman Lundinium; in the other case the myth-makers were Norsemen, and
+the bridge known to them was the later bridge so frequently referred
+to in the chronicle accounts of the Danish and Norse invasions of
+England.
+
+It is not difficult, by a joint appeal to history and folklore, to
+trace out from this very definite starting-point the events which
+brought about this particular specialisation of the world-spread
+treasure myths.
+
+Obviously the first point to note is that London Bridge loomed out
+greatly in the minds and understanding of people at two distinct
+periods of its history.[24] That the first period relates to its
+building is suggested by the date supplied by the evidence of the
+Breton version. The people who wondered at its building, or the
+results of its building, were certainly not the builders themselves,
+and we thus see a distinction in culture between the bridge builders
+and the wonder builders. This condition is exactly provided for by the
+building of the earliest London Bridge. It was a work of the Romans of
+Lundinium,[25] and the people who stood in wonder at this great
+enterprise were not the Roman engineers and builders, accustomed to
+such undertakings all over the then known world, and they must
+therefore have been the surrounding non-Roman people, who were the
+Celtic tribesmen. Now the culture-antagonism between the Romans of
+Lundinium and the Celts of Britain is, I believe, a factor of great
+importance,[26] though almost universally neglected by our historians,
+because they do not study the facts of early history on
+anthropological lines. Not only is it discoverable, as I think, from
+the facts of history, but the facts of tradition confirm the facts of
+history at all points. Thus I think it is important, if we can, to
+obtain independent testimony of the attitude of the surrounding people
+to the builders of London Bridge. We can do this by reference to the
+peasant beliefs concerning bridges, as, for instance, in Ireland,
+where on passing over a bridge they invariably pulled off their hats
+and prayed for the soul of the builder of the bridge,[27] and to the
+fact that the Romans themselves looked upon bridge-building as a
+sacred function, and would no doubt use this part of their work to the
+fullest extent, in order to impress the barbarism opposed to them.[28]
+The extent of this impression may probably be contained in the old and
+widely spread nursery rhyme of "London Bridge is Broken Down," an
+examination of which has led Mrs. Gomme to conclude that it contains
+reference to an ancient belief that the building of the bridge was
+accompanied by human sacrifice.[29] This conclusion is confirmed by
+the preservation in Wales of a bridge-sacrifice tradition. It relates
+to the "Devil's Bridge" near Beddgelert. "Many of the ignorant people
+of the neighbourhood believe that this structure was formed by
+supernatural agency. The devil proposed to the neighbouring
+inhabitants that he would build them a bridge across the pass, on
+condition that he should have the first who went over it for his
+trouble. The bargain was made, and the bridge appeared in its place,
+but the people cheated the devil by dragging a dog to the spot and
+whipping him over the bridge."[30] This is a distinct trace of a
+substituted animal sacrifice for an original human sacrifice. But this
+is a practice which sends us back to the most primitive times, and in
+particular we are referred to an exact parallel in India, where, on
+the governing English determining to build a bridge of engineering
+proportions and strength over the Hoogley River at Calcutta, the
+native Hindu tribesmen immediately believed that the first requirement
+would be a human sacrifice for the foundation.[31] The traditions
+attaching to London Bridge are therefore identical with the current
+beliefs concerning the Hoogley Bridge, and the culture-relationship of
+the bridge-builders to the surrounding people in both cases is that of
+an advanced civilisation to tribesmen. Now if these conditions of
+modern India are repetitions of the conditions of ancient Britain in
+the days of Lundinium, and of this there can be but little doubt,
+there is no difficulty in understanding to what part of history these
+traditions have led us. We are again in the days when London Bridge
+was a marvel--a marvel which sent travelling through the Celtic homes
+of Britain a new application of the treasure myth which they had
+inherited from remote ancestors. The marvel lived on through the ages
+when London was in the unique position of being an undestroyed city in
+Saxon times, times which witnessed the destruction of all other
+cities of Roman foundation,[32] and the sending forth of the Celtic
+refugees to Brittany.[33] The accumulation during a long-continuing
+period of conceptions of treasure being found by way of the bridge
+leading to London, would become the direct force for keeping the
+tradition alive; and while the facts of history show us the important
+position of London during the period which witnessed the departure of
+the Celtic Bretons to their continental home,[34] the facts of
+tradition show us the Celtic tribesmen deeming it a way to wealth
+through the magic potency of dreamland. The Celtic tribesmen stood
+outside Roman Lundinium. Its life was not their life, and their
+conversion of its position into a mythic treasure house or a mythic
+road to treasure, and their association of it with the bloody rites of
+the foundation sacrifice, are in strict accord with the historical
+relationship of the tribal life of Celtic Britain to the city life of
+Roman Lundinium.
+
+I may be permitted perhaps to emphasise this significant accordance of
+history and tradition when working together. I have already alluded to
+the fact that I have worked out the history of London independently,
+and upon lines quite different from the present study. I have
+therefore a wider grasp of the two currents of history and folklore in
+this particular case than could in the ordinary way fall either to the
+historian or to the folklorist. That I can find in both just the
+complementary facts which help to realise the whole situation, to fill
+in the gaps of history which nowhere directly tells of the
+relationship of Roman Lundinium to the British Celts, to extend the
+outlook of folklore which nowhere recognises that there was a great
+Roman city of Lundinium which would dominate the minds of those not
+trained to city life, is a fortunate circumstance which neither
+historian nor folklorist is likely to repeat frequently, and I am
+entitled, I think, to claim the utmost from it. I can at least claim
+that it answers all the facts in a way that has not yet been
+accomplished. Thus Sir John Rhys has discussed the treasure legend and
+he can only account for it as part of the mythical trappings of Arthur
+into which "London Bridge is introduced," because London Bridge
+"formerly loomed very large in the popular imagination as one of the
+chief wonders of London." Sir John Rhys refers for confirmation of
+this to the "notion cherished as to London and London Bridge by the
+country people of Wales even within my own memory," and then goes on
+to say that "the fashion of selecting London Bridge as the opening
+scene of a treasure legend had been set perhaps by a widely spread
+English story," that of the Pedlar of Swaffham.[35] All this is very
+unsatisfactory. Modern notions of this sort would not set the fashion
+two centuries ago, nor extend it to Brittany. Nor is the suggestion in
+accord with other evidence as to the extension of tradition. What has
+happened is that the Arthur cycle has appropriated two London Bridge
+traditions and has worked them up into the Arthur form, the traditions
+themselves belonging to the far older period to which I have here
+referred them--a period when the burial of treasure was a necessary
+corollary to the events which were happening.[36] Buried treasure
+legends are found all over the country. They belong to the period of
+conquest and fighting. They are the evidence which tradition yields of
+the unrest of the times which caused them to arise. They are the
+fragments of history which tradition has preserved, while history has
+coldly passed them by.[37]
+
+With this in the background as the _corpus_ of a legend-covered
+London Bridge, we come to the second period.
+
+London Bridge to the Norsemen of the tenth and eleventh centuries was
+a place of fierce fighting and struggle, a place of victory and death.
+The saga takes pains to describe this wondrous bridge[38] before it
+describes the great fight there and its capture by King Olaf, a fight
+which produced a war-rhyme which, in Laing's version, begins with the
+same words as the English nursery rhyme, "London Bridge is broken
+down!"[39] and which Morris renders as a tribute to King Olaf, "thou
+brakest down London Bridge." There is little wonder, then, that the
+men of King Olaf took back with them to saga-land a great memory of
+this bridge and this fight, transferred to it their own variant of the
+world-wide treasure legend, and made a legend not of money treasure,
+but of regained health to a crippled warrior. The corresponding
+non-British version of Brittany helps us to understand that the cure
+of disease was originally associated with the gains of treasure, and
+in the Norse version the treasure incident is altogether dropped, but
+in its place is the recovery of health, a treasure more in accord with
+the sterner needs and recollections of a great fight. The Norse story
+is helpful to us as showing how London Bridge could enter into the
+legends of a people, and remain with them even after that people was
+no longer living in Britain, and it becomes therefore a valuable
+addition to the evidence for the more ancient transference from
+Britain to Brittany of the original legend.
+
+Altogether the piecing together of the items of historical value in
+this legend is most complete. We have not only recovered for history
+hitherto lost conceptions of the place held by Roman Lundinium among
+the Celtic tribesmen, but we have recovered also evidence of the true
+culture-position of the Celtic tribesmen towards their Roman
+conquerors. The examination of this legend may have been long and
+tedious, but the result is, I think, commensurate. It illustrates the
+power of tradition to set historical data in their proper environment,
+to restore the proportion which they bear to unrecorded history, and
+if the student will but follow the evidence carefully, I think he will
+find these results.
+
+We will take a step forward, and turn from local to personal
+attachments of tradition. There is a whole class of traditions
+attached to personages about whose historical existence there can be
+but little doubt, and just because of the accretion of tradition round
+them their historical existence has oftentimes been denied. The most
+famous example in our history is of course King Arthur, and so great
+an authority as Sir John Rhys is obliged to resort to a special
+argument to account for the problems he is faced with. He argues, and
+argues strongly, for an historic Arthur--an Arthur who was the British
+successor of the Roman emperor after Britain had ceased to be a part
+of the Roman Empire.[40] But because of the myths which have grown
+round him, he suggests that there must also have been "a Brythonic
+divinity named Arthur," and we are thus introduced to a dual study of
+history and myth which does not appear to me to take us very far, and
+which, in fact, just separates history from myth, instead of showing
+where they join hands. This dual conception of myth is indeed a rather
+favourite resort of those scholars who cannot appreciate the evidence
+that proves a character in a mythic tradition to be an actual
+historical personage. It is the basis of the famous Sigfried-Arminius
+controversy. It does duty in many less important cases,[41] and most
+frequently in connection with northern mythology, where the line
+between mythic and historical events gathering round a hero is
+generally so finely drawn as to be almost imperceptible. But it is so
+obviously a piece of special pleading on self-created lines that other
+explanation is needed. And another explanation is to be obtained if
+only students will rely upon the evidence of tradition itself instead
+of appealing to every fancy derived from sources which have nothing to
+do with tradition.
+
+The history of King Arthur has been the subject of inquiry too
+frequently for it to be possible in these pages to discuss the dual
+theory as it has been applied to him, but I will attempt to show that
+it is quite unnecessary thus to explain the history of King Arthur by
+turning to the history of another of our great heroic figures, one of
+the greatest to my mind, who, like Arthur, has secured not only a fair
+share of special tradition belonging to himself personally, but a
+larger share than others of that corpus of tradition which has
+descended from our earliest unknown ancestors, and become attached to
+the historical hero of later times--I mean, Hereward, the last of the
+Saxon defenders of his land against William the Norman.[42] The
+analysis of the Hereward legend affords a good example of the process
+by which tradition is preserved by historical fact, and in its turn
+helps to unravel the real history which lies at the source. Instead,
+therefore, of attempting to travel over the voluminous literature
+which is the outcome of the King Arthur story, I will use for the same
+purpose the shorter story of Hereward the Englishman.
+
+We start with the fact that Hereward is unknown to history until his
+great stand in the Island of Ely against the might of William, the
+conqueror of England. And yet to the banners of this "unknown"
+chieftain there flocked the discontented heroism of England, men
+ranking from the noble to the peasant, and including such great
+figures as Morcar, Edwine, and Waltheof. I always think, too, that the
+little band of Berkshire men, who started across the country to join
+Hereward in the fens, and were intercepted and cut to pieces by a
+Norman troop,[43] give us more than a passing glimpse at the
+estimation in which Hereward was held by his countrymen. Such a man
+commanding so much, in face of so much, could not have been the
+unknown person which history makes him.
+
+How then can we ascertain why he was held in such estimation? History
+being quite silent, tradition steps into the gap. It is the tradition
+recorded in post-Herewardian times, be it noted. In this great body of
+tradition, contained in a Latin MS. of the twelfth century, he
+journeys to Scotland, where he slew a bear and saved the people whom
+it had oppressed; from thence to Cornwall, where he fought and slew a
+great champion, the lover of the princess; from thence to Ireland,
+where he assisted the King in war, and back again to Cornwall to
+rescue again the princess from a distasteful wooer, and, finally, to
+Flanders. Even in the camp of the Norman, which he visits in
+traditional fashion, he has an adventure with witches which takes us
+to the worship of wells. Much of his adventure is but the application
+of well-known traditional events,[44] and it is important to note that
+the geography of the supposed travels belongs to the very home of
+tradition, the unknown territories of the Celts, Ireland, Cornwall,
+and Scotland.
+
+Now all this tradition is certainly not true of Hereward. But what it
+does is to certify to his greatness in the eyes of his countrymen, to
+show that his countrymen were anxious to explain why he was so great
+in A.D. 1070, and why before that date he was unknown to them. This is
+an important point to have gained. It shows the vacuum which was
+occupied by tradition because contemporary, or nearly contemporary,
+thought required it to be filled up. The popular mind abhors a vacuum
+as much as the material world of nature does. It will fill it with its
+own conceptions, if it cannot fill it with recognised facts. Hereward
+must have been a famous man when he took his stand in the fens of Ely.
+That his biographers explain his fame by the application of ancient
+traditions is only saying that his countrymen reckoned his fame as of
+the very highest; ordinary current events of the day would not suit
+their ideas of the fitness of things. Hereward was as Alfred had been,
+as Arthur had been, and so he must have his share of the national
+tradition, even as these heroes had. To say less of him was to have
+put him below the others. And history in this case could not help, for
+it was in the hands of Hereward's enemies, and they were careful to
+say nothing or very little of English heroes at this period. The great
+battle of Hastings had been lost, but of all the English men who had
+fought and died there we only know of three names beyond those of the
+king and his house. Leofric the abbot of Peterborough, Godric the
+sheriff of Berkshire, and Asgar the sheriff of London, have become
+known by accident, as it were. All others are unnamed and unhonoured.
+Therefore, when the great deeds of Hereward came to be chronicled, it
+was not enough to say he was at Hastings; the deeds of old must be
+chronicled of him as they had been chronicled of others.
+
+This accretion of popular tradition to account for the fame of
+Hereward when he took command at Ely, though it proclaims in the
+strongest terms that Hereward was famous in the eyes of his
+countrymen, displaces history therefore. Putting the case in this
+way, we may proceed to examine what recorded history exactly has to
+say of Hereward, and then by noting what it has left unsaid, we may
+perhaps be able to fill the gap by a reasonable deduction from the
+facts. In Domesday there are clearly two Herewards, one having lands
+in Lincolnshire in the time of King Edward and _not_ at the date of
+the survey, the other having lands in Warwickshire in the time of King
+Edward and _also_ at the date of the survey. Here we have two widely
+different counties and two widely different conditions, and it is
+right with all the evidence to conclude that they relate to different
+personages. The Lincolnshire Hereward is the hero of the fens. He held
+of the abbot of Peterborough, and Ulfcytil, who was appointed in 1062,
+was the abbot in question. This brings us to only four years before
+the battle of Hastings, and another entry in Domesday, thanks to the
+scholarship of Mr. Round, proves that Hereward was deprived of his
+Lincolnshire lands not before but after the great fights at Hastings
+and in the fens. Therefore the story shapes itself somewhat in this
+fashion. Hereward was in England in 1062. He was then a man of the
+abbot of Peterborough; that is to say, a tenant bound to perform
+military service to his lord. His lord, the abbot, was at Hastings
+with his tenants, and fought there. That Hereward of all the abbot's
+tenants should have followed his lord to Hastings is more than likely;
+the strange thing would be that he should not have done so. That going
+thither nameless among the many, he should gain experience under
+Harold, though no fame has come to him through the historians from a
+field where Saxon fame was buried; that his own genius should make
+him use his experience when need arose; that among the English all
+survivors from that field who were still unwilling to bow the knee to
+William would be reckoned as heroes by their depressed countrymen;
+that on this account alone he would be given rank above Morcar, who
+had kept away from Hastings--are the conclusions to be drawn
+legitimately from the silence as well as the actual records of
+history, compared with the story told by tradition. History and
+tradition are in accord, not in conflict; the gaps of history are
+filled by tradition--that tradition which was suitable and worthy of
+so great a hero, namely the ancient tradition told of all heroes.
+Reopening these gaps and putting in its right place the tradition
+which had hitherto prevented them from being seen, we are able to
+appeal to history to yield up the true story of one of the greatest of
+English heroes, a story which shows him to have been at Hastings by
+the side of Harold, to have won fame there, to have continued the
+fight for English liberty as leader of the English patriots, and to
+have earned a place in the unsung English epic.
+
+But his place in English tradition helps us to understand the value
+and position of tradition in such cases. The traditions clustering
+round the name of Hereward do not compel us to interpret them as
+Hereward facts. The historian, however, need not on this account fear
+for Hereward. He should rather value the traditions as evidence of the
+greatness of the English hero among the conquered English. They
+applied to him the legends of their oldest heroes. All that was
+delightful to them in tradition was attached to their present hero.
+He was worthy of a place among their greatest. And thus the fact of
+added tradition brings out the estimate of the worth of the hero to
+those among whom he lived and for whom he fought.
+
+The traditions themselves belong to far other times, and the facts
+contained in them must be interpreted from the oldest ideas of our
+race. It is only by thus disengaging the traditions which have grown
+round the historical person that the correct interpretation of the
+position can be attempted, and when that is done we are left, not with
+a mass of uncertain and misleading testimony about a national hero,
+but with certain definite historical facts belonging to Hereward, and
+certain traditions attached to Hereward, certifying to his great place
+in the popular estimation, telling of facts which do not, it is true,
+belong to Hereward, but which, in a special sense, belong to the
+people who were reverencing Hereward.
+
+If I have made it clear from these examples that the explanation of
+historic fact and mythic tradition in combination does not lead either
+to the discrediting of history or to the creation of new mythic
+realms, I need not dwell much longer on this class of illustrations of
+the relationship between history and tradition. Over and over again,
+in the local records, are examples to be found where history is in
+close contact with tradition, and I am far more inclined to question
+the evidence which proves the falseness of any authenticated tradition
+than I am to trust all the statements which do duty for history. It is
+not only the traditions looming largely in popular interest, but some
+of the smallest local traditions which throw light on great
+historical events. They may tell us not merely of the great historical
+event, but of the peculiar relationship of parts of the kingdom to
+that event, which no purely historical evidence could by any
+possibility explain. One of the most striking examples is, perhaps,
+the Sussex tradition of "Duke" William as a conqueror.[45] The title
+Duke is here faithfully recorded of the great conqueror, who
+everywhere else in England, both in historical documents and in the
+popular language, is referred to as king. The explanation is, if the
+identification of this tradition with the great Norman king is
+correct, that Sussex being more or less separated from the rest of the
+country by its great weald, carried its own tradition of the bloody
+field at Hastings sufficiently long and uninterrupted for it to be
+stamped upon the minds of the people in its original form, and thus to
+remain. No better evidence could be found for the relationship of
+Sussex to this great event. All the chapters in Mr. Freeman's great
+history do not impress the imagination so strongly as this one fact,
+that William the Conqueror has always been Duke William to the Sussex
+folk. He was Duke William to the fen folk, too. They fought for their
+belief and were compelled to accept his kingship. The Sussex folk
+fought, too, and they handed down their conception of the great fight
+to their children.
+
+A good example of a slightly different kind occurs in connection with
+Kett's rebellion in Norfolk. It was associated with a prophecy that
+said, "there shulde lande at Walborne hope the proudest prince of
+Christendome, and so shall come to Moshold heethe, and there shuld
+mete with other ij kinges, and shall fyght and shalbe put down: and
+the whyte lyon shuld optayne" the mastery. And yet this prophecy goes
+much further back, for the Danes are said to have landed at Weybourne
+Hope in their invasions, and the old rhyme is still remembered in the
+county:--
+
+      "He that would England win
+      Must at Weybourn Hope begin."[46]
+
+This is an example of the forcible revival of an ancient tradition to
+suit a later fact, and is evidence of the enormous impression which
+the event to which it refers had upon the locality. Kett's rebellion
+was one thing to the nation at large and quite another thing to this
+district of Norfolk, and the great events of the tenth century
+preserved in legend were equated with the minor events of the
+sixteenth century, thus enabling us to understand better the depth of
+the local feeling which produced these events.
+
+[Illustration: PLAN OF THE SITE OF THE "HEAVEN WALLS" AT LITLINGTON,
+ROYSTON, CAMBRIDGESHIRE]
+
+Both local and personal traditions are of interest in the unravelling
+of the meaning of historical events, and the forces at the back of
+them, and I will add a note of one or two examples of those humbler
+traditions which confirm or enhance the value of the historical
+record. They are of the greatest importance if correctly understood.
+They include such examples, for instance, as Mr. Kemble notes when he
+says, "I have more than once walked, ridden, or rowed, as land and
+stream required, round the bounds of Anglo-Saxon estates, and have
+learned with astonishment that the names recorded in my charter were
+those still used by the woodcutter or the shepherd of the
+neighbourhood."[47] This is remarkable testimony to the persistence of
+tradition. It is the commencing point of a whole series of examples
+which go to show that embedded in the memories of the people, and
+supported by no other force but tradition, there are innumerable
+traces of historic fact.[48]
+
+A stage forward, in the same class of tradition, are those examples of
+special names which indicate an important or impressive event, the
+real nature of which is only revealed by modern discovery. Thus
+perhaps the "White Horse Stone" at Aylesford, in Kent, the legend of
+which is that one who rode a beast of this description was killed on
+or about this spot,[49] may take us back to the great battle at
+Crayford, where Horsa was killed. Another kind of local tradition is
+perhaps more instructive. Immediately contiguous to the north side of
+the Roman road at Litlington, near Royston, were some strips of
+unenclosed, but cultivated, land, which in ancient deeds from time
+immemorial had been called "Heaven's Walls." Traditional awe attached
+to this spot, and the village children were afraid to traverse it
+after dark, when it was said to be frequented by supernatural beings.
+Here is subject for inquiry. Both words in the name are significant.
+Why the allusion to Heaven; why is a field called walls? The problem
+was solved in 1821, for in that year some labourers were digging for
+gravel on this spot, and they struck upon an old wall composed of
+flint and Roman brick. This accidental discovery was followed up by
+Dr. Webb, and the wall was found to enclose a rectangular space
+measuring about thirty-eight yards by twenty-seven, and containing
+numerous deposits of sepulchral urns containing ashes of the dead. It
+was clear from the results of the excavations that here was one of
+those large plots of ground environed by walls to which the name of
+_ustrinum_ was given by the Romans,[50] a fact which was preserved in
+the name long after the site had lost every trace of its origin.
+
+[Illustration: LITLINGTON FIELD]
+
+I will refer to one more local example. In Dorsetshire and Wiltshire
+fairs are held upon sites which are often marked by the remains of
+ancient works, or distinguished by some dim tradition of vanished
+importance.[51] One has only to refer to the history of the market as
+"a contribution to the early history of human intercourse" as Mr.
+Grierson puts it,[52] and to the extremely important and archaic
+constitution of the market, a glimpse of which has been afforded by
+Sir Henry Maine, alone among scholars who have investigated earliest
+English institutions, to know how valuable such a note as this must be
+if it can be confirmed by extended research. Local investigation of
+these places and their traditions would, no doubt, lead to many points
+in the tribal settlement of the district, an important fact of history
+nowhere found in history.
+
+No one, I think, taking into consideration this view of the
+relationship of local and personal traditions to history will deny
+that history is likely to gain much by the proper interpretation of
+such traditions. Every yard of British territory has its historic
+interest, and there are innumerable peaks above the general level
+which should be worth much to national history. Every epoch of British
+history has its great personage, who in popular opinion stands out
+from among his fellows. When once it is understood that traditions
+attaching to places and persons yield facts of a kind worth searching
+for, there will arise the desire to obtain all that is now obtainable
+from this source, and to add thereto the deductions to be drawn from
+their geographical distribution.
+
+
+II
+
+If the accretion of myth around the lives of great historic
+personages, and the persistence of tradition in historic localities,
+may be accepted as one phase of the necessary relationship of
+tradition to history, we may proceed to inquire how far the unattached
+traditions, the folk-tales pure and simple, contain or are based upon
+historic details. These details will not tell us of any one historic
+personage, or relate to any one historic locality, but will relate to
+the peoples before personages and localities figured in their history,
+and will explain facts in culture-history rather than in political
+history. We shall be approaching the period before written history had
+begun, and for which, so far as written history is concerned, we are
+dependent upon foreign or outside authority. I think, perhaps, Dr.
+Karl Pearson has put the case for this view in the best form. "As we
+read fairy stories to our children," he says,
+
+      "we may study history for ourselves. No longer
+      oppressed with the unreal and the _baroque_, we may
+      see primitive human customs and the life of primitive
+      man and woman cropping out at almost every sentence of
+      the nursery tale. Written history tells us little of
+      these things, they must be learnt, so to speak, from
+      the mouths of babes. But there they are in the
+      _Märchen_, as invaluable fossils for those who will
+      stoop to pick them up and study them. Back in the far
+      past we can build up the life of our ancestry--the
+      little kingdom, the queen or her daughter as king
+      maker, the simple life of the royal household, and the
+      humble candidate for the kingship, the priestess with
+      her control of the weather and her power over youth
+      and maid. In the dimmest distance we can see traces of
+      the earlier kindred group marriage, and in the near
+      foreground the beginnings of that fight with
+      patriarchal institutions which led the priestess to be
+      branded by the new Christian civilization as the
+      evil-working witch of the Middle Ages."[53]
+
+I should not have ventured to quote this long passage if my own
+studies, before Dr. Pearson's book was published in 1897, had not led
+me to much the same conclusions.[54] But Dr. Pearson assists me in a
+special way. His methods are scientific. He is not a folklorist
+because he loves folklore, but because he sees in it the materials
+for elucidating the early life of man. He is not, so to speak,
+prejudiced in its favour. He brings to his aid the practical mind of
+the statistician and the psychologist, and his conclusions may not,
+therefore, be put on one side as easily as those of myself and other
+students of folklore.
+
+It is due to the folklorist, however, to say that this aspect of the
+folk-tale had already been discovered by one of the greatest of the
+earlier collectors of traditional lore, the late Mr. J. F. Campbell.
+Thus, writing, in 1860, of his grand collection of "Highland Tales,"
+Mr. Campbell very truly says: "The tales represent the actual everyday
+life of those who tell them, with great fidelity. They have done the
+same, in all likelihood, time out of mind, and that which is not true
+of the present is, in all probability, true of the past; and therefore
+something may be learned of forgotten ways of life."[55] Readers of
+Mr. Campbell's books well know how he has traced out from these
+traditions from the nursery, identical customs with Highland everyday
+life, and relics also of a long-forgotten past state of things; how he
+points to the records of the stone age and the iron age in these
+representatives of the scientific memoirs of the past; how very
+significantly he answers his own supposition, that if these tales "are
+dim recollections of savage times and savage people, then other magic
+gear, the property of giants, fairies, and bogles, should resemble
+things which are precious now amongst savage or half-civilized tribes,
+or which really have been prized amongst the old inhabitants of these
+islands or of other parts of the world."[56]
+
+This is an extremely important conclusion on the relationship of
+history and tradition, and it will be well to illustrate it by turning
+to some obvious details of primitive life, which are to be seen with
+more or less clearness enshrined in the folk-tales which have been
+preserved in our own country.
+
+In Kennedy's _Fireside Stories of Ireland_, it is related in one of
+the tales that there was no window to the mud-wall cabin, and the door
+was turned to the north;[57] and then, again, we have this picture
+given to us in another story: on a common that had in the middle of it
+a rock or great pile of stones overgrown with furze bushes, there was
+a dwelling-house, and a cow-house, and a goat's-house, and a pigsty
+all scooped out of the rock; and the cows were going into the byre,
+and the goats into their house, but the pigs were grunting and bawling
+before the door.[58] This takes us to the surroundings of the
+cave-dwelling people.
+
+Then in other places we come across relics of ancient agricultural
+life preserved in these stories. In the Irish story of "Hairy Rouchy"
+the heroine is fastened by her wicked sisters in a pound,[59] an
+incident not mentioned in the parallel Highland tale related by
+Campbell.[60] Many Irish stories contain details of primitive life
+that the Scottish variants do not contain. The field that was partly
+cultivated with corn and partly pasture for the cow,[61] the grassy
+ridge upon which the princess sat, and the furrows wherein her two
+brothers were lying,[62] are instances.
+
+A great question arises here. If the Scotch story does not mention
+the primitive incident mentioned in the Irish story, does it mean that
+the Irish story has retained for a longer time the details of its
+primitive original? Or does it mean that it has absorbed more of
+surrounding Irish life into it than the Scotch story has of
+surrounding Scottish life?
+
+These details must have a place in the elucidation of Irish
+folk-tales, because they have a very distinct place indeed in
+primitive institutions; and it hence becomes a question to folklorists
+as to how they have entered into, or escaped from, the narrative of
+traditional story. It appears to me that the appearance or
+non-appearance of these phases of early life are typical of what has
+been going on with the plot and structure of folk-tales as long as
+they have remained the traditional treasures of the people. A story
+identical in all the main outlines of plot will be varied in matters
+of detail, according to the people who are using it in their daily
+routine of story-telling. But this variation is always from the
+primitive to the cultured, from the simple to the complex. The
+mud-cabin or cave-dwelling in Irish story would have developed into
+the palace in stories of a richer country like England; the old woman,
+young girl, master and servant, would become perhaps the queen,
+princess, king and vassal; just as in Spanish and Portuguese stories
+the giant of other European tales is represented by "the Moor." If
+this process of change is a factor in the life of the folk-tale, it
+follows that those folk-tales which contain the greatest number of
+primitive details are the most ancient, and come to us more directly
+from the prehistoric times which they represent.
+
+We may gather warrant for such a conclusion if we pass from small
+details to a distinct institution. The institution which stands out
+most clearly in early history is the tribe, and I will therefore turn
+to an element of ancient tribal life, and an element which has to do
+with the practical organisation of that life, namely, the tribal
+assembly. We find that the folk-tale records under its fairy or
+non-historic guise many important recollections of the assembly of the
+tribe. One very natural feature of this assembly in early times was
+its custom of meeting in the open air--a custom which in later times
+still obtained, for reasons which were the outcome of the prejudices
+existing in favour of keeping up old customs. These reasons are
+recorded in the formula of Anglo-Saxon times, that meetings should not
+be held in any building, lest magic might have power over the members
+of the assembly.[63]
+
+Before turning to the tales of our own country, I will first see
+whether savage and barbaric tales have recorded anything on the
+subject, for their picture of the tribal assembly, when revealed in
+the folk-tale, belongs to the period which might have witnessed the
+making of the story, and which certainly witnessed the tribal
+organisation of the people as a living institution. Dr. Callaway, in
+his _Nursery Tales and Traditions of the Zulus_, relates a story of
+"the Girl-King." "Where there are many young women," says the story,
+"they assemble on the river where they live, and appoint a chief over
+the young women, that no young woman may assume to act for herself.
+Well, then they assemble and ask each other, 'Which among the damsels
+is fit to be chief and reign well?' They make many inquiries; one
+after another is nominated and rejected, until at length they agree
+together to appoint one, saying, 'Yes, so and so shall reign.'"[64]
+However far this may be actually separated from the political assembly
+of the Zulus, there is no doubt we have here a folk-tale adaptation of
+events which were happening around the relators of the tale. This is
+all I am anxious to state, indeed. What in the folk-tale was related
+of the girl-king, was a reflex only of what happened when the
+political chieftain himself was concerned.
+
+This, perhaps, is still better illustrated if we turn to India. In the
+story of "How the Three Clever Men outwitted the Demons," told by Miss
+Frere in her _Old Deccan Days_, it is related how "a demon was
+compelled to bring treasure to the pundit's house, and on being asked
+why he had been so long away, answered, 'All my fellow-demons detained
+me, and would hardly let me go, they were so angry at my bringing you
+so much treasury; and though I told them how great and powerful you
+are, they would not believe me, but will, as soon as I return, judge
+me in solemn council for serving you.' 'Where is your council held?'
+asked the pundit. 'Oh! very far, far away,' answered the demon, 'in
+the depths of the jungle, where our rajah daily holds his court.' The
+three men, the pundit, the wrestler, and the pearl-shooter, are taken
+by the demon to witness the trial.... They reached the great jungle
+where the durbar (council) was to be held, and there he (the demon)
+placed them on the top of a high tree just over the demon rajah's
+throne. In a few minutes they heard a rustling noise, and thousands
+and thousands of demons filled the place, covering the ground as far
+as the eye could reach, and thronging chiefly round the rajah's
+throne."[65]
+
+A classical story told by Ælian gives us another interesting example
+of this feature of early political life. It is said of the Lady
+Rhodopis, who was alike fair and frail, that of all the beautiful
+women in Egypt, she was by far the most beautiful; and the story goes
+that one time when she was bathing, Fortune, which always was a lover
+of whatever may be the most unlikely and unexpected, bestowed upon her
+rank and dignity that were alone suitable for her transcendent charms;
+and this was the way what I am now going to tell came to pass.
+Rhodopis, before taking a bath, had given her robes in charge to her
+attendants; but at the same time there was an eagle flying over the
+bath, and it darted down and flew away with one of her slippers. The
+eagle flew away, and away, and away, until it got to the city of
+Memphis, where the Prince Psammetichus was sitting in the open air,
+and administering justice to those subject to his sway; and as the
+eagle flew over him it let the slipper fall from its beak, and it fell
+down into the lap of Psammetichus. The prince looked at the slipper,
+and the more he looked at it, the more he marvelled at the beauty of
+the material and the dainty minuteness of its size; and then he
+cogitated upon the wondrous way in which such a thing was conveyed to
+him through the air by a bird; and then it was he sent forth a
+proclamation to all parts of Egypt to try to discover the woman to
+whom the slipper belonged, and solemnly promised that whoever she
+might be he would make her his bride.[66]
+
+A very beautiful legend, which has been preserved by the Rev. W. S.
+Lach-Szyrma,[67] carries into its fairy narrative more of the
+realities of tribal life. Mr. Lach-Szyrma obtained it from a peasant's
+chap-book, but it professes to be an ancient Slovac folk-tale:--
+
+"An orphan girl is left with a cruel stepmother, who has a daughter
+who is bad-tempered and disagreeable, and extremely jealous of her.
+She becomes the Cinderella of the house, is ill-treated and beaten,
+but submits patiently. At last the harsh stepmother is urged by her
+daughter to get rid of her. It is winter, in the month of January; the
+snow has fallen, and the ground is frozen. The cruel stepmother in
+this dreadful weather bids the poor girl to go out in the forest, and
+not to come back till she brings some violets with her. After many
+entreaties for mercy the orphan is driven out, and goes out in the
+snow on the hopeless errand. As she enters the forest she sees a
+little way on in the deep glade, under the leafless trees, a large
+fire burning. As she draws near she perceives around the fire are
+twelve stones, and on the stones sit twelve men. The chief of them,
+sitting on the largest stone, is an old man with a long snowy beard,
+and a great staff in his hand. As she comes up to the fire the old man
+asks her what she wants. She respectfully replies by telling them,
+with many tears, her sad story. The old man comforts her. 'I am
+January; I cannot give you any violets, but brother March can.' So he
+turns to a fine young man near him and says, 'Brother March, sit in my
+place.' Presently the air around grows softer. The snows around the
+fire melt. The green grass appears, the flower-buds are to be seen. At
+the orphan girl's feet a bed of violets appear. She stoops and plucks
+a beautiful bouquet, which she brings home to her astounded
+stepmother."
+
+[Illustration: STONE MONUMENTS AS MEMORIALS (KASYA)]
+
+[Illustration: STONE SEATS AT A KASYA VILLAGE
+(2 FEET TO 6 FEET IN DIAMETER)]
+
+How clearly this is a representation of the tribal assembly worked
+into the folk-tale, where January and the months are the tribal
+chiefs, may be illustrated by a comparison with the actual events of
+Indian tribal life. Within the stockaded village of Supar-Punji, in
+Bengal, are two or three hundred monuments, large and small, all
+formed of circular, solid stone slabs, supported by upright stones,
+set on end, which enclose the space below. On these the villagers sit
+on occasions of state, each on his own stool, large or small,
+according to his rank in the commonwealth.[68]
+
+Now evidence such as this, showing how the folk-tale among primitive
+people gets framed according to the social conditions within which it
+originates, will help us to realise the peculiar value of similar
+features which may be found in the folk-tales of our own country.
+English tales are nearly destitute of such illustrations of primitive
+tribal life as this. Some of the giant stories of Cornwall, such as
+that relating to the loose, uncut stones in the district of Lanyon
+Quoit, on whose tors "they do say the giants sit,"[69] may refer to
+the tribal assembly place, but it is shorn of all its necessary
+details, and we do not get many examples even in this shortened form.
+
+Curiously enough, too, we find but little mention in the Scotch tales
+of the open-air gatherings of the tribe. The following quotation may
+refer to the custom perhaps, but it is not conclusive: "On the day
+when O'Donull came out to hold right and justice...." (there were
+twelve men with him).[70] Another story is more exact. Mr. Campbell
+took it down from a fisherman in Barra (ii. 137). The hero-child
+Conall tends the sheep of a widow with whom he lodged. "To feed these
+sheep he broke down the dykes which guarded the neighbours' fields.
+The neighbours made complaint to the king, and asked for justice. The
+king gave foolish judgment, whereat his neck was turned awry, and the
+judgment-seat kicked. Conall gave a correct decision and released the
+king. He did this a second time, and the people said he must have
+king's blood in him." This allusion to the kicking of the
+judgment-seat is a very instructive illustration of tribal
+chieftainship and comes within that branch of the subject with which
+we are now dealing.
+
+But when we pass from Britain to Ireland, there is at once a great
+storehouse of examples to be given. In Dr. Joyce's _Old Celtic
+Romances_ there are some remarkable passages, which give us a good
+picture of the assemblies of primitive times. These passages, it
+should be noted, occur quite incidentally during the course of the
+story--they belong to the same era as the fairy-legend, the giant, and
+the witch, and taken as types of what was going on everywhere in
+prehistoric times, they tell us much that is very valuable.
+
+[Illustration: VIEW IN THE KASYA HILLS SHOWING STONE MEMORIALS]
+
+A great fair-meeting was held by the King of Ireland, Nuada of the
+Silver Hand, on the Hill of Usna. Not long had the people been
+assembled, when they beheld a stately band of warriors, all mounted on
+white steeds, coming towards them from the east, and at their head
+rode a young champion, tall and comely. "This young warrior was Luga
+of the Long Arms.... This troop came forward to where the King of Erin
+sat surrounded by the Dedannans, and both parties exchanged friendly
+greetings. A short time after this they saw another company
+approaching, quite unlike the first, for they were grim and
+surly-looking; namely, the tax-gatherers of the Fomorians, to the
+number of nine nines, who were coming to demand their yearly tribute
+from the men of Erin. When they reached the place where the king sat,
+the entire assembly--the king himself among the rest--rose up before
+them." Here, without following the story further, the assembling in
+arms, the payment of the tributes at the council-hill, the sitting of
+the king and his assembly, are all significant elements of the
+primitive assembly. In a later part of the same story we have "the
+Great Plain of the Assembly" mentioned (p. 48). Another graphic
+picture is given a little later on, when the warrior Luga, above
+mentioned, demands justice upon the slayers of his father, at the
+great council on Tara hill. Luga asked the king that the chain of
+silence should be shaken; and when it was shaken, when all were
+listening in silence, he stood up and made his plea, which ended in
+the eric-fine being imposed upon the three children of Turenn, the
+accomplishment of which forms the basis of the fairy-tale which
+follows (p. 54). Then, in another place in the same tale, when the
+brothers are on their adventurous journey, fulfilling their eric-fine,
+they come to the house of the King of Sigar; and it "happened that the
+king was holding a fair-meeting on the broad, level green before the
+palace."
+
+In another story the hero Maildun asks the island queen how she passes
+her life, and the reply is, "The good king who formerly ruled over
+this island was my husband. He died after a long reign, and as he left
+no son, I now reign, the sole ruler of the island. And every day I go
+to the Great Plain, to administer justice and to decide causes among
+my people."
+
+The beginning of another story is--"Once upon a time, a noble, warlike
+king ruled over Lochlann, whose name was Colga of the Hard Weapons. On
+a certain occasion, this king held a meeting of his chief people, on
+the broad, green plain before his palace of Berva. And when they were
+all gathered together, he spoke to them in a loud, clear voice, from
+where he sat high on his throne; and he asked them whether they found
+any fault with the manner in which he ruled them, and whether they
+knew of anything deserving of blame in him as their sovereign lord and
+king. They replied, as if with the voice of one man, that they found
+no fault of any kind."
+
+The last example is also a valuable one. A dispute has occurred
+respecting the enchanted horse, the Gilla Dacker, and "a meeting was
+called on the green to hear the award." Speeches are made and the
+awards are given.[71]
+
+I think it will be admitted that the folk-tales of Britain refer back
+in such cases to the organisation of the tribe in early times, and the
+only possible conclusion to be drawn from this fact is that they too
+belong to early times and that they have brought with them to modern
+days these valuable fragments of history which are hardly to be
+discovered in any other historical document.
+
+We have thus shown that the folk-tale contains many fragmentary
+details of ancient social conditions, and further that it contains
+more than mere details in the larger place it assigns to important
+features of tribal institutions. It now remains to see whether apart
+from incident the very structure and heart of the folk-tale is founded
+upon conceptions of life. I will take as an example the well-known
+story of Catskin. This story contains one remarkable feature running
+through many of the variants, and a second which is found in
+practically all of them. Both these features are perfectly impossible
+to modern creative fancy, and I venture to think we shall find their
+true origin in the actual facts of primitive life, not in the wondrous
+flight of primitive fancy.
+
+The opening incidents of "Catskin" are thus related:--
+
+"A certain king, having lost his wife, and mourned for her even more
+than other men do, suddenly determines, by way of relieving his
+sorrows, to marry his own daughter. The princess obtains a suspension
+of this odious purpose by requiring from him three beautiful dresses,
+which take a long time to prepare. These dresses are a robe of the
+colour of the sky, a robe of the colour of the moon, a third robe of
+the colour of the sun, the latter being embroidered with the rubies
+and diamonds of his crown. The three dresses being made and presented
+to her, the princess is checkmated, and accordingly asks for something
+even more valuable in its way. The king has an ass that produces gold
+coins in profusion every day of his life. This ass the princess asked
+might be sacrificed, in order that she might have his skin. This
+desire even was granted. The princess, thus defeated altogether, puts
+on the ass's skin, rubs her face over with soot, and runs away. She
+takes a situation with a farmer's wife to tend the sheep and turkeys
+of the farm."
+
+The remainder of the story much resembles Cinderella's famous
+adventures, and I need not repeat it here. The pith of the story turns
+upon the fact that a father purposes to marry his own daughter, or, in
+some versions, his daughter-in-law; and the daughter, naturally, as we
+say, objecting to this arrangement, runs away, and hence her many
+adventures. This famous story, told by English nurses to English
+children, long before literature stepped across the sacred precincts
+of the nursery, is also told in Ireland and Scotland. It is also
+current in France, Italy, Germany, Russia, Lithuania, and many other
+nations; and throughout all these versions, differing, of course, in
+some matters of detail, the selfsame incident is observable--the
+father wishing to marry his own daughter, and the daughter running
+away.[72] This incident, therefore, must be older than the several
+nations who have preserved it from their common home, where the tale
+was originally told with a special value that is now lost. It must
+then belong to primitive man, and not to civilised man, and must be
+judged by the standard of morals belonging to primitive man. It is not
+sufficient, or, indeed, in any way to the point, to say that the idea
+of marrying one's own daughter is horrible and detestable to modern
+ideas; we must place ourselves in a position to judge of such a state
+of affairs from an altogether different standpoint. And what do we
+find in primitive society? We find that women were the property, not
+the helpmates, of their husbands. And the question hence arises, in
+what relation did the children stand in respect to their parents? The
+answer comes from almost all parts of the primitive world that, in
+certain stages of society, the children were related to their mother
+only. It is worth while pausing one moment to give evidence upon the
+fact. Thus McLennan says of the Australians, "it is not in quarrels
+uncommon to find children of the same father arrayed against one
+another, or indeed, against their father himself; for by their
+peculiar law _the father can never be a relative of his
+children_."[73] This is not the language, though it is the evidence,
+of the latest research, and another phase of it is represented by the
+custom, as among the Ahts of Vancouver Island, that in case of
+separation while the children are young, the children go always with
+the mother to their own tribe.[74]
+
+Here we see that the relationship between father and daughter was in
+no way considered in ancient society of the type to which Australians
+and Ahts belonged, and it is now one of the accepted facts of
+anthropology that at certain stages of savage life fatherhood was not
+recognised. That this non-relationship of the father very often
+resulted in the further stage of the father marrying his daughter, is
+exemplified by many examples. The story of Lot and his daughters, for
+instance, will at once occur to the reader, and upon this Mr. Fenton
+has some observations, to which I may refer the student who wishes to
+pursue this curious subject further,[75] while Mr. Frazer, in his
+recent study of Adonis, has discussed the practice with his usual
+extent of knowledge.[76] Again, it should be remembered that in our
+own chronicle histories Vortigern is said to have married his own
+daughter, though the legend and the supposed consequences of the
+marriage have been twisted from their original primitive surroundings
+by the monkish chroniclers, through whom we obtain the story.[77]
+Turning next to the daughter-in-law, supposing that the difference
+between "daughter" and "daughter-in-law" (query stepdaughter) in the
+story variants is a vital difference, and not an accidental
+difference, there is curious and important evidence from India. The
+following custom prevails among certain classes of Sudras,
+particularly the Vella-lahs in Koimbator: "A father marries a grown-up
+girl eighteen or twenty years old to his son, a boy of seven or eight,
+after which he publicly lives with his daughter-in-law, until the
+youth attains his majority, when his wife is made over to him,
+generally with half a dozen children. These children are taught to
+address him as their father. In several cases this woman becomes the
+common wife of the father and son. She pays every respect due to her
+wedded husband, and takes great care of him from the time of her
+marriage. The son, in his turn, hastens to celebrate the marriage of
+his acquired son, with the usual pomps, ceremonies, and tumasha, and
+keeps the bride for himself as his father had done."[78] But even
+further than this, ancient Hindu law allowed the father, who had no
+prospect of having legitimate sons, to "appoint" or nominate a
+daughter who should bear a son to himself, and not to her own
+husband.[79] Sir Henry Maine gives the formula for this remarkable
+appointment, and then goes on to say that some customs akin to the
+Hindu usage of appointing a daughter appear to have been very widely
+diffused over the ancient world, and traces of them are found far down
+in history.[80]
+
+What we have before us, therefore, to guide us in the view we take of
+the story incident of a father marrying his own daughter, may be
+summarised as follows:--
+
+1. The father is not related to his daughter, and hence examples occur
+of fathers marrying daughters.
+
+2. The custom of marrying a daughter-in-law.
+
+3. The custom of nominating a daughter to bear a son.
+
+From any one of these facts of primitive life we arrive at the central
+incident in the story of Catskin: the father could marry his daughter
+without specially shocking the society of the primitive world, simply
+because, according to primitive ideas, father and daughter, as we call
+her, were not related.
+
+We now arrive at the second incident--the running away of Catskin.
+This again is a very early form of marriage custom. Women of primitive
+times often objected to the forced marriages, and they expressed their
+objection very often by running away. In the instance of Catskin the
+running away was successful, as we all know; but in most instances the
+unwilling bride was captured and forced to surrender. Mr. Farrer, in
+his _Primitive Manners and Customs_, quite clears the ground for the
+refutation of an argument that might be applied if we did not know the
+customs of primitive society. It might be asked, why did Catskin run
+away if the custom was a usual one? For the same reason, we answer,
+that the women of savage society often do run away--objection to the
+marriage.[81]
+
+Thus we have to note that the two principal features of our ordinary
+Catskin story are explainable by a reference to primitive manners and
+customs; and it seems to me much easier and much more reasonable to
+thus explain the origin of the Catskin story, than first of all to
+create a "lovely myth," as the mythologists would undoubtedly have a
+right to call it, of the Sun pursuing the Dawn, and then to say that
+the Catskin story is simply a relation of this myth.
+
+The opening incident of the Catskin story, as thus interpreted, is not
+an isolated case of the survival of primitive marriage customs in
+popular stories. If it were so, there would be considerable difficulty
+in the way of supporting this interpretation. But it is only saying of
+Catskin what can be said of other stories. "There are traces," says
+Mr. Campbell, speaking of his Highland stories, "of foreign or
+forgotten laws and customs. A man buys a wife as he would a cow, and
+acquires a right to shoot her, which is acknowledged as good law."[82]
+Yes, this is good savage law and custom there is no doubt, and Lord
+Avebury and Mr. McLennan have illustrated it by examples. But in the
+Highland story of the "Battle of the Birds" the wife is sought to be
+purchased for a hundred pounds (Campbell, i. 36), and in the Irish
+story of the "Lazy Beauty and her Aunts" we find something like
+bride-capture and purchase as well.[83] So, again, if we turn to India
+the same kind of evidence is forthcoming of another part of the
+primitive ceremony. "Do not think," retorted the Malee in a story
+collected by Miss Frere, "that I'll make a fool of myself because I'm
+only a Malee, and believe what you've got to say because you're a
+great Rajah. If you mean what you say, if you care for my daughter and
+wish to be married to her, come and be married; but I'll have none of
+your new-fangled forms and court ceremonies hard to be understood; let
+the girl be married by her father's hearth, and under her father's
+roof."[84] And in another story of the "Chundun Rajah" we have "the
+scattering rice and flowers upon their heads;"[85] the significance of
+both of which customs are fully known.
+
+These illustrations of the contact, the necessary contact, of
+tradition and history show that contact to be equally true of the
+folk-tale as it is of the local or personal legend. They all point to
+the substratum of fact underlying tradition, to the absorption by
+tradition of many features of the life by which it is surrounded, or
+to the absorption by some great historic person or event of the living
+tradition of his time or place. This contact is a fact equally
+important to history and to folklore. It cannot be neglected by
+either. It stands for something in the analysis which every student
+must give of the material with which he is working, and that something
+has a value, sometimes great and sometimes small, which must influence
+the estimate of the material which both history and folklore supply in
+the unravelling of man's past.
+
+I will now finally give a more complicated example of the folk-tale as
+illustrative of the connection between history and tradition. Mr.
+J. F. Campbell printed a tale in the second volume of the
+_Transactions of the Ethnological Society_ (p. 336), which had been
+sent to him in Gaelic by John Davan, in December, 1862--that is, after
+the publication of the fourth volume of his _Highland Tales_. The tale
+is only in outline, but in quite sufficient fulness for my present
+purpose, as follows:--
+
+There was a man at some time or other who was well off, and had many
+children. When the family grew up the man gave a well-stocked farm to
+each of his children. When the man was old his wife died, and he
+divided all that he had amongst his children, and lived with them,
+turn about, in their houses. The sons and daughters got tired of him
+and ungrateful, and tried to get rid of him when he came to stay with
+them. At last an old friend found him sitting tearful by the wayside,
+and learning the cause of his distress, took him home; there he gave
+him a bowl of gold and a lesson which the old man learned and acted.
+When all the ungrateful sons and daughters had gone to a preaching,
+the old man went to a green knoll where his grandchildren were at
+play, and pretending to hide, he turned up a flat hearthstone in an
+old stance,[86] and went out of sight. He spread out his gold on a big
+stone in the sunlight, and he muttered, "Ye are mouldy, ye are hoary,
+ye will be better for the sun." The grandchildren came sneaking over
+the knoll, and when they had seen and heard all that they were
+intended to see and hear, they came running up with, "Grandfather,
+what have you got there?" "That which concerns you not; touch it
+not," said the grandfather; and he swept his gold into a bag and took
+it home to his old friend. The grandchildren told what they had seen,
+and henceforth the children strove who should be kindest to the old
+grandfather. Still acting on the counsel of his sagacious old chum, he
+got a stout little black chest made, and carried it always with him.
+When any one questioned him as to its contents, his answer was, "That
+will be known when the chest is opened." When he died he was buried
+with great honour and ceremony, and then the chest was opened by the
+expectant heirs. In it were found broken potsherds and bits of slate,
+and a long-handled, white wooden mallet with this legend on its
+head:--
+
+      "So am favioche fiorum,
+      Thabhavit gnoc annsa cheann,
+      Do n'fhear nach gleidh maoin da' fein,
+      Ach bheir a chuid go leir d'a chlann."
+
+      "Here is the fair mall
+      To give a knock on the skull
+      To the man who keeps no gear for himself,
+      But gives all to his bairns."
+
+Wright, in his collection of Latin stories, published by the Percy
+Society in 1842 (pp. 28-29), gives a variant of this tale under the
+title of "De divite qui dedit omnia filio suo," and, so far as can be
+judged by the abstract, the parallel between the two narratives,
+separated by at least five centuries of time, is remarkably close. The
+latter part is apparently different, for the Latin version tells how
+the man pretended that the chest contained a sum of money, part of
+which was to be applied for the good of his soul, and the rest to
+dispose of as he pleased. But at the point of death his children
+opened the chest. "Antequam totaliter expiraret, ad cistam currentes
+nihil invenerunt nisi malleum, in quo Anglicè scriptum est:--
+
+      "'Wyht suylc a betel be he smyten,
+      That al the werld hyt mote wyten,
+      That gyfht his sone al his thing,
+      And goht hym self a beggyn.'"
+
+Here, then, is a case whereby to test the problem of the position of
+folk-tales as historical material. Did the people adopt this tale from
+literature into tradition and keep it alive for five centuries; or did
+some early and unconscious folklorist adapt it into literature? The
+literary version has the flavour of its priestly influence, which does
+not appear in the traditional version; and I make the preliminary
+observation that if literature could have so stamped itself upon the
+memory of the folk as to have preserved all the essentials of such a
+story as this, it must have been due to some academic influence (of
+which, however, there is no evidence), and this influence would have
+preserved a nearer likeness to literary forms than the peasant's tale
+presents to us. But the objection to this theory is best shown by an
+analysis of the tale, and by some research into the possible sources
+of its origin.
+
+The story presents us with the following essential incidents:--
+
+1. The gift of a well-stocked farm by a father to each of his
+children.
+
+2. The surrender of all property during the owner's lifetime.
+
+3. The living of the old father with each of his children.
+
+4. The attempted killing of the old man.
+
+5. The mallet bearing the inscription.
+
+6. The rhyming formula of the inscription.
+
+Mr. Campbell notes the first and third of these incidents in his
+original abstract of the story,[87] but of the remaining second,
+fourth, fifth, and sixth no note has hitherto been taken.
+
+Of the first incident, the gift of a well-stocked farm by a father to
+each of his children, Mr. Campbell says: "This subdivision of land by
+tenants is the dress and declaration put on by a class who now tell
+this tale." But it also represents an ancient system of swarming off
+from the parent household when society was in a tribal stage. The
+incident of the tale is exactly reproduced in local custom. In the
+island of Skye the possessor of a few acres of land cut them up only a
+few years ago into shreds and patches to afford a separate dwelling
+for each son and daughter who married.[88] In Kinross, in 1797, the
+same practice prevailed. "Among the feuars the parents are in many
+instances disposed to relinquish and give up to their children their
+landed possessions or the principal part of them, retaining only for
+themselves some paltry pendicle or patch of ground."[89] In Ireland
+and in Cornwall much the same evidence is forthcoming, and elsewhere I
+have taken some pains to show that these local customs are the
+isolated survivals in late times of early tribal practices.[90]
+
+We next turn to the second essential incident of the tale--the
+surrender of the estate during the owner's lifetime. This is a
+well-marked feature of early custom, and Du Chaillu has preserved
+something like the survival of the ritual observances connected with
+it in his account of the Scandinavian practice. On a visit to Husum he
+witnessed the ceremonial which attended the immemorial custom of the
+farm coming into possession of the eldest son, the father still being
+alive. The following is Mr. Du Chaillu's description, and the details
+are important: "The dinner being ready, all the members of the family
+came in and seated themselves around the board, the father taking, as
+is customary, the head of the table. All at once, Roar, who was not
+seated, came to his father and said, 'Father, you are getting old; let
+me take your place.' 'Oh, no, my son,' was the answer, 'I am not too
+old to work; it is not yet time: wait awhile.' Then, with an
+entreating look, Roar said, 'Oh, father, all your children and myself
+are often sorry to see you look so tired when the day's labour is
+over: the work of the farm is too much for you; it is time for you to
+rest and do nothing. Rest in your old age. Oh, let me take your place
+at the head of the table.' All the faces were now extremely sober, and
+tears were seen in many eyes. 'Not yet, my son.' 'Oh, yes, father.'
+Then said the whole family, 'Now it is time for you to rest.' He rose,
+and Roar took his place, and was then the master. His father,
+henceforth, would have nothing to do, was to live in a comfortable
+house, and to receive yearly a stipulated amount of grain or flour,
+potatoes, milk, cheese, butter, meat, etc."[91] Without stopping to
+analyse this singular ceremony in detail, it is important to note that
+old age is the assigned cause of resignation by the father of his
+estate; that the ceremony is evidently based upon traditional forms,
+the meaning of which is not distinctly comprehended by the present
+performers; that the father is supported by his successor. As a proof
+that we have here a survival of very ancient practice, it may be
+noticed that in Spiti, a part of the Punjab, an exact parallel occurs.
+There the father retires from the headship of the family when his
+eldest son is of full age, and has taken unto himself a wife; on each
+estate there is a kind of dower-house with a plot of land attached, to
+which the father in these cases retires.[92] In Bavaria and in
+Würtemberg the same custom obtains,[93] and the sagas of the North
+also confirm it as an ancient custom.[94]
+
+Of the third incident in the tale, the living of the father with his
+children, Mr. Campbell says this points to the old Highland cluster of
+houses and to the farm worked by several families in common,[95] and I
+think we have here the explanation why the father in Scotland did not
+have his "dower-house," as he did in Scandinavia and in Spiti.
+
+We next come to the fourth incident, the attempted killing of the old
+father. Now, from some of the earliest accounts of travels in Britain,
+we know that the death of the aged by violence was a signal element of
+the native customs. "They die only when they have lived long enough;
+for when the aged men have made good cheere and anoynted their bodies
+with sweet ointments they leape off a certain rocke into the sea."
+That we have in this episode of the story, remains of customs which
+once existed in the North, Mr. Elton affords proof, both from
+saga-history and from the practice of later times, when "the Swedes
+and Pomeranians killed their old people in the way which was indicated
+by the passage quoted above."[96] It is the custom of many savage
+tribes, and the observances made use of are sometimes suggestive of
+the facts of the tale we are now analysing. Thus, among the Todas of
+the Nilgiri Hills, they place the old people in large earthen jars
+with some food, and leave them to perish;[97] while among the
+Hottentots, Kolben says, "when persons become unable to perform the
+least office for themselves they are then placed in a solitary hut at
+a considerable distance, with a small stock of provisions within their
+reach, where they are left to die of hunger, or be devoured by the
+wild beasts."[98]
+
+The important bearing of these incidents of barbarous and savage life
+upon our subject will be seen when we pass on to our fifth incident,
+namely, the significant use of the mallet. Some curious explanations
+have been given of this. Mr. Thorns once thought it might be
+identified with Malleus, the name of the Devil.[99] Nork has attempted
+with more reason to identify it with the hammer of Thor.[100] But the
+real identification is closer than this. Thus, it is connected with
+the Valhalla practices, already noted, by the fact that if an old
+Norseman becomes too frail to travel to the cliff, in order to throw
+himself over, his kinsman would save him the disgrace of dying "like a
+cow in the straw," and would beat him to death with the family
+club.[101] Mr. Elton, who quotes this passage, adds in a note that one
+of the family clubs is still preserved at a farm in East
+Gothland.[102] Aubrey has preserved an old English "countrie story" of
+"the holy mawle, which (they fancy) hung behind the church dore,
+which, when the father was seaventie, the sonne might fetch to knock
+his father in the head, as effoete, & of no more use."[103] That
+Aubrey preserved a true tradition is proved by what we learn of
+similar practices elsewhere. Thus, in fifteenth-century MSS. of prose
+romances found in English and also in Welsh, Sir Perceval, in his
+adventures in quest of the Holy Grail, being at one time ill at ease,
+congratulates himself that he is not like those men of Wales, where
+sons pull their fathers out of bed and kill them to save the disgrace
+of their dying in bed.[104] Keysler cites several instances of this
+savage custom in Prussia, and a Count Schulenberg rescued an old man
+who was being beaten to death by his sons at a place called
+Jammerholz, or "Woful Wood;" while a Countess of Nansfield, in the
+fourteenth century, is said to have saved the life of an old man on
+the Lüneberg Heath under similar circumstances.
+
+Our investigation of barbarous and savage customs, which connect
+themselves with the essential incidents of this Highland tale, has at
+this point taken us outside the framework of the story. The old father
+in the tale was not killed by the mallet, but he is said to have used
+it as a warning to others to stop the practice of giving up their
+property during lifetime. We have already seen that this practice was
+an actual custom in early times, appearing in local survivals both in
+England and Scotland. Therefore the story must have arisen at a time
+when this practice was undergoing a change. We must note, too, that
+the whole story leads up to the finding of a mallet with the rhyming
+inscription written thereon, connecting it with the instrument of
+death to the aged, but only on certain conditions. If, then, we can
+find that the rhyming inscription on the mallet has an existence quite
+apart from the story, and if we can find that mallets bearing such an
+inscription do actually exist, we may fairly conclude that the story,
+which, in Scotland, is the vehicle of transmission of the rhyme, is of
+later origin than the rhyme itself.
+
+First of all, it is to be noted under this head that Wright, in a note
+to the Latin story we have already quoted, gives from John of
+Bromyard's _Summa Predicantium_ another English version of the verse--
+
+      "Wit this betel the smieth
+      And alle the worle thit wite
+      That thevt the ungunde alle thing,
+      And goht him selve a beggyng,"
+
+which shows, I think, the popularity of the verse in the vernacular.
+Clearly, then, the Latin version is a translation of this, and not
+_vice versâ_. It must have been a rhyming formula in the vernacular,
+which had a life of its own quite outside its adoption into
+literature.
+
+This inferential proof of the actual life of the English rhyming
+formula is confirmed by actual facts in the case of the corresponding
+German formula. Nork, in the volume I have already quoted, collects
+evidence from Grimm, Haupt, and others, which proves that sometimes in
+front of a house, as at Osnabrück, and sometimes at the city gate, as
+in several of the cities of Silesia and Saxony, there hangs a mallet
+with this inscription:--
+
+      "Wer den kindern gibt das Brod
+      Und selber dabei leidet Noth
+      Den schlagt mit dieser keule todt"--
+
+which Mr. Thoms has Englished thus:--
+
+      "Who to his children gives his bread
+      And thereby himself suffers need,
+      With this mallet strike him dead."[105]
+
+These rhymes are the same as those in the Scottish tale and its Latin
+analogue, and that they are preserved on the selfsame instrument which
+is mentioned in the story as bearing the inscription is proof enough,
+I think, that the mallets and their rhyming formulæ are far older than
+the story. They are not mythical, the story is; their history is
+contained in the facts we have above detailed; the life of the
+folk-tale commences when the use or formula of the mallet ceases to be
+part of the social institutions.
+
+To the rhyming formulæ, then, I would trace the rise of the mythic
+tale told by the Highland peasant in 1862 to Mr. J. F. Campbell. The
+old customs which we have detailed as the true origin of the mallet,
+and its hideous use in killing the aged and infirm, had died out, but
+the symbol of them remained. To explain the symbol a myth was created,
+which kept sufficiently near to the original idea as to retain
+evidence of its close connection with the descent of property; and
+thus was launched the dateless, impersonal, unlocalised story which
+Mr. Campbell has given as a specimen of vagrant traditions, which
+"must have been invented after agriculture and fixed habitations,
+after laws of property and inheritance; but it may be as old as the
+lake-dwellings of Switzerland, or Egyptian civilisation, or Adam,
+whose sons tilled the earth."[106] I would venture to rewrite the last
+clause of this dictum of the great master of folk-tales, and I would
+suggest that the story, whatever its age as a story, tells us of facts
+in the life of its earliest narrators which do not belong to Teutonic
+or Celtic history. The Teuton and the Celt, with their traditional
+reverence for parental authority, at once patriarchal and priestly,
+would retain, with singular clearness, the memory of traditions, or it
+may be observations, of an altogether different set of ideas which
+belonged to the race with which they first came into contact. But
+whether the story is a mythic interpretation by Celts of pre-Celtic
+practices, or a pre-Celtic tradition, varied as soon as it became the
+property of the Celt to suit Celtic ideas, it clearly takes us back to
+practices very remote, to use Mr. Elton's forcible words, from the
+reverence for the parents' authority which might have perhaps been
+expected from descendants of "the Aryan household."[107] These
+practices lead us back to a period of savagery, of which we have to
+speak in terms of race distinction if we would get at its root.[108]
+The importance of such a conclusion cannot be overrated, for it leads
+directly to the issue which must be raised whenever an investigation
+of tradition leaves us with materials, which are promptly rejected as
+fragments of Celtic history because they are too savage, but which
+need not therefore be rejected as history, because they may be
+referred further back than Celtic history.
+
+If we proceed by more drastic methods, by the methods of statistics,
+we shall arrive at much the same conclusion.[109] Taking the first
+twelve stories in Grimm's great collection, we find that seven of them
+yield elements which we are entitled to call savage, because they are
+so far removed from the European culture amidst which the folk-tales
+have lived, and because these elements belong not to the accidentals
+of the stories but to the essentials. Thus, if we divide the folk-tale
+into its components, we shall find that it consists of three
+features:--
+
+1. The story radicals, or essential plot;
+
+2. The story accidentals, or illustrative points;
+
+3. Modern gloss upon the events in the story--
+
+and if we go on to allocate the various incidents of the stories to
+these three heads, we get the following common results with regard to
+seven out of the twelve first stories of Grimm's great collection:--
+
+I.--FROG PRINCE
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Youngest      |              |              |
+               |  daughter    |              |              |
+               |Fountain or   |              |              |
+               |  well the    |              |              |
+               |  locality of |              |              |
+               |  leading     |              |              |
+               |  incident    |              |              |
+               |Frog          |              |              |
+1. Savage      |  prince=totem|              |              |
+    elements   |Frog prince   |      --      |      --      |      --
+               |  stays at the|              |              |
+               |  house of his|              |              |
+               |  future wife |              |              |
+               |Exogamous     |              |              |
+               |  marriage,   |              |              |
+               |  the prince  |              |              |
+               |  coming from |              |              |
+               |  a foreign   |              |              |
+               |  country     |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |Faithful      |
+2. Fantastic   |              |              |  servant     |
+    element    |      --      |      --      |  whose heart |      --
+               |              |              |  is bound by |
+               |              |              |  iron bands  |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |Kingly state
+               |              |              |              |  and its
+               |              |              |              |  trappings--
+               |              |              |              |  the princess
+               |              |              |              |  wears a
+               |              |              |              |  crown on
+3. Rank and    |      --      |      --      |      --      |  ordinary
+    splendour  |              |              |              |  occasions,
+               |              |              |              |  and yet
+               |              |              |              |  opens the
+               |              |              |              |  door to a
+               |              |              |              |  visitor
+               |              |              |              |  while at
+               |              |              |              |  dinner
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+III.--OUR LADY'S CHILD
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |Naked forest  |              |
+               |              |  woman       |              |
+1. Savage      |              |  captured    |              |
+    elements   |      --      |  for wife    |      --      |      --
+               |              |Suspicion that|              |
+               |              |  she is a    |              |
+               |              |  cannibal    |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |Virgin Mary
+               |              |              |              |  and heaven
+3. Rank and    |              |              |              |  the central
+    splendour  |      --      |      --      |      --      |  features
+               |              |              |              |  of the
+               |              |              |              |  heroine's
+               |              |              |              |  adventures
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+4. Moral       |Punishment    |              |              |
+characteristics|  for         |      --      |      --      |      --
+               |  curiosity   |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+IV.--THE YOUTH WHO WANTS TO LEARN TO SHUDDER
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Winning of    |              |              |
+               |  wife by     |              |              |
+               |  service     |              |              |
+               |Succession to |              |              |
+1. Savage      |  kingship    |              |              |
+    elements   |  through     |      --      |      --      |      --
+               |  wife--female|              |              |
+               |  kinship     |              |              |
+               |Treasure      |              |              |
+               |  guarded by  |              |              |
+               |  spirits     |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |The adventures|              |
+2. Fantastic   |      --      |  in the      |      --      |      --
+    element    |              |  haunted     |              |
+               |              |  castle      |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+3. Rank and    |      --      |      --      |      --      |Kingly state
+    splendour  |              |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+4. Moral       |Bravery       |      --      |      --      |      --
+characteristics|              |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+V.--THE WOLF AND SEVEN LITTLE KIDS
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Talking       |Criticism upon|              |
+               |  animals     |  men as      |              |
+               |Cutting open  |  compared    |              |
+               |  of the      |  with        |              |
+1. Savage      |  animal to   |  animals,    |      --      |      --
+    elements   |  free the    |  'truly men  |              |
+               |  swallowed   |  are like    |              |
+               |  kids, and   |  that'       |              |
+               |  refilling   |              |              |
+               |  the stomach |              |              |
+               |  with stones |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+VI.--FAITHFUL JOHN
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Capture of    |              |              |
+               |  bride       |              |              |
+               |Talking of    |              |              |
+               |  animals     |              |              |
+               |Three taboos--|              |              |
+               |  Horse       |              |              |
+               |  Garment     |              |              |
+1. Savage      |  Sucking of  |      --      |      --      |      --
+    elements   |    breasts   |              |              |
+               |Sacrifice of  |              |              |
+               |  children and|              |              |
+               |  sprinkling  |              |              |
+               |  their blood |              |              |
+               |  on a stone  |              |              |
+               |Human origin  |              |              |
+               |  stone pillar|              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |Kingly state
+3. Rank and    |              |              |              |  and great
+    splendour  |      --      |      --      |      --      |  wealth in
+               |              |              |              |  gold and
+               |              |              |              |  riches
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+4. Moral       |      --      |Punishment for|      --      |      --
+characteristics|              |  curiosity   |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+IX.--THE TWELVE BROTHERS
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Going [causing|              |              |
+               |  to go] away |              |              |
+               |  of sons, so |              |              |
+               |  that the    |              |              |
+               |  inheritance |              |              |
+               |  should fall |              |              |
+1. Savage      |  to the      | Forest life  |              |
+    elements   |  daughter    |              |      --      |      --
+               |Change of     |              |              |
+               |  brothers    |              |              |
+               |  into ravens |              |              |
+               |Life dependent|              |              |
+               |  on an       |              |              |
+               |  outside     |              |              |
+               |  object      |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+3. Rank and    |      --      |      --      |      --      |Kingly state
+    splendour  |              |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+4. Moral       |      --      |      --      |      --      |      --
+characteristics|              |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+XI.--BROTHER AND SISTER
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Transformation|              |              |
+               |  of hero into|              |              |
+1. Savage      |  roebuck     |      --      |      --      |      --
+    elements   |  after       |              |              |
+               |  drinking at |              |              |
+               |  stream      |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+There are thus savage elements in seven out of twelve stories, and
+the question becomes an important one as to how this is. They are the
+stories of the nursery, told by mothers to children, stories kept
+alive by tradition, and the only possible answer to our question is
+that they contain fragments of the early culture-history of the
+ancestors, or at all events the predecessors, of those who have
+preserved them for our use. An occasional savage incident might have
+been considered a freak of the original narrator, or a borrowing by
+one of the countless late narrators of these stories brought home from
+savage countries; but statistics disprove both of these suppositions.
+It is not accidental but persistent savagery we meet with in the
+folk-tale. It is also the savagery to be found amongst modern peoples
+still in the savage stage of culture.
+
+This is proved in a very complete manner by Mr. MacCulloch, whose
+study provides the material for a statistical survey of story
+incidents founded on primitive custom and belief.[110] They are the
+most ancient history to which we have access. That this history is
+contained in the folk-tales of modern peasantry shows it to have come
+from that far-off period which saw the earliest condition of these
+people. It is still history, if it tells us of a life which preceded
+the written record. It is history of the most valuable description,
+for it is to be found nowhere else as relating to the remotest period
+of European civilisation. The modern savage is better off in this
+respect. He has an outside historian in the traveller and the
+anthropologist of modern days. The savage who was ancestor to our own
+people had no such means of becoming known to history, or had but very
+limited means, and it is only in the deathless tradition that we can
+trace him out.
+
+These conclusions have been drawn from that great class of tradition
+preserved by historic peoples in historic times, and yet unmistakably
+pointing to prehistoric culture. We have been able to show the methods
+to be adopted for, and the results of, disengaging the myth which has
+gravitated to the historic person or place from the historic facts
+which have become part of the legend, and to trace out in the
+folk-tale facts which belong to a culture far removed from civilised
+life. There are thus revealed two distinct centres of influence, the
+traditional centre and the historic centre, and it is obvious that the
+question must be asked--which is the more important? It seems to me
+equally obvious that the answer must be given in favour of the
+historic. History is indebted to tradition for preserving some of the
+most remote facts of racial or national life, which but for tradition
+would have been lost, and if we are content to use this tradition as a
+storehouse from which we may provide ourselves with ancient historical
+documents, we can trace out therefrom points in the history of any
+given country wherever the traditions have been preserved.
+
+The folk-tale, in point of fact, equally with the personal and local
+legend, comes into close contact with history. The periods of history
+in the folk-tales are different from those in the legends, but
+together these periods reach from prehistoric culture to historic
+event. We cannot, however, call this extent of time a continuous
+period, and we cannot point to definite stages within the detached
+periods. Much more research must be accomplished before it will be
+possible to claim such results as these. I have indicated some points
+of difficulty, some methods of treatment which appear to me to be
+wrong, and to which I shall have again to refer later on; but in the
+meantime, from the necessarily incomplete evidence which I have been
+able to produce, it is, I think, abundantly clear that folklore has to
+be studied from its historical surroundings if we would draw from it
+all that it is capable of telling.
+
+
+III
+
+In the meantime it is well to bear in mind that there is one important
+department of history which has always been frankly and unhesitatingly
+accepted as history and yet which has no stronger foundation than
+tradition, and tradition of the most formal kind. I allude to the
+early laws of most of the peoples who have become possessed of an
+historic civilisation. These laws have all been preserved by
+tradition, are in rhyme or rhythm in order to assist the memory, have
+become the sacred repository of a school or class of priests, and have
+finally been reduced to writing by a great lawgiver, who by the act of
+giving the people written laws has had attributed to him supernatural
+origin and powers. That history should have accepted from tradition
+such an important section of its material is worth consideration by
+itself, apart from its bearing on the present study, and I shall
+proceed, therefore, to set out some of the chief facts in this
+connection.
+
+There can be no doubt that in the tribal society of Indo-European
+peoples the laws and rules which governed the various members of the
+tribe were deemed to be sacred and were preserved by tradition. The
+opening clauses of the celebrated Laws of Manu illustrate this position.
+"The great sages approached Manu, who was seated with a collected mind,
+and having worshipped him spoke as follows: Deign, divine one, to
+declare to us precisely and in due order the sacred laws of each of the
+four chief castes and of the intermediate ones. For thou, O Lord, alone
+knowest the purport, the rites, and the knowledge of the soul taught in
+this whole ordinance of the self-existent which is unknowable and
+unfathomable."[111] They were not only sacred in origin but they dealt
+with sacred things, and Sir Henry Maine has drawn the broad conclusion
+that "there is no system of recorded law, literally from China to Peru,
+which, when it first emerges into notice, is not seen to be entangled
+with religious ritual and observance."[112] In Greece the lawgivers were
+supposed to be divinely inspired, Minôs from Jupiter, Lykurgos from the
+Delphic god, Zaleukos from Pallas.[113] The earliest notions of law are
+connected with Themis the Goddess of Justice.[114] In Rome it is to
+Romulus himself that is attributed the first positive law, and it is by
+a college of priests that the laws were preserved.[115] In Scandinavia
+the laws were in the custody and charge of the temple priests, and the
+accumulated evidence for the sacred origin and connection of the laws is
+to be found in the sagas.[116] Among the Celtic peoples it is well known
+that the laws were preserved and administered by the Brehons, who are
+compared with the Hindu Brahmins by Sir Henry Maine, "with many of their
+characteristics altered, and indeed, their whole sacerdotal authority
+abstracted by the influence of Christianity."[117] In the Isle of Man
+the laws were deemed sacred and known only to the Deemsters.[118]
+
+In all cases laws were preserved by tradition and not by writing and
+evidence, and the superior value attached to the traditional record
+appears everywhere. The oldest record of Hindu law agrees with the
+best authority that it was not founded on writing but "upon immemorial
+customs which existed prior to and independent of Brahminism."[119] In
+Greece the very nature of the _themistes_ shows that they were
+judgments dependent upon traditional custom. In Rome it is the subject
+of definite research that the "greater part of Roman law was founded
+on the _mores majorum_."[120] In Scandinavia the law speaker was
+obliged to recite the whole law within the period to which the tenure
+of his office was limited.[121] The Celtic laws are based upon customs
+handed down from remote antiquity,[122] and late down in English law
+it was admitted as a principle that if oral declarations came into
+conflict with written instruments the former had the more binding
+authority.[123]
+
+One of the means by which this sacred tradition was preserved was
+through the medium of rhythm and verse. Thus, as Sir Henry Maine
+explains,
+
+      "The law book of Manu is in verse, and verse is one of
+      the expedients for lessening the burden which the
+      memory has to bear when writing is unknown or very
+      little used. But there is another expedient which
+      serves the same object. This is Aphorism or Proverb.
+      Even now in our own country much of popular wisdom is
+      preserved either in old rhymes or in old proverbs, and
+      it is well ascertained that during the middle ages
+      much of law, and not a little of medicine, was
+      preserved among professions, not necessarily clerkly,
+      by these two agencies."[124]
+
+In Greece the same word, [Greek: nomos], was used for custom and law
+as for song. The [Greek: rhêtra] (declared law) of Sparta and Taras
+was in verse; the laws of Charondas were sung as [Greek: skolia] at
+Athens,[125] and Strabo refers to the Mazacenes of Cappadocia as using
+the laws of Charondas and appointing some person to be their
+law-singer ([Greek: nomôdos]), who is among them the declarer of the
+laws.[126]
+
+Sir Francis Palgrave, noticing the same characteristic of Teutonic
+law, says:--
+
+      "It cannot be ascertained that any of the Teutonic
+      nations reduced their customs into writing, until the
+      influence of increasing civilisation rendered it
+      expedient to depart from their primeval usages; but an
+      aid to the recollection was often afforded as amongst
+      the Britons, by poetry or by the condensation of the
+      maxim or principle in proverbial or antithetical
+      sentences like the Cymric triads. The marked
+      alliteration of the Anglo-Saxon laws is to be referred
+      to the same cause, and in the Frisic laws several
+      passages are evidently written in verse. From hence,
+      also, may originate those quaint and pithy rhymes in
+      which the doctrines of the law of the old time are not
+      unfrequently recorded."[127]
+
+Again, the editors of the Brehon Law Tracts point out that early laws
+are handed down "in a rhythmical form; always in language condensed
+and antiquated they assume the character of abrupt and sententious
+proverbs. Collections of such sayings are found scattered throughout
+the Brehon Law Tracts."[128] The sagas contain many verses which
+partake of the character of legal formulæ, and in Beowulf there seems
+to be a definite example. It occurs in the passage describing Beowulf
+engaged in his fatal combat with the fiery dragon, when his
+"companions," stricken with terror, deserted him, on which Wiglaf
+pronounced the following malediction:--
+
+      "Now shall the service of treasure,
+      and the gifts of swords,
+      all joy of paternal inheritance,
+      all support
+      of all your kin depart;
+      every one of your family
+      must go about
+      deprived of his rights
+      of citizenship;
+      when far and wide
+      the nobles shall learn
+      your flight,
+      your dishonourable deed.
+      Death is better
+      to every warrior
+      than disgraced life."
+
+Mr. Kemble remarks on this passage, that it is not improbable that the
+whole denunciation is a judicial formula, such as we know early
+existed, and in regular rhythmical measure.[129]
+
+These early examples may be followed up by others preserved to modern
+times. The most significant of these occurs in the Church ceremony of
+marriage, which preserves in the vernacular the ancient rhythmical
+formula of the marriage laws, and the antiquity of the Church ritual
+is proved from the fact that it is accompanied and enforced by the old
+rhythmical verse, which is indicative of early legal or ceremonious
+usage.
+
+      "With this rynge I the wed
+      And this gold and silver I the geve,
+      and with my body I the worshipe,
+      and with all my worldely cathel I the endowe."[130]
+
+Sir Francis Palgrave has noticed the subject, and points out that the
+wife is taken
+
+      "to have and to hold[131]
+      from this day forward
+      for better, for worse,
+      for richer, for poorer,[132]
+      in sickness and in health,
+      to love and to cherish,
+      till death us do part
+      and thereto I plight thee my troth."
+
+These words are inserted in our service according to the ancient canon
+of England, and even when the Latin mass was sung by the tonsured
+priest, the promises which accompany the delivery of the symbolical
+pledge of union were repeated by the blushing bride in a more
+intelligible tongue.[133] This is a curious and significant fact, and
+as we trace out these rhythmical lines farther back in their original
+vernacular, the more clearly distinct is their archaic nature.
+According to the usage of Salisbury the bride answered:--
+
+      "I take thee, John,
+      to be my wedded husband,
+      to have and to hold
+      fro' this day forward
+      for better, for worse,
+      for richer, for poorer,
+      in sycknesse, in hele,
+      to be bonere and buxom [obedient]
+      in bedde and at borde
+      till death do us part
+      and thereto I plight thee my trothe."[134]
+
+The Welsh manual in the library of the Dean and Chapter of Hereford
+has a slight variation in the form, and an older spelling:--
+
+      "Ich N. take thee N.
+      to my weddid wyf,
+      for fayroure for foulore,
+      for ricchere for porer,
+      for betere for wers,
+      in sicknesse and in helthe,
+      forte deth us departe,
+      and only to the holde
+      and tharto ich plygtte my treuthe."[135]
+
+To this may be added the many local examples of the preservation of
+laws or legal formulæ by means of their form in verse. The most
+interesting of these, perhaps, is that by which the Kentishman
+redeemed his land from the lord by repeating, as it was said, in the
+language of his ancestors:--
+
+      "Nighon sithe yeld
+      And nighon sithe geld,
+      And vif pund for the were,
+      Ere he become healdere."
+
+The first verse,
+
+      "Dog draw
+      Stable stand
+      Back berend
+      And bloody hand"
+
+justified the verderer in his punishment of the offender. In King
+Athelstane's grant to the good men of Beverley, and inscribed beneath
+his effigy in the Minster,
+
+      "Als fre
+      Mak I the
+      As heart may think
+      Or eigh may see,"
+
+we have perhaps the ancient form of manumission or
+enfranchisement,[136] just as we have the surrender by a freeman who
+gave up his liberty by putting himself under the protection of a
+master, and becoming his man, still preserved among children, when one
+of them takes hold of the foretop of another and says:--
+
+      "Tappie, tappie, tousie, will ye be my man?"[137]
+
+All over the country we meet with these rhyming or rhythmical formulæ
+which have legal significance. In the north the chief of the
+Macdonalds gave grants in the following form:--
+
+      "I, Donald, chief of the Macdonalds, give here, in my
+      castle, a right to Mackay, to Kilmahumag, from this
+      day till to-morrow and so on for ever."
+
+          "Mise Donull nau Donull,
+          Am shuidh air Dun Donuill,
+          Toirt còir do Mhac-aigh air Kilmahumaig,
+          O'n diugh gus a màireach
+          'S gu la bhràth mar sin."[138]
+
+At Scarborough there is an old proverbial saying as to "Scarborough
+Warning," which has had various accounts given of its origin,[139] but
+the true explanation of which is that it is the fragment of an ancient
+legal formula of the kind we are investigating. Abraham De la Pryme
+describes it in his seventeenth-century diary as follows:--
+
+      "Scarburg Warning is a proverb in many places of the
+      north, signifying any sudden warning given upon any
+      account. Some think it arose from the sudden comeing
+      of an enemy against the castle there, and haveing
+      dischargd a broad side, then commands them to
+      surrender. Others think that the proverb had it's
+      original from other things, but all varys. However,
+      this is the true origin thereof.
+
+      "The town is a corporation town, and tho' it is very
+      poor now to what it was formerly, yet it has a ... who
+      is commonly some poor man, they haveing no rich ones
+      amongst them. About two days before Michilmass day the
+      sayd ... being arrayed in his gown of state he mounts
+      upon horseback, and has his attendants with him, and
+      the macebear[er] carrying the mace before him, with
+      two fidlers and a base viol. Thus marching in state
+      (as bigg as the lord mare of London) all along the
+      shore side, they make many halts, and the cryer crys
+      thus with a strange sort of a singing voyce, high and
+      low:--
+
+          "'Whay! Whay! Whay!
+          Pay your gavelage, ha!
+          Between this and Michaelmas Day,
+          Or you'll be fined I, say!'
+
+      "Then the fiddlers begins to dance, and caper and
+      plays, fit to make one burst with laughter that sees
+      and hears them. Then they go on again and crys as
+      before, with the greatest majesty and gravity
+      immaginable, none of this comical crew being seen so
+      much as to smile all the time, when as spectators are
+      almost bursten with laughing. This is the true origin
+      of the proverb, for this custome of gavelage is a
+      certain tribute that every house pays to the ... when
+      he is pleased to call for it, and he gives not above
+      one day warning, and may call for it when he
+      pleases."[140]
+
+Rhyming tenures have been frequently noted but never understood. They
+occur in many parts of the country. The tithingman of Combe Keynes, in
+Dorsetshire, is obliged to do suit at Winforth Court, and after
+repeating the following incoherent lines, pays threepence and goes
+away without saying another word:--
+
+      "With my white rod
+      And I am a fourth post
+      That three pence makes three
+      God bless the King, and the lord of the franchise
+      Our weights and our measures are lawful and true
+      Good morrow Mr. Steward I have no more to say to you."[141]
+
+It is hardly necessary to quote more examples. They are not unknown to
+the historian, but because they are in rhyme they have been hastily
+assumed to be spurious or even burlesque.[142] But the evidence of a
+rhyming formula is the opposite to this. It is evidence of their
+genuineness, and if some of the words appear to be nonsensical it is
+due to the fact that the sense of the old formula has been
+misunderstood, and has then become gradually altered.
+
+All these rhyming tenures, indeed, find their place among the
+traditional examples of legal formulæ. They are the local offshoots
+preserved because of their legal significance, preserved by those
+interested from their legal side. Because they are not preserved in
+the formal codes they need not be neglected, and they must not be
+misunderstood. They are not to be put on one side by the historian as
+freaks of local landowners. They are real descendants by traditional
+lines from the times when laws were not written, but kept alive in the
+memory by means of such assistance as rhyme could supply, and from the
+tribesmen who thus treasured the law they obeyed.[143]
+
+That this branch of recorded law is not only early but tribal is
+undoubted, but perhaps it will be well to refer to tribal rhyming
+formulæ of an independent kind in order to show by parallel evidence
+the tribal characteristics. In 1884 Mr. Posnett drew attention to this
+important subject, and noted that
+
+      "Dr. Brown, in an attempt to sketch the origin of
+      poetry--an attempt which attracted the attention of
+      Bishop Percy in his remarks introductory to the
+      _Reliques_--proposed more than one hundred years ago
+      to discover the source of the combined dance, song,
+      melody, and mimetic action of primitive compositions
+      in the common festivals of clan life. The student of
+      comparative literature will probably regard Dr.
+      Brown's theory as a curious anticipation of the
+      historical method in a study which, in spite of M.
+      Taine's efforts, has made so little progress as yet.
+      The clan ethic of inherited guilt and vicarious
+      punishment has attracted considerable attention. But
+      the clan poetry of the ancient Arabs and of the
+      bard-clans, surviving in the Hebrew sons of Asaph or
+      the Greek Homeridæ, has not received that light from
+      comparative inquiry which the closely connected
+      problems of primitive music and metre would alone
+      amply deserve."[144]
+
+Not much has been done since this was penned. Max Müller had
+previously, in 1847, declared that the Rig Veda consisted of the clan
+songs of the Hindu people,[145] but the importance of such a
+conclusion has been entirely neglected. In the meantime evidence is
+accumulating that in Britain there are still preserved many examples
+of clan songs. Thus Lord Archibald Campbell has published, in the
+first volume of his _Waifs and Strays of Celtic Tradition_, some
+sixteen or seventeen sagas. Some of these are clan-traditions; and the
+editor notes as evidence of their antiquity the fact that none of them
+makes any mention of firearms. These clan-traditions all relate to
+feuds and vendettas; and in one case it is expressly recorded that the
+descendants of one of the foes of the clan, in their account of the
+incident narrated, "altered this tradition and reversed the main
+facts." This has been followed by a volume definitely devoted to
+"clan-traditions,"[146] while in the _Carmina Gadelica_ and many of
+the Highland incantations there are preserved specimens of ancient
+clan songs.
+
+The most interesting of the tribal songs is that preserved at the
+Hawick Common riding. The burgh officers form the van of a pageant
+which insensibly carries us back to ancient times, and in some verses
+sung on the occasion there is a refrain which has been known for ages
+as the slogan of Hawick. It is "Teribus ye teri Odin," which is
+probably a corruption of the Anglo-Saxon, "Tyr habbe us, ye Tyr ye
+Odin"--May Tyr uphold us, both Tyr and Odin.
+
+Fortunately Dr. Murray has investigated this formula, and I will quote
+what he says:--
+
+      "A relic of North Anglian heathendom seems to be
+      preserved in a phrase which forms the local slogan of
+      the town of Hawick, and which, as the name of a
+      peculiar local air, and the refrain, or 'owerword' of
+      associated ballads, has been connected with the
+      history of the town back to 'fable-shaded eras.'
+      Different words have been sung to the tune from time
+      to time, and none of those now extant can lay claim to
+      any antiquity; but associated with all, and yet
+      identified with none, the refrain '_Tyr-ibus ye Tyr ye
+      Odin_,' Tyr hæb us, ye Tyr ye Odin! Tyr keep us, both
+      Tyr and Odin! (by which name the tune also is known)
+      appears to have come down, scarcely mutilated, from
+      the time when it was the burthen of the song of the
+      gleó-mann or scald, or the invocation of a heathen
+      Angle warrior, before the northern Hercules and the
+      blood-red lord of battles had yielded to the 'pale
+      god' of the Christians."
+
+[Illustration: THE AULD CA-KNOWE: CALLING THE BURGESS ROLL]
+
+[Illustration: HAWICK MOAT AT SUNRISE]
+
+And in a note Dr. Murray adds:--
+
+      "The ballad now connected with the air of 'Tyribus'
+      commemorates the laurels gained by the Hawick youth at
+      and after the disastrous battle, when, in the words of
+      the writer,
+
+          "'Our sires roused by "Tyr ye Odin,"
+          Marched and joined their king at Flodden.'
+
+      Annually since that event the 'Common-Riding' has
+      been held, on which occasion a flag or 'colour'
+      captured from a party of the English has been with
+      great ceremony borne by mounted riders round the
+      bounds of the common land, granted after Flodden to
+      the burgh; part of the ceremony consisting in a mock
+      capture of the 'colour' and hot pursuit by a large
+      party of horsemen accoutred for the occasion. At the
+      conclusion 'Tyribus' is sung, with all the honours, by
+      the actors in the ceremony, from the roof of the
+      oldest house in the burgh, the general population
+      filling the street below, and joining in the song with
+      immense enthusiasm. The influence of modern ideas is
+      gradually doing away with much of the parade and
+      renown of the Common-Riding. But 'Tyr-ibus ye Tyr ye
+      Odin' retains all its local power to fire the lieges,
+      and the accredited method of arousing the burghers to
+      any political or civil struggle is still to send round
+      the drums and fifes, 'to play Tyribus' through the
+      town, a summons analogous to that of the Fiery Cross
+      in olden times. Apart from the words of the slogan,
+      the air itself bears in its wild fire all the tokens
+      of a remote origin."[147]
+
+We could not get better evidence than this of the survival of tribal
+custom, custom that is distinctly connected with tribes rather than
+with places or individuals, with groups of people who, now bound
+together by local considerations and influences, have only recently
+passed away from the far more ancient influences of the tribe. Alike
+in the forms of historical codes and in traditional local remains, we
+have found evidence of the use of rhyme for the preservation of
+unwritten rules and forms; and this use restores to tradition an
+important branch of its material.
+
+We have thus ascertained that there is direct and acknowledged
+indebtedness of history to tradition. Its extent covers a wide area of
+culture progress, and of unbroken continuity from tribal to historic
+times. The legal codes of the barbaric tribes of Western Europe are
+the direct successors of the traditional originals; and because these
+legal codes, equally with their unwritten predecessors, cannot be
+dispensed with by the historian, they find their place unquestioned
+among genuine historical material. They are no more, and no less,
+historical than other traditional material. They are part of the life
+of the people rescued from prehistoric days, and they tell us of these
+days by the same sanction and the same methods as the rest of the
+traditional material which has been so strangely and so persistently
+neglected by the historian. The whole of tradition, and not selected
+parts of it, must be brought into use if we would follow scientific
+method, and I claim this for the study of folklore on the strength of
+the results which have now been brought together.
+
+[Illustration: ONE OF FIVE STONE CIRCLES IN THE FIELDS OPPOSITE THE
+GLEBE OF NYMPHSFIELD]
+
+[Illustration: CARN-AN-CHLUITHE
+TO COMMEMORATE THE DEFEAT AND DEATH OF THE YOUTHS OF THE DANANNS]
+
+[Illustration: THE CAIRN OF BALLYMAGIBBON NEAR THE ROAD PASSING FROM
+CONG TO CROSS]
+
+
+IV
+
+Here, however, we are close up to an important point of controversy.
+The mythologists claim tradition as theirs. It does not, they assert,
+give us the history but the mythology of our race. It tells us not of
+the men but of the gods. In explaining how this comes about, however,
+they have fallen into errors which it is not only necessary to correct
+but which are fundamental in their effects. We shall be better able
+later on to discuss the extremely important question of the
+position of the prehistoric tradition amidst historic life and
+surroundings, if we try to understand what the mythologists have done
+and not done in their attempts to claim exclusive property in the
+folk-tale. They have entirely denied or ignored all history contained
+in the folk-tale, and they have proceeded upon the assumption, the
+bald assumption not accompanied by any kind of proof, that the
+folk-tale contains nothing but the remnants of a once prevalent system
+of mythology. They ignore all the proofs brought forward by
+folklorists to the contrary, such proofs, for instance, as Mr.
+Knowles, Sir Richard Temple and others have produced concerning the
+Hindu folk-tale. What is not true of the Hindu folk-tale cannot be
+true of its Celtic or Teutonic or Scandinavian parallel, and yet in
+the most recent study of Celtic tradition, Mr. Squire takes its mythic
+origin for granted, and works through his ingenious statement without
+let or hindrance from other points of view. But even his
+thorough-going methods compel him to stop short at certain points, and
+to admit that he has come across historic fact. Thus he agrees that
+the Fir-Bolgs "were not really gods but the pre-Aryan race which the
+Gaels, when they landed in Ireland, found already in occupation,"[148]
+and yet when he treats of the fight of the Fir-Bolgs with the Tuatha
+dé Danann, and is confronted with Sir William Wilde's proofs that the
+monuments on the plain of Moytura are in agreement with the traditions
+concerning them, and point to the account of the battle being
+historical,[149] all that Mr. Squire can admit is that "certainly the
+coincidences are curious." He disposes of them on the ground that the
+"people of the goddess Danu are too obviously mythical to make it
+worth while to seek any standing ground for them in the world of
+reality." That standing ground might be found connected with the
+Tuatha dé Danann in many places, but Mr. Squire will have it that it
+is impossible, because "it was about this period that the mythology of
+Ireland was being rewoven into spurious history."[150] It is not,
+however, upon the mistakes of other inquirers[151] that the
+mythologists may rest a good claim for their own view. The _Historia
+Britonum_ of Geoffrey of Monmouth disposes of neither the myths nor
+the history of the Celts. It shows myth in its secondary position, in
+the handling of those who would make it all history, just as now there
+are scholars who would make it all myth. In front of the legends
+attaching to persons and places is the history of these persons and
+places. Behind these legends lies the domain of the unattached and
+primitive folk-tale, Mr. Campbell's _Highland Tales_, Kennedy's
+_Fireside Stories of Ireland_, and those English tales which have been
+rescued by Mr. Clodd and others. This makes it impossible to see in
+the hero-legends naught else than the intangible realm of Celtic gods
+and goddesses.
+
+Equally impossible is it to create for them a home in a system of
+"state religion," and yet a state religion is a necessary part of the
+evidence for mythological origins.[152] There was no Celtic state.
+Emphatically this was so. Everything we know about the Celts of
+Britain, both before and after the Roman conquest, both in Britain,
+where the Roman power was upheld for four centuries, and in Ireland,
+where the Roman power never penetrated, the Celts were possessed of a
+tribal, not a state polity; lived in tribal strongholds, not in Celtic
+cities; occupied tribal territories, not countries formed into states;
+elected tribal chiefs in primitive fashion, and not kings with state
+ceremonial; and when they come under the dominion of an incipient
+state policy after the conquest of the English and the Northmen, their
+laws are promulgated and codified, and show that both Welsh and Irish
+codes are tribal, not state law.
+
+Not only do I fail to discover a state religion of the Celts, but I do
+not find it among the Teutons. There is greater evidence of
+discrepancies than of agreement in all the European religions, but
+these have not been dwelt upon by scholars. Professor York Powell, in
+one of his illuminating studies on Teutonic heathendom, is the only
+authority I know of who argues against the idea of a systematised
+religion. "It is important that we should at once throw aside the idea
+that there was any _system_, any organized pantheon in the religion of
+these peoples. Their tribes were small and isolated, and each had its
+own peculiar gods and observances, although the mould of each faith
+was somewhat similar. Hence there were varieties of religious customs
+among the Goths, Swedes, Saxons, and Angles."[153]
+
+[Illustration: ALTAR DEDICATED TO THE FIELD DEITIES OF BRITAIN
+FOUND AT CASTLE HILL ON THE WALL OF ANTONINUS PIUS]
+
+Now if there was no state there could be no state religion. What
+existed of worship and religion was tribal. These are the historical
+facts, which have been neglected by students of myth and saga. I
+shall have to point out in greater detail presently what these tribal
+conditions mean to studies in folklore, but the word of warning and
+protest must come here, for it is unconsciously the conception of a
+Celtic state religion which gives even the semblance of possibility
+for Celtic mythology to be found in every hero-legend. It is, in
+short, the neglect of this among other historical facts which has led
+the folklorist into error of a somewhat magnificent kind. He attempts
+to create out of the myths of a people a mythology which provides gods
+to be worshipped, faiths to be organised, and beliefs to be the
+standards of life and conduct. Thus, as I have pointed out
+elsewhere,[154] Sir John Rhys has, in his acute identification of the
+worship of the water-god Lud on the Thames and of Nod on the
+Severn,[155] introduced the idea of a great Celtic worship established
+on these two great rivers as parts of a definite system of Celtic
+religion, whereas examination proves that the parallel faiths of two
+perfectly distinct Celtic tribes, the Silures on the Severn and the
+Trinovantes on the Thames, were welded into a common worship of the
+god of the waters by the masters of Celtic Britain, the Romans. There
+was no Celtic organisation which commanded both Severn and Thames
+until the Romans occupied the country, and occupying the country they
+adopted into their own religion the native gods and, fortunately for
+us, recorded their adoption in the pavements of their houses or their
+temples.[156]
+
+Mr. A. B. Cook goes much further than Sir John Rhys. He attempts to
+dig out the European sky-god from all sorts of queer places, all sorts
+of forgotten records, thereby producing a wealth of folklore parallels
+for which every student must be profoundly thankful. But he does not
+make it anywhere clear that this universal god was gloriously apparent
+to his worshippers. There is no established connection between the
+sky-god and those who worshipped the sky-god, and we seek in vain
+amidst all the brilliant researches, which have been held to produce
+evidence of the sky-god, for evidence that he was worshipped by the
+Aryan-speaking Celt and Teuton. In point of fact, we never get at the
+worshippers at all. There is the assumption of a state mythology
+without any evidence for the existence of the state.
+
+In place of this obvious necessity we get an immense abstraction,
+worked out with all the subtle ingenuity and learning of the Cambridge
+professor. Mr. Cook has, in fact, used the materials he has collected
+with such amazing care to project therefrom just those mythological
+conceptions which Celt and Teuton would have worked out for themselves
+if they, like the Hindu and the Greek, had developed the state while
+they were still free to develop their own native beliefs. This they
+never did, and so their fire worship did not advance beyond its early
+stages. It was separated from nature worship to become the servant of
+the European tribes. It helped them to develop tribal and family
+institutions. It produced for them a tribal and family worship. It did
+not get beyond this, because Roman institutions and Christianity stood
+in the way and prevented tribal fire worship from becoming
+anthropomorphised into a mythology. This need not cause us to doubt
+that the analogies claimed by these scholars are true analogies. There
+were among the Celtic peoples, as among other branches of the race to
+which Celt, Greek, Teuton, Scandinavian, and Hindu belonged, the
+incipient elements which would go to make up a national or state
+mythology, when the nation or the state emerged, as it did emerge in
+the case of Greece and of Rome, from its tribal originals. But the
+Celtic state did not emerge from tribalism in Britain; the Celtic
+heroes were always tribal heroes. They were, as Hereward and Arthur
+were, real human flesh and blood, fighting and raiding and loving and
+feasting in their tribal fashion as the later heroes did in their
+national fashion; because of their success as tribal heroes they had
+attached to them the tribal myths; because they died as nobly as
+Cuchulain died they left imperishable records among those for whom
+they died. They were more than gods to the Celtic tribesman--they were
+kinsmen.
+
+The false conception of a state religion before there was a state,
+appears in other studies not primarily based upon folklore research,
+and not having in view anthropological results. It is the basis of the
+remarkable researches of Sir Norman Lockyer as to the astrological and
+solar origin of Stonehenge and other circles, and in his chapter which
+deals with the question, "Where did the British worship originate?" he
+finds himself bound to the theory of a borrowed civilisation which
+established the solar system.[157] This borrowed civilisation is
+Egyptian, but it is too much to ask mythology to supply not only a
+complete system of belief but a civilisation which belongs to it. What
+is needed is independent evidence of the civilisation. Without such
+independent evidence it is impossible to accept the deduction drawn
+only from one sphere of information.
+
+The error of transferring to the domain of mythology events and
+occurrences which belong to history, is followed by an error of
+another sort, namely, the transferring to some general department of
+human belief the particular beliefs of a people, or of tribes of
+people. It is wrong to continue to label particular cults as nature
+myths, when they have already been transferred from that position to a
+more definite position among the beliefs of a people. Thus even so
+good a scholar as Mr. A. B. Cook, rightly interpreting Greek evidence
+of the hill-top fires and of the house fire, yet denies to the exactly
+corresponding Irish evidence the same interpretation, and argues that
+"the ritual of Samain, at which all the hearths in Ireland were
+supplied with fresh fire from a common centre at Tlachtga [is] almost
+certainly solar," and that "we shall not be far wrong if we suppose
+that the solar fires of Beltaine were the ritual of the sky god
+connected with the Ash of Uisnech."[158] Mr. Frazer, too, has
+interpreted these bonfires as mainly sun charms, and he sees in the
+Balder myth, and in the peasant customs all over Europe, which he
+asserts illustrate this myth, an ancient ritual which originally
+marked the beginning of the new year, when the tree spirit, or spirit
+of vegetation, was burned, the special reasons why the deity of
+vegetation should die by fire being that as "light and heat are
+necessary to vegetable growth, on the principle of sympathetic magic,
+by subjecting the personal representative of vegetation to their
+influence you secure a supply of these necessaries for trees and
+crops."[159] Mr. Frazer goes far afield for evidence. He does not see
+that the fire ceremonies which he collects from all Europe have a
+specialised significance, even in their last stages of existence as
+survivals, which is not found among the Incas, the African tribes, the
+hill tribes of India, and the Chinese, whom he cites as providing the
+required parallels. Parallel practices are not necessarily evidence of
+parallels in culture, and it is the failure to locate properly the
+several examples in relationship to each other which produces a loose
+and inadequate conception of the relics of fire worship in European
+countries, and the refusal to recognise its special place as the cult
+of a tribal people.[160] Another example of this fundamental error
+takes us in the very opposite direction to that of Dr. Frazer. Thus
+Dr. Gummere, in a recent study dealing with Germanic origins,[161]
+sees nothing in the fire cult of the Indo-European people but a
+branch, and apparently an undeveloped branch, of general nature
+worship, not specially Germanic or Indo-European, not specialised by
+the tribes and clans of these people into a cult far more closely
+connected with their doings and their life than mere participation in
+the general primitive nature worship could have afforded.
+
+The danger of searching for a general system of belief and worship
+from the beliefs and rites of peoples not ethnically, geographically,
+or politically connected is very great, and I venture to think that
+even Mr. Frazer's remarkable researches into the agricultural rites of
+European peoples do not take count of one important consideration. I
+think his constructive hypothesis is too complex in process and too
+systematic in form to have been the actual living faith of the varied
+paganism of the European peoples. It would have meant as organised an
+institution as the Christian Church itself, and of this there is no
+evidence whatever. It would have meant an exclusive agricultural
+ceremony, and of this there is strong evidence to the contrary. It
+would have meant a deep system of philosophy, penetrating from the
+highest to the lowest of the people, and of this there is no evidence.
+The plain fact is that the historical conditions have been altogether
+left out of consideration in these matters, and we consequently do not
+get a complete study. We get the advocate's position. The case for the
+mythological interpretation of folklore has been put with full
+strength, but it is not the entire case.
+
+
+V
+
+This short survey of the relationship of tradition to history would
+not answer its purpose if we did not consider the complementary
+position which history bears to tradition. This may best be done by
+reference to the period before that occupied by contemporary native
+record. The history here alluded to is, properly speaking, only
+derived from one source, namely, the works of foreign or outside
+authorities. It is written by observers from a civilised country,
+travelling among the more primitive peoples of another land, and the
+Greek and Latin authors who relate particulars of early Britain were
+of this class. Their narratives have to be compared with the
+traditions written down as history by professed historians, who lived
+long after the events happened to which the traditions are said to
+relate, but who recorded the traditions of the people preserved in the
+monasteries by devotees who were of the people, or by the songs and
+rhymes which, as Henry of Huntingdon states explicitly, were used for
+the purpose.
+
+Both the observations of the foreign historians and travellers and the
+recorded traditions from native sources have been treated with scant
+courtesy whenever they cannot be explained according to the views of
+each particular inquirer into the period to which they refer. They
+have been alternatively the subject of dispute or neglect by students
+for a long series of years. They consist of items which do not fit in
+with Celtic or Teutonic institutions as we know them from other and
+more detailed sources. They offend against the national pride because
+they tell of a condition of savagery. They do not appeal to the
+historian, because the historian knows little and cares nothing at all
+about the condition of savagery. If, therefore, they are not rejected
+as true history, they are purposely neglected. They are in any event
+never taken into consideration by the right method, and they stand
+over for examination by any one who will take the trouble to deal with
+them by the light and test of modern research.
+
+It is not my purpose to deal with these matters now, but it is
+advisable that we should try to understand two things--first, how they
+have been dealt with by the historian; secondly, their true place in
+history.
+
+The Greek and Latin authors who have stated of peoples living in
+Britain many characteristics which do not belong to civilisation or
+even to the borders of civilisation, range from Pytheas the Greek in
+the middle of the fourth century before our era down to the Latin
+poets of the early fifth century anno Domini. They all refer to the
+British savage. He is cannibalistic, incestuous, naked, possesses his
+wives in common, lives on wild fruits and not cultivated cereals,
+indulges in head-hunting, has no settled living-place which can be
+called a house, and generally betrays the characteristics of pure
+savagery.[162] Altogether there is a fairly substantial range of
+material for the formation of a reasonable conception of the condition
+of savagery in Britain.
+
+[Illustration: ROMAN SCULPTURED STONE FOUND AT ARNIEBOG, CUMBERNAULD,
+DUMBARTONSHIRE, SHOWING A NAKED BRITON AS A CAPTIVE]
+
+We need not dwell long upon the earlier of our historians who have
+neglected or contested the statements of the authorities they use.
+They hardly possessed the material for scientific treatment, and
+personal predilections were the governing factors of any opinion which
+is expressed. John Milton, in his brave attempt to tell the story of
+early England, does not so much as allude to these disagreeable
+points. Hume disdainfully passes by the whole subject and practically
+begins with the Norman conquest. Lappenberg says of the group marriage
+of the Britons that it "is probably a mere Roman fable."[163] Innes
+accepts the views of the classical authorities and argues from them in
+his own peculiar way,[164] but Sullivan will have it that the
+materials afforded from classical sources are worthless: "they consist
+of mere hearsay reports without any sure foundation, and in many cases
+not in harmony with the results of modern linguistic and archæological
+investigations."[165] Neither Turner nor Palgrave has any doubt as to
+the authority of these early accounts,[166] and Dr. Giles accepts the
+accounts which he so usefully collected from the original
+authorities.[167]
+
+The modern historian cannot, however, be so incidentally treated. He
+lives in the age of the comparative sciences and of anthropological
+research. He sometimes uses, though in a half-hearted and incomplete
+fashion, the results of inquirers in these fields of research, but he
+nowhere deals with the problem fully. His sins are not general, but
+special. He agrees with one statement of his original authority and
+disagrees with another, and we are left with a chaos of opinion
+founded upon no accepted principle. If the earlier historians accepted
+or rejected historical records without much reason for either course,
+the later historians have no right to follow them. The terms "savage"
+and "barbarian," indulged in by the Greek and Roman writers, cannot be
+rejected by modern authorities simply because they are too harsh. They
+cannot be considered merely in the nature of accusations against the
+standing and position of our ancestors, made by advocates anxious to
+blacken the national character. Even scholars like Mr. Skene, Mr.
+Elton, and Sir John Rhys, though inclined to weigh these passages by
+the light of ethnographic research, throw something like doubt upon
+the exact extent to which they may be taken as evidence. Mr. Elton,
+though admitting that the early "romances of travel" afford some
+evidence as to the habits of our barbarian ancestors, cannot quite get
+as far in his belief as to think that the account of "the Irish tribes
+who thought it right to devour their parents" is much more than a
+traveller's tale.[168] Sir John Rhys is not quite sure that the
+account by Cæsar of the communal marriages of the British is "not a
+passage from some Greek book of imaginary travels among imaginary
+barbarians which Cæsar had in his mind,"[169] though he notes
+elsewhere that "the vocabulary of the Celts will be searched in vain
+for a word for son or daughter as distinguished from boy or girl" as a
+fact of no little negative importance in relation to Cæsar's "ugly
+account;"[170] and he has similar doubts to express, noteworthy among
+them being the passage from Pliny which illustrates the Godiva
+story.[171] Mr. Skene lays stress upon the fact that Tacitus "neither
+alludes to the practice of their staining their bodies with woad nor
+to the supposed community of women among them;" and he offers some
+kind of excuse for the Roman evidence as to the tattooing with
+representations of animals,[172] evidence which Sir John Rhys, too, is
+chary of accepting in its full sense. Mr. Pearson reluctantly accepts
+Cæsar's account of the group marriage and the human sacrifice of the
+Druids, but he ignores all else, including the attested cannibalism of
+the Atticotti, though he mentions that tribe in another
+connection.[173] Sir James Ramsay agrees that the Britons tattooed
+their bodies with woad, recognises the fact that their matrimonial
+customs were polyandric, and that brother-and-sister marriage
+obtained, and generally accepts the prevalent ideas as to Celtic
+Druidism with its sacrificial rites and the system of "state worship."
+He rests his views for much of this upon the anthropological evidence
+in support of it.[174] Mr. Lang on behalf of Scotland, and Dr. Joyce
+on behalf of Ireland, have their say on the evidence. Mr. Lang seems
+to accept Cæsar's evidence "if correctly reported," throws doubts upon
+the ethnological value of such customs, and declares roundly that to
+found theories upon such evidence as archæology provides "is the
+province of another science, not of history."[175] Dr. Joyce says that
+in early Greek and Roman writers there is not much reliable
+information about Ireland, though he believes them when they talk of
+students from Britain residing in Ireland and of books existing in
+Ireland in the fourth century.[176]
+
+This meagre result from the historians seems to me to be most
+unfortunate. Even when the testimony of early writers is accepted, it
+is accepted without the necessary filling in which such an acceptance
+warrants. Bare acceptance does not tell us much. Each recorded fact
+has a relationship to surrounding facts, should lead us to associated
+facts which, escaping observation by early writers, can nevertheless
+be restored. In history they are isolated and unconnected, because of
+the faults of the historian who records them. Anthropologically they
+belong to a wider grouping, reveal a connection with each other which
+is otherwise unsuspected, and prepare themselves for treatment on a
+larger platform. The historian has used them for the unprofitable
+controversy ranging round the question of early Celtic civilisation,
+whereas they clearly belong to the history of early man, and even the
+folklorist does not disdain to cast them on one side when they do not
+suit his purpose.[177]
+
+It is still more unfortunate that Sir Henry Maine should have sought
+to enhance the value of his Indian evidence by contrasting it with
+what he calls "the slippery testimony concerning savages which is
+gathered from travellers' tales,"[178] and that Mr. Herbert Spencer
+should have replied to this in an angry note, declaring that he was
+aware "that in the eyes of most, antiquity gives sacredness to
+testimony, and that so what were travellers' tales when they were
+written in Roman days have come in our days to be regarded as of
+higher authority than like tales written by recent or living
+travellers."[179] The scorn passed upon "travellers' tales," the
+application of the term "romance" to the early descriptions of
+voyages, have done the same amount of mischief to these early chapters
+of history as the constant disbelief in the value of tradition has
+done to the testimony of folklore.
+
+Now I do not recall these controversies, or lay stress upon what
+appear to me to be the shortcomings of the historian and folklorist in
+their relationship to each other, for the purpose of reawakening old
+antagonisms. I have merely selected a few illustrations of the present
+position of the subject in order that it may be seen how essential it
+is to proceed on other lines. All the items which have formed the
+subject of dispute, together with others which have escaped
+attention--items which have found their way into history by accident,
+which are by nature fragmentary and isolated, which do not connect up
+with anything that is distinctively Celtic or Teutonic, and which do
+not apparently fit in with any standard common to themselves--must
+command attention if only because they alone cannot be cut out of
+history when items standing side by side with them are allowed to
+remain, and in the end it can, I think, be shown that they command
+attention because of their inherent value.
+
+The method of investigation as to the importance and significance of
+these earliest historical records must be anthropological. They are in
+point of fact so much anthropological data relating to Britain. It is
+no use calling them history, and then defining that history as bad
+history simply because as history the recorded facts do not appear to
+be credible. As a matter of fact they belong to the prehistory period
+of Britain, and to test their value scientific methods are required.
+
+In the first place, anthropology shows that there is no _primâ facie_
+necessity for calling them Celtic, thus identifying them with that
+portion of our ancestry which is Celtic in race; for there is evidence
+of a non-Celtic race existing in prehistoric times, and existing down
+to within historic times, if not to modern times. Mr. Willis Bund has
+recently summarised the evidence from archæology, philology, and
+tradition as it appears in a particularly valuable local study of
+ancient Cardiganshire, stating it "to be agreed that there was more
+than one race of early inhabitants, and two of the sources say that
+there was an original race and at least two distinct races of
+invaders," and further, "that whoever the original inhabitants were
+they were not Celts."[180] These original inhabitants, who were not
+Celts, have left their remains in the barrows and megalithic monuments
+which still exist in various parts of the country, and anthropologists
+show that they have not entirely disappeared from among the race
+distinctions observable among the people of these islands. If it is
+possible to proceed from this to another stage, and to show from the
+British evidence what Mr. Risley has so well illustrated from the
+Indian evidence, namely, that gradations of race types as shown by
+anthropometrical indices correspond with gradations of social
+precedence and social organisation,[181] it may yet be possible to
+prove that the people who were not Celts were the people with whom
+originated those recorded customs and beliefs which are rejected as
+too savage for the Celt. Unfortunately, we know nothing about them,
+except the isolated scraps which are to be picked up from the early
+historians. This compels us to turn to other sources of information,
+and when we do this we find that British folklore preserves in
+traditional custom, rite, belief, and folk-tale, parallels to each and
+every item of savagery mentioned by the early historians of Britain;
+and further, that anthropology shows clearly enough that among the
+customs and beliefs of primitive races there are to be found parallels
+to every item of custom and belief recorded of early Britain. This
+gets rid of one of our greatest difficulties, and disposes of Dr.
+Sullivan's unwarranted assertion to the contrary (_ante_, p. 113). The
+recorded customs and beliefs of early Britain are proved by this means
+not to be impossible or improbable factors in the elements of the
+British prehistoric race. It will not be possible to term them
+inventions of romance or of false testimony, simply on the ground that
+they are not found elsewhere. On the contrary it will, I think, be
+difficult to resist the conclusion that inventions such as these,
+covering a wide and ascertained area of sociological and early
+religious development, could hardly have been made by historians
+having the limited range of knowledge possessed by the native and
+classical writers who are responsible for the facts. It is an easy,
+but not a satisfactory method of criticism to declare what is not to
+one's liking to be invention and romance, and it has until late years
+been difficult to combat such an argument. The battle has raged round
+wordy disputes, the merits of which are governed by the abilities of
+the respective disputants; that this is no longer possible is due to
+the fact that there have entered into the fray the methods and results
+of folklore which prevent the terms invention and romance from being
+applied, except where there is good independent reason for their use.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+I have now dealt with all the points which appear to be necessary in
+order to show the inherent relationship of folklore to history, and I
+have shown causes for resisting the claims of mythology to appropriate
+what it chooses of folklore, and then to reject all the rest from
+consideration. I have dealt (1) with examples of local traditions and
+hero-traditions, in their relation to history and historical
+conditions; (2) with the folk-tale in its retention of details of
+early historic conditions, and of the picture of early tribal
+organisation, and in that its structure is based upon the events of
+savage social conceptions; (3) with the early laws and rules of tribal
+society preserved by tradition and accepted in historical times; (4)
+with the claims of mythology to interpret the meaning of folk-tales,
+and the reasons for rejecting this claim; and (5) with the treatment
+by historians of statements by classical writers as to the condition
+of the peoples inhabiting Britain before the dawn of civilisation. I
+think it will be admitted that, without pretending in any way to have
+exhausted the evidence, or even to have thoroughly comprehended and
+satisfactorily stated it under each of these heads, a very
+considerable claim has been made out for the historical value of
+folklore. If so much has been gained it will rest with folklorists to
+pursue investigations on these lines, and it will remain with the
+historian to consider the results wherever his research leads him into
+domains where the evidence of folklore is obtainable.
+
+It will be seen that the problems which the two sciences, history and
+folklore, have to solve in conjunction are not a few and that they are
+extremely complex. They cannot be solved if history and folklore are
+separated; they may be solved if the professors in each work together,
+both recognising what there is of value in the other. History in its
+earliest stages is either entirely dependent upon foreign
+authorities, or it has to follow the practice of the earlier and
+unscientific historian and to deny that there is any history, or at
+all events any history worth recording, before the advent, perhaps the
+accidental advent, of an historian on native ground. History in its
+later stages is dependent upon the personal tastes or ability of each
+historian for the record of events and facts. Folklore in its earliest
+stages has brought down from the most ancient times memories of
+ancient polity, faith, custom, rite, and thought. In its later stages
+it has preserved custom, rite, and belief amid the attacks of the
+progressive civilisation which has been developed, and it has clothed
+heroes of later times with the well-worn trappings of those of old.
+Combined history and folklore can restore much of the picture of early
+times, and can work through the fulness of later times with some
+degree of success. There is needed for this work, however, a clear
+conception of the position properly held by both sciences, together
+with established rules of research. This is more particularly needed
+in the department of folklore. I do not pretend to be able to
+formulate these rules. In the subjects dealt with in this chapter I
+have indicated a few of the points which must be raised, and my object
+will be in the remaining chapters to set forth some of the conditions
+which it appears to me necessary to consider in connection with the
+problems with which folklore is concerned as one of the historical
+sciences.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Mr. Kemble gives an important illustration of this proposition in
+his _Saxons in England_, i. 331.
+
+[2] I would refer the reader to Prof. York Powell's brilliant lecture
+on "A Survey of Modern History," printed in his biography by Mr. Oliver
+Elton, ii. 1-13, for an admirable summary of this view.
+
+[3] _View of the State of Ireland_, 1595, p. 478.
+
+[4] Asser's _Life of Alfred_, by W. H. Stevenson, 262.
+
+[5] It is not worth while unduly emphasising this point, but the
+peculiar habit of classing fictional literature as folklore and
+thereupon condemning the value of tradition is very prevalent. Mr.
+Nutt, in dealing with the Troy stories in British history, adopts this
+method, and denies the existence of historic tradition on the strength
+of it, _Folklore_, xii. 336-9.
+
+[6] This expression was recently allowed in our old friend _Notes and
+Queries_ in a singularly unsuitable case, 10th ser. vii. 344.
+
+[7] I am not sure this is always the fault of those who are not
+folklorists. I recently came across a dictum of one of the most
+distinguished folklorists, Mr. Andrew Lang, which is certainly much in
+the same direction. "As a rule tradition is the noxious ivy that creeps
+about historical truth, and needs to be stripped off with a ruthless
+hand. Tradition is a collection of venerable and romantic blunders. But
+a tradition which clings to a permanent object in the landscape, a tall
+stone, a grassy, artificial tumulus, or even an old tree, may be
+unexpectedly correct."--_Morning Post_, 2 November, 1906.
+
+[8] It is worth while referring to Mr. MacRitchie's article in _Trans.
+International Folklore Congress_ on the historical aspect of Folklore;
+but Professor York Powell has said the strongest word in its favour in
+his all too short address as President of the Folklore Society, see
+_Folklore_, xv. 12-23.
+
+[9] Chapter xi. of Tylor's _Early History of Mankind_.
+
+[10] Spenser, _View of the State of Ireland_, 1595 (Morley reprint),
+77.
+
+[11] Perhaps the most remarkable testimony to the foundation of the
+folk-tale and ballad in the events of history is to be found in a
+statement made to the _Tribune_, 14 September, 1906, by Mr. Mitra, once
+proprietor and editor of the _Deccan Post_, with regard to the
+agitation against the partition of Bengal into two provinces. Mr. Mitra
+deliberately states that "the best test of finding out Hindu feeling
+towards the British Government is to see whether there are any ballads
+or nursery rhymes in the Bengali language against the British. You can
+have it from me, and I challenge contradiction, that there is no single
+ballad or nursery rhyme in the Bengali language which is against the
+British." This is where the soul of the people speaks out.
+
+[12] It is printed, and I have used this print, in Blomefield's
+_History of Norfolk_ (1769), iii. 506, from which source I quote the
+facts concerning it. Sir William Dugdale's account goes on to connect
+it with a monument in the church, but this part of the local version is
+to be considered presently.
+
+[13] See the _Diary_ printed by the Surtees Society, p. 220.
+
+[14] The legend was also printed in that popular folk-book, _New Help
+to Discourse_, so often printed between 1619 and 1656, and Mr. Axon
+transcribed this version for the _Antiquary_, xi. 167-168; and see my
+notes in _Gent. Mag. Lib. English Traditions_, 332-336.
+
+[15] I happen to possess the original cutting of this version preserved
+among my great-grandfather's papers.
+
+[16] These words are, "I am not a Bigot in Dreams, yet I cannot help
+acknowledging the Relation of the above made a strong Impression on
+me."
+
+[17] _Leeds Mercury_, January 3rd, 1885, communicated by Mr. Wm.
+Grainge of Harrogate.
+
+[18] Mr. Axon says it is current in Lancashire and in Cornwall,
+_Antiquary_, xi. 168; Sir John Rhys gives two Welsh versions in his
+_Celtic Folklore_, ii. 458-462, 464-466; a Yorkshire version in ballad
+form is to be found in Castillo's _Poems in the North Yorkshire
+Dialect_ (1878), under the title of "T' Lealholm Chap's lucky dreeam,"
+_Antiquary_, xii. 121; an Ayrshire variant relates to the building of
+Dundonald Castle, and is given in Chambers's _Pop. Rhymes of Scotland_,
+236.
+
+[19] Blomefield, _Hist. of Norfolk_, iii. 507, suggests that the animal
+carving represents a bear. There is nothing to confirm this and readers
+may judge for themselves by reference to the illustrations, which are
+from photographs taken in Swaffham Church.
+
+[20] I discussed the details in the _Antiquary_, vol. x. pp. 202-205.
+
+[21] This story was communicated by "W.F." to the _St. James's
+Gazette_, March 15th, 1888. Its continuation, in order to point a
+moral, does not belong to the real story, which is contained in the
+part I have quoted.
+
+[22] _Saga Library_, _Heimskringla_, iii. 126.
+
+[23] These have been collected and commented upon with his usual
+learning and research, by Mr. Hartland in the _Antiquary_, xv. 45-48.
+Blomefield, in his _History of Norfolk_, iii. 507, points out that the
+same story is found in Johannes Fungerus' _Etymologicon Latino-Græcum_,
+pp. 1110-1111, though it is here narrated of a man at Dort in Holland,
+and in _Histoires admirables de nostre temps_, par Simon Goulart,
+Geneva, 1614, iii. p. 366. Professor Cowell, in the third volume of the
+_Cambridge Antiquarian Society Transactions_, p. 320, has printed a
+remarkable parallel of the story which is to be found in the great
+Persian metaphysical and religious poem called the Masnavi, written by
+Jaláluddin, who died about 1260. J. Grimm discussed these
+treasure-on-the-bridge stories in _Kleinere Schriften_, iii. 414-428,
+and did not attach much value to them.
+
+[24] It is not unimportant in this connection to find that London
+itself assumes an exceptional place in tradition. Mr. Frazer notes a
+German legend about London, _Golden Bough_ (2nd ed.), iii. 235;
+Pausanias, v. 292. Mr. Dale has drawn attention to the Anglo-Saxon
+attitude towards Roman buildings in his _National Life in Early English
+Literature_, 35.
+
+[25] See _Archæologia_, xxv. 600; xxix. 147; xl. 54; _Arch. Journ._, i.
+112.
+
+[26] I have worked this point out in my _Governance of London_.
+
+[27] Bishop Kennett, quoted in _Notes and Queries_, fourth series, ix.
+258.
+
+[28] Mommsen's account of the Pontifex Maximus should be consulted,
+_Hist. Rome_, i. 178; and _cf._ Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, 114, 147,
+214.
+
+[29] Mrs. Gomme, _Traditional Games_, i. 347.
+
+[30] Bingley, _North Wales_, 1814, p. 252.
+
+[31] See my _Folklore Relics of Early Village Life_, 29; Tylor,
+_Primitive Culture_, i. 97. This case was reported in the newspapers at
+the time of its occurrence. It came to England from the _London and
+China Telegraph_, from which the _Newcastle Chronicle_, 9 February,
+1889, copied the following statement:--
+
+"The boatmen on the Ganges, near Rajmenal, somehow came to believe that
+the Government required a hundred thousand human heads as the
+foundation for a great bridge, and that the Government officers were
+going about the river in search of heads. A hunting party, consisting
+of four Europeans, happening to pass in a boat, were set upon by the
+one hundred and twenty boatmen, with the cry 'Gulla Katta,' or
+cut-throats, and only escaped with their lives after the greatest
+difficulty."
+
+[32] I have worked out this fact in my _Governance of London_, 46-68,
+202-229.
+
+[33] See Turner, _Hist. of Anglo-Saxons_, ii. 207-222; _Y Cymmrodor_,
+xi. 61-101.
+
+[34] A passage in William of Malmesbury points to the fact of the
+Bretons in the time of Athelstan looking upon themselves as exiles
+from the land of their fathers. Radhod, a prefect of the church at
+Avranches, writes to King Athelstan as "Rex gloriose exultator
+ecclesiæ ... deprecamur atque humiliter invocamus qui in exulatu et
+captivitate nostris meritis et peccatis, in Francia commoramur" etc.,
+_De Gestis Regum Anglorum_ (Rolls Ed.), i. 154.
+
+[35] Rhys, _Celtic Folklore_, ii. 466. Sir John Rhys acknowledges his
+indebtedness to me for lending him my Swaffham notes, but at that time
+I had not formed the views stated above and Sir John Rhys confessed his
+difficulty in classifying and characterising these stories (p. 456).
+
+[36] In the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, anno 418, and in _Ethelward's
+Chronicle_, A.D. 418, it is recorded that "those of the Roman race who
+were left in Britain bury their treasures in pits, thinking that
+hereafter they might have better fortune, which never was the case."
+
+[37] Buried treasure legends are worth examining carefully, especially
+with reference to their geographical distribution, with a view of
+ascertaining how far they follow the direction of the Roman, English,
+Danish and Norman Conquests. See Henderson, _Folklore of Northern
+Counties_, 320, for Yorkshire examples, and _Folklore Record_, i. 16,
+for an interesting Sussex example.
+
+The Danish part of Lincoln, near Sleaford, has numerous treasure
+legends, see Rev. G. Oliver, _Existing Remains of Ancient Britons
+between Lincoln and Sleaford_, pp. 29 _et seq._
+
+Mr. W. J. Andrew has proved in the _British Numismatic Journal_ (1st
+ser. i. 9-59) that traditions of buried treasure may be verified a
+thousand years after the laying down of the hoard. This has reference
+to the famous Cuerdale find of coins. The people of Walton-le-Dale, on
+the Ribble, had a legend that if you stood on a certain headland and
+looked up the valley to Ribchester "you would gaze over the greatest
+treasure that England had ever seen." The farmers tried excavations,
+and the divining rod is said to have been used.
+
+The tradition was true. In May, 1840, the hoard was accidentally found,
+near Cuerdale Hall, within forty yards of the stream, by men who were
+repairing the southern bank. A willow tree, still in its prime, was
+planted to mark the spot. We do not know how much bullion was scattered
+by the finders, but there was recovered a mass of ingots, armlets,
+chains, rings, and so on, amounting to 1000 oz., with over 7000 silver
+coins. They lay in a crumbling leaden case, within a decomposed chest
+of wood. There were about 1060 English silver coins, whereof 919 were
+of the reign of King Alfred. There were 2020 from Northumbrian
+ecclesiastical mints, and 2534 of King Canute, with 1047 foreign coins,
+mainly French. The treasure had belonged to the Scandinavian invaders
+in the host of the Danish Kings of Northumbria, and very many bore the
+mark of York, the Danish capital. The chest was the treasure-chest of
+the Danes. The money had been seized in England, 890-897; on French
+coasts, 897-910; and collected among the Danes of Northumbria about
+911. In that year, we know, the Danes raided Mercia, and were followed
+by the English King and thoroughly defeated. Their treasurer, Osberth,
+was killed, and it is argued that the Danes fell back by the Roman
+road, and were trying to cross into Northumbria by the ford at
+Cuerdale, but that, the ford being dangerous, they were obliged to bury
+their treasure-chest forty yards on the southern bank of the river.
+They were unable to cross, were cooped up in a bend of the stream, and
+were all put to the sword. Mr. Lang discussed this from the folklore
+point of view in the _Morning Post_, 2nd November, 1906, and concludes
+that "granting that none who knew the site of the deposit escaped, the
+theory marches well, and quite accounts for the presence of the hoard
+where it was found. The Danish rearguard defending the line of the
+Darwen would know that their treasure was hurried forward and probably
+concealed, but would not know the exact spot."
+
+Another good example is recorded in the _Antiquary_, xiv. 228. Further
+Henderson notes that the Borderers of England and Scotland entrusted
+their buried treasure to the brownie (_Folklore of Northern Counties_,
+248). This is exactly the same idea which exists throughout India.
+"Hidden treasures are under the special guardianship of supernatural
+beings. The Singhalese, however, divide the charge between demons and
+cobra capellas. Various charms are resorted to by those who wish to
+gain the treasures. A pujâ is sufficient with the cobras, but the
+demons require a sacrifice. Blood of a human being is the most
+important, but the Kappowas have hitherto confined themselves to a
+sacrifice of a white cock, combining its blood with their own, drawn by
+a slight puncture in the hand or foot. A Tamil, however, has resorted
+to human sacrifice as instanced by a case reported in the _Ceylon
+Times_."--_Indian Antiquary_, 1873. ii. p. 125.
+
+[38] Morris, _Heimskringla_, ii. 13.
+
+[39] Laing's _Heimskringla_, ii. 260.
+
+[40] Rhys, _The Arthurian Legend_, 7. Squire, in his recent _Mythology
+of the British Islands_, states the case for "the mythological coming
+of Arthur" in cap. xxi. of his book.
+
+[41] As, for instance, in the case of Taliesin and Ossian, see Squire,
+_Mythology of the British Islands_, 318; Rhys, _Celtic Mythology_, 551;
+Nutt's Notes to _Mabinogion_.
+
+I suppose the most ancient example of the duplication process is that
+of Dion Cassius (iii. 5), who suggests an earlier Romulus and Remus in
+order to account for the early occupation of the Palatine Hill at Rome.
+Middleton's _Anc. Rome_, 45.
+
+[42] It is interesting to find that, with independent investigation,
+Mr. Bury explains on the lines I adopt the traditional part of the life
+of St. Patrick. See his _Life of St. Patrick_, p. 111.
+
+[43] Freeman, _Hist. Norm. Conq._, iv. 467.
+
+[44] Wright, _Essays_, i. 244, notes this point; see also Freeman,
+_Hist. Norm. Conq._, iv. 828, and the preface to my edition of
+Macfarlane's _Camp of Refuge_ (Historical Novels Series), where I have
+discussed this subject at length.
+
+[45] _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, iii. 52.
+
+[46] Russell, _Kett's Rebellion_, p. 6.
+
+[47] Kemble's _Horæ Ferales_, 108.
+
+[48] Perhaps the most interesting example in a minor way comes from
+Shrewsbury. In the Abbey Church, forming part of a font, is the upper
+stone of a cross (supposed to have been the Weeping Cross) which was
+discovered at St. Giles's churchyard. It had been immemorially fixed in
+the ditch bank, and all traces of its origin were quite lost, except
+that an old lady, who was born in 1724, remembered having seen in her
+youth, persons kneeling before this stone and praying. The transmission
+of the tradition through very nearly three centuries proved correct,
+for on its being loosened by the frosts of a severe winter, it fell,
+and its religious distinction became immediately apparent from the
+sculpture with which it was adorned.--_Eddowes' Shrewsbury Journal_,
+5th October, 1889.
+
+[49] _Gent. Mag. Lib. Popular Superstitions_, 121. The importance of
+this tradition may be tested by reference to my book on the _Governance
+of London_, 96-98.
+
+[50] _Archæologia_, xxvi. 369-370. One could give many additional
+examples from all parts of the country, and undoubtedly they are worth
+collecting. I cannot refrain from quoting the following, as it is from
+an out-of-the-way source. At Seagry, in Wilts, is an ancient farm, one
+field of which was known as "Peter's Orchard." The author of a local
+history records the following: "It has been handed down from generation
+to generation that in a field on this farm a church was built on the
+site of an ancient heathen burial ground. In order to test the accuracy
+of this tradition, in the autumn of 1882 I had excavations made on the
+spot, which I will now describe. The field contains about ten acres,
+and presents a very singular appearance. In removing the sods, about
+two feet from the surface we discovered extensive stone foundations,
+extending for a considerable distance over the field. From the charred
+appearance of the stones they had evidently suffered from fire, thus
+supporting the tradition of some of the oldest inhabitants that the
+ancient church had been destroyed by fire. On continuing the search we
+found, about two feet below these foundations, a quantity of early
+British pottery, the remains of broken urns, some charred bones, and
+heads of small spears. The following is an extract from a letter which
+I have received from a gentleman, whose family have been connected with
+this parish for over two hundred years, and who has given me great
+assistance. He says: My father was born at Startley in 1784, and
+remained there until about 1840. Both he and my grandfather were deeply
+imbued with old folklore. I well remember them constantly speaking of
+the firm belief handed down to them of the heathen burial places at
+Seagry, and of the supposed ruins of a church and some religious house
+at Seagry. I think the discoveries made (on the very spot mentioned by
+tradition) in August, 1882, are abundant proof that after the lapse of
+more than nine centuries actual verification of the carefully
+transmitted tradition has at last been found."--_Bath Herald_, 1st
+September, 1883. If references to other examples were needed I should
+like to note Sir William Wilde's illustration as to "how far the
+legend, the fairy tale, the local tradition, or the popular
+superstition may have been derived from absolute historic
+fact."--_Lough Corrib_, 121, 123.
+
+[51] _Echoes from the Counties_ (1880), p. 30.
+
+[52] Grierson, _The Silent Trade_ (1903).
+
+[53] Pearson's _Chances of Death_, ii. 90. The reader should consult
+Dr. Pearson's entire study on this subject, chapters ix. and x., which
+may be compared with Mr. MacCulloch's _Childhood of Fiction_, 5-15, and
+more particularly with Mr. Hartland's _Science of Fairy Tales_.
+
+[54] In 1881 I read a paper before the Folklore Society on "Some
+Incidents in the story of the Three Noodles by means of reference to
+facts," _Folklore Record_, iv. 211, and in 1883 I published in the
+_Antiquary_, two papers on "Notes on Incidents in Folk-tales," based
+upon the same idea.
+
+[55] Introduction, p. lxix.
+
+[56] Introduction, p. lxxvii.
+
+[57] Page 12.
+
+[58] _Ibid._, p. 26.
+
+[59] _Ibid._, p. 5.
+
+[60] _Tales of the Highlands_, i. p. 251.
+
+[61] Kennedy, _loc. cit._, p. 77.
+
+[62] _Ibid._, p. 90.
+
+[63] See Beda, _Hist. Ecclesia_, lib. i. cap. 25.
+
+[64] See vol. i. p. 253.
+
+[65] Miss Frere's _Old Deccan Days_, p. 279.
+
+[66] Ælian, _Var. Hist._, lib. xiii. cap. xxxiii.
+
+[67] _Folklore Record_, vol. iv. p. 57.
+
+[68] _Asiatic Researches_, xvii. p. 502.
+
+[69] _Folklore Record_, vol. iii. p. 284.
+
+[70] Campbell's _Popular Tales of the West Highlands_, i. 308.
+
+[71] Joyce, _Old Celtic Romances_, 38, 75, 153, 177, 270. In the _Silva
+Gadelica_, by Mr. Standish O'Grady, the assembly is described sitting
+in a circle, vol. ii. p. 159, and Tara is also described, vol. ii. 264,
+358, 360, 384.
+
+[72] Miss Cox's admirable study and analysis of the Cinderella
+group of stories includes the Catskin variants, which number
+seventy-seven.--_Cinderella_, pp. 53-79.
+
+[73] _Studies in Ancient History_, p. 62.
+
+[74] Sproat's _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, p. 96.
+
+[75] See his _Early Hebrew Life_, p. 85.
+
+[76] Frazer, _Adonis, Attis, and Osiris_, 27-28.
+
+[77] Todd and Herbert, _Irish Version of Nennius_, p. 89.
+
+[78] _Indian Antiq._, iii. 32.
+
+[79] _Laws of Manu_ (Bühler), ix. 127; _Apastamba Gautama_ (Bühler),
+xxviii. 18.
+
+[80] Sir Henry Maine in his _Early Law and Custom_, p. 91.
+
+[81] A most remarkable instance of an actual case of running away from
+a marriage, resulting in adventures which might easily become folk-tale
+adventures if the story were once started on its traditional life, is
+to be found in Shooter's _Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_, pp.
+60-71.
+
+[82] _West Highland Tales_, vol. i. p. lxix.
+
+[83] Kennedy's _Fireside Stories of Ireland_, p. 64.
+
+[84] _Old Deccan Days_, p. 52.
+
+[85] _Ibid._, p. 233.
+
+[86] "Standing-place."
+
+[87] _Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, _loc. cit._
+
+[88] _New Statistical Account of Scotland_, xiv. 273.
+
+[89] Ure's _Agriculture of Kinross_, 57.
+
+[90] _Archæologia_, l. 195-214.
+
+[91] Du Chaillu's _Land of the Midnight Sun_, i. 393.
+
+[92] Tupper, _Punjab Customary Law_, ii. 188.
+
+[93] _Cobden Club Essays--Primogeniture._
+
+[94] Morris, _Saga Library_, ii. 194.
+
+[95] _Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, ii. 336.
+
+[96] Elton, _Origins of English History_, 91; _cf._ Du Chaillu, _Land
+of the Midnight Sun_, i. 393; Morris's _Sagas_, ii. 194.
+
+[97] Breeks, _Hill Tribes of India_, 108.
+
+[98] Mavor's _Collection of Voyages_, iv. 41.
+
+[99] _Anecdotes and Traditions_ (Camden Soc.), 85.
+
+[100] _Mythologie der Volkssagen und Volksmärchen._
+
+[101] Geiger, _Hist. Sweden_, 31, 32.
+
+[102] Elton, _Origins of English History_, 92.
+
+[103] Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme_, 14.
+
+[104] Nutt, _Legend of the Holy Grail_, 44.
+
+[105] _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1850, i. 250-252.
+
+[106] _Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, ii. 337.
+
+[107] Elton's _Origins_, 92.
+
+[108] Mr. Jacobs (_Folklore_, i. 405) objected to my interpretation of
+this story because--first, the Latin rhyme appearing in the Gaelic
+tale, the twelfth-century Latin story and the German inscription "tell
+for the origination of the story in one single place in historic
+times;" and, secondly, because a Kashmir story (Knowles' _Folk-tales of
+Kashmir_, 241), based on the same main incident, omits the minor
+incident of the mallet altogether. The answer to the first objection is
+that the Latin rhyme has been attached, in historic times, to the
+ancient folk-tale; and to the second objection, that the Kashmir story
+preserves the main incident of surrender of property upon reaching old
+age, and omits the more savage incident of killing, because the Kashmir
+people are in a stage of culture which still allowed of the surrender
+of property, but, like the Scandinavians, did not allow of the killing
+of the aged. Similarly, an English parallel to this form of the variant
+is preserved by De la Pryme in his _Diary_ (Surtees Society), 162. It
+must be remembered that the Kashmiris occupy a land which is referred
+to by Herodotos (iii. 99-105) as in the possession of people who killed
+their aged (_cf._ Latham, _Ethnology of India_, 199); and if my reading
+of the evidence is correct, this is also the case of the Highland
+peasant.
+
+[109] Dr. Pearson advocates statistical methods in his _Chances of
+Death_, ii. 58, 75-77, and shows by examples the value of them.
+
+[110] MacCulloch, _Childhood of Fiction_: "Some of the things which in
+these old-world stories form their fascination, have had their origin
+in sordid fact and reality" (p. vii).
+
+[111] Bühler, _Laws of Manu_, i.: "In Vedic mythology Manu is the heros
+eponymos of the human race and by his nature belongs both to gods and
+to men" (p. 57). _Cf._ Burnell and Hopkins, _Ordinances of Manu_, p.
+25.
+
+[112] _Early Law and Custom_, 5.
+
+[113] Pausanias, iii. 2(4).
+
+[114] Maine, _Ancient Law_, 4; Grote, _Hist. of Greece_, iii. 101.
+
+[115] Ortolan, _Hist. Roman Law_, 50; Maine, _Early Law and Custom_, 6.
+
+[116] Morris, _Saga Library_, i. p. xxx; Dasent, _Burnt Njal_, i. xlvi.
+
+[117] _Early Law and Custom_, 162.
+
+[118] Manx Society Publications, xviii. 21-22.
+
+[119] Strabo, lib. xv. cap. 1, pp. 709, 717; J. D. Mayne, _Hindu Law
+and Usage_, 4, 13.
+
+[120] Mackenzie, _Roman Law_, 11; _cf._ Pais, _Anc. Legends of Roman
+Hist._, 139.
+
+[121] Dasent, _Burnt Njal_, i. p. lvii, and Vigfusson and Powell,
+_Origines Islandicæ_, i. 348.
+
+[122] _Anc. Laws of Ireland_, iv. p. vii.
+
+[123] This appears very strongly in the famous twelfth-century law case
+which Longchamp pleaded so successfully. _Rotuli curia Regis_, i. p.
+lxii.
+
+[124] _Early Law and Custom_, 9; _cf._ Burnell and Hopkins, _Ordinances
+of Manu_, pp. xx, xxxi. It is worth while quoting here the following
+interesting note from a letter from the Marquis di Spineto printed in
+Clarke's _Travels_, viii. 417:--
+
+"From the most remote antiquity men joined together, and wishing either
+to amuse themselves or to celebrate the praises of their gods sang
+short poems to a fixed tune. Indeed, generally speaking, _the laws by
+which they were governed_, the events which had made the greatest
+impression on their minds, the praises which they bestowed upon their
+gods or on their heroes were all sung long before they were written,
+and I need not mention that according to Aristotle this is the reason
+why the Greeks gave the same appellation to laws and to songs."
+
+[125] The references are all given in Smith's _Dict. of Greek and Roman
+Antiquities_ sub [Greek: nomos]. Aristotle in the _Problems_, 19, 28,
+definitely says, "Before the use of letters men sang their laws that
+they might not forget them, as the custom continues yet among the
+Agathyrsoi."
+
+[126] Lib. xii. cap. ii. 9.
+
+[127] _Hist. English Commonwealth_, 43.
+
+[128] _Anc. Laws of Ireland_, iv. pp. viii, x.
+
+[129] Hampson's _Origines Patriciæ_, 106-107; Kemble, line 5763 _et
+seq._
+
+[130] Proctor's _History of the Book of Common Prayer_, p. 410.
+
+[131] _Hist. Eng. Commonwealth_, ii. p. cxxxvi. Littleton points out
+the legal antiquity and importance of these words: "no conveyance can
+be made without them." See Wheatley's _Book of Common Prayer_ (quoting
+Littleton), p. 406.
+
+[132] The York manual had the additional clause, "for fairer for
+fouler." See Wheatley, _loc. cit._, p. 406.
+
+[133] Palgrave, _loc. cit._
+
+[134] _Ibid._
+
+[135] _Manuale et processionale ad usum insiquis ecclesiæ Evoracensis_,
+Surtees Society, 1875. See also _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1752, p. 171;
+Proctor's _History of the Book of Common Prayer_, p. 409, for other
+examples.
+
+[136] Palgrave, _English Commonwealth_, i. 43.
+
+[137] Chambers, _Popular Rhymes of Scotland_, 115.
+
+[138] Sinclair's _Stat. Acc. of Scotland_, x. 534.
+
+[139] Chambers, _Book of Days_, January 19; Nichols, _Fuller's
+Worthies_, 494.
+
+[140] _Diary of De la Pryme_ (Surtees Society), 126. It may be noted
+here that Kelly, _Curiosities of Indo-European Traditions_, 179, notes
+the preservation of an ancient law for the preservation of the oak and
+the hazel in a traditional proverbial rhyme.
+
+[141] Hazlitt, _Tenures of Land_, 80; other examples refer to the
+Hundred of Cholmer and Dancing, in Essex, 75; to Kilmersdon, in
+Somersetshire, 182; to Hopton, in Salop, 165. John of Gaunt is
+responsible for many of these curious and interesting remains of tribal
+antiquity. Bisley's _Handbook of North Devon_, 28, refers to one
+relating to the manor of Umberleigh, near Barnstaple, and I have a note
+from Mr. Edmund Wrigglesworth, of Hull, of a parallel to this being
+preserved by tradition only. There is a tradition respecting the estate
+of Sutton Park, near Biggleswade, Bedfordshire, which states that it
+formerly belonged to John of Gaunt, who gave it to an ancestor of the
+present proprietor, one Roger Burgoyne, by the following grant:--
+
+      "I, John of Gaunt,
+      Do give and do grant,
+      To Roger Burgoyne
+      And the heirs of his loin
+      Both Sutton and Potton
+      Until the world's rotten."
+
+Potton was a neighbouring village to Sutton. There is a moated site in
+the park called "John o' Gaunt's Castle," see _Notes and Queries_,
+tenth series, vi. 466. _Cf._ Aubrey, _Collections for Wilts_, 185, for
+an example at Midgehall; Cowell's _Law Interpreter_, 1607, and the
+_Dictionarum Rusticum_, 1704, for the custom of East and West Enborn,
+in Berks, which was made famous by Addison's _Spectator_ in 1714.
+
+[142] Sometimes these are called "burlesque conveyances." See an
+example quoted in _Hist. MSS. Commission_, v. 459.
+
+[143] It is well to bear in mind the great force of ancient tribal law,
+which was personal, upon localities. Nottingham is divided into two
+parts, one having primogeniture and the other junior right as the rule
+of descent. Southampton and Exeter have also local divisions. But
+perhaps the most striking example is at Breslau, where there
+co-existed, until 1st January, 1840, five different particular laws and
+observances in regard to succession, the property of spouses, etc., the
+application of which was limited to certain territorial jurisdictions;
+not unfrequently the law varied from house to house, and it even
+happened that one house was situated on the borders of different laws,
+to each of which, therefore, it belonged in part; Savigny, _Private
+Int. Law_, cap. i. sect. iv.
+
+[144] _Academy_, February, 1884; _Percy Reliques_, edit. Wheatley, i.
+384.
+
+[145] _Trans. British. Association_, 1847, p. 321.
+
+[146] Series No. V., published in 1895.
+
+[147] _Philological Society Papers_, 1870-2, pp. 18, 248; Dr. Murray
+gives the air in an appendix. See also a note by Mr. Danby Fry in the
+_Antiquary_, viii. 164-6, 269-70; and _The Hawick Tradition_, by R. S.
+Craig and Adam Laing, published at Hawick in 1898.
+
+[148] Squire, _Mythology of the British Islands_, 69.
+
+[149] Wilde, _Lough Corrib_, 210-248. Sir William Wilde has studied the
+details of this great fight with great care, and it is impossible to
+ignore his evidence as to the monuments of it being extant to this day
+among the recorded antiquities of Ireland. The battle lasted four days.
+The first day the Fir-Bolg had the best of the fighting, and
+pillar-stones erected to the heroes who fell are still in situ.
+Clogh-Fadha-Cunga, or long stone of Cong, which stood on the old road
+to the east of that village and a portion of which, six feet long, is
+still in an adjoining wall, being erected to Adleo of the Dananians,
+and Clogh-Fadha-Neal, or long stone of the Neale, at the junction of
+the roads passing northwards from Cross and Cong, commemorating the
+place where the king stood during the battle. After the battle each
+Fir-Bolg carried with him a stone and the head of a Danann to their
+king who erected a great cairn to commemorate the event, and this must
+be the cairn of Ballymagibbon which stands on the road passing from
+Cong to Cross. The well of Mean Uisge is identified as that mentioned
+in the MS. accounts of the battle, connected with a striking incident.
+After a careful examination of the locality, says Sir William Wilde,
+with a transcript of the ancient MS. in his hand, he was convinced of
+the identity of a stone heap standing within a circle as the place
+where the body of the loyal Fir-Bolg youth was burned. The second day's
+battle surged northwards, and at the western shores of Lough Mask,
+Slainge Finn, the king's son, pursuing the two sons of Cailchu and
+their followers, slew them there, and "seventeen flag stones were stuck
+in the ground in commemoration of their death," and by the margin of
+the lake in the island of Inish-Eogan there stands this remarkable
+monument to this hour. The line of the Fir-Bolg camp can still be
+traced with wonderful accuracy. Caher-Speenan, the thorny fort, was a
+part of this camp, and still exists. More to the south-east, on the
+hill of Tongegee, are the remains of Caher-na-gree, the pleasant fort,
+and still further to the east are Lisheen, or little earthen fort, and
+Caher-Phætre, pewter fort. Other forts also exist to give evidence both
+of the Fir-Bolg and the Danann lines. The Danann monuments are situate
+in the fields opposite the glebes of Nymphsfield. Five remarkable stone
+circles still remain within the compass of a square mile, and there are
+traces of others. The Fir-Bolgs were defeated on the fourth day and
+their king Eochy fell fighting to the last. "A lofty cairn was raised
+over his body, and called Carn Eathach, from his name." On the grassy
+hill of Killower, or Carn, overlooking Lough Mask, stands to this hour
+the most remarkable cairn in the west of Ireland, and there is little
+doubt this is the one referred to in the ancient tradition as
+commemorating the death of the last Fir-Bolg king in Erin.
+
+[150] Squire, _op. cit._, 76, 138.
+
+[151] Squire, _op. cit._, 230.
+
+[152] Squire, _Mythology_, 399.
+
+[153] See _Life and Writings_ by Oliver Elton, ii. 224.
+
+[154] _Governance of London_, 110-113.
+
+[155] _Celtic Heathendom_, 125-133.
+
+[156] See Bathurst, _Roman Antiquities of Lydney Park_, plates viii.,
+xiii., for the famous example dealt with by Sir John Rhys; and Stuart,
+_Caledonia Romana_, 309, plate ix. fig. 2, for a dedication to the
+"Deities of Britain."
+
+[157] See his _Stonehenge and Other British Stone Monuments_, chap.
+xxii.
+
+[158] See _Folklore_, xv. 306-311, for the Greek evidence; and xvii.
+30, 164, for the Irish evidence.
+
+[159] Frazer, _Golden Bough_ (2nd ed.), iii. 236-316. Mr. Frazer,
+however, is inclined to review his explanation of bonfires as
+sun-charms; see his _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, 151, note 4.
+
+[160] The specialisation of the fire cult is illustrated by the Hindu
+myth of the Angiras, see Wilson, _Rig Veda Sanhita_, i. p. xxix.
+
+[161] Gummere, _Germanic Origins_, 400-2.
+
+[162] It will be convenient to give the references for the various
+details of savage life in Britain. The original extracts are all given
+in _Monumenta Historica Britannica_ and in Giles' _History of Ancient
+Britons_, vol. ii. Ireland--cannibalism: Strabo, iv. cap. 5, 4, p. 201,
+Diodoros, v. 32; promiscuous intercourse: Strabo; birth ceremony:
+Solinus, xxii. Scotland--human sacrifice: Solinus, xxii.; promiscuous
+intercourse, Solinus, cap. xxii., Xiphilinus from Dio in _Mon. Brit.
+Hist._, p. lx., and St. Jerome adv. Jovin., v. ii. 201; nakedness,
+Herodian in _Mon. Brit. Hist._, p. lxiv, and Xiphilinus, _ibid._, p.
+lx. Britain--head-hunting, Strabo, iv. 1-4, pp. 199-201, Diodoros, v.
+29; tattooing, Cæsar, _De bello Gallico_, v. 12, Pliny, _Nat. Hist._,
+xxii. i. (2); promiscuous intercourse, Cæsar, _ibid._, v. 14,
+Xiphilinus in _Mon. Brit. Hist._, p. lvii.
+
+[163] _History of England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings_, i. 14.
+
+[164] Innes' _Critical Essay_, 45, 51, 56, 240.
+
+[165] O'Curry's _Manners and Customs of Ancient Irish_, i. p. vi. Dr.
+Whitley Stokes has criticised O'Curry's translations as bad, "not from
+ignorance, but to a desire to conceal a fact militating against
+theories of early Irish civilisation."--_Revue Celtique_, iii. 90-101.
+
+[166] Turner, _Hist. of Anglo-Saxons_, i. 64-74; Palgrave, _Eng. Com._,
+i. 467-8.
+
+[167] Giles' _History of Anc. Britons_, i. 231, referring to parallel
+customs among the Chinese.
+
+[168] Elton, _Origins of English History_, 82.
+
+[169] Rhys, _Celtic Britain_, 55.
+
+[170] _Celtic Heathendom_, 320, note.
+
+[171] I have dealt with this in my _Ethnology in Folklore_, 36-40.
+
+[172] Skene, _Celtic Scotland_, i. 59, 84.
+
+[173] Pearson, _Hist. of England during the Early and Middle Ages_, i.
+15, 21, 35.
+
+[174] Ramsay, _Foundations of England_, i. 9, 11, 30.
+
+[175] Lang, _Hist. of Scotland_, i. 3-5.
+
+[176] Joyce, _Social Hist. of Ireland_, i. 19.
+
+[177] In addition to Mr. Lang and Dr. Joyce, who are folklorists as
+well as historians, and who as we have seen do deal with these records
+scientifically, the folklorist goes out of his way to reject these
+records. Thus Mr. Squire says that "the imputation" which Cæsar makes
+as to polyandrous customs "cannot be said to have been proved,"
+_Mythology of the British Islands_, 30.
+
+[178] _Village Communities_, 17.
+
+[179] _Principles of Sociology_, i. 714.
+
+[180] _Arch. Cambrensis_, 6th ser. v. 3.
+
+[181] _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, xx. 259.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+MATERIALS AND METHODS
+
+
+The materials of folklore consist of traditional tales (so called) and
+traditional customs and superstitions (so called), the feature of both
+groups being that at the time of first being recorded and reduced to
+writing they existed only by the force of tradition. There is no fixed
+time for the record. It is sometimes quite early, as, for instance,
+the examples which come to us from historians; it is generally quite
+late, namely, the great mass of examples which, during the past
+century or so, have been collected directly from the lips or
+observances of the people, sometimes by the curious traveller or
+antiquary, lately by the professed folklorist.
+
+The consideration of the relationship of history and folklore has
+cleared the ground for definitions and method. Before the material of
+which folklore consists can be considered by the light of method, we
+must get rid of definitions which are often applied to folklore in its
+attributed sense. Folk-tales are not fiction or art, were not invented
+for amusement, are not myth in the sense of being imaginative
+only.[182] Customs and superstitions are not the result of ignorance
+and stupidity. These attributes are true only if folk-tales, customs,
+and superstitions are compared with the literary productions and with
+the science and the culture of advanced civilisation; and this
+comparison is exactly that which should never be undertaken, though
+unfortunately it is that which is most generally adopted. The
+folk-tale may be lent on occasion to the artist--to Mr. Lang, to Mr.
+Jacobs, and their many copyists; and these artists may rejoice at the
+wonderful results of the unconscious art that resides in these
+products of tradition, but the folk-tale must not be wholly
+surrendered. It does not belong to them. It does not belong to art at
+all, but to science. That it is artistic in form is an addition to its
+characteristics, but has nothing whatever to do with its fundamental
+features. Similarly with legend. It may be lent to Malory, to
+Tennyson, to Longfellow, to the literary bards of the romance period,
+for the purpose of weaving together their story of the wonderful; but
+it must not be surrendered to the romancist, and, above all things,
+the romances must never be allowed to enter the domain of folklore.
+Romances may be stripped of their legends so that the source of
+legendary material may be fully utilised, but the romances themselves
+belong to literature, and must remain within their own portals. And so
+with customs. They may be pleasing and reveal some of the beauties of
+the older joyousness of life which has passed away, it is to be
+regretted, from modern civilisation; they may be revived in May-day
+celebrations, in pageants, in providing our schools with games which
+tell of the romance of living. But they do not belong to the lover of
+the beautiful or to the revivalists. Equally with the folk-tale they
+belong to science. And so also with superstitions. The Psychical
+Research Society, the spiritualists, the professional successors of
+the mediæval witch and wizard, may turn their attention to traditional
+superstitions; but the folklorist refuses to hand them over, and
+claims them for science.
+
+This use of traditional material for modern purposes is not the only
+danger to proper definitions. There is also its appearance in the
+earlier stages of literature. The traditional narrative, the myth, the
+folk-tale or the legend, is not dependent upon the text in which it
+appears for the first time. That text, as we have it, was not written
+down by contemporary or nearly contemporary authority. Before it had
+become a written document it had lived long as oral tradition.[183] In
+some cases the written document is itself centuries old, the record
+of some early chronicler or some early writer who did not make the
+record for tradition's sake. In other cases the written document is
+quite modern, the record of a professed lover of tradition. This
+unequal method of recording tradition is the main source of the
+difficulty in the way of those who cannot accept tradition as a record
+of fact. In all cases the test of its value and the interpretation of
+its testimony are matters which need special study and examination
+before the exact value of each tradition is capable of being
+determined. The date when and the circumstances in which a tradition
+is first reduced to literary form are important factors in the
+evidence as to the credibility of the particular form in which the
+tradition is preserved; but they are not all the factors, nor do they
+of themselves afford better evidence when they are comparatively
+ancient than forms of much later date and of circumstances far
+different. It cannot be too often impressed upon the student of
+tradition that the tradition itself affords the chief if not the only
+sure evidence of its age, its origin, and its meaning; for the
+preservation of tradition is due to such varied influences that the
+mere fact of preservation, or the particular method or date of
+preservation, cannot be relied upon to give the necessary authority
+for the authenticity of the tradition. Tradition can never assume the
+position of written history, because it does not owe its origin, but
+only its preservation, to writing.
+
+Documentary material is examined as to its palæographical features, as
+to the testimony afforded by its author or assumed author, as to its
+credibility in dealing with contemporary events or persons, as to its
+date, and in other ways according to the nature of the document.
+Traditional material has nothing to do with all this. It has no
+palæography; it has no author, and if a personal author is assigned to
+any given fragment or element it is generally safe to ignore the
+tradition as the product of a later age; it does not deal with persons
+nor, as a rule, with specific events; it has no date. It has therefore
+to undergo a process of its own before it can be accepted as
+historical evidence, and this process, if somewhat tedious, is all the
+more necessary because of the tender material of which tradition is
+composed. This will be made clearer if we understand exactly what the
+different classes of tradition are and how they stand to each other.
+
+Considering the materials of folklore in their true sense and not
+their attributed sense then, we may proceed to say something as to
+methods. Definitions and rules are needed. No student can attack so
+immense a subject without the aid of such necessary machinery, and it
+is because the attempt has been so often made ill-equipped in this
+respect, that the science of folklore has suffered so much and has
+remained so long unrecognised. Already, in dealing with the
+relationship of history and folklore, one or two necessary
+distinctions in terms have been anticipated. We have discovered that
+the impersonal folk-tale is distinguished in a fundamental manner from
+the personal or local legend, and that the growth of mythology is a
+later process than the growth of myth. These distinctions need,
+however, to be systematised and brought into relationship with other
+necessary distinctions. The myth and the folk-tale are near
+relations, but they are not identical, and it is clear that we need to
+know something more about myth. Because mythic tradition has been
+found to include many traditions, which of late years have been
+claimed to belong to a definitely historical race of people, it must
+not be identified with history. This claim is based upon two facts,
+the presence of myth in the shape of the folk-tale and the
+preservation of much mythic tradition beyond the stage of thought to
+which it properly belongs by becoming attached to an historical event,
+or series of events, or to an historical personage, and in this way
+carrying on its life into historic periods and among historic peoples.
+The first position has resulted in a wholesale appropriation of the
+folk-tale to the cause of the mythologists; the second position has
+hitherto resulted either in a disastrous appropriation of the entire
+tradition to mythology, or in a still more disastrous rejection both
+of the tradition and the historical event round which it clusters.
+Historians doubting the myth doubt too the history; mythologists
+doubting the history reject the myth from all consideration, and in
+this way much is lost to history which properly belongs to it, and
+something is lost to myth.
+
+If, therefore, I have hitherto laid undue stress upon the foundation
+of tradition in the actual facts of life, and upon the close
+association of tradition with historic fact, it is because this side
+of the question has been so generally neglected. Everything has been
+turned on to the mythic side. Folk-tales have been claimed as the
+exclusive property of the mythologists, and those who have urged their
+foundation on the facts of real life have scarcely been listened to.
+There is, however, no ground for the converse process to be
+advocated. If tradition is not entirely mythology it is certainly not
+all founded on sociology, and the mythic tradition in the possession
+of a people advanced in culture has to be considered and accounted
+for. It is myth in contact with history, and the contact compels
+consideration of the result.
+
+
+I
+
+The first necessity is for definitions. Careful attention to what has
+already been said will reveal the fact that tradition contains three
+separate classes, and I would suggest definition of these classes by a
+precise application of terms already in use: The _myth_ belongs to the
+most primitive stages of human thought, and is the recognisable
+explanation of some natural phenomenon, some forgotten or unknown
+object of human origin, or some event of lasting influence; the
+_folk-tale_ is a survival preserved amidst culture-surroundings of a
+more advanced stage, and deals with events and ideas of primitive
+times in terms of the experience or of episodes in the lives of
+unnamed human beings; the _legend_ belongs to an historical personage,
+locality, or event. These are new definitions, and are suggested in
+order to give some sort of exactness to the terms in use. All these
+terms--myth, folk-tale, and legend--are now used indiscriminately with
+no particular definiteness. The possession of three such distinct
+terms forms an asset which should be put to its full use, and this
+cannot be done until we agree upon a definite meaning for each.
+
+The first place must be given to mythic tradition. This is not
+special to our own, or to any one branch of the human race. It belongs
+to all--to the Hindu, the Greek, the Slav, the Teuton, the Celt, the
+Semite, and the savage. It goes back to a period of human history
+which has only tradition for its authority, in respect of which no
+contemporary records exist, and which relates to a time when the
+ancestors of now scattered peoples lived together, and when they were
+struggling from the position of obedient slaves to all the fears which
+unknown nature inflicted on them, to that of observers of the forces
+of nature.
+
+Traditions which are properly classed as myth are those which are too
+ancient to be identified with historical personages, and too little
+realistic to be a relation of historical episodes. They are rather the
+explanations given by primitive philosophers of events which were
+beyond their ken, and yet needed and claimed explanation. In this
+class of tradition we are in touch with the struggles of the earliest
+ancestors of man to learn about the unknown. Our own research in the
+realms of the unknown we dignify by the name and glories of science.
+The research of our remote ancestors was of like kind, though the
+domain of the unknown was so different from our own. It was primitive
+science.
+
+The best type of this class of myth is, I think, the creation
+myth.[184] Everywhere, almost, man has for a moment stood apart and
+asked himself the question, Whence am I?--stood apart from the
+struggle for existence when that struggle was in its most severe
+stages. The answer he has given himself was the answer of the Darwin
+of his period. From the narrow observation of the natural man and his
+surroundings, governed by the enormous impressions of his own life,
+the answer has obviously not been scientific in our sense of the term.
+But it was scientific. It was the science of primitive man, and if we
+have to reject it as science not so good as our science, nay, as not
+science at all judged by our standard, we must not deny to primitive
+man the claim of having preceded modern man in his observation and
+interpretation of the world of nature.
+
+The range of the creation myth is almost world-wide. It includes
+examples from all quarters, and examples of great beauty as well as of
+singular, almost grotesque hideousness; the New Zealand myth is surely
+the best type of the former, and perhaps the Fijian of the latter. As
+Mr. Lang says: "all the cosmogonic myths waver between the theory of
+construction, or rather of reconstruction and the theory of evolution
+very rudely conceived."[185]
+
+It is not necessary to quote a large number of examples, because I am
+not concerned with their variety nor with their essentials. I am only
+anxious to point out their existence as evidence of the scientific
+character of primitive myth.[186] It is not to the point to say that
+the science was all wrong. What is to the point is to say that the
+attempt was made to get at the origin of man and his destiny. Mr. Lang
+thinks that "the origin of the world and of man is naturally a problem
+which has excited the curiosity of the least developed minds," but in
+the use of the term "naturally," I think the stupendous nature of the
+effort made by the least developed minds is entirely neglected, and we
+miss the opportunity of measuring what this effort might mean.
+
+When savages ask themselves, as they certainly _do_ ask themselves,
+whence the sky, whence the winds, the sun, moon, stars, sea, rivers,
+mountains and other natural objects, they reply in terms of good logic
+applied to deficient knowledge. All the knowledge they possess is that
+based upon their own material senses. And therefore, when they apply
+that knowledge to subjects outside their own personality, they deal
+with them in terms of their own personality. How did the sky get up
+there, above their heads--the sky evidently so lovingly fond of the
+earth, so intimately connected with the earth?
+
+The New Zealand answer to these questions is a great one, by whatever
+standard it is measured. Heaven and earth, they say, were husband and
+wife, so locked in close embrace that darkness everywhere prevailed.
+Their children were ever thinking amongst themselves what might be the
+difference between darkness and light. At last, worn out by the
+continued darkness, they consulted amongst themselves whether they
+should slay their parents, Rangi and Papa, _i.e._ heaven and earth, or
+whether they should rend them apart. The fiercest of their children
+exclaimed, "Let us slay them!" but the forest, another of the sons,
+said, "Nay, not so. It is better to rend them apart, and to let
+heaven stand far above us and the earth to lie under our feet. Let the
+sky become as a stranger to us, but the earth remain close to us as
+our nursing-mother." The brothers consented to this proposal with the
+exception of Tawhiri-ma-tea, the father of winds and storms; thus five
+of the brothers consented and one would not agree. Then each of the
+brothers tries to rend his parents, heaven and earth, asunder. First
+the father of cultivated food tries and fails; then the father of fish
+and reptiles; then the father of uncultivated food; then the father of
+fierce human beings. Then at last slowly uprises Tane-mahuta, the
+father of forests, birds, and insects, and he struggles with his
+parents; in vain he strives to rend them apart with his hands and
+arms. Lo, he pauses; his head is now firmly planted on his mother, the
+earth; his feet he raises up and rests against his father, the skies;
+he strains his back and limbs with mighty effort, and at last are rent
+apart Rangi and Papa, who shriek aloud with cries and groans. But
+Tane-mahuta pauses not, he regards not their shrieks and cries; far,
+far beneath him he presses down the earth; far, far above him he
+thrusts up the sky. Then were discovered a multitude of human beings
+whom heaven and earth had begotten, and who had hitherto lain
+concealed. But Tawhiri-ma-tea, the wind and storm, the brother who had
+not consented, is angry at this rending apart of his parents, and he
+rises and follows his father, the sky, and fights fiercely with the
+earth and his brothers.[187]
+
+The explanation of this myth is simple. Unaided by the facts of
+science, the New Zealand savages could only think of the facts of
+their own experience. Only two personalities could produce the various
+products of the world; therefore the earth was the mother and the sky
+the father. But they are now separated and apart. Only a personality
+could have separated, and the forest, root-sown in the earth,
+branch-up in the sky, is evidently the means of this separation. And
+so, satisfactorily to their own minds, these rude savages settled the
+question of the origin of heaven and earth.
+
+The close similarity of this to the story of Kronos has frequently
+been pointed out; but a Greek story is always worth repeating. Near
+the beginning of things Earth gave birth to Heaven. Later, Heaven
+became the husband of Earth, and they had many children. Some of these
+became the gods of the various elements, among whom were Okeanos, and
+Hyperion, the sun. The youngest child was Kronos of crooked counsel,
+who ever hated his mighty sire. Now the children of Heaven and Earth
+were concealed in the hollows of Earth, and both the Earth and her
+children resented this. At last they conspired against their father,
+Heaven, and, taking their mother into the counsels, she produced Iron
+and bade her children avenge her wrongs. Fear fell upon all of them
+except Kronos, and he determined to separate his parents, and with his
+iron weapon he effected his object. All the brothers rejoiced except
+one, Okeanos, and he remained faithful to his father.[188]
+
+It would be well for the sake of the story itself to give a creation
+myth from India, but I shall have other use for it than its particular
+charm.
+
+      "'In the beginning, when Twashtri came to the creation
+      of woman, he found that he had exhausted his materials
+      in the making of man, and that no solid elements were
+      left. In this dilemma, after profound meditation, he
+      did as follows. He took the rotundity of the moon, and
+      the curves of creepers, and the clinging of tendrils,
+      and the trembling of grass, and the slenderness of the
+      reed, and the bloom of flowers, and the lightness of
+      leaves, and the tapering of the elephant's trunk, and
+      the glances of deer, and the clustering of rows of
+      bees, and the joyous gaiety of sunbeams, and the
+      weeping of clouds, and the fickleness of the winds,
+      and the timidity of the hare, and the vanity of the
+      peacock, and the softness of the parrot's bosom, and
+      the hardness of adamant, and the sweetness of honey,
+      and the cruelty of the tiger, and the warm glow of
+      fire, and the coldness of snow, and the chattering of
+      jays, and the cooing of the _kókila_, and the
+      hypocrisy of the crane, and the fidelity of the
+      _chakrawáka_, and compounding all these together, he
+      made woman and gave her to man. But after one week,
+      man came to him and said: Lord, this creature that you
+      have given me makes my life miserable. She chatters
+      incessantly and teases me beyond endurance, never
+      leaving me alone; and she requires incessant
+      attention, and takes all my time up, and cries about
+      nothing, and is always idle; and so I have come to
+      give her back again, as I cannot live with her. So
+      Twashtri said: Very well; and he took her back. Then
+      after another week, man came again to him and said:
+      Lord, I find that my life is very lonely, since I
+      gave you back that creature. I remember how she used
+      to dance and sing to me, and look at me out of the
+      corner of her eye, and play with me, and cling to me;
+      and her laughter was music, and she was beautiful to
+      look at, and soft to touch; so give her back to me
+      again. So Twashtri said: Very well; and gave her back
+      again. Then after only three days, man came back to
+      him again and said: Lord, I know not how it is; but
+      after all I have come to the conclusion that she is
+      more of a trouble than a pleasure to me; so please
+      take her back again. But Twashtri said: Out on you! Be
+      off! I will have no more of this. You must manage how
+      you can. Then man said: But I cannot live with her.
+      And Twashtri replied: Neither could you live without
+      her. And he turned his back on man, and went on with
+      his work. Then man said: What is to be done? for I
+      cannot live either with her or without her.'"[189]
+
+Now this myth has, so far as its central fact is concerned, its
+counterpart in Celtic folklore. In the Welsh Mabinogi of Math, son of
+Mathonwy, it is related how Arianrod laid a destiny upon her son, whom
+she would not recognise, that he should never have a wife of the race
+that now inhabits the earth, and how Gwydion declared that he should
+have a wife notwithstanding. "They went thereupon unto Math, the son
+of Mathonwy, and complained unto him most bitterly of Arianrod. Well,
+said Math, we will seek, I and thou, by charms and magic, to form a
+wife for him out of flowers. So they took the blossoms of the oak, and
+the blossoms of the broom, and the blossoms of the meadow-sweet, and
+produced from them a maiden, the fairest and most graceful that man
+ever saw." No one can doubt that this interesting fragment of Welsh
+tradition takes us back to a creation legend of the same order as the
+Indian legend, and that the two widely separated parallels belong to
+the period when men were carving out for themselves theories as to the
+origin of women in relation to men.
+
+It is impossible to deny a place among these myths of creation to the
+Hebrew tradition of Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. The first
+chapter of Genesis is the answer which the early Hebrews gave to the
+scientific question as to the origin of man. How much it cost them to
+arrive at this conclusion one cannot guess, one only knows that it has
+become a glory to the ages of Hebrew history, as well as to the
+civilisation of Christianity. Unfortunately it has become much more.
+The science of the primitive Hebrew has been adopted as the God-given
+revelation to all mankind. It is the function of folklore to correct
+this error, to restore the Hebrew tradition to its proper place among
+the myths of the world which have answered the cry of early man for
+the knowledge of his origin. There is no degradation here. Science is
+no longer in doubt as to the origin of man within the evolutionary
+process of the natural world, and it rightly rejects the first chapter
+of Genesis as of value to modern research. But science should accept
+it as a chapter in the history of anthropology, a chapter which has
+only proved not to be true, because of the limited range of early man
+in the facts about man, but a chapter, nevertheless, which has the
+inherent value of a faithful record of man's search after truth. This
+is a great position. This is the revelation which is made to us from
+the first chapter of Genesis, and when the theologian is bold and able
+enough to step outside the formularies of his ancient faith, and reach
+the magnificent world of thought which lies in front of him by the
+revelations of scientific discovery, he will consider the
+anthropological interpretation of the Hebrew Bible as one of the
+necessary elements of his equipment. There is on present lines a
+whole world of thought between science and religion, although they
+both have the same object. They both seek the great unknown. Science,
+however, gives up all efforts in the past which have proved futile and
+erroneous, cheerfully surrenders all errors of research and
+interpretation, starts investigation afresh, begins new discoveries,
+and rewrites the story they have to tell. Religion, on the other hand,
+comes to a full stop when once she has made or accepted a discovery,
+when once she has pronounced that the great unknown has become known
+to her votaries and supporters. She is skilful to use the results of
+science up to the point where they serve her purpose, and to use the
+terms of science in order to build up her shattering position. But she
+does not advance. She does not accept the first chapter of Genesis as
+a wonderful revelation of the early stages of human investigation into
+the realms of the unknown, but still keeps to her old formula of a
+revelation of the deity as to the origin of man, and she does not see
+that by this attitude she is lessening every day her capacity for
+teaching truth.
+
+I think the attitude of science to the Hebrew tradition is only a
+little less unfortunate than that of religion. Professor Huxley
+employed all the resources of his great knowledge to disprove the
+scientific accuracy of the tradition, and when one rereads his
+chapters on this subject[190] one wonders at the absence of the sense
+of proportion. Perhaps it was necessary, considering the place which
+the Hebrew tradition occupies in civilised thought, to show its utter
+inconsistency with the facts of nature, but it was equally necessary
+to show that it has its place in the history of human thought. The
+folklorist replaces it among the myths of creation, and then proceeds
+to analyse and value it. The Hebrew is shown by the myth he adopted to
+have frankly acknowledged that the origin of man and of the world was
+undiscoverable by him. Whatever older myths he once possessed, he
+discarded them in favour of a mythic God-creator, and this is only
+another way of stating that the mystery of man's origin could not, to
+the Hebrew mind, be met by such a myth as the New Zealander believed
+in, or as the Kumis believed in, but could only be met by the larger
+conception of a special creation. The Hebrew could not find his answer
+in nature, so he appealed to super-nature. His God was the unknown
+God, and the realm of the unknown God was the unknowable. Though in
+terms this may not be the interpretation of the Hebrew creation myth,
+its ultimate resolve is this; and because modern science has
+penetrated beyond this confession of the unknown origin of man to the
+evolution of man, it should not therefore treat contemptuously the
+effort of early Hebrew science. Because it is not possible to admit
+this effort as part of modern science, it must not be rejected from
+the entire region of science. It must be respected as one of the many
+efforts which have made possible the last effort of all which
+proclaims that man has kinship with all the animal world.
+
+These points illustrate the unsatisfactory attitude of science and
+religion to myth. There is still to notice the unsatisfactory
+attitude of the folklorist. Wrong interpretation of special classes of
+myth is, of course, to be anticipated in the commencement of a great
+study such as folklore; but there are also wrong interpretations of
+the fundamental basis of myth. Thus even Mr. Frazer, with all his vast
+research into savage thought and action, doubts the possession of good
+logical faculty by mankind. If mankind, he says, had always been
+logical and wise, history would not be a long chronicle of folly and
+crime.[191] But surely we cannot doubt man's logical powers. They have
+been too strong for his facts. He has applied mercilessly all the
+powers of his logical faculties upon isolated observations of
+phenomena, and it is this limited application which has produced the
+folly and crime. I venture to think that civilised man shares with the
+savage of to-day, and with the primitive ancestors of all mankind, the
+charge of applying perfectly good logic to an insufficiency of facts,
+and producing therefrom fresh chapters of folly and crime.
+
+If myth is correctly defined as primitive science, as I have ventured
+to suggest, it is important to know how it assumes a place among the
+traditions of a people. Primitive science was also primitive belief.
+If it accounted for the origin of mankind, of the sun, moon, and
+stars, of the earth and the trees, it accounted for them as creations
+of a higher power than man, or, at all events, of a great and
+specially endowed man, and higher powers than man were of the unknown
+realm. The unknown was the awful. Primitive science and primitive
+belief were therefore on one and the same plane.[192] They were
+subjects to be treated with reverence and with awe. The story into
+which the myth was so frequently woven is not a story to those who
+believe in the truth of the myth. It assumes the personal shape,
+because the personal is the only machinery by which primitive man is
+capable of expressing himself. It was held only by tradition, because
+tradition was the only means of transmitting it, and it was of a
+sacred character, because sacred things and beliefs were the only
+forces which influenced primitive thought. When it was repeated to new
+generations of learners, it was not a case of story-telling--it was a
+matter of the profoundest importance. Everywhere among the lowest
+savagery we find the secrets of the group kept from all but the
+initiated, and these secrets are the traditions which have become
+sacred, traditions expressed sometimes in ceremonial, sometimes in
+rites, sometimes in narratives. Thus the mythological and religious
+knowledge of the Bushmen is imparted in dances, and when a man is
+ignorant of some myth, he will say, "I do not dance that dance,"
+meaning that he does not belong to the group which preserves that
+particular sacred chapter.[193] The Ashantees have an interesting
+creation myth which is stated to be the foundation of all their
+religious opinions.[194] Mr. Howitt, in his important chapter on
+"Beliefs and Burial Practices,"[195] seems to me to exactly interpret
+the savage mind. The first thing he notes is the belief--a belief that
+"the earth is flat, surmounted by the solid vault of the sky," that
+"there is water all round the flat earth," that the sun is a woman,
+and that the moon was once a man who lived on earth, and so on. Then,
+secondly, he notes the manner in which these beliefs are translated to
+and held by the people, the myth in point of fact--unfortunately, Mr.
+Howitt calls it a legend--wherein it is perfectly obvious that the
+Australian is interpreting the facts of nature in the only language
+known to him to be applicable, namely, that of his own personality.
+Messrs. Spencer and Gillen produce much the same kind of
+evidence,[196] and describe a ceremony among the northern tribes
+connected with the myth of the sun, which ends in a newly initiated
+youth being brought up, "shown the decorations, and had everything
+explained to him."[197] Among the central tribes the same authorities
+describe minutely the initiation ceremonies, during which the initiate
+boy "is instructed for the first time in any of the sacred matters
+referring to totems, and it is by means of the performances which are
+concerned with certain animals, or rather, apparently with the
+animals, but in reality with Alcheringa individuals who were the
+direct transformations of such animals, that the traditions dealing
+with this subject, which is of the greatest importance in the eyes of
+the natives, are firmly impressed upon the mind of the novice, to whom
+everything which he sees and hears is new and surrounded with an air
+of mystery."[198] Sir George Grey, speaking of the traditions of the
+Maori which he collected, says his reader will be in "the position of
+one who listens to a heathen and savage high priest, explaining to him
+in his own words and in his own energetic manner, the traditions in
+which he earnestly believes, and unfolding the religious opinions upon
+which the faith and hopes of his race rest."[199] This "school of
+mythology and history," as it is significantly termed in John White's
+_Ancient History of the Maori_, was "Whare-Kura, the sacred school in
+which the sons of high priests were taught our mythology and history,"
+and it "stood facing the east in the precincts of the sacred place of
+Mua." The school was opened by the priests in the autumn, and
+continued from sunset to midnight every night for four or five months
+in succession. The chief priest sat next to the door. It was his duty
+to commence the proceedings by repeating a portion of history; the
+other priests followed in succession, according to rank. On the south
+side sat the old and most accomplished priests, "whose duty it was to
+insist on a critical and verbatim rehearsal of all the ancient
+lore."[200] The American-Indian account, by the Iroquois, of how myths
+were told to an ancient chief and an assembly of the people on a
+circular open space in a deep forest, wherein was a large wheel-shaped
+stone, from beneath which came a voice which told the tale of the
+former world, and how the first people became what they are at
+present,[201] is in exact accord with this evidence. The priestly
+novice among the Indians of British Guiana is taught the traditions of
+the tribe, while the medicine man of the Bororó in Brazil has to learn
+certain ritual songs and the languages of birds, beasts, and
+trees.[202]
+
+I do not want to press the point too far, because evidence is not easy
+to get on account of the incomplete fashion in which it has been
+collected and presented to the student. The records of native life are
+divided off into chapters arranged, not on the basis of native ideas,
+but on the basis of civilised ideas, and from this cause we get myth
+and belief in different chapters as if they had no connection with
+each other; we get myths treated as if they were but the
+fancy-begotten amusements of the individual, instead of the serious
+ideas of the collective people about the elements of nature to which
+they have directed their attention. Mr. J. A. Farrer comes practically
+to this correct conclusion,[203] while Mr. Jevons seems to me to have
+arrived at the same result in spite of some false intermediate steps,
+due to his failure to discriminate between myth and mythology.[204]
+Failures of this kind are of almost infinite loss to scientific
+research. They stop the results which might flow from the stages
+correctly reached, and hide the full significance which arises from
+the fact that man's aspirations are always so much in excess of his
+accomplished acts. Poetry, philosophy, prayer, worship, are all short
+of the ideal; and the question may surely arise whether the actual
+accomplishments of man in civilisation, as compared with those of man
+in savagery, afford any sort of indication of the distance between
+man's accomplishment and his aspiration at any age. If man has never
+travelled at one moment of time, or at one definite period of life,
+all this distance in thought, it may still be possible to use this
+distance between savage and cultured accomplishment as a standard of
+measurement between accomplishment and ideal, wherever the material
+for such a purpose is available. If folklorists will keep such a
+possibility in mind, whenever they are called upon to investigate
+myth, it will at all events save them from proceeding upon lines which
+cannot lead to progress in the investigation of human history.
+
+The primitive myth does not include all that properly comes within the
+definition of myth. There must be included the myth formed to explain
+a rite or ceremony, which originating in most ancient times has been
+kept up at the instance of a particular religion or cult, but the
+meaning and intent of which has been forgotten amidst the progress of
+a later civilisation. Pausanias is the great storehouse of such myths
+as this, and Mr. Lang has, more than any other scholar, examined and
+explained the process which has gone on.
+
+There is also included in this secondary class of myth, the myths upon
+which are founded the great systems of mythology. The Hindu mythology,
+in spite of all that has been done to place it on the pedestal of
+primitive original thought, is definitely relegated to the secondary
+position by its best exponents. The Vedic religion is tribal in form,
+and in the pre-mythological stage.[205] In the Rámáyaná and
+Mahábhárata, on the contrary, "we trace unequivocal indications of a
+departure from the elemental worship of the Vedas, and the origin or
+elaboration of legends which form the great body of the mythological
+religion of the Hindus."[206] The pre-mythological and the
+mythological stages of Hindu religion, therefore, are both
+discoverable from the traditional literature which has descended from
+both ages, and this fact is important in the classification of the
+various phases of tradition. When once it is admitted that the
+beginnings of mythology are to be traced in one section of the people
+who are supposed to derive a common system of mythology from a common
+home, future research will hesitate to interpret, as Kuhn and Max
+Müller and their school have done, the traditions of Celts, Teutons,
+and Scandinavians as the detritus of ancient mythologies instead of
+the beginnings of what, under favourable conditions, might have grown
+into mythologies. Mythological tradition is essentially a secondary
+not a primary stage. This fact is overlooked by many authorities, and
+I have noted some of the unfortunate results. It is not overlooked by
+those who study the principles of their subject as well as the
+details. Thus, as Robertson-Smith has so well explained, "mythology
+was no essential part of ancient religion, for it had no sacred
+sanction and no binding force on the worshippers.... Belief in a
+certain series of myths was neither obligatory as a part of true
+religion, nor was it supposed that by believing a man acquired
+religious merit and conciliated the favour of the gods. What was
+obligatory or meritorious was the exact performance of certain sacred
+acts prescribed by religious tradition. This being so, it follows that
+mythology ought not to take the prominent place that is too often
+assigned to it in the scientific study of ancient faiths."[207] This
+is exactly the position, and all that I have advanced for the purpose
+of aiming at a classification of the various kinds of tradition is in
+accord with this view.
+
+All that I am anxious to prove, all that it is possible to prove, from
+these considerations of the position occupied by myth, is that myths
+constitute a part of the serious life of the people. They belong to
+the men and women, perhaps some of them to the men only and others to
+the women only, but essentially to the life of the people.
+
+I do not think that even Mr. Hartland in his special study of the
+subject has quite understood this. He begins at a later period in the
+history of tradition, the period of story-telling proper, when myths
+have become folk-tales,[208] and he treats this period as the earliest
+instead of the secondary stage of myth. In this stage something has
+happened to push myth back from the centre of the people's life to a
+lesser position--a new religious influence, a new civilisation, a new
+home, any one of the many influences, or any combination of
+influences, which have affected peoples and sent them along the paths
+of evolution and progress.
+
+It is in this way that we come upon the folk-tale. The folk-tale is
+secondary to the myth. It is the primitive myth dislodged from its
+primitive place. It has become a part of the life of the people,
+independently of its primary form and object and in a different
+sense. The mythic or historic fact has been obscured, or has been
+displaced from the life of the people. But the myth lives on through
+the affections of the people for the traditions of their older life.
+They love to tell the story which their ancestors revered as myth even
+though it has lost its oldest and most impressive significance. The
+artistic setting of it, born of the years through which it has lived,
+fashioned by the minds which have handed it down and embellished it
+through the generations, has helped its life. It has become the fairy
+tale or the nursery tale. It is told to grown-up people, not as belief
+but as what was once believed; it is told to children, not to men; to
+lovers of romance, not to worshippers of the unknown; it is told by
+mothers and nurses, not by philosophers or priestesses; in the
+gathering ground of home life, or in the nursery, not in the hushed
+sanctity of a great wonder.[209]
+
+The influence of changing conditions upon the position of mythic
+tradition is well illustrated by Dr. Rivers in his account of the
+Todas. This people, he says, "are rapidly forgetting their folk-tales
+and the legends of their gods [that is, their myths], while their
+ceremonial remains to a large extent intact and seems likely to
+continue so for some time." Dr. Rivers attributes this to the effect
+of intercourse with other people. This intercourse has had no
+missionary results and has not therefore affected their religious
+rites and ceremonies, but has shown itself largely in the form of loss
+of interest in the stories of the past.[210] In other words, and in
+accordance with the definitions I am suggesting, the primitive myths
+of the Todas have definitely assumed a secondary position as
+folk-tale, and not a strong position at that, while religion has clung
+to rite and formula.
+
+Primitive myth dislodged in this fashion is sometimes preserved in a
+special manner and for religious purposes in its ancient setting as a
+belief, or as a tradition belonging to sacred places and appertaining
+to sacred things. This is what has happened to the Genesis myth of the
+Hebrews; it has also happened to some of the sacred myths of the
+Hindus, and perhaps to some of the sacred myths of the Greeks. In this
+position the myth may even be reduced to writing, and where this
+happens all the sacredness appertaining to tradition is transferred to
+the written instrument.
+
+Thus in Arkadia, Pausanias tells us, was a temple of Demeter, and
+every second year, when they were celebrating what they called the
+greater mysteries, they took out certain writings which bore on the
+mysteries, and having read them in the hearing of the initiated, put
+them back in their place that same night.[211] In India examples occur
+of land being held for telling stories at the Ucháos or festivals of
+the goddess Dévi.[212] The colleges of Rome, composed of men specially
+skilled in religious lore, and charged with the preservation of
+traditional rules regarding the more general religious observances,
+the proper fulfilment of which implied a certain amount of
+information, and rendered it necessary for the state in its own
+interest to provide the faithful transmission of that information,
+have been described by Mommsen.[213]
+
+I pass to the third class of tradition, namely, the legend, and this
+need not detain us long. We have already illustrated it by the notes
+on history and folklore, and by its very nature it belongs essentially
+to the historic age. In dealing with legend, there is first to
+determine whether its characters are historical, or are unknown to
+history. If the former, there is next to disengage those parts of the
+tradition which, by their parallels to other traditions, or by their
+nature, may be safely certified as not belonging to the historical
+hero or to the period of the historical hero. If the latter, the
+details must be analysed to see what elements of culture are contained
+therein. In both cases tradition will have served a purpose, and that
+purpose must be sought. Tradition does not attach itself to an
+historical personage without cause. There is necessity for it, and in
+the case of Hereward the necessity was proved to have been the great
+gap in the history of a national hero. Tradition does not preserve
+details of primitive culture-history without cause, and in the
+examples already quoted it has been shown that this cause rests upon
+the indissoluble links which the uncultured peasant of to-day has with
+the pre-cultured past of his race. He will have forgotten all about
+his tribal life and its consequences, but will retain legends which
+are founded upon tribal life. He will have lost touch with ideas which
+proclaim that man or woman not of his tribe is an enemy to be feared
+or attacked, but will gladly relate legends which deal with events
+growing out of a state of perpetual strife among the ancestors of
+people now in friendship. He will not understand the personal tie of
+ancient times, but will listen to the legends attached to places in
+such strange fashion as to make places seem to possess a personal life
+full of events and happenings. He will know nothing of giants and
+ogres, but will love the legends which tell of heroes meeting and
+conquering such beings. The history of the school books is nothing to
+him, but the history unknowingly contained in the legends is very
+real, and is applied over and over again to such later events as by
+force of circumstances become stamped upon the popular mind and thus
+succeed in displacing the original. It would be an important
+contribution to history to have these legends collected and examined
+by a competent authority. They would be beacon lights of national
+history preserved in legend.
+
+It will be readily conceded, I think, that in attempting these
+definitions of the various classes of tradition, and in illustrating
+them from the records of man's life in various parts of the world, it
+has been impossible for me to deal with certain points in the problem
+before us. In particular I have not considered the favourite subject
+of the diffusion of folk-tales. I do not believe in a general system
+of diffusion, such a system, I mean, as would suffice to account for
+the parallels to be found in almost all countries.[214] I think
+diffusion occupies a very small part indeed of the problem, and that
+it only takes place in late historical times. It is a large subject,
+and I have virtually stated my answer to the theory of diffusion in
+the definitions and classifications which I have ventured to put
+forward. It may be considered by some that other facts in the
+conditions of myth, folk-tale, and legend would not confirm the
+general outline I have given of the three classes of tradition to
+which I have applied these terms; and of course there are many side
+issues in so great a problem. I would not urge the correctness of the
+views I have put forward as applicable to every part of the world, or
+to every phase in the history of tradition; but I would urge that in
+the great centres of traditional life they are practically the only
+means of arriving at the position occupied by tradition, and that in
+all cases they form a working hypothesis upon which future inquirers
+may well base their researches.
+
+
+II
+
+Of late years there have been placed alongside of the traditional
+myth, folk-tale, and legend many other products of tradition--customs,
+ceremonies, practices, and beliefs, and it has been argued, and argued
+strongly and convincingly, that the tradition which has brought down
+the saga and song as far-off echoes of an otherwise unrecorded past
+has also brought down these other elements which must also belong to
+the same distant past. This argument is now no longer seriously
+disputed. But there still remains open for discussion the exact kind
+of evidence which these elements of tradition supply, the particular
+period or people from which they have descended, the particular
+department of history to which they relate. All this is highly
+disputed.
+
+Folklore has in this department been greatly aided by Dr. Tylor's
+impressive terminology, whereby the custom, ceremony, practice, and
+belief which have come down by tradition are classed as "survivals."
+This term implies an ancient origin, and the necessary work of the
+student is to get back to the original. Until very lately the fact of
+survival has carried with it the presumption of ancient origin, but
+Mr. Crawley has raised an objection which I think it is well to meet.
+He urges that "the history of religious phenomena exemplifies in the
+most striking manner the continuity of modern and primitive culture;
+but there is a tendency on the part of students to underestimate this
+continuity, and, by explaining it away on a theory of survivals, to
+lose the only opportunity we have of deducing the permanent elements
+of human nature."
+
+This sentence at once prepares us for much that follows; but Mr.
+Crawley leaves the point itself untouched, except by implication,
+until he is in the middle of his book, and then we have his dictum
+that "it may be finally asserted that nothing which has to do with
+human needs ever survives as a mere survival."[215] It will at once be
+seen that we have here a new estimate of the force which survivals
+play in the evidence of human progress. They prove the continuity of
+modern and primitive culture. They are part and parcel of modern life,
+filling a vacuum which has not been filled by modern thought, carrying
+on, therefore, the standard of religious belief and religious ideal
+from point to point until they can be replaced by newer ideas and
+concepts. This definition of survivals is very bold. It answers Mr.
+Crawley's purpose and argument in a way which no other fact in human
+history, so far as we can judge, could answer it. It is the basis upon
+which his whole argument is founded. Occupying such an important
+place, it should have received explicit investigation, instead of
+being treated as a sort of side issue of incidental importance.
+
+When explicit investigation is undertaken, Mr. Crawley's case must, I
+think, break down. Survivals are carried along the stream of time by
+people whose culture-status is on a level with the culture in which
+the survivals originated. It matters not that these people are placed
+in the midst of a higher civilisation or alongside of a higher
+civilisation. When once the higher civilisation penetrates to them,
+the survival is lost. There is not continuity between modern and
+primitive thought here, but, on the contrary, there is strong
+antagonism, ending with the defeat and death of the primitive
+survival. This is the evidence wherever survivals can be studied,
+whether in the midst of our own civilisation, or even of primitive
+civilisations, which constantly exhibit traces of older beliefs and
+ideas being pushed out of existence by newer. It is, indeed, a mistake
+to suppose, as some authorities apparently do, that survivals can only
+be studied when they are embedded in a high civilisation. It is almost
+a more fruitful method to study them when they appear in the lower
+strata; and even in such a case as the Australian aborigines I think
+that it is the neglect of observing survivals that has led to some of
+the erroneous theories which have recently been advanced against
+Messrs. Spencer and Gillen's conclusions.
+
+For the purpose of examining survivals in custom, rite, and belief, we
+have nothing more than a series of notes of customs and beliefs
+obtaining among the lower and lowest classes of the people, and not
+being the direct teaching of any religious or academic body. These
+notes are very unequal in value, owing to the manner in which they
+have been made. They are often accidental, they are seldom if ever the
+result of trained observation, and they are often mixed up with
+theories as to their origin and relationship to modern society and
+modern religious beliefs. To a great extent the two first of these
+apparent defects are real safeguards, for they certify to the
+genuineness of the record, a certificate which is more needed in this
+branch of inquiry than perhaps in any other. But with regard to the
+third defect there is considerable danger. An inquirer with an object
+is so apt to find what he wishes to find, either by the exercise of
+his own credulity or the ingenuous extension of inquiry into answer;
+whereas the inquirer who is content to note with the simplicity of
+those who occupy themselves by collecting what others have not
+collected, may be deficient in the details he gives, but is seldom
+wrong or violently wrong in what he has recorded. In every direction,
+however, great caution is needed, and especially where any section of
+custom and belief has already been the subject of inquiry. It is
+indeed almost safe to say that all research into custom and belief,
+even that of such masters as Tylor, Lang, Hartland, Frazer, and
+others, needs re-examination before we can finally and unreservedly
+accept the conclusions which have been arrived at.
+
+Such an examination must be directed towards obtaining some necessary
+points in the life-history of each custom, rite, and belief. We have
+to approach this part of our work guided by the fact that folklore
+cannot by any possibility develop. The doctrine of evolution is so
+strong upon us that we are apt to apply its leading idea insensibly to
+almost every branch of human history. But folklore being what it is,
+namely the survival of traditional ideas or practices among a people
+whose principal members have passed beyond the stage of civilisation
+which those ideas and practices once represented, it is impossible for
+it to have any development. When the original ideas and practices
+which it represents were current as the standard form of culture,
+their future history was then to be looked for along the lines of
+development. But so soon as they dropped back behind the standard of
+culture, whatever the cause and whenever the event happened, then
+their future history could only be traced along the lines of decay and
+disintegration. We are acquainted with some of the laws which mark the
+development of primitive culture, but we have paid no attention to the
+influences which mark the existence of survivals in culture. For this
+purpose we must first ascertain what are the component parts of each
+custom or superstition; secondly, we must classify the various
+elements in each example; and thirdly, we must group the various
+examples into classes which associate with each other in motif and
+character.
+
+By this treble process we shall have before us examples of the changes
+in folklore, and demonstrably they are changes of decay, not of
+development. By grouping and arranging these changes it may be
+possible to ascertain and set down the laws of change--for that there
+are laws I am nearly certain. It is these laws which must be
+discovered before we can go very far forward in our studies. Every
+item of custom and superstition must be tested by analysis to find out
+under which power it lives on in survival, and according to the result
+in each case, so may we hope to find out something about the original
+from which the survival has descended.
+
+Each folklore item, in point of fact, has a life history of its own,
+and a place in relationship to other items. Just as the biography of
+each separate word in our language has been investigated in order to
+get at Aryan speech as the interpretation of Aryan thought, so must
+the biography of each custom, superstition, or story be investigated
+in order to get at Aryan belief or something older than Aryan belief.
+We must try to ascertain whether each item represents primitive belief
+by direct descent, by symbolisation, or by changes which may be
+discovered by some law equivalent to Grimm's law in the study of
+language.
+
+Analysis of each custom, rite, or belief will show it to consist of
+three distinct parts, which I would distinguish by the following
+names:--
+
+1. The formula.
+
+2. The purpose.
+
+3. The penalty or result.
+
+It will be found that these three component parts are not equally
+tenacious of their original form in all examples. In one example we
+may find the formula either actually or symbolically perfect, while
+the purpose and penalty may not be easily distinguishable. Or it may
+happen that the formula remains fairly perfect; the purpose may be set
+down to the desire of doing what has always been done, and the penalty
+may be given as luck or ill-luck. Of course, further variations are
+possible, but these are usually the more general forms.
+
+I will give an example or two of these phases of change or degradation
+in folklore. First, then, where the formula is complete, or nearly so,
+and the purpose and penalty have both disappeared. At Carrickfergus it
+was formerly the custom for mothers, when giving their child the
+breast for the last time, to put an egg in its hand and sit on the
+threshold of the outer door with a leg on each side, and this ceremony
+was usually done on a Sunday. Undoubtedly I think we have here a very
+nearly perfect formula; but what is its purpose, and what is the
+penalty for non-observance? Upon both these latter points the example
+is silent, and before they can be restored we must search among the
+other fragments of threshold customs and see whether they exist either
+separately from the formula or with a less perfect example. Secondly,
+where the formula has disappeared and the purpose and penalty remain,
+nearly the whole range of those floating beliefs and superstitions
+which occupy so largely the collections of folklore would supply
+examples. But I will select one example which will be to the point.
+When the Manx cottager looks for the traces of a foot in the ashes of
+his firegrate for the purpose of seeing in what direction the toes
+point, the penalty being that, if they point to the door, a death will
+occur, if to the fireplace, a birth,[216] there is no trace of the
+ancient formula. It is true we may find the missing formula in other
+lands; for instance, among some of the Indian tribes of Bombay. There
+the formula is elaborate and complete, while the purpose and the
+penalty are exactly the same as in the Isle of Man. But this hasty
+travelling to other lands is not, I contend, legitimate in the first
+place. We must begin by seeing whether there is not some other item of
+folklore, perhaps now not even connected with the house-fire group of
+customs and superstitions, whose true place is that of the lost
+formula of this interesting Manx custom. And when once we have taught
+ourselves the way to restore these lost formulæ to their rightful
+places, the explanation of the mere waifs and strays of folklore will
+be attended with some approach to scientific accuracy, and we shall
+then be in a position to get rid of that shibboleth so dear to the
+non-folklore critic, that all these things we deal with are "mere
+superstitions."
+
+Thirdly, when the formula is complete, or nearly so, and the purpose
+and penalty become generalised. At St. Edmundsbury a white bull, which
+enjoyed full ease and plenty in the fields, and was never yoked to the
+plough or employed in any service, was led in procession in the chief
+streets of the town to the principal gate of the monastery, attended
+by all the monks singing and a shouting crowd. Knowing what Grimm has
+collected concerning the worship of the white bull, knowing what is
+performed in India to this day, there is no doubt that this formula of
+the white bull at St. Edmundsbury has been preserved in very good
+condition. The purpose of it was, however, not so satisfactory. It is
+said to have taken place whenever a married woman wished to have a
+child; and the penalty is lost in the obvious generalisation that not
+to perform the ceremony is not to obtain the desired end.[217]
+
+The second process, that of classification of the various elements in
+each example, will reveal some characteristics of folklore, which, so
+far as I know, have never yet been taken count of. One very important
+characteristic is the prevalence of a particular belief attached to
+different objects in different places. Thus Sir John Rhys in his
+examination of Manx folklore stopped short in his explanation of the
+superstition of the first-foot, because he had heard that, while in
+the Isle of Man it was attached to a dark man, elsewhere it was
+attached to a fair man. Of the examples where, on New Year's morning,
+it is held to be unlucky to meet a dark person, I may mention
+Lincolnshire, Durham, Yorkshire, and Northumberland. It is, on the
+contrary, _lucky_ to meet, as first-foot, a dark-haired man in
+Lancashire, the Isle of Man, and Aberdeenshire.[218] In these cases we
+get the element of "dark" or "fair" as the varying factor of the
+superstition; but instances occur in Sutherlandshire, the West of
+Scotland, and in Durham, where the varying factor rests upon sex--a
+man being lucky and a woman being unlucky.
+
+Similarly of the well-known superstition about telling the bees of the
+death of their owner, in Berkshire, Bucks, Cheshire, Cornwall,
+Cumberland, Lincolnshire, Lancashire, Monmouthshire, Notts,
+Northumberland, Shropshire, Somersetshire, Suffolk, Surrey, Sussex,
+Wilts, Worcestershire, it appears that a relative may perform the
+ceremony, or sometimes a servant merely, while in Derbyshire, Hants,
+Northants, Rutland, and Yorkshire it must be the heir or successor of
+the deceased owner. Again, while in the above places the death of the
+owner is told to the bees, in other places it is told to the cattle,
+and in Cornwall to the trees;[219] and, in other places, marriages as
+well as death are told to the bees.[220]
+
+In some cases the transfer from one object to another of a particular
+superstition is a matter of absolute observation. Thus, the labourers
+in Norfolk considered it a presage of death to miss a "bout" in corn
+or seed sowing. The superstition is now transferred to the drill,
+which has only been invented for a century. Again, in Ireland, it is
+now considered unlucky to give any one a light for his pipe on
+May-day--a very modern superstition, apparently. But the pipe in this
+case has been the means of preserving the old superstition found in
+many places of not giving a light from the homestead fire.
+
+I will just refer to one other example, the well-known custom of
+offering rags at sacred wells. Sir John Rhys thought that the object
+of these scraps of clothing being placed at the well was for
+transferring the disease from the sick person to some one else. But I
+ventured to oppose this idea, and considered that they were offerings,
+pure and simple, to the spirit of the well, and referred to examples
+in confirmation. Among other items, I have come across an account of
+an Irish "station," as it is called, at a sacred well, the details of
+which fully bear out my view as to the nature of the rags deposited at
+the shrine being offerings to the local deity. One of the devotees, in
+true Irish fashion, made his offering accompanied by the following
+words: "To St. Columbkill--I offer up this button, a bit o' the
+waistband o' my own breeches, an' a taste o' my wife's petticoat, in
+remimbrance of us havin' made this holy station; an' may they rise up
+in glory to prove it for us in the last day."[221] I shall not attempt
+to account for the presence of the usual Irish humour in this, to the
+devotee, most solemn offering; but I point out the undoubted nature of
+the offerings and their service in the identification of their
+owners--a service which implies their power to bear witness in
+spirit-land to the pilgrimage of those who deposited them during
+lifetime at the sacred well.[222]
+
+Now, in all these cases there is an original and a secondary, or
+derivative, form of the superstition, and it is our object to trace
+out which is which. Do the rags deposited at wells symbolise offerings
+to the local deity? If so, they bring us within measurable distance of
+a cult which rests upon faith in the power of natural objects to harm
+or render aid to human beings. Does the question of first-foot rest
+upon the colour of the hair or upon the sex of the person? I think,
+looking at all the examples I have been able to examine, that colour
+is really the older basis of the superstition, and, if so,
+ethnological considerations are doubtless the root of it. Again, if
+the eldest son of the deceased owner of bees appears in the earliest
+form of the death-telling ceremony, we have an interesting fragment of
+the primitive house-ritual of our ancestors.
+
+When, however, we come upon the worship of local deities, when we can
+suggest ethnological elements in folklore, and when we can speak of
+the house-father, and can see that duties are imposed upon him by
+traditional custom, unknown to any rules of civilised society, we are
+in the presence of facts older than those of historic times. It is
+thus that folklore so frequently points back to the past before the
+age of history. Over and over again we pause before the facts of
+folklore, which, however explained, always lead us back to some
+unexplored epoch of history, some undated period, which has not
+revealed its heroes, but which has left us a heritage of its mental
+strivings.
+
+The method of using these notes of custom, rite, and belief for
+scientific purposes is therefore a very important matter. It is
+essential that each single item should be treated definitely and
+separately from all other items, and, further, that the exact wording
+of the original note upon each separate item should be kept intact.
+There must be no juggling with the record, no emendations such as
+students of early literary work are so fond of attempting. Whatever
+the record, it must be accepted. The original account of every custom
+and belief is a corpus, not to be tampered with except for the purpose
+of scientific analysis, and then after that purpose has been effected
+all the parts must be put together again, and the original restored to
+its form.
+
+The handling of each custom or belief and of its separate parts in
+this way enables us, in the first place, to disentangle it from the
+particular personal or social stratum in which it happens to have been
+preserved. It may have become attached to a place, an object, a
+season, a class of persons, a rule of life, and may have been
+preserved by means of this attachment. But because every item of
+folklore of the same nature is not attached to the same agent
+wherever that particular item has been preserved, it is important not
+to stereotype an accidental association as a permanent one. Moreover,
+the modern association is not necessarily the ancient association, and
+there is the further difficulty created by writers on folklore
+classifying into chapters of their own creation the items they collect
+or discuss.[223] In the second place, we are enabled to prepare each
+item of folklore for the place to which it may ultimately be found to
+belong. The first step in this preparation is to get together all the
+examples of any one custom, rite, or belief which have been preserved,
+and to compare these examples with each other, first as to common
+features of likeness, secondly as to features of unlikeness. By this
+process we are able to restore what may be deficient from the
+insufficiency of any particular record--and such a restoration is
+above all things essential--and to present for examination not an
+isolated specimen but a series of specimens, each of which helps to
+bring back to observation some portion of the original. The
+reconstruction of the original is thus brought within sight.
+
+Generally, it may be stated that the points of likeness determine and
+classify all the examples of one custom or belief; the points of
+unlikeness indicate the line of decay inherent in survivals.
+
+This partial equation and partial divergence between different
+examples of the same custom or belief allows a very important point to
+be made in the study of survivals. We can estimate the value of the
+elements which equate in any number of examples, and the value of the
+elements which diverge; and by noting how these values differ in the
+various examples we shall discover the extent of the overlapping of
+example with example, which is of the utmost importance. A given
+custom consists, say, of six elements, which by their constancy among
+all the examples and by their special characteristics may be
+considered as primary elements, in the form in which the custom has
+survived. Let us call these primary elements by algebraical signs,
+a, b, c, d, e, f. A second example of the same custom has
+four of these elements, a, b, c, d, and two divergences, which
+may be considered as secondary elements, and which we will call by the
+signs g, h. A third example has elements a, b, and divergences
+g, h, i, k. A further example has none of the primary elements,
+but only divergences g, h, i, l, m. Then the statement of the case
+is reduced to the following:--
+
+      1 = a, b, c, d, e, f.
+      2 =       a, b, c, d + g, h.
+      3 =             a, b + g, h, i, k.
+      4 =                  + g, h, i, l, m.
+
+The first conclusion to be drawn from this is that the overlapping of
+the several examples (No. 1 overlapping No. 2 at a, b, c, d,
+No. 2 overlapping No. 3 at a, b + g, h, No. 3 overlapping No.
+4 at + g, h, i) shows all these several examples to be but
+variations of one original custom, example No. 4, though possessing
+none of the elements of example No. 1, being the same custom as
+example No. 1. Secondly, the divergences g to m mark the line of
+decay which this particular custom has undergone since it ceased to
+belong to the dominant culture of the people, and dropped back into
+the position of a survival from a former culture preserved only by a
+fragment of the people.[224]
+
+The first of these conclusions is not affected by the order in which
+the examples are arranged; whether we begin with No. 4 or with No. 1,
+the relationship of each example to the others, thus proved to be in
+intimate association, is the same. The second conclusion is
+necessarily dependent upon what we take to be "primary elements" and
+"secondary elements;" and the question is how can these be determined?
+As a rule it will be found that the primary elements are the most
+constant parts of the whole group of examples, appearing more
+frequently, possessing greater adherence to a common form, changing
+(when they do change) with slighter variations; while the secondary
+elements, on the other hand, assume many different varieties of form,
+are by no means of constant occurrence, and do not even amongst
+themselves tend to a common form. The primary elements, therefore,
+constitute the form of the custom which represents the oldest part of
+the survival. They alone will help us to determine the origin of the
+custom, whether by features represented in the elements thus brought
+together or by comparison with ancient custom elsewhere or with
+survivals elsewhere similarly reconstituted. Altogether these
+elements, thus linked together by the tie of common attributes, are
+parts of one organic whole, and it is on this reconstructed organism
+we have to rely for the evidence from tradition.
+
+When any given custom or belief has undergone this double process of
+analysis of its component parts and classification of its several
+elements, another process has to be undertaken, namely, to ascertain
+its association with other customs or beliefs, in the same country or
+among the same people, each of which customs or beliefs, being treated
+in exactly the same manner, is found to exhibit some degree of
+relationship in origin, condition, or purpose to the whole group under
+examination. In this way classification, analysis, and association go
+hand in hand as the necessary methods of studying survivals. Without
+analysis we cannot properly arrive at a classification; without
+classification we cannot work out the association of survivals.
+
+The process is perhaps highly technical and complicated. It may not be
+of interest to all to discuss the process by which results are
+attained when what is most desired are the results themselves. But in
+truth the two parts of this study cannot well be separated. To judge
+of the validity of the results one must know what the process has
+been, and too often results are jumped at without warrant; items of
+custom and usage or of belief and myth are docketed as belonging to a
+given phase of culture, a given group of people, when they have no
+right to such a place in the history of man. It is not only
+distasteful to the inquirer, but almost impossible to dislodge any
+item of folklore once so placed, and thus much of the value of the
+material supplied by folklore is lost or discounted.
+
+Custom, rite, and belief treated in this fashion become veritable
+monuments of history--a history too ancient to have been recorded in
+script, too much an essential part of the folk-life to have been lost
+to tradition. We may hope to restore therefrom the surviving mosaic of
+ancient institutions, ancient law, and ancient religion, and we may
+further hope, with this mosaic to work upon, to restore much of the
+entire fabric which has been lying so many centuries beneath the
+accumulated and accumulating mass of new developments representing the
+civilisation of the Western world.
+
+
+III
+
+It is only here that we can discover the point where we may properly
+commence the work of comparative folklore. An item of folklore which
+stands isolated is practically of no use for scientific investigation.
+It may be, as we have seen, that the myth is in its primary stage as a
+sacred belief among primitive people, in its secondary or folk-tale
+stage as a sacred memory of what was once believed, in its final or
+legendary stage when it does duty in preserving the memory of a hero
+or a place of abiding interest. It may be, as we have seen, that the
+custom, rite, or belief is a mere formula without purpose or result, a
+mere traditional expression of a purpose without formula or result, a
+mere statement of result without formula or purpose. We must know the
+exact position of each item before we begin to compare, or we may be
+comparing absolutely unlike things. The exact position of each item of
+folklore is not to be found from one isolated example. It has first to
+be restored to its association with all the known examples of its
+kind, so that the earliest and most complete form may be recorded.
+That is the true position to which it has been reduced as a survival.
+This restored and complete example is then in a position to be
+compared either with similar survivals in other countries on the same
+level of culture, or within the same ethnological or political sphere
+of influence, or with living customs, rites, or beliefs of peoples of
+a more backward state of culture or in a savage state of culture.
+Comparison of this kind is of value. Comparison of a less technical or
+comprehensive kind may be of value in the hands of a great master; but
+it is often not only valueless but mischievous in the hands of less
+experienced writers, who think that comparison is justified wherever
+similarity is discovered.
+
+Similarity in form, however, does not necessarily mean similarity in
+origin. It does not mean similarity in motive. Customs and rites which
+are alike in practice can be shown to have originated from quite
+different causes, to express quite different motifs, and cannot
+therefore be held to belong to a common class, the elements of which
+are comparable. Thus to take a very considerable custom, to be found
+both in folk-tales and in usage, the succession of the youngest son,
+it is pretty clear that among European peoples it originated in the
+tribal practice of the elder sons going out of the tribal household to
+found tribal households of their own, thus leaving the youngest to
+inherit the original homestead. But among savage peoples where the
+youngest son inherits the homestead, he does not do so because of a
+tribal custom such as that to be found in the European evidence. It is
+because of the conditions of the marriage rites. Thus among the Kafir
+peoples of South Africa
+
+      "the young man of the commonality, who being a young
+      man has had but little or no means of displaying his
+      sagacity--a quality with them most frequently
+      synonymous with cunning--commences for himself in a
+      small way. Hence, too, being polygamous, and his wives
+      being bought with cattle, his first wife is taken from
+      a position accordant with that of a young, untried,
+      and poor or comparatively poor man. Hence also it
+      happens that his wives increase in number, and in--so
+      to speak--position, in accordance with his wealth, and
+      with his reputation for wisdom and sagacity, which may
+      have raised him to the rank of headman of a district,
+      and one of the Chief's counsellors. It is, therefore,
+      only when old in years that he takes to himself his
+      'great wife,' one of greater social and racial
+      position than were his previous wives, and her son,
+      that is, her eldest son, who is consequently the
+      father's youngest or nearly his youngest, becomes his
+      'great son,' and par excellence the heir. If the
+      father be a Chief, this son becomes the Chief at his
+      father's death.
+
+      "As, however, subordinate heirs, the father after some
+      consultation and ceremony chooses out of his other
+      sons, secondly 'the son of his right hand,' and
+      thirdly, 'the son of his grandfather.' If the father
+      be a Chief, these two are after his death accounted as
+      Chiefs in the tribe, subordinate to the 'great son,'
+      and even if through their superior energy, the size of
+      the tribe requiring emigration to pastures new, or
+      other causes, one or both of them break off, and with
+      their respective inheritance or following form a
+      separate tribe or tribes, yet they are federally bound
+      to their great brother, and their successors to his
+      successors, and recognise him as their supreme or
+      national Chief. Thus Krili, the Chief of the
+      Amagcaleka tribe across the Kei, was also paramount
+      Chief of all the Amaxosas, including his own tribe,
+      and those this side the Kei, who are divided into the
+      two great divisions--each of which includes several
+      tribes--of the Amangquika and Amandhlambi, which
+      latter has among it the Amagqunukwebi, a tribe of
+      Caffre intermingled with Hottentot blood, and
+      therefore rather looked down upon."[225]
+
+Dr. Nicholson, from whom I quote this evidence, goes on to say that
+the
+
+      "custom then of the heirship of the youngest, appears
+      to me to have not unlikely grown up among a polygamous
+      race, and to have arisen both from considerations of
+      self security and from those of race and rank."
+
+Quite independently of Dr. Nicholson I had come to the same
+conclusion;[226] and Dr. Nicholson, after handsomely acknowledging my
+priority in the "discovery," very properly alludes to the not
+unimportant fact of two workers in the same field coming to like
+conclusions. It is remarkable that the same distinction between the
+succession of the youngest son and of the son of the youngest wife
+appears in folk-tales.[227] Now clearly it would be quite wrong to
+suggest a parallel between the heirship of the youngest among the
+Kafir peoples of Africa and heirship of the youngest among the tribal
+people of early Europe. They are not comparable at all points, and it
+is just where the point of comparison fails that it becomes so
+important to science.[228]
+
+I will take one other example, and this is the important practice of
+human sacrifice which looms so largely in anthropological research,
+and which is considered by so good an authority as Schrader to have
+taken a prominent place among the Aryans,[229] though he takes his
+examples, not from language, but from the unexamined customs of the
+Greeks, Romans, northerns, Indians, and Persians. We know more about
+the development of sacrifice now that Professor Robertson Smith has
+dealt with the Semitic part of the evidence. Without resting on the
+fact that the occurrence of human sacrifice in a country occupied by
+Aryan-speaking people does not, of itself alone, imply that the rite
+was Aryan, it is far more important to point out that among the higher
+races "the feeling that the slaying involves a grave responsibility
+and must be justified by divine permission" appears, and "care was
+taken to slay the victim without bloodshed, or to make believe that it
+had killed itself."[230] This feeling marks distinctly the Greek
+sacrifice as at Thargelia and in the Leukadian ceremony, the Roman
+sacrifice at the Tarpeian Rock, the sacrifice at the Valhalla rock of
+the northerns, while among the Hindus there is much to show that the
+idea of human sacrifice in some of the early writings is a literary
+borrowing from the Hebrews; and that if it ever prevailed among the
+Aryas of India it was very early superseded by the sacrifice of
+animals.[231] Colonel Dalton has given good reasons for his views
+"that the Hindus derived from the aboriginal races the practice of
+human sacrifices."[232] Although, then, Greek ritual and Greek myth
+are full of legends which tell of sacrifices once human, but
+afterwards commuted into sacrifices where some other victim is slain
+or the dummy of a man is destroyed;[233] although the significant
+Hindu ceremonial of so throwing the limbs of an animal slaughtered to
+be burnt with the dead that every limb lies upon a corresponding part
+of the corpse;[234] although Teuton, Celt, and Norse[235] are credited
+with the practice by authorities not to be questioned, it appears by
+the evidence that the European form of human sacrifice has little in
+common with the savage form except in the nature of the victim. It
+occurred, as Grimm states, when some great disaster, some heinous
+crime, had to be retrieved or purged, a kind of sacrifice, says Mr.
+Lang, not necessarily savage except in its cruelty; and the victims
+were not tribesmen, but captive enemies, purchased slaves, or great
+criminals.
+
+These two examples will serve as warning against the too general
+acceptance of the custom and belief of savage and barbaric races, as
+identical with the custom and belief of early or primitive man. Such
+identification is in the main correct; but it is correct not because
+it has been proved by the best methods to be so, but because, of all
+possible explanations, this is the only one that meets the general
+position in a satisfactory manner. In many cases, however, it is
+monstrously incorrect, and it is the incorrect conclusion which weighs
+far more against the acceptance of the results of folklore than do the
+correct conclusions in its favour.
+
+The work which has to be accomplished by the comparative method of
+research is of such magnitude that it needs to be considered. The
+labour and research might in point of volume be out of proportion to
+the results, and it may be questioned, as it has already been
+questioned by inference, whether it is worth the while. The first
+answer to this objection is that all historical investigation is
+justified, however much the labour, however extensive the research.
+Secondly, considering the very few results which the study of folklore
+has hitherto produced upon the investigations into prehistoric Europe,
+it must be worth while for the student of custom and belief to conduct
+his experiments upon a recognised plan in order to get at the secret
+of man's place in the struggle for existence, which is determined more
+by psychological than by physical phenomena. Thirdly, if the psychical
+anthropology of prehistoric times is to be sought for in the customs
+and beliefs of modern savages, it is of vital importance to
+anthropological science that this should be established by methods
+exactly defined. Whatever of traditional custom and belief is capable
+of bearing the test and of being definitely labelled as belonging to
+prehistoric man, becomes thereafter the data for the psychical
+anthropology of civilised man. Edmund Spenser understood this when his
+official duties took him among the "wild" Irish. "All the customs of
+the Irish," he says, "which I have often noted and compared with that
+I have read, would minister occasion of a most ample discourse of the
+original of them, and the antiquity of that people, which in truth I
+think to be more ancient than most that I know in this end of the
+world; so as if it were in the handling of some man of sound judgment
+and plentiful reading, it would be most pleasant and profitable."[236]
+
+Comparative folklore, then, to be of value must be based upon
+scientific principles. The unmeaning custom or belief of the peasantry
+of the Western world of civilisation must not be taken into the
+domains of savagery or barbarism for an explanation without any
+thought as to what this action really signifies to the history of the
+custom or belief in question. No doubt the explanation thus afforded
+is correct in most cases, and perhaps it was necessary to begin with
+the comparative method in order to understand the importance and scope
+of the study of apparently worthless material. A new stage in
+comparative folklore must now be entered upon. It must be understood
+what the effective comparison of a traditional peasant custom or
+belief with a savage custom or belief really amounts to. The process
+includes the comparison of an isolated custom or belief belonging,
+perhaps secretly, to a particular place, a particular class of
+persons, or perhaps a particular family or person, with a custom or
+belief which is part of a whole system belonging to a savage race or
+tribe; of a custom or belief whose only sanction is tradition, the
+conservative instinct to do what has been done by one's ancestors,
+with a custom or belief whose sanction is the professed and
+established polity or religion of a people; of a custom or belief
+which is embedded in a civilisation, of which it is not a part and to
+which it is antagonistic, with a custom or belief which helps to make
+up the civilisation of which it is part. In carrying out such a
+comparison, therefore, a very long journey back into the past of the
+civilised race has been performed. For unless it be admitted that
+civilised people consciously borrow from savages and barbaric peoples
+or constantly revert to a savage original type of mental and social
+condition, the effect of such a comparison is to take back the custom
+or belief of the modern peasant to a date when a people of savage or
+barbaric culture occupied the country now occupied by their
+descendants, the peasants in question, and to equate the custom or
+belief of this ancient savage or barbaric culture with the custom or
+belief of modern savage or barbaric culture. The line of comparison is
+not therefore simply drawn level from civilisation to savagery; but it
+consists, first, of two vertical lines from civilisation and savagery
+respectively, drawn to a height scaled to represent the antiquity of
+savage culture in modern Europe, and then the level horizontal line
+drawn to join the two vertical lines. Thus the line of comparison is
+
+      Ancient savagery                Ancient savagery
+             +-------------------------------+
+             |                               |
+             |                               |
+             |                               |
+             |                               |
+          Savagery                     Civilisation
+
+We thus arrive at some conception of the work to be accomplished by
+and involved in comparative folklore. The results are worth the work.
+They relate to stages of culture in the countries of civilisation
+which are recoverable by no other means. The stages of culture are
+practically lost to history. In ancient Greek and Roman history, and
+in ancient Scandinavian history, there are priceless fragments of
+information which tell us much. But these fragments are not the
+complete story, and they belong to relatively small areas of European
+history. Every nation has the right to go back as far in its history
+as it is possible to reach. It can only do this by the help of
+comparative folklore. In our own country we have seen how history
+breaks down, and yet historical records in Britain are perhaps the
+richest in Europe. The traditional materials known to us as folklore
+are the only means left to us, and we can only properly avail
+ourselves of these when we have mastered the methods of science which
+it is necessary to use in their investigation.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[182] Mr. MacCulloch, in the title of his interesting book, the
+_Childhood of Fiction_, has emphasised this mischievous idea. I am not
+convinced to the contrary by the evidence he gives as to the popularity
+of the folk-tale among all peoples (p. 2). Indeed, the book itself is
+an emphatic testimony against its title. Mr. MacCulloch evidently began
+with the idea that the folk-tale belonged to the domain of fiction.
+Thus the opening words of his book are: "Folk-tales are the earliest
+form of romantic and imaginative literature--the unwritten fiction of
+early man and of primitive people in all parts of the world;" whereas
+as he nears the end of his study he observes: "Thus, in their origin,
+folk-tales may have had some other purpose than mere amusement; they
+may have embodied the traditions, histories, beliefs, ideas, and
+customs of men at an early stage of civilisation" (p. 451). Mr.
+MacCulloch himself proves this to be the case, and it is therefore all
+the more unfortunate that he should have stamped his very important
+study with the word "fiction."
+
+[183] A folk-tale of the Veys, a North African people, explains this
+view most graphically in its opening sentences. The narrator begins his
+tale by saying: "I speak of the long time past; hear! It is written in
+our old-time-palaver-books--I do not say _then_; in old time the Vey
+people had no books, but the old men told it to their children and they
+kept it; afterwards it was written" (_Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, N.S., vi.
+354). A parallel to this comes from Ireland: "What I have told your
+honour is true; and if it stands otherwise in books, it's the books
+which are wrong. Sure we've better authority than books, for we have it
+all handed down from generation to generation" (Kohl's _Travels in
+Ireland_, 140).
+
+[184] I am the more willing to take this as my illustration of myth
+because, strangely enough, Mr. MacCulloch has omitted it from the
+examples he uses in his _Childhood of Fiction_.
+
+[185] _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, i. 166.
+
+[186] Mr. Jeremiah Curtin has collected and published the _Creation
+Myths of Primitive America_ (London, 1899), and his introduction is a
+specially valuable study of the subject. I printed the Fijian myth from
+Williams' _Fiji and Fijians_, i. 204, and the Kumis myth from Lewin's
+_Wild Races of South-east India_, 225-6, in my _Handbook of Folklore_,
+137-139, and Mr. Lang, in cap. vi. of his _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_
+deals with a sufficient number of examples. _Cf._ also Tylor,
+_Primitive Culture_, cap. ix.
+
+[187] Grey, _Polynesian Mythology_, 1-15. I have only summarised the
+full legend on the lines adopted by Dr. Tylor.
+
+[188] On the Kronos myth consult Farnell, _Cults of the Greek States_,
+i. 23-31, who gives an admirable summary of the evidence as it at
+present stands; Harrison and Verrall, _Mythology and Monuments of Anc.
+Athens_, 192; Lang, _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, i. 295-323.
+
+[189] Mr. Crawley discovered this story in Mr. Bain's _A Digit of the
+Moon_, 13-15, and printed it in his _Mystic Rose_, 33-34.
+
+[190] "The Interpreters of Genesis and the Interpreters of Nature," and
+"Mr. Gladstone and Genesis," in _Science and Hebrew Tradition_, cap.
+iv. and v.
+
+[191] _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, 4, 25. Mr. Jevons, too, lays stress
+upon "the source of errors in religion" as human reason gone astray,
+_Introd. to Hist. of Religion_, 463.
+
+[192] Mr. Jevons practically arrives at this conclusion from a
+different standpoint. "Beliefs," he says, "are about facts, are
+statements about facts, statements that certain facts will be found to
+occur in a certain way or be of a certain kind" (_Introd. to Hist. of
+Religion_, 402). Mr. Curtin, _Creation Myths of Primitive America_ (p.
+xx), confirms the view I take.
+
+[193] Orpen, _Cape Monthly Magazine_. Quoted in Lang's _Myth, Ritual,
+and Religion_, i. 71.
+
+[194] This myth is, I think, worth giving, because of its obvious
+object to account for the difference between white and black races. It
+is as follows: "In the beginning of the world God created three white
+men and three white women, and three black men and three black women.
+In order that these twelve human souls might not thenceforth complain
+of Divine partiality and of their separate conditions, God elected that
+they should determine their own fates by their own choice of good and
+evil. A large calabash or gourd was placed by God upon the ground, and
+close to the side of the calabash was also placed a small folded piece
+of paper. God ruled that the black man should have the first choice. He
+chose the calabash, because he expected that the calabash, being so
+large, could not but contain everything needful for himself. He opened
+the calabash, and found a scrap of gold, a scrap of iron, and several
+other metals of which he did not understand the use. The white man had
+no option. He took, of course, the small folded piece of paper, and
+discovered that, on being unfolded, it revealed a boundless stock of
+knowledge. God then left the black men and women in the bush, and led
+the white men and women to the seashore. He did not forsake the white
+men and women, but communicated with them every night, and taught them
+how to construct a ship, and how to sail from Africa to another
+country. After a while they returned to Africa with various kinds of
+merchandise, which they bartered to the black men and women, who had
+the opportunity of being greater and wiser than the white men and
+women, but who, out of sheer avidity, had thrown away their chance."
+
+[195] _Native Tribes of South-east Australia_, cap. viii.
+
+[196] _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, cap. xxii.; _Native
+Tribes of Central Australia_, cap. xviii.
+
+[197] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, 624; _cf. Native Tribes of
+Central Australia_, 564.
+
+[198] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, 229.
+
+[199] Grey, _Polynesian Mythology_, p. xi. _Cf._ Taylor, _Te Ika a
+Maui_, where myths told by the priests are given in cap. vi. and vii.,
+and _Trans. Ethnological Soc._, new series, i. 45.
+
+[200] White's _Anc. Hist. of the Maori_, i. 8-13.
+
+[201] Curtin, _Creation Myths of Primitive America_, p. xxi.
+
+[202] Im Thurn, _Indians of Guiana_, 335; Landtman, _Origin of
+Priesthood_, 117.
+
+[203] _Primitive Manners and Customs_, cap. i. "Some Savage Myths and
+Beliefs," and cap. viii., "Fairy Lore of Savages."
+
+[204] _Introd. to Hist. of Religion_, 263. Of course I do not accept
+Mr. J. A. Stewart's "general remarks on the [Greek: mythologia] or
+story-telling myth" in his _Myths of Plato_, 4-17. All Mr. Stewart's
+research is literary in object and result, though he uses the materials
+of anthropology.
+
+[205] H. H. Wilson, _Rig Veda Sanhita_, i. p. xvii.
+
+[206] H. H. Wilson, _Vishnu Purana_, i. p. iv; _Rig Veda Sanhita_, i.
+p. xlv.
+
+[207] _Religion of the Semites_, 19.
+
+[208] Mr. Hartland passes rapidly in his opening chapter from the myth
+as primitive science to the myth as fairy tale, from the savage to the
+Celt (_Science of Fairy Tales_, pp. 1-5), and I do not think it is
+possible to make this leap without using the bridge which is to be
+constructed out of the differing positions occupied by the myth and the
+fairy tale.
+
+[209] It will be interesting, I think, to preserve here one or two
+instances of the actual practice of telling traditional tales in our
+own country. Mr. Hartland has referred to the subject in his _Science
+of Fairy Tales_, but the following instances are additional to those he
+has noted, and they refer directly back to the living custom. They are
+all from Scotland, and refer to the early part of last century. "In
+former times, when families, owing to distance and other circumstances,
+held little intercourse with each other through the day, numbers were
+in the habit of assembling together in the evening in one house, and
+spending the time in relating the tales of wonder which had been handed
+down to them by tradition" (Kiltearn in Ross and Cromarty; Sinclair,
+_Statistical Account of Scotland_, xiv. 323). "In the last generation
+every farm and hamlet possessed its oral recorder of tale and song. The
+pastoral habits of the people led them to seek recreation in listening
+to, and in rehearsing the tales of other times; and the senachie and
+the bard were held in high esteem" (Inverness-shire, _ibid._, xiv.
+168). "In the winter months, many of them are in the habit of visiting
+and spending the evenings in each other's houses in the different
+hamlets, repeating the songs of their native bard or listening to the
+legendary tales of some venerable senachie" (Durness in
+Sutherlandshire, _ibid._, xv. 95).
+
+[210] W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_, 3-4.
+
+[211] Pausanias, viii. cap. xv. § 1.
+
+[212] _Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc._, ii. p. 218.
+
+[213] _Hist. of Rome_, i. pp. 177-179. _Cf._ Gunnar Landtman, _Origin
+of Priesthood_, p. 77.
+
+[214] Perhaps Mr. Lang's study of "Cinderella and the Diffusion of
+Tales" in _Folklore_, iv. 413 _et seq._, contains the best summary of
+the position.
+
+[215] Crawley, _Tree of Life_, 5, 144.
+
+[216] Train, _Hist. of Isle of Man_, ii. 115.
+
+[217] The ceremony is fully described in _Relics for the Curious_, i.
+31; _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1784 (see _Gent. Mag. Library_, xxiii.
+209), quoting from a tract first published in 1634; and see _Proc. Soc.
+Antiq. Scot._, x. 669.
+
+[218] See _Folklore_, iii. 253-264; Rhys, _Celtic Folklore_, i.
+337-341.
+
+[219] Couch, _Hist. of Polperro_, 168.
+
+[220] I have investigated the bee cult at some length, and it will form
+part of my study on _Tribal Custom_ which I am now preparing for
+publication.
+
+[221] Carleton, _Traits and Stories of the Irish Peasantry_.
+
+[222] Mr. Eden Phillpotts mentions in one of his Cornish stories
+exactly this conception. Rags were offered. "Just a rag tored off a
+petticoat or some such thing. They hanged 'em up around about on the
+thorn bushes, to shaw as they'd 'a' done more for the good saint if
+they'd had the power."--_Lying Prophets_, 60.
+
+[223] I gave an example of this false classification of folklore in
+accord with its apparent modern association in my preface to _Denham
+Tracts_, ii. p. ix. The left-leg stocking divination is not associated
+with dress, but with the left-hand as opposed to the right-hand augury,
+and I pointed out that the district of the Roman wall, the _locus_ of
+the Denham tracts, thus preserves the luck of the left, believed in by
+the Romans, in opposition to the luck of the right believed in by the
+Teutons. See Schrader, _Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_,
+253-7.
+
+[224] I elaborated this plan of comparative analysis in a report to the
+British Association at Liverpool, in 1896 (see pp. 626-656),
+illustrating it from the fire customs of Britain.
+
+[225] _Archæological Review_, ii. 163-166; _cf._ the Rev. J. Macdonald
+in _Folklore_, iii. 338.
+
+[226] _Athenæum_, 29th December, 1883; _Archæologia_, vol. l. p. 213.
+
+[227] See MacCulloch's _Childhood of Fiction_, chap. xiii., where this
+distinction is noted, though its significance is not pointed out.
+
+[228] Dr. Rivers has dealt with a very similar case of dual origin in
+connection with bride capture, see _Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc._, 1907, p.
+624.
+
+[229] Schrader's _Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_, 422.
+
+[230] Robertson Smith's _Religion of the Semites_, 397.
+
+[231] Monier Williams, _Indian Wisdom_, pp. 29-31. The word-equations
+for sacrifice are given by Schrader, _op. cit._, 130, 415.
+
+[232] _Journ. Asiatic Soc. Bengal_, xxxiv. p. 7. On the influence of
+the aboriginal races _cf._ Monier Williams, _Indian Wisdom_, 312-313;
+Steel and Temple's _Wide Awake Stories_, 395; Campbell, _Tales of West
+Highlands_, l. p. xcviii.
+
+[233] Lang, _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, i. p. 271.
+
+[234] H. H. Wilson, _Religion of the Hindus_, ii. 289. I compare this
+with the custom of the cow following the coffin mentioned by Mannhardt,
+_Die Gotterwelt_, 320, and the soul shot or gift of a cow at death
+recorded by Brand, ii. 248.
+
+[235] _Cf._ Olaus Magnus, pp. 168, 169, for the significant Norse
+ceremony.
+
+[236] Spenser, _View of the State of Ireland_, 1595 (Morley reprint),
+73.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+PSYCHOLOGICAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+Although the great mass of folklore rests upon tradition and tradition
+alone, an important aid to tradition comes from certain psychological
+conditions which we must now consider. At an early stage all students
+of folklore will have discovered that it is not entirely to tradition
+that folklore is indebted for its material. There are still people
+capable of thinking, capable of believing, in the primitive way and in
+the primitive degree. Such people are of course the descendants of
+long ancestors of such people--people whose minds are not attuned to
+the civilisation around them; people, perhaps, whose minds have been
+to an extent stunted and kept back by the civilisation around them.
+There can be no doubt that civilisation and all it demands of mankind
+acts as a deterrent upon the minds of some living within the
+civilisation zone, and belonging apparently to the civilised society.
+This is the root cause of some of the lunacy and much of the crime
+which apparently exists as a necessary adjunct of civilisation, and it
+leads to various forms of thought inconsistent with the knowledge and
+ideas of the age. When these forms of thought are not concentrated
+into a new religious sect by the operation of social laws, they
+become what is sometimes called mere superstition, that kind of
+superstition which consists of using the same power of logic to a
+narrow set of facts which primitive man was in the habit of using, and
+thus repeating in this age the methods of primitive science. We cannot
+quite understand this in the age of railways and schools and
+inventions, but it will be understood better if we go back for only a
+generation or two to those parts of our country which are most remote
+from civilising influences, and obtain some information as to their
+condition.
+
+This cannot be better accomplished than by referring to a Scottish
+author writing, in 1835, of the superstitions then prevailing in
+Scotland. "Our whole genuine records," says Dalyell,
+
+      "teem with the most repulsive pictures of the
+      weakness, bigotry, turbulence, and fierce and
+      treacherous cruelty of the populace. False and corrupt
+      innovations of literature, a compound of facts and
+      fiction, intermingling the old and the new in
+      heterogeneous assemblage, would persuade us to think
+      much more of our forefathers than they thought of
+      themselves. Scotland, until the most modern date, was
+      an utter stranger to civilisation, presenting a
+      sterile country with a famished people, wasted by
+      hordes of mendicants readier to seize than to
+      solicit--void of ingenious arts and useful
+      manufactures, possessed of little skill and learning,
+      plunged in constant war and rapine, full of
+      insubordination, disturbing public rule and private
+      peace. For waving pendants, flowing draperies,
+      brilliant colours, eagles' feathers, herons' plumes,
+      feasts or festivals so splendid in imagination, let
+      naked limbs, scanty, sombre garments to elude
+      discovery by the foe, bits of heath stuck in bonnets
+      if they had them, precarious sustenance, abject
+      humility and all those hardships inseparable from
+      uncultivated tribes and countries be instituted as a
+      juster portrait of earlier generations."[237]
+
+This statement as to Scotland is correctly drawn from social
+conditions which have now passed away, but which, down to the
+beginning of last century, belonged to the ordinary life of the
+people. Thus it is recorded that
+
+      "over all the highlands of Scotland, and in this
+      county in common with others, the practice of building
+      what are called head-dykes was of very remote
+      antiquity. The head-dyke was drawn across the head of
+      a farm, when nature had marked the boundary betwixt
+      the green pastures and that portion of hill which was
+      covered totally or partially with heath. Above this
+      fence the young cattle, the horses, the sheep and
+      goats were kept in the summer months. The milch cows
+      were fed below, except during the time the farmer's
+      family removed to the distant grazings called
+      sheilings. Beyond the head-dyke little attention was
+      paid to boundaries. These enclosures exhibit the most
+      evident traces of extreme old age."[238]
+
+[Illustration: REPRESENTATION OF AN IRISH CHIEFTAIN SEATED AT DINNER, 1581
+FROM DERRICKE'S "IMAGE OF IRELAND"]
+
+In Ireland the same conditions obtained so late as the sixteenth
+century; the native Irish retained their wandering habits, tilling a
+piece of fertile land in the spring, then retiring with their herds to
+the booleys or dairy habitations, generally in the mountain districts
+in the summer, and moving about where the herbage afforded sustenance
+to their cattle.[239] An eighteenth-century traveller in Ireland
+was assured that the quarter called Connaught was "inhabited by a kind
+of savages," and there is record of the capture of a hairy dwarf near
+Longford, who appears hardly to belong to civilisation.[240] Similar
+conditions obtained in the northern counties of England, and in other
+parts.[241] Special circumstances kept the borderland outside the
+influences of ordinary civilised thought and control, and these
+circumstances have been recorded by an eighteenth-century observer,
+from whom I will quote one or two facts as to the mode of life of
+these people: "That they might be more invisible during their outrodes
+and consequently less liable to the effects of their enemies'
+vigilance, the colour of their cloathes resembled that of the scenes
+of their employment or of their season of action, that is, of a brown
+heath and cloudy evening. Thus examples of what might condemn their
+conduct were never offered to them, and immemorial custom seemed as it
+were to sanctify their wildness. Every border-man, almost without
+exception, was brought up in a state which we would call unhappy, and
+every circumstance of his life tended to confirm his partiality for an
+uncertain bed and unprovided diet."[242]
+
+The evidence which this acute observer collected led him to conclude
+that the "almost uniform train of circumstances which affected these
+countries from their border situation, and the little difference there
+was between one of the dark ages and another, strongly induce me to
+believe that the Northern people were little altered in manners from
+very remote times to those immediately preceding the reign of Queen
+Elizabeth," and this is confirmed by what we actually find from the
+report of the Commissioners appointed to settle the peace of the
+Marches by fixed and established ordinances, who collected "their
+ordinances from the traditional accounts of ancient usages that had
+been sanctified as laws by the length of time which they had endured.
+These laws were different from most others, nay, almost peculiar to
+the men to whom they belonged."[243]
+
+I need not continue these notes as to the backwardness of portions of
+the country compared with its general level of culture, because I have
+dealt with the evidence elsewhere.[244] What I am anxious to point out
+here is that the faculty of such people as these to think, not in
+terms of modern science but in terms of their own psychological
+conditions, must have been pronounced. If they ever put the question
+to themselves as to the origin of things, they would answer themselves
+according to the life impressions they were then receiving, and
+according to the limited range of their actual knowledge. As with the
+creators of the traditional myths, the scientific inquirers of
+primitive times, so with these non-advanced people of later times,
+they would deal with the problems they did not understand in fashions
+suitable to their own understanding. It has always appeared to me that
+the impressions of the surrounding life are not sufficiently regarded
+in their influence upon primitive thought. They press down upon the
+mind, and enclose it within barriers so that it can only act through
+these surroundings. Child-life is, in this respect, much the same as
+the life of primitive man. A child thinks and acts in terms of his
+nursery, his school, or his playground. Thus a memory of my own is to
+the point. When quite a child, probably about eight or nine years old,
+I was entrusted with the changing of a small cheque drawn by my father
+in a country town where we were staying. I had never seen a cheque
+before. I remember the ceremony of writing it and the care with which
+the necessary instructions were given to me, and I remember the
+amazement with which I received the golden sovereigns. But my mind
+dwelt upon this strange thing called a cheque, and after a time I
+deliberately came to the conclusion that my father was allowed to get
+money for these cheques on condition only that he wrote them without a
+mistake and without a blot. The conception is absurd until we come to
+analyse the cause of it. My young life at that time was receiving its
+greatest impressions, its all-absorbing impressions, from my school
+exercises in writing. It was a copybook life for the time being, and
+when I turned to ask my question as to origins, as every human being
+has asked himself in turn, I could express myself only in copybook
+terms. It is so with the primitive mind. It can only express itself in
+the terms of its greatest impressions, and it is in this way that
+primitive animism, sympathetic magic and other conceptions obtained
+from the results of anthropological research, are to be found in much
+the same degree wherever humanity is found in primitive conditions.
+As Mr. Hickson puts it so well: "Just as the little black baby of the
+negro, the brown baby of the Malay, the yellow baby of the Chinaman,
+are in face and form, in gestures and habits, as well as in the first
+articulate sound they mutter, very much alike, so the mind of man,
+whether he be Aryan or Malay, Mongolian or Negrito, has, in the course
+of its evolution, passed through stages which are practically
+identical. In the intellectual childhood of mankind natural phenomena,
+or some other causes, of which we are at present ignorant, have
+induced thoughts, stories, legends, and myths, that in their
+essentials are identical among all the races of the world with which
+we are acquainted;"[245] or to take one other example from the
+experience of travellers, Mr. Mitchell, speaking of the Australians,
+says: "I found a native still there, and on my advancing towards him
+with a twig he shook another twig at me, waving it over his head, and
+at the same time intimating with it that we must go back. He and the
+boy then threw up dust at us with their toes (_cf._ 2 Sam. xvi. 13).
+These various expressions of hostility and defiance were too
+intelligible to be mistaken. The expressive pantomime of the man
+showed the identity of the human mind, however distinct the races or
+different the language."[246]
+
+This identity is shown in many other ways to have been operating,
+perhaps to be operating still, upon minds not attuned to the
+civilisation around them. The resistance of agriculturists to change
+is well known.[247] The crooked ridges of the open-field system were
+believed to be necessary because they were supposed to deceive the
+devil,[248] while a superstitious dislike was entertained against
+winnowing machines, because they were supposed to interfere with the
+elements.[249] This is nothing but a modern example of sympathetic
+magic produced by the introduction of the new machine.
+
+I need not go through the researches of the masters of anthropology to
+explain what the psychological evidence exactly amounts to, and the
+realms of primitive thought and experience which it connotes.[250] It
+will, however, be useful for the purpose of our present study, if we
+can find among the peasantry of our country (perchance from those
+districts where we have noted conditions under which primitive thought
+might retain a continuous hold) examples of belief or superstition
+which belongs rather to psychological than to traditional influences.
+The interpretation of dreams, the belief in spirit apparitions, the
+practice of charms, all belong to this branch of our subject, though I
+shall illustrate the points I wish to bring out by reference to less
+common departments.
+
+It was only in the seventeenth century that a learned divine of the
+Church of England was shocked to hear one of his flock repeat the
+evidence of his pagan beliefs in language which is as explicit as it
+is amusing; and I shall not be accused of trifling with religious
+susceptibilities if I quote a passage from a sermon delivered and
+printed in 1659--a passage which shows not a departure from
+Christianity either through ignorance or from the result of
+philosophic study or contemplation, but a sheer non-advance to
+Christianity, a passage which shows us an English pagan of the
+seventeenth century.
+
+"Let me tell you a story," says the Reverend Mr. Pemble, "that I have
+heard from a reverend man out of the pulpit, a place where none should
+dare to tell a lye, of an old man above sixty, who lived and died in a
+parish where there had bin preaching almost all his time.... On his
+deathbed, being questioned by a minister touching his faith and hope
+in God, you would wonder to hear what answer he made: being demanded
+what he thought of God, he answers that he was a good old man; and
+what of Christ, that he was a towardly youth; and of his soule, that
+it was a great bone in his body; and what should become of his soule
+after he was dead, that if he had done well he should be put into a
+pleasant green meadow."[251]
+
+Of the four articles of this singular creed, the first two depict an
+absence of knowledge about the central features of Christian belief,
+the latter two denote the existence of knowledge about some belief not
+known to English scholars of that time. If it had so happened that
+the Reverend Mr. Pemble had thought fit to tell his audience only of
+the first two articles of this creed, it would have been difficult to
+resist the suggestion that they presented us merely with an example of
+stupid, or, perhaps, impudent, blasphemy caused by the events of the
+day. But the negative nature of the first two items of the creed is
+counterbalanced by the positive nature of the second two items; and
+thus this example shows us the importance of considering evidence as
+to all phases of non-belief in Christianity.
+
+Passing on to the two items of positive belief, it is to be noted that
+the soul resident in the body in the shape of a bone is no part of the
+early European belief, but equates rather with the savage idea which
+identifies the soul with some material part of the body, such as the
+eyes, the heart, or the liver; and it is interesting to note in this
+connection that the backbone is considered by some savage races,
+_e.g._, the New Zealanders, as especially sacred because the soul or
+spiritual essence of man resides in the spinal marrow.[252] And there
+is a well-known incident in folk-tales which seems to owe its origin
+to this group of ideas. This is where the hero having been killed, one
+of his bones tells the secret of his death, and thus acts the part of
+the soul-ghost.
+
+In the pleasant green fields we trace the old faiths of the
+agricultural peasantry which, put into the words of Hesiod, tell us
+that "for them earth yields her increase; for them the oaks hold in
+their summits acorns, and in their midmost branches bees. The flocks
+bear for them their fleecy burdens ... they live in _unchanged
+happiness_, and need not fly across the sea in impious ships"--faiths
+which are in striking contrast to the tribal warrior's conception as
+set forth by the Saxon thane of King Eadwine of Northumbria. "This
+life," said this poetical thane, "is like the passage of a bird from
+the darkness without into a lighted hall where you, O King, are seated
+at supper, while storms, and rain, and snow rage abroad. The sparrow
+flying in at our door and straightway out at another is, while within,
+safe from the storm; but soon it vanishes into the darkness whence it
+came."
+
+Such faiths as these, indeed, show us primitive ideas at their very
+roots. This seventeenth-century pagan depended upon himself for his
+faith. He worked out his own ideas as to the origin of soul and heaven
+and God and Christ. They were terms that had filtered down to him
+through the hard surroundings of his life, and he set to work to
+define them in the fashion of the primitive savage. We meet with other
+examples. Thus among the superstitions of Lancashire is one which
+tells us of the lingering belief in a long journey after death, when
+food is necessary to support the soul. A man having died of apoplexy,
+near Manchester, at a public dinner, one of the company was heard to
+remark: "Well, poor Joe, God rest his soul! He has at least gone to
+his long rest wi' a belly full o' good meat, and that's some
+consolation," and perhaps a still more remarkable instance is that of
+the woman buried in Cuxton Church, near Rochester, who directed by
+her will that the coffin was to have a lock and key, the key being
+placed in her dead hand, so that she might be able to release herself
+at pleasure.[253]
+
+These people simply did not understand civilised thought or civilised
+religion. To escape from the pressure of trying to understand they
+turned to think for themselves, and thinking for themselves merely
+brought them back to the standpoint of primitive thought. It could
+hardly be otherwise. The working of the human mind is on the same
+plane wherever and whenever it operates or has operated. The
+difference in results arises from the enlarged field of observation.
+When the Suffolk peasant set to work to account for the existence of
+stones on his field by asserting that the fields produced the stones,
+and for the origin of the so-called "pudding-stone" conglomerate, that
+it was a mother stone and the parent of the pebbles,[254] he was
+beginning a first treatise on geology; and when the Hampshire peasant
+attributes the origin of the tutsan berries to having germinated in
+the blood of slaughtered Danes,[255] other counties following the same
+thought, I am not at all sure that he is not beginning all over again
+the primitive conception of the origin of plants.
+
+[Illustration: LONG MEG AND HER DAUGHTERS]
+
+[Illustration: STONE CIRCLES ON STANTON MOOR]
+
+This beginning shows the mark of the primitive mind, and that it was
+operating in a country dominated by scientific thought is the
+phenomenon which makes it so important to consider psychological
+conditions among the problems of folklore. They account for some
+beliefs which may not contain elements of pure tradition. When the
+Mishmee Hill people of India affirm of a high white cliff at the foot
+of one of the hills that approaches the Burhampooter that it is the
+remains of the "marriage feast of Raja Sisopal with the daughter of the
+neighbouring king, named Bhismak, but she being stolen away by Krishna
+before the ceremony was completed, the whole of the viands were left
+uneaten and have since become consolidated into their present
+form,"[256] we can understand that the belief is in strict accord with
+the primitive conditions of thought of the Mishmee people. Can we
+understand the same conditions of the parallel English belief
+concerning the stone circle known as "Long Meg and her daughters,"[257]
+and of that at Stanton Drew;[258] or of the allied beliefs in Scotland
+that a huge upright stone, Clach Macmeas, in Loth, a parish of
+Sutherlandshire, was hurled to the bottom of the glen from the top of
+Ben Uarie by a giant youth when he was only one month old;[259] and in
+England that "the Hurlers," in Cornwall, were once men engaged in the
+game of hurling, and were turned into stone for playing on the Lord's
+Day; that the circle, known as "Nine Maidens," were maidens turned into
+stone for dancing on the Lord's Day;[260] that the stone circle at
+Stanton Drew represents serpents converted into stones by Keyna, a holy
+virgin of the fifth century;[261] and that the so-called snake stones
+found at Whitby were serpents turned into stones by the prayers of the
+Abbess Hilda.[262] These are only examples of the kind of beliefs
+entertained in all parts of the United Kingdom,[263] and they seem
+based upon psychological, rather than traditional conditions.
+
+The giant and the witch, or wizard, are terms applied to the unknown
+personal agent. "The two standing stones in the neighbourhood of West
+Skeld are said to be the metamorphosis of two wizards or giants, who
+were on their way to plunder and murder the inhabitants of West Skeld;
+but not having calculated their time with sufficient accuracy, before
+they could accomplish their purpose, or retrace their steps to their
+dark abodes, the first rays of the morning sun appeared, and they were
+immediately transformed, and remain to the present time in the shape
+of two tall moss-grown stones of ten feet in height."[264] This is
+paralleled by the Merionethshire example of a large drift of stones
+about midway up the Moelore in Llan Dwywe, which was believed to be
+due to a witch who "was carrying her apron full of stones for some
+purpose to the top of the hill, and the string of the apron broke, and
+all the stones dropped on the spot, where they still remain under the
+name of Fedogaid-y-Widdon."[265] Giant and witch in these cases are
+generic terms by which the popular mind has conveyed a conception of
+the origin of these strange and remarkable monuments, whether natural
+or constructed by a long-forgotten people; and we cannot doubt that
+such beliefs are generated by the peasantry of civilisation from a
+mental conception not far removed from that of the primitive savage.
+Neither their religion nor their education was concerned with such
+things, so the peasants turned to their own realm and created a myth
+of origins suitable to their limited range of knowledge.
+
+It may perhaps be urged that such beliefs as these are on the
+borderland of psychological and traditional influences. Witches and
+giants certainly belong to tradition, but on the other hand they are
+the common factors of the natural mind which readily attributes
+personal origins to impersonal objects. I am inclined on the whole to
+attribute the beliefs attachable to the unexplained boulders or
+unknown monoliths to the eternal questionings in the minds of the
+uncultured peasants of uncivilised countries similar to those of the
+unadvanced savage. That the peasant of civilisation should confine his
+questionings to the by-products of his surroundings and not to the
+greater subjects which occupy the minds of savages, is only because
+the greater subjects have already been answered for him by the
+Christian Church.[266]
+
+There is a point, however, where psychological and traditional
+conditions are in natural conjunction, and I will just refer to this.
+That matters of legal importance should be preserved by the agency of
+tradition has already been shown to belong to that part of history for
+which there are no contemporary records, and its importance in this
+connection has been proved. Equally important from the psychological
+side is the fact that law is also preserved by tradition where people
+are unaccustomed to the use of writing, or by reason of their
+occupation have little use for writing. To illustrate this, I will
+quote an excellent note preserved by a writer on Cornish
+superstitions.
+
+      "There is an old 'vulgar error'--that no man can swear
+      as a witness in a court of law to any thing he has
+      seen through glass. This is based upon the formerly
+      universal use of blown glass for windows, in which
+      glass the constant recurrence of the greenish, and
+      barely more than semi-transparent bull's eyes, so much
+      distorted the view that it was unsafe for a spectator
+      through glass to pledge his oath to what he saw going
+      on outside. Now, through our present glass, this
+      belief is relegated to the region of forgotten things,
+      but nevertheless it has hold on Westcountry people
+      still. I was, some years since, investigating the case
+      of a derelict ship which had been found off the Scilly
+      Islands, and towed by the pilots into a safe anchorage
+      for the night. Next morning the pilots going out to
+      complete their salvage, saw some men on board the
+      derelict casting off the anchor rope by which they had
+      secured her, but they distinctly declined to swear to
+      the truth of what they had seen, and it turned out
+      that they had seen through glass, by which they meant
+      a telescope. In the same case I found that when these
+      pilots (men intelligent much beyond the average, as
+      all Scillonians are) had, on boarding the derelict
+      (which had, of course, been deserted by her crew),
+      found a living dog, they had deliberately thrown it
+      overboard. They explained this act of cruelty to me by
+      saying that a ship was not derelict if on board of her
+      was found alive 'man, woman, child, dog, or cat.' And
+      it turned out, on after-investigation, that these were
+      the very words used in an obsolete Act of Parliament
+      of one of the early Plantagenet kings, forgotten
+      centuries ago by the English people, but borne in mind
+      as a living fact by the Scillonians."[267]
+
+In some special departments elementary psychological conditions
+operate in a considerable degree--operate to produce not waifs and
+strays of primitive thought and belief, but whole classes. Thus in the
+curious accretion of superstition around the objects connected with
+church worship, the same agencies are at work. The general
+characteristic of popular beliefs which originated with, or have grown
+up around the consecrated objects of the Church, is that such objects
+are beneficent in their action when employed for any given purpose.
+Thus, as Henderson says of the North of England, "a belief in the
+efficacy of the sacred elements in the Eucharist for the cure of
+bodily disease is widely spread." Silver rings, made from the
+offertory money, are very generally worn for the cure of epilepsy.
+Water that had been used in baptism was believed in West Scotland to
+have virtue to cure many distempers; it was a preventive against
+witchcraft, and eyes bathed with it would never see a ghost. Dalyell
+puts the evidence very succinctly. "Everything relative to sanctity
+was deemed a preservative. Hence the relics of saints, the touch of
+their clothes, of their tombs, and even portions of structures
+consecrated to divine offices were a safeguard near the person. A
+white marble altar in the church of Iona, almost entire towards the
+close of the seventeenth century, had disappeared late in the
+eighteenth, from its demolition in fragments to avert shipwreck." And
+so what has been consecrated, must not be desecrated. In
+Leicestershire and Northamptonshire there is a superstitious idea that
+the removal or exhumation of a body after interment bodes death or
+some terrible calamity to the surviving members of the deceased's
+family.[268]
+
+In the West of Ireland there were usually found upon the altars of the
+small missionary churches one or more oval stones, either natural
+waterwashed pebbles or artificially shaped and very smooth, and these
+were held in the highest veneration by the peasantry as having
+belonged to the founders of the churches, and were used for a variety
+of purposes, as the curing of diseases, taking oaths upon them,
+etc.[269] Similarly the using of any remains of destroyed churches for
+profane purposes was believed to bring misfortune,[270] while the land
+which once belonged to the church of St. Baramedan, in the parish of
+Kilbarrymeaden, county Waterford, "has long been highly venerated by
+the common people, who attribute to it many surprising virtues."[271]
+In 1849 the people of Carrick were in the habit of carrying away from
+the churchyard portions of the clay of a priest's grave and using it
+as a cure for several diseases, and they also boiled the clay from the
+grave of Father O'Connor with milk and drank it.[272] One of the
+superstitious fancies of the Connemara folk in 1825 was credulity with
+respect to the gospels, as they are called, which "they wear round
+their neck as a charm against danger and disease. These are prepared
+by the priest, and sold by him at the price of two or three
+tenpennies. It is considered sacrilege in the purchaser to part with
+them at any time, and it is believed that the charm proves of no
+efficacy to any but the individual for whose particular benefit the
+priest has blessed it. The charm is written on a scrap of paper and
+enclosed in a small cloth bag, marked on one side with the letters
+I. H. S. On one side of the paper is written the Lord's Prayer, and
+after it a great number of initial letters."[273]
+
+Such examples could be multiplied indefinitely, but no folklorist has
+properly classified such beliefs and endeavoured to ascertain their
+place in the science of folklore.[274] It is clear they have arisen
+not from tradition, but from a new force acting on minds which were
+not yet free to receive new influences without going back to old
+methods of thought.
+
+How completely the sanctity of the church exercises a constant
+influence upon the minds of men, thus substituting a new form of
+belief when older forms were thrust on one side by the advance of the
+new religion, is perhaps best illustrated by a practice in early
+Christian times for giving sanctity to the oath. Among the Jews the
+altar in the Temple was resorted to by litigants in order that the
+oath might be taken in the presence of Yahveh himself, and "so
+powerful was the impression of this upon the Christian mind, that in
+the early ages of the Church there was a popular superstition that an
+oath taken in a Jewish synagogue was more binding and more efficient
+than anywhere else."[275] In exactly the same way the altar of the
+Christian Church is used in popular belief after its use in Church
+ceremonial has been discontinued. Thus, to get in beneath the altar of
+St. Hilary Church, Anglesey, by means of an open panel and then turn
+round and come out is to ensure life for the coming year,[276] and the
+white marble altar in Iona which has been entirely demolished by
+fragments of it being used to avert shipwreck has already been
+referred to.[277] These are cases where there has been a throwing back
+from the new religion to the objects connected with the old religion,
+and they are paralleled by the practice of Protestants appealing to
+the Roman Catholic priesthood for protection against witchcraft, and
+of Nonconformists believing that the clergy of the Episcopal Church
+possess superior powers over evil spirits.[278]
+
+Psychological evidence is therefore important. One can never be quite
+sure to what extent civilised man is free from creating fresh myths in
+place of acquired scientific result, and to what extent this
+influences the production of primitive beliefs, or allows of the
+acceptance of traditional belief on new ground. The great mass of
+traditional belief has come through the ages traditionally, that is,
+from parent to child, from neighbour to neighbour, from class to
+class, from locality to locality, generation after generation.
+Occasionally this main current of the traditional life of a people is
+swollen by small side streams from fresh psychological sources.
+Individual examples, such as those I have cited, have perhaps always
+been present, but their effect must have died away with the passing of
+those with whom they originated. There are, however, stronger effects
+than these, coming not from individuals, but from classes. Thus the
+votaries and enemies of witchcraft produced a more lasting effect.
+Witchcraft, as Dr. Karl Pearson, I think, conclusively proves, and as
+I have helped to prove,[279] is founded upon traditional belief and
+custom, but its remarkable revival in the Middle Ages was in the main
+a psychological phenomenon. Traditional practices, traditional
+formulæ, and traditional beliefs are no doubt the elements of
+witchcraft, but it was not the force of tradition which produced the
+miserable doings of the Middle Ages and of the seventeenth century
+against witches. These were due to a psychological force, partly
+generated by the newly acquired power of the people to read the Bible
+for themselves, and so to apply the witch stories of the Jews to
+neighbours of their own who possessed powers or peculiarities which
+they could not understand, and partly generated by the carrying on of
+traditional practices by certain families or groups of persons who
+could only acquire knowledge of such practices by initiation or family
+teaching. Lawyers, magistrates, judges, nobles, and monarchs are
+concerned with witchcraft. These are not minds which have been crushed
+by civilisation, but minds which have misunderstood it or have misused
+it. It is unnecessary, and it is of course impossible on this occasion
+to trace out the psychic issues which are contained in the facts of
+witchcraft, but it may be advisable to illustrate the point by one or
+two references.
+
+I will note a few modern examples of the belief in witchcraft:--
+
+      "In 1879 extraordinary stories were current among the
+      populace of Caergwrle. Mrs. Braithwaite supplied a
+      Mrs. Williams with milk, but afterwards refused to
+      serve her, and the cause was as follows: Mrs.
+      Braithwaite had up to that time been very successful
+      in churning her butter, but about a month ago the
+      butter would not come. She tried every known agency;
+      she washed and dried her bats, but all to no purpose.
+      The milk would not yield an ounce of butter. Under the
+      circumstances she said Mrs. Williams had witched her.
+      The neighbours believed it, and Mrs. Williams was
+      generally called a witch. Hearing these reports, Mrs.
+      Williams went to Mrs. Braithwaite to expostulate with
+      her, when Mrs. Braithwaite said, 'Out, witch! If you
+      don't leave here, I'll shoot you.' Mrs. Williams
+      thereupon applied to the Caergwrle bench of
+      magistrates for a protection order against Mrs.
+      Braithwaite. She assured the Bench she was in danger,
+      as every one believed she was a witch. The Clerk: What
+      do they say is the reason? Applicant: Because she
+      cannot churn the milk. Mr. Kryke: Do they see you
+      riding a broomstick? Applicant (seriously): No, sir.
+      The Bench instructed the police officer to caution
+      Mrs. Braithwaite against repeating the threats."[280]
+
+The next example is from Lancashire:--
+
+      "At the East Dereham Petty Sessions, William Bulwer,
+      of Etling Green, was charged with assaulting
+      Christiana Martins, a young girl, who resided near the
+      Etling Green toll-bar. Complainant deposed that she
+      was 18 years of age, and on Wednesday, the 2nd inst.,
+      the defendant came to her and abused her. The
+      complainant, who looks scarce more than a child,
+      repeated, despite the efforts of the magistrates'
+      clerk to stop her, and without being in the least
+      abashed, some of the worst language it was possible to
+      conceive--conversation of the most gross description,
+      alleged to have taken place between herself and the
+      defendant. They appeared to have got from words to
+      blows and, while trying to fasten the gate, the
+      defendant hit her across the hand with a stick. She
+      alleged that there was no cause for the abuse and the
+      assault, so far as she knew, and in reply to rigid
+      cross-examination as to the origin of the quarrel,
+      adhered to this statement. Mrs. Susannah Gathercole
+      also corroborated the statement as to the assault,
+      adding that the defendant said the complainant's
+      mother was a witch. Defendant then blazed forth in
+      righteous indignation, and, when the witness said she
+      knew no more about the origin of the quarrel, he said,
+      'Mrs. Martins is an old witch, gentlemen, that is what
+      she is, and she charmed me, and I got no sleep for her
+      for three nights, and one night at half-past eleven
+      o'clock, I got up because I could not sleep, and went
+      out and found a "walking toad" under a clod that had
+      been dug up with a three-pronged fork. That is why I
+      could not rest; she is a bad old woman; she put this
+      toad under there to charm me, and her daughter is just
+      as bad, gentlemen. She would bewitch any one; she
+      charmed me, and I got no rest day or night for her,
+      till I found this "walking toad" under the turf. She
+      dug a hole and put it there to charm me, gentlemen,
+      that is the truth. I got the toad out and put it in a
+      cloth, and took it upstairs and showed it to my
+      mother, and "throwed" it into the pit in the garden.
+      She went round this here "walking toad" after she had
+      buried it, and I could not rest by day or sleep by
+      night till I found it. The Bench: Do you go to church?
+      Defendant: Sometimes I go to church, and sometimes to
+      chapel, and sometimes I don't go nowhere. Her mother
+      is bad enough to do anything; and to go and put the
+      "walking toad" in the hole like that, for a man which
+      never did nothing to her, she is not fit to live,
+      gentlemen, to go and do such a thing; it is not as if
+      I had done anything to her. She looks at lots of
+      people, and I know she will do some one harm. The
+      Chairman: Do you know this man, Superintendent Symons?
+      Is he sane? Superintendent Symons: Yes, sir;
+      perfectly."[281]
+
+In Somerset belief in witchcraft still lingers in nooks and corners of
+the west, as appears from a case brought before the magistrates of the
+Wiveliscombe division.
+
+      "Sarah Smith, the wife of a marine store dealer,
+      residing at Golden Hill, was for some time ill and
+      confined to her bed. Finding that the local doctor
+      could not cure her, she sent for a witch doctor of
+      Taunton. He duly arrived by train on St. Thomas's day.
+      Smith inquired his charge, and was informed he usually
+      charged 11s., remarking that unless he took it from
+      the person affected his incantation would be of no
+      avail. Smith then handed it to his wife, who gave it
+      to the witch doctor, and he returned 1s. to her. He
+      then proceeded to foil the witch's power over his
+      patient by tapping her several times on the palm of
+      her hand with his finger, telling her that every tap
+      was a stab on the witch's heart. This was followed by
+      an incantation. He then gave her a parcel of herbs
+      (which evidently consisted of dried bay leaves and
+      peppermint), which she was to steep and drink. She was
+      to send to a blacksmith's shop and get a donkey's shoe
+      made, and nail it on her front door. He then
+      departed."[282]
+
+Such examples as these may be added to from various parts of the
+country, but they do not compare with the terrible case at Clonmel, in
+county Tipperary, which occurred in 1895. The evidence showed that the
+husband, father, and mother of the victim, together with several other
+persons, were concerned in this matter, and one of the witnesses, Mary
+Simpson, stated "that on the night of March 14th she saw Cleary
+forcibly administer herbs to his wife, and when the woman did not
+answer when called upon in the name of the Trinity to say who she was,
+she was placed on the fire by Cleary and the others. Mrs. Cleary did
+not appear to be in her right senses. She was raving."[283] The whole
+record of the trial is of the most amazing description, pointing back
+to a system of belief which, if based upon traditional practices, has
+been fed by entirely modern influences. Such records as these stretch
+back through the ages, and almost every village, certainly every
+county in the United Kingdom, has its records of trials for
+witchcraft, in which clergy and layman, judge, jury, and victim play
+strange parts, if we consider them as members of a civilised
+community. Superstition which has been preserved by the folk as sacred
+to their old faiths, preserved by tradition, has remained the
+cherished possession, generally in secret, of those who practise it.
+The belief in witchcraft is a different matter. Though it has
+traditional rites and practices it has been kept alive by a cruel and
+crude interpretation of its position among the faiths of the Bible,
+and it has thus received fresh life.
+
+The miserable records of witchcraft illustrate in a way no other
+subject can how the human mind, when untouched by the influences of
+advanced culture, has the tendency to revert to traditional culture,
+and they demonstrate how strongly embedded in human memory is the
+great mass of traditional culture. The outside civilisation, religious
+or scientific, has not penetrated far. Science has only just begun her
+great work, and religion has been spending most of her efforts in
+endeavouring to displace a set of beliefs which she calls
+superstition, by a set of superstitions which she calls revelation.
+Not only have the older faiths not been eradicated by this, but the
+older psychological conditions have not been made to disappear. The
+folklorist has to make note of this obviously significant fact, and
+must therefore deal with both sides of the question, the traditional
+and the psychological, and because by far the greater importance
+belongs to the former it does not do to neglect the importance, though
+the lesser importance, of the latter.
+
+It assists the student of tradition in many ways. People who will
+still explain for themselves in primitive fashion phenomena which they
+do not understand, and who remain content with such primitive
+explanations instead of relying upon the discoveries of science, are
+just the people to retain with strong persistence the traditional
+beliefs and ideas which they obtained from their fathers, and to
+acquire other traditional beliefs and ideas which they obtain from
+neighbours. One often wonders at the "amazing toughness" of tradition,
+and in the psychological conditions which have been indicated will be
+found one of the necessary explanations.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[237] Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, 197-198.
+
+[238] Robertson, _Agriculture of Inverness-shire_. For Argyllshire see
+_New Stat. Account of Scotland_, vii. 346; Brown, _Early Descriptions
+of Scotland_, 12, 49, 99.
+
+[239] Wilde, _Catalogue of Museum of Royal Irish Academy_, 99; Joyce,
+_Social Hist. of Anc. Ireland_, ii. 27.
+
+[240] _Tour in Ireland_, 1775, p. 144; _Gent. Mag._, v. 680.
+
+[241] Hutchinson, _Hist. of Cumberland_, i. 216.
+
+[242] James Clarke, _Survey of the Lakes_, 1789, p. xiii; _Berwickshire
+Nat. Field Club_, ix. 512.
+
+[243] Clarke, _Survey of the Lakes_, pp. x, xv. Referring to the
+statutes enacted as a result of the Commissioners' work the facts are
+as follows: There were certain franchises in North and South Tynedale
+and Hexhamshire, by virtue of which the King's writ did not run there.
+[Tynedale, though on the English side of the border, was an ancient
+franchise of the Kings of Scotland.] In 1293 Edward I. confirmed this
+grant in favour of John of Balliol (1 Rot. Parl., 114-16), and the
+inhabitants took advantage of this immunity to make forays and commit
+outrages in neighbouring counties. In the year 1414, at the Parliament
+holden at Leicester, "grievous complaints" of these outrages were made
+"by the Commons of the County of Northumberland." It was accordingly
+provided (2 Henry V., cap. 5) that process should be taken against such
+offenders under the common law until they were outlawed; and that then,
+upon a certificate of outlawry made to lords of franchises in North and
+South Tynedale and Hexhamshire, the offender's lands and goods should
+be forfeited. In 1421 the provisions of this statute were extended to
+like offenders in Rydesdale, where also the King's writ did not run (9
+Henry V., cap. 7). Still these excesses continued in Tynedale. By an
+enactment of Henry VII. (2 Henry VII., cap. 9) this "lordship and
+bounds" were annexed to the county of Northumberland. "Forasmuch," the
+preamble sets forth, "as the inhabitants and dwellers within the
+lordships and bounds of North and South Tyndale, not only in their own
+persons, but also oftentimes accompanied and confedered with Scottish
+ancient enemies to this realm, have at many seasons in time past
+committed and done, and yet daily and nightly commit and do, great and
+heinous murders, robberies, felonies, depredations, riots and other
+great trespasses upon the King our Sovereign lord's true and faithful
+liege people and subjects, inhabiters and dwellers within the shires of
+Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, Exhamshire [_sic_], the
+bishopric of Durham and in a part of Yorkshire, in which treasons,
+murders, robberies, felonies, and other the premises, have not in time
+past in any manner of form been punished after the order and course of
+the common law, by reason of such franchise as was used within the same
+while it was in the possession of any other lord or lords than our
+Sovereign lord, and thus for lack of punishment of these treasons,
+murders, robberies and felonies, the King's true and faithful liege
+people and subjects, inhabiters and dwellers within the shires and
+places before rehearsed, cannot be in any manner of surety of their
+bodies or goods, neither yet lie in their own houses, but either to be
+murdered or taken or carried into Scotland and there ransomed, to their
+great destruction of body and goods, and utter impoverishing for ever,
+unless due and hasty remedy be had and found," it is therefore provided
+that North and South Tynedale shall from thenceforth be gildable, and
+part of the shire of Northumberland, that no franchise shall stand good
+there, and the King's writ shall run, and his officers and all their
+warrants be obeyed there as in every other part of that shire. Further,
+lessees of lands within the bounds are to enter into recognisances in
+two sureties to appear and answer all charges.
+
+[244] See my _Ethnology in Folklore_, cap. vi.
+
+[245] Hickson, _North Celebes_, 240.
+
+[246] Mitchell's _Australian Expeditions_, i. 246.
+
+[247] See my _Village Community_, 18; Stewart's _Highlanders of
+Scotland_, i. 147, 228.
+
+[248] _Notes and Queries_, second series, iv. 487.
+
+[249] Wild, _Highlands, Orcadia and Skye_, 196.
+
+[250] The psychology of primitive races is now receiving scientific
+attention, thanks chiefly to Dr. Haddon and the scholars who
+accompanied him upon his Torres Straits expedition in 1898. The volume
+of the memoirs of this expedition which relates to psychology has
+already been published, and students should consult it as an example of
+scientific method.
+
+[251] One is reminded of the famous Shakespearian emendation whereby
+Falstaff on his death-bed "babbled o' green fields."
+
+[252] Shortland, _New Zealanders_, 107. An Algonquin backbone story is
+quoted by MacCulloch, _Childhood of Fiction_, 92, and he says, "the
+spine is held by many people to be the seat of life," 93 and _cf._ III.
+_Cf._ Frazer, _Adonis, Attis, and Osiris_, 277.
+
+[253] _Gent. Mag. Lib._, _Popular Superstitions_, 122.
+
+[254] _County Folklore, Suffolk_, 2.
+
+[255] _Hardwick's Science Gossip_, vi. 281; _cf._ Worsaae, _Danes and
+Norwegians_, 25.
+
+[256] _Journ. Asiatic Soc., Bengal_, xiv. 479.
+
+[257] King, _Munimenta Antiqua_, i. 195-6; _Gent. Mag. Lib._,
+_Archæology_, i. 319-321; Hutchinson, _Hist. Cumberland_, i. 226.
+
+[258] _Arch. Journ._, xv. 204.
+
+[259] Sinclair, _Stat. Acct. of Scotland_, xv. 191.
+
+[260] _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, i. 2; _Gent. Mag. Lib._, _Archæology_,
+i. 21.
+
+[261] _Archæologia_, xxv. 198.
+
+[262] _Gent. Mag._, 1751, pp. 110, 182.
+
+[263] Some Irish examples are collected in _Folklore Record_, v.
+169-172.
+
+[264] Sinclair, _Stat. Acct. of Scotland_, xv. 111.
+
+[265] _Trans. Cymmrodorion Soc._ (1822), i. 170.
+
+[266] It is not worth while, perhaps, to pursue this part of our
+subject into further regions. It is to be sought for in innumerable
+pamphlets, such, for instance, as those relating to the Civil War.
+Beesley, _Hist. of Banbury_, 334, mentions one, the title of which I
+will quote: "A great Wonder in Heaven shewing the late Apparitions and
+prodigious noyses of War and Battels seen on Edge Hill neere Keinton,"
+and the contents are "Certified under the hands of William Wood Esq and
+Justice for the Peace in the said Countie, Samuel Marshall, Preacher of
+God's Word in Keinton, and other Persons of Qualitie." The date is
+exactly three months after the battle of Edgehill, "London, printed for
+Thomas Jackson, January 23rd, 1642-3."
+
+[267] _West of England Magazine_, February, 1888.
+
+[268] Henderson, _Folklore of the Northern Counties_, 146; Napier,
+_Folklore of West of Scotland_, 140; Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of
+Scotland_, 142; _Choice Notes_ (_Folklore_), 8; Brand, iii. 300; Dyer,
+_English Folklore_, 146, 153 (Hereford, Lincoln, and Yorks).
+
+[269] Wilde, _Catalogue of Royal Irish Academy_, 131.
+
+[270] _Folklore Record_, iv. 105.
+
+[271] Rev. R. H. Ryland, _Hist. of Waterford_, 271.
+
+[272] Wilde, _Beauties of the Boyne_, 45; Croker, _Researches in South
+of Ireland_, 170; _Revue Celtique_, v. 358.
+
+[273] Blake, _Letters from the Irish Highlands_, 130-131.
+
+[274] _Church Folklore_, by Rev. J. E. Vaux, is a collection of
+material, and does not attempt to give any indication of its value.
+
+[275] Lea, _Superstition and Force_, 28.
+
+[276] _Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc._, xxv. 142; Rev. W. Bingley, _North
+Wales_, 216-217.
+
+[277] Sacheverell, _Voyage to Isle of Man_, 132.
+
+[278] Tylor, _Primitive Culture_, i. 115; Landt, _Origin of the
+Priesthood_, 85; Henderson, _Folklore of Northern Counties_, 32-33;
+_Folklore Record_, i. 46.
+
+[279] Pearson's _Chances of Death_, ii. cap. ix., "Woman as Witch;"
+Gomme, _Ethnology in Folklore_, 48-62.
+
+[280] _Daily Chronicle_, 15th February, 1879.
+
+[281] _Leigh Chronicle_, 19th April, 1879.
+
+[282] _Somerset County Gazette_, 22nd January, 1881.
+
+[283] _Standard_, 3rd April, 1895. The full details are reprinted in
+_Folklore_, vi. 373-384.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+ANTHROPOLOGICAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+In dealing with the folklore of any country, it is important to note
+the general bearing of anthropological conditions. The earliest
+inhabitants, to whom part of the folklore belonged, and the later
+peoples, to whom part belonged, have both arrived at their ultimate
+point of settlement in the country where we discover their folklore
+after being in touch with many points of the world's surface. They are
+both world-people as well as national people--they belonged to
+anthropology before they came under the dominion of history. This
+important fact is often or nearly always neglected. We are apt to
+treat of Greek and Roman and Briton, of Cretan, Scandinavian, and
+Russian, as bounded by the few thousands of years of life which have
+fixed them with their territorial names, and to ignore all that lies
+behind this historic period. There is, as a matter of fact, an immense
+period behind it, reckoned according to geological time in millions of
+years, and this period, longer in duration, more strenuous in its
+influences upon character and mind, containing more representatives in
+peoples, societies, and races than the later period, has affected the
+later period to a far greater extent than is generally conceded or
+understood. We cannot understand the later period without knowing
+something of the earlier period.
+
+There is more than this; for the dominating political races occupying
+European countries to-day were, in most cases, preceded by a
+non-political people. Thus, if we turn to Britain for illustration, we
+find evidence of a people physically allied with a race which cannot
+be identified with Celt or Teuton,[284] philologically allied with a
+people which spoke a non-Aryan language,[285] archæologically allied
+with the prehistoric stone-circle and monolith builders,[286] and we
+find custom, belief, and myth in Britain retaining traces of a culture
+which is not Celtic and not Teutonic, and which contains survivals of
+the primitive system of totemism.[287] These four independent classes
+of evidence have to be combined if we would ascertain the true
+position they occupy in the history of Britain, and it is perfectly
+clear that, apart from general considerations, a direct appeal to
+anthropology is necessary to help out the deficiencies of both history
+and folklore. The questions involved in totemism alone compel us to
+this course. It is questionable whether there is any existing savage
+or barbaric people who are non-totemic in the sense of either not
+possessing the rudimentary beginnings of totemism, or not having once
+possessed a full system of totemism. Totemism, at one stage or another
+of its development, is, in fact, one of the universal elements of
+man's life, and all consideration of its traces in civilised countries
+must begin with some conception of its origin. Its origin must refer
+back to conditions of human life which are also universal. Special
+circumstances, special peoples, special areas could not have produced
+totemism unless we proceed to the somewhat violent conclusion that
+beginning in one area it has spread therefrom to all areas. I know of
+no authority who advocates such a theory and no evidence in its
+favour. We are left therefore with the proposition that the origin of
+totemism must be sought for in some universal condition of human life
+at one of its very early stages, which would have produced a state of
+things from which would inevitably arise the beliefs, customs, and
+social organisations which are included under the term totemism.
+
+There is therefore ample ground for a consideration of anthropological
+conditions as part of the necessary equipment of the study of folklore
+as an historical science. Unfortunately, authorities are now greatly
+divided on several important questions in anthropology, and it is not
+possible to speak with even a reasonable degree of certainty on many
+things. This compels further research than the mere statement of the
+present position, and I find myself obliged even for my present
+limited purpose to suggest many new points beyond the stage reached
+by present research. There is one advantage in this. It allows of a
+hypothesis by which to present the subject to the student, and a
+working hypothesis is always a great advantage where research is not
+founded entirely on actual observation by trained experts in the
+field. Where, therefore, I depart from the guidance of conclusions
+already arrived at by scholars in this department of research, it will
+be in order to substitute an opinion of my own which I think it is
+necessary to consider, and the whole study of the anthropological
+problems in their relation to folklore will assume the shape of a
+restatement of the entire case.
+
+I am aware that a subject of this magnitude is too weighty and
+far-reaching to be properly considered in a chapter of a book not
+devoted to the single purpose, but it is necessary to attempt a rough
+statement of the evidence, though it will take us somewhat beyond the
+ordinary domain of folklore; but, while dealing with the
+anthropological position at sufficient length to make a complicated
+subject clear, if I can do so, I shall limit both my arguments and the
+evidence in support of them to the narrowest limits.
+
+
+I
+
+Mr. Wallace, I think, supplies the dominant note of the
+anthropological position when he suggests, though in a strangely
+unsatisfactory terminology, that it is the conscious use by man of his
+experience which causes his superior mental endowments, and his
+superior range of development.[288] We must lay stress upon the
+important qualification "conscious." It is conscious use of experience
+which is the great factor in man's progress. It is the greatest
+possession of man in his beginning, and has remained his greatest
+possession ever since. His experience did not always lead him to the
+best paths of progress, but it has led him to progress.
+
+Even Mr. Wallace did not appreciate the full significance of this
+principle. The conscious adoption of a natural fact, of an observation
+from nature, or an assumed observation from nature, for social
+purposes, is an altogether different thing from the unconscious
+knowledge which man might have been possessed of, but which he never
+put to any use in his social development. Anthropologists must note
+not the natural facts known to later man or known to science, but the
+facts, or assumed facts, which early man consciously adopted for his
+purpose during the long period of his development from savage to
+civilised forms of life. The unconscious acts of mankind are of no
+use, or of very little use. It is only the conscious acts that will
+lead us along the lines of man's development. Man did not begin to
+build up his social system with the scientific fact of blood kinship
+through father and mother, but he evolved a theory of social
+relationship which served his purpose until the fact of blood kinship
+supplied a better basis. At almost the first point of origin in savage
+society we see man acting consciously, and it is amongst his conscious
+acts that we must place those traces of a sort of primitive
+legislation which have been found.[289]
+
+Now this being the basis of anthropological observation, we have to
+apply it to the question of man's earliest progress. It is at its base
+an economic question. Primitive economics dominated the movements and
+condition of early man in a far more thorough manner than modern
+economics affect civilisation, and between the two systems lies the
+whole history of man. It reveals man adapting the social unit to the
+productive powers of its food supply, and developing towards the
+adaptation of the productive powers of food supply to the social unit.
+In the various stages that accompany this great change, there is no
+defined separation of peoples according to stages of culture, savage,
+barbaric, or civilised. There is nothing to suggest that all peoples
+do not come from one centre of human life. On the contrary, the
+evidence is strong that the primal stages in human evolution are
+traceable in all the culture stages, and, therefore, that they fit in
+with the general conclusions of anthropologists and naturalists as to
+man's origin in one definite centre, and his gradual spreading out
+from that centre.
+
+I will take the chief conclusions arrived at in respect of this
+condition of birth at one centre and subsequent spreading out. Darwin
+has summarised the problem between the monogenists and polygenists in
+a manner which still ranks as a sufficient statement of the case, and
+his conclusion that "all the races of man are descended from a single
+primitive stock"[290] is accepted by the most prominent
+naturalists,[291] and confirmed by recent discoveries, which go to
+prove that this primitive stock began in miocene or pliocene times in
+the Indo-Malaysian intertropical lands.[292]
+
+Anthropologists, who have been deeply interested in the controversy
+ranging round the origin of man, have in a remarkable manner neglected
+to take into full account the most significant phenomenon of spreading
+out.[293] They either neglect it altogether, or they relegate it to so
+small a place in their argument as to become a practical neglect. They
+treat of man as if he were always in a stationary condition, and
+exclude the important condition of movement as an element in his
+development. Mr. Spencer's general dictum that geological changes and
+meteorological changes, as well as the consequent changes of flora and
+fauna, must have been causing over all parts of the earth perpetual
+emigrations and immigrations,[294] does not help much, because it
+refers to special and cataclysmic events. Lord Avebury, though
+stating the true case, unfortunately contents himself at the end of
+his book on prehistoric man with a short summary of the evidence as to
+the equipment of primitive man in mental and social qualities when he
+began the great movement, and gives only a few lines to his conclusion
+that "there can be no doubt that he originally crept over the earth's
+surface little by little, year by year, just, for instance, as the
+weeds of Europe are now gradually but surely creeping over the surface
+of Australia."[295]
+
+Mr. Keane is the first authority who thinks it appropriate to commence
+his treatise on man with an examination of the facts which show that
+"the world was peopled by migration from one centre by pleistocene
+man ... who moved about like other migrating faunas, unconsciously,
+everywhere following the lines of least resistance, advancing or
+receding, and acting generally on blind impulse rather than of set
+purpose;"[296] and it still remains with Dr. Latham to have formulated
+some fixed principles of the migratory movement in his admirable
+though, of course, wholly inadequate summary of man and his
+migrations. I will quote the passage in full: "So long as any
+continental extremities of the earth's surface remained
+unoccupied--the stream (or rather the enlarging circle of migration)
+not having yet reached them--the _primary_ migration is going on; and
+when all have got their complement, the primary migration is over.
+During this primary migration, the relations of man, thus placed in
+movement and in the full, early and guiltless exercise of his high
+function of subduing the earth, are in conflict with physical
+obstacles and with the resistance of the lower animals only. Unless,
+like Lot's wife, he turn back upon the peopled parts behind him, he
+has no relations with his fellow-men--at least none arising out of the
+claim of previous occupancy. In other words, during the primary
+migration, the world that lay before our progenitors was either brute
+or inanimate. But before many generations have passed away, all
+becomes full to overflowing, so that men must enlarge their boundaries
+at the expense of their fellows. The migrations that now take place
+are _secondary_. They differ from the primary in many respects. They
+are slower, because the resistance is that of humanity to humanity,
+and they are violent, because dispossession is the object. They are
+partial, abortive, followed by the fusion of different populations, or
+followed by their extermination as the case may be."[297] This
+passage, written so long ago as 1841, is still applicable to the facts
+of modern science, and there is only to add to it that the migration
+of man from a common centre, where life was easy, to all parts of the
+world, where life has been difficult, must have been undertaken in
+order to meet some great necessity, and must have become possible by
+reason of some great force which man alone possessed. The necessity
+was economic; the force was social development. If the movement has
+not been geographically ever forward, it has been ethnographically
+constant.[298] Movement always; sometimes the pressure has come from
+one direction, sometimes from another; sometimes it has caused
+compression and at other times expansion; sometimes it has sent
+humanity to inhabit regions that required generations of victims
+before it could hold its own. At all times the essential condition of
+life has been that of constant movement in face of antagonistic
+forces.[299] In whatever form the movement has come about, movement of
+a very definite character has taken place over an immense period of
+time, and sufficient to cover practically the whole earth with
+descendants from the original human stock. This conclusion is
+enormously strengthened by the accumulating evidence for the
+world-wide area covered by the remains of man's earliest weapon, the
+worked stone implement. It is everywhere. It is practically
+co-extensive with man's wanderings, and the greatness of the territory
+it covers marks it off as another of the universal relics of man's
+primitive life. Of no other weapon or instrument or associated object
+can this be said. The bow and arrow are unknown to the Australians and
+other peoples; pottery is unknown to the Bushmen and other peoples;
+the use of fire in cookery is not found among the South Sea Islanders,
+and is not claimed for other peoples.[300] We can get behind the
+development of these and other arts and come upon the ruder people who
+had not arrived at the stage they represent. But we cannot get behind
+the worked flint. It must have been the chief material cause of man's
+success in the migratory movement, and with the social development
+accompanying it must have made migration not only possible, but the
+only true method of meeting the earliest economic difficulties. It
+also provides us with the elements of a chronological basis. Behind
+palæolithic times there is an immensity of time when man struggled
+with his economic difficulties and spread out slowly and painfully.
+During palæolithic times the movement was more rapid and more general.
+Obstacles were overcome by palæolithic man becoming superior to his
+enemies by the use of weapons, and use of weapons caused, or at all
+events aided, the development of social institutions capable of
+bearing the new force of movement.
+
+These two factors of economic necessity and social development are of
+equal importance in man's history, and they interlace at all points.
+They lead straight to the necessity for always taking count of the
+fact that man is primarily a migratory being, and that he has spread
+over the earth. Everywhere we find man. There is no habitable part of
+the world where he has not found a home. But we do not find him under
+equal conditions everywhere, and the different conditions afford
+evidence of the main lines of development. Roughly speaking, it may be
+put in this way. In the savage world the people appear as aborigines,
+that is to say, the first and only occupiers of the territory where
+they are located. In the barbaric world the condition of aboriginal
+settlement is tinged with the result of conquest, namely, the pushing
+out or absorption of the aboriginal folk in favour of a more powerful
+and conquering folk. In the political world, and in the political
+world only, there is not only the element of conquest, but the
+definite aim of conquest, which is to retain the aboriginal or
+conquered people as part of the political fabric necessary to the
+settlement of the conqueror, and at the same time to keep intact the
+superior position of the conqueror. In the savage world, society and
+religion are based upon locality; in the barbaric world there is the
+first sign of the element of kinship consciously used in the effort of
+conquest, which dies away gradually as successful settlement, by which
+conqueror and conquered become merged in one people, follows conquest;
+in the political world, and in the political world only, kinship is
+elevated into a necessary institution, is made sacred to the minds of
+tribesmen, and becomes an essential part of the religion of the tribe
+in order to keep the organisation of the tribal conquerors intact and
+free from the perils of dissolution when conquerors and conquered
+become members of one political unit. The savage and barbaric worlds
+are the homes of the backward peoples, the non-advanced or fossilised
+types of early humanity. The political world is the domain for the
+most part of the Aryan-speaking people, and of the Semitic people, and
+of those people who in Egypt within the Mediterranean area, and in
+China in the eastern Asian area, have built up civilisations which
+have only recently come under scientific observation.
+
+These distinctions are not made by anthropologists as a rule, yet I
+cannot but think they are in the main the true distinctions which must
+be made if we are to arrive at any general conception of the progress
+of man from savagery to civilisation. The distinctions which seem to
+hold the field against those I have suggested, are those of hunter,
+pastoral, and agricultural. I say seem to hold the field, because they
+have never been scientifically worked out. They are stated in
+textbooks and research work almost as an axiom of anthropology, but
+their claim to this position is singularly weak and unsatisfactory,
+and has never been scientifically established. They are only
+economical distinctions, not social, and they do not properly express
+related stages. Hunting, cattle keeping, and agriculture are found in
+almost all stages of social evolution, and I, for one, deny that in
+the order they are generally given, they express anything approaching
+to accurate indication of the line of human progress. The
+distinctions I have suggested do not, of course, contain everything
+indicative of human progress. They are the first broad outlines to be
+filled up by the details of special peoples, special areas, and
+special ages. They involve many sub-stages which need to be properly
+worked out, and for which a satisfactory terminology is required. In
+the meantime, as measuring-posts of man's line of progress, they
+express the most important fact about man, namely, that his present
+enforced stationary condition has followed upon an enormous period of
+enforced movement. That movement has finally resulted in the presence
+of man everywhere on the earth's surface. This has been followed by
+the continued moving of savage man within the limited areas to which
+he has been finally pushed; by the movement of barbaric man from one
+place of settlement to another place of settlement, again within
+limited areas; and by the movement of political man through countries
+and continents of vast extent, and the final overlordship of political
+man over savage and barbaric man whom he has subjected and used for
+his purpose of final settlement in the civilised form of settlement.
+It will be apparent from the terms I have used to express the three
+chief stages in man's progress, that I give a special significance to
+the use of blood kinship as a social force, and in the sequel I think
+this special significance will be justified.[301]
+
+No one can properly estimate the tremendous amount of movement which
+preceded these later limitations to movement. Savage and barbaric
+races are now hemmed in by the forces of modern civilisation. This was
+not the case even a few hundred years ago, and though we cannot say
+when constant movement all over the world was stayed, we can form some
+idea of the comparatively late period when this took place by a
+contemplation of the very recent growth of the political civilisations
+known to history. At the most, this can only be reckoned at some ten
+thousand years. At the back of this short stretch of time, or of the
+successive periods at which the new civilisations have arisen, there
+are recollections of great movements and great migrations. Egypt,
+Babylonia, India, Persia, Greece, and Rome have preserved these
+recollections by tradition, and tradition has been largely confirmed
+by archæology. Celts and Teutons have preserved parallel traditions
+which are confirmed by history observed from without. These traditions
+and memorials of the migration period have not been scientifically
+examined in each case, but where scholars have touched upon them,
+great and unexpected results have been produced.[302]
+
+There was time enough, before these late and special movements which
+led to civilisation, for man, in the course of peopling the earth, to
+be brought at various stages to a standstill, and such a change in his
+life-history would have its own special results. One of the most
+momentous of these results is the fossilisation of social and mental
+conditions. Man stationary, or movable by custom within restricted
+areas, would live under conditions which must have produced forms of
+culture different from those under which man lived when he was always
+able to penetrate, not by custom but by the force of circumstances,
+into the unknown domain of unoccupied territory; and the fossilisation
+of his culture at various stages of development, in accord with the
+various periods of his being brought to a standstill, would be the
+most important result.[303] Whenever man was compelled to move onward
+the social forces which were demanded of him, as he proceeded from
+point to point, must have been quite different from those which he
+could have adopted if he had been allowed to stay in areas which
+suited him, if he could have selected his settlement grounds and
+awaited events. The calmness of the latter methods would perhaps have
+led to the unconscious development of social forms; the roughness of
+the actual method of constant movement led to the conscious adoption
+of social forms which has altered man's history. These considerations
+bring us to the conclusion that it is during the period of migratory
+movement that man has developed the social and religious elements with
+which the anthropologist finds him endowed, when at last in modern
+days he has been brought within the ken of scientific observation, and
+that therefore it is as a migratory not a stationary organism that the
+evolution of human society has to be studied, aided by the fact that
+enforced stationary conditions have produced in the savage world
+examples of perhaps the most remote as well as the more recent types
+of primitive humanity.
+
+This last possibility, however, is not admitted by the best
+authorities. They endeavour to use biological methods in order to get
+behind existing savagery for the earliest period of human savagery.
+Darwin is not satisfied with the evidence as to promiscuity, strong as
+it appeared to him to be, and he pronounced it to be "extremely
+improbable" in a state of nature, and falls back upon the evidence of
+the rudimentary stages of human existence, there being, as among the
+gorillas, but one adult male in the band, and "when the young male
+grows up, a contest takes place for the mastery, and the strongest, by
+killing and driving out the others, establishes himself as the head of
+the community."[304] Mr. McLennan nowhere states the evidence for his
+first stage of human society--the primitive horde without any ideas of
+kinship, and based upon a fellowship of common interests and
+dangers[305]--but arrives at it by argument deduced from the
+conditions of later stages of development, and from the necessary
+suppositions as to the pre-existing stage which must have led to the
+later. Mr. Westermarck leads us straight to the evidence of the lower
+animals, from which he arrives at the small groups of humans headed by
+the male, and provides us with the theory of a human pairing
+season.[306] Mr. Morgan claims that no exemplification of mankind in
+his assumed lower status of savagery remained to the historical
+period,[307] presumably meaning the anthropo-historical period. And
+finally, Mr. Lang definitely claims that conjecture, and conjecture
+alone, remains as the means of getting back to the earliest human
+origins.[308]
+
+There is great danger in relying too closely upon conjecture. We shall
+be repeating in anthropology what the analytical jurists accomplished
+in law and jurisprudence, and it will then soon become necessary to do
+for anthropology what Sir Henry Maine did for comparative
+jurisprudence, namely, demonstrate that the analytical method does not
+take us back to human origins, but to highly developed systems of
+society. Law, in the hands of the analytical jurists, is merely one
+part of the machinery of modern government. Social beginnings in the
+hands of conjectural anthropologists are merely abstractions with the
+whole history of man put on one side. Mr. Lang in leading the way
+towards the analytical method in anthropology has avoided many of its
+pitfalls, but his disciples are not so successful. Thus, when Mr.
+Thomas declares that "custom which has among them [primitive peoples]
+far more power than law among us, determines whether a man is of kin
+to his mother and her relatives alone, or to his father and father's
+relatives, or whether both sets of relatives are alike of kin to
+them,"[309] he is neglecting the whole significance and range of
+custom. His statement is true analytically, but it is not true
+anthropologically until we have ascertained what this custom to which
+he refers really is, whence it is derived, how it has obtained its
+force, what is its range of action, how it operates in differentiating
+among the various groups of mankind--in a word, what is the human
+history associated with this custom.
+
+We must, however, at certain points in anthropological inquiry have
+recourse to the conjectural method. Its value lies in the fact that it
+states, and states clearly, the issue which is before us, and it is
+always possible to take up the conjectural position and endeavour to
+ascertain whether the neglected facts of human history which it
+expresses can be recovered. Its danger lies in the neglect of certain
+anthropological principles which can only be noted from definite
+examples, and the significance of which can only be discovered by the
+handling of definite examples. I will refer to one or two of the
+principles which I have in mind. Thus, it is necessary to distinguish
+between what is a practice and what is a rule. A practice precedes a
+rule. A practice incidental to one stage of society must not be
+confused with a rule, similar to the practice, obtaining in a
+different stage of society. Again, it must be borne in mind that
+identity of practice is no certain evidence of parallel stages of
+culture, and already it has been pointed out that identical practices
+do not always come from the same causes. Thirdly, it has to be borne
+in mind that primitive peoples specialise in certain directions to an
+extreme extent, and correspondingly cause neglect in other directions.
+The normal, therefore, has to give way to the special, and it is the
+degree of specialisation and the degree of neglect which are measuring
+factors of progress; in other words, it is the conscious adoption of
+certain rules of life with which we alone have to do.
+
+These principles are apt to be wholly neglected, and, indeed, the
+last-mentioned element in the evolution of human society does not
+enter into the calculations of analytical anthropologists. They
+provide for the normal according to scientific ideas of what the
+normal is. They either neglect or openly reject what cannot be called
+abnormal, because it appears everywhere, but which they are inclined
+to treat as abnormal because it does not fit into their accepted lines
+of development. That which I have ventured to term specialisation and
+neglect is a great and important feature in anthropology. It obtains
+everywhere in more or less degree, and accounts for some of the
+apparently unaccountable facts in savage society, where we are
+frequently encountered by a comparatively high degree of culture
+associated with a cruel and debasing system of rites and practices
+which belong to the lowest savagery. Dr. Haddon has usefully suggested
+the term "differential evolution" for this phenomenon in the culture
+history of man,[310] and as I find myself in entire agreement with
+this distinguished anthropologist as to the facts[311] which call for
+a special terminology, I gladly adopt his valuable suggestion.
+
+It is advisable to explain this phenomenon by reference to examples, and
+I will take the point of specialisation first. Even where industrial
+arts have advanced far beyond the primitive stage we are considering, we
+have the case of the Ahts, with whom "though living only a few miles
+apart, the tribes practise different arts and have apparently distinct
+tribal characteristics. One tribe is skilful in shaping canoes, another
+in painting boards for ornamental work, or making ornaments for the
+person, or instruments for hunting and fishing. Individuals as a rule
+keep to the arts for which their tribe has some repute, and do not care
+to acquire those arts in which other tribes excel. There seems to be
+among all the tribes in the island a sort of recognised tribal monopoly
+in certain articles produced, or that have been long manufactured in
+their own district. For instance, a tribe that does not grow potatoes,
+or make a particular kind of mat, will go a long way year after year to
+barter for those articles, which if they liked they themselves could
+easily produce or manufacture."[312] The remarkable case of the Todas
+specialising in cattle rearing and dairy farming is another example.
+Other people, both higher and lower in civilisation than the Todas, keep
+cattle and know the value of milk, but it is reserved for the Todas
+alone to have used this particular economic basis of their existence as
+the basis also of their social formation and their religious life.[313]
+The result is that they neglect other forms of social existence. They
+are not totemists, though perhaps they have the undeveloped germs of
+totemistic beliefs.[314] Their classificatory system of relationship
+makes their actual kinship scarcely recognisable; they "have very
+definite restrictions on the freedom of individuals to marry," and have
+a two-class endogamous division, but their marriage rite is merely the
+selection of nominal fathers for their children.[315] Throughout the
+careful study which we now possess, thanks to Dr. Rivers, of this
+people, there is the dominant note of dairy economy superimposing itself
+upon all else, and even religion seems to be in a state of
+decadence.[316] I do not know that anywhere else could be found a
+stronger example of the results of extreme specialisation upon the
+social and mental condition of a people. As a rule such specialisation
+does not extend to a whole people, but rather to sections, as, for
+instance, among the Gold Coast tribes of Africa who "transmit the secret
+of their skill from father to son and keep the corporation to which they
+belong up to a due degree of closeness by avoiding intermarriage with
+any of the more unskilled labourers,"[317] and Dr. Bucher, who has
+worked out many of the earliest conditions of primitive economics,
+concludes that it may be safely claimed that every "tribe displays some
+favourite form of industrial activity in which its members surpass the
+other tribes."[318] This rule extends to the lowest type of man, as, for
+instance, among the Australians. Each tribe of the Narrinyeri, says
+Taplin, have been accustomed to make those articles which their tract of
+country enabled them to produce most easily; one tribe will make
+weapons, another mats, and a third nets, and then they barter them one
+with another.[319]
+
+The evidence for industrial evolution is full of cases such as these,
+and they are extremely important to note, because it is not the mere
+existence of particular customs or particular beliefs among different
+peoples which is the factor to take into account, but the use or
+non-use, and the extent of the use or non-use, to which the particular
+customs or beliefs are put in each case.[320] Let me turn from the
+phenomenon of over-specialisation to that of neglect, and for this
+purpose I will take the simple fact of blood kinship. Existing
+obviously everywhere through the mother, and not obviously but
+admittedly through the father among most primitive peoples, there are
+examples where both maternal kinship and paternal kinship are
+neglected factors in the construction of the social group. The Nahals
+of Khandesh, for instance, neglect kinship altogether, and exist
+perfectly wild among the mountains, subsisting chiefly on roots,
+fruits, and berries, though the children during infancy accompany the
+mother in her unattached freedom from male control,[321] just as
+Herodotos describes the condition of the Auseans "before the Hellenes
+were settled near them."[322] Similarly, among many primitive peoples,
+kinship with the mother is recognised while kinship with the father is
+purposely neglected as a social factor. Thus, among the Khasia Hill
+people, the husband visits his wife occasionally in her own home,
+where "he seems merely entertained to continue the family to which his
+wife belongs."[323] This statement, so peculiarly appropriate to my
+purpose, is not merely an accident of language. With the people allied
+to the Khasis, namely, the Syntengs and the people of Maoshai, "the
+husband does not go and live in his mother-in-law's house; he only
+visits her there. In Jowai, the husband came to his mother-in-law's
+house only after dark," and the explanation of the latest authority
+is that among these people "the man is nobody ... if he be a husband
+he is looked upon merely as _u shong kha_, a begetter."[324]
+
+The neglect of maternal and paternal kinship respectively in these two
+cases is obvious. They are recognised physically. But they are not
+used as part of the fabric of social institutions. Physical motherhood
+or fatherhood is nothing to these people, and one must learn to
+understand that there is wide difference between the mere physical
+fact of having a mother and father, and the political fact of using
+this kinship for social organisation. Savages who have not learnt the
+political significance have but the scantiest appreciation of the
+physical fact. The Australians, for instance, have no term to express
+the relationship between mother and child. This is because the
+physical fact is of no significance, and not as Mr. Thomas thinks
+because of the meagreness of the language.[325] Our field
+anthropologists do not quite understand the savage in this respect. It
+is of no use preparing a genealogical tree on the basis of civilised
+knowledge of genealogy if such a document is beyond the ken of the
+people to whom it relates. The information for it may be correctly
+collected, but if the whole structure is not within the compass of
+savage thought it is a misleading anthropological document. It is of
+no use translating a native term as "father," if father did not mean
+to the savage what it means to us. It might mean something so very
+different. With us, fatherhood connotes a definite individual with all
+sorts of social, economical, and political associations, but what
+does it mean to the savage? It may mean physical fatherhood and
+nothing more, and physical fatherhood may be a fact of the veriest
+insignificance. It may mean social fatherhood, where all men of a
+certain status are fathers to all children of the complementary
+status, and social fatherhood thus becomes much more than we can
+understand by the term father.
+
+We cannot ignore the evidence which over-specialisation in one
+direction and neglect in other directions supply to anthropology. It
+shows us that human societies cannot always be measured in the scale
+of culture by the most apparent of the social elements contained in
+them. The cannibalism of the Fijians, the art products of the Maori,
+the totemism of the Australian blacks, do not express all that makes
+up the culture of these people, although it too often happens that
+they are made to do duty for the several estimates of culture
+progress. It follows that a survey of the different human societies
+might reveal examples of the possible lowest in the scale as well as
+various advances from the lowest; or in lieu of whole societies in the
+lowest scale, there might be revealed unexceptional examples of the
+possible lowest elements of culture within societies not wholly in the
+lowest scale. It will be seen how valuable an asset this must be in
+anthropological research. It justifies those who assert that existing
+savagery or existing survival will supply evidence of man at the very
+earliest stages of existence. It is the root idea of Dr. Tylor's
+method of research, and it is an essential feature in the science of
+folklore.
+
+Evidence of this nature, however, needs to be exhaustively collected,
+and to be subjected to the most careful examination, as otherwise it
+may be used for the merest _a priori_ argument of the most mischievous
+and inconclusive description. It involves consideration of whole human
+groups rather than of particular sections of each human group, of the
+whole corpus of social, religious, and economical elements residing in
+each human group rather than of the separated items. Each human group,
+having its specialised and dormant elements, must be treated as an
+organism and not as a bundle of separable items, each one of which the
+student may use or let alone as he desires. That which is
+anthropological evidence is the indivisible organism, and whenever,
+for convenience of treatment and considerations of space, particular
+elements only are used in evidence, they must be qualified, and the
+use to which they are provisionally put for scientific purposes must
+be checked, by the associated elements with which the particular
+elements are connected.
+
+The human groups thus called upon to surrender their contributions to
+the history of man are of various formations, and consist of various
+kinds of social units. There is no one term which can properly be
+applied to all, and it will have been noted that I have carefully
+avoided giving the human groups hitherto dealt with any particular
+name, and only under protest have I admitted the terms used by the
+authorities I have quoted. I think the term "tribe" is not applicable
+to savage society, for it is used to denote peoples in all degrees of
+social evolution, and merely stands for the group which is known by a
+given name, or roams over a given district. But the use of this term
+is not so productive of harm as the use of the term "family," because
+of the universal application of this term to the smallest social unit
+of the civilised world, and because of the fundamental difference of
+structure of the units which roughly answer to the definition of
+family in various parts of the world. It is no use in scientific
+matters to use terms of inexact reference. As much as almost anything
+else it has led to false conclusions as to the evolution of the
+family, conclusions which seem to entangle even the best authorities
+in a mass of contradictions. I cannot think of a family group in
+savagery with father, mother, sons, and daughters, all delightfully
+known to each other, in terms which also belong to the civilised
+family, and still less can I think of these terms being used to take
+in the extended grouping of local kinships. One of our greatest
+difficulties, indeed, is the indiscriminate use of kinship terms by
+our descriptive authorities. We are never quite sure whether the
+physical relationships included in them convey anything whatever to
+the savage. If he knows of the physical fact, he does not use it
+politically, for blood kinship as a political force is late, not
+early, and the early tie was dependent upon quite other circumstances.
+Over and over again it will be found stated by established authorities
+that the family was the primal unit, the grouped families forming the
+larger clan, the grouped clans forming the larger tribe. This is Sir
+Henry Maine's famous formula, and it is the basis of his investigation
+into early law and custom.[326] It is founded upon the false
+conception of the family in early history, and upon a too narrow
+interpretation of the stages of evolution. When we are dealing with
+savage society, the terms family and tribe do not connote the same
+institution as when we are dealing with higher forms of civilisation.
+There is something roughly corresponding to these groupings in both
+systems, but they do not actually equate. When we pass to the Semitic
+and the Aryan-speaking peoples, both the family and tribe have assumed
+a definite place in the polity of the races which is not to be found
+outside these peoples.
+
+So strongly has the family impressed itself upon the thought of the
+age that students of man in his earliest ages are found stating that
+"the family is the most ancient and the most sacred of human
+institutions."[327] This proposition, however, is not only denied by
+other authorities, as, for instance, Mr. Jevons, who affirms that "the
+family is a comparatively late institution in the history of
+society,"[328] but it rests upon the merely analytical basis of
+research, separated entirely from those facts of man's history which
+are discoverable by the means just now suggested. One is, of course,
+quite prepared to find the family among civilisations older than the
+Indo-European, and yet to find that it is a comparatively late
+institution among Indo-European peoples. As a matter of fact, this is
+the case; for the two kinds of family, the family as seen in savage
+society and the family as it appears among the antiquities of the
+Indo-European people, are totally distinct in origin, in compass, and
+in force; while welded between the two kinds of family is the whole
+institution of the tribe. It is no use introducing the theory adopted
+by Grote, Niebuhr, Mommsen, Thirlwall, Maine, and other authorities
+who have studied the legal antiquities of classical times, that the
+tribe is the aggregate of original family units. Later on I shall show
+that this cannot be the case. The larger kinship of the tribe is a
+primary unit of ancient society, which thrusts itself between the
+savage family and the civilised family, showing that the two types are
+separated by a long period of history during which the family did not
+exist.
+
+It has taken me some time to explain these points in anthropological
+science, which appear to me not to have received proper consideration
+at the hands of the masters of the science, but which are essential
+factors in the history of man and are necessary to a due consideration
+of the position occupied by folklore. The chief results obtained
+are:--
+
+      (1) Migratory man would deposit his most rudimentary
+      social type not at the point of starting his
+      migration, but at the furthest point therefrom.
+
+      (2) Custom due to the migratory period would continue
+      after real migratory movement had ceased, and from
+      this body of custom would be derived all later forms
+      of social custom.
+
+      (3) Non-kinship groups are more rudimentary than
+      kinship groups, and are still observable in savage
+      anthropology.
+
+      (4) Anthropological evidence must be based upon the
+      whole of the characteristics of human groups, not upon
+      special characteristics singled out for the purpose of
+      research.
+
+It is with these results we have to work. They will help us to see how
+far the facts of anthropology, which begin far behind the historical
+world, have to do with the problems presented by folklore as a science
+having to deal with the historical world.
+
+
+II
+
+We may now inquire where anthropology and folklore meet. It is
+significant in this connection that in order to reach back to the
+earliest ages of man, our first appeal seems to be to folklore. The
+appeal at present does not lead us far perhaps, but it certainly acts
+as a finger post in the inquiry, for Dr. Kollmann, rejecting the
+evidence of the Java _Pithecanthropus erectus_ as the earliest
+palæontological evidence of man, advances the opinion that the direct
+antecedents of man should not be sought among the species of
+anthropoid apes of great height and with flat skulls, but much further
+back in the zoological scale, in the small monkeys with pointed
+skulls; from which, he believes, were developed the human pygmy races
+of prehistoric ages with pointed skulls, and from these pygmy races
+finally developed the human race of historic times. And he relies upon
+folklore for one part of his evidence, for it is this descent of man,
+he thinks, which explains the persistency with which mythology and
+folklore allude to the subject of pygmy people, as well as the
+relative frequency with which recently the fossils of small human
+beings belonging to prehistoric times have been discovered.[329] It
+must not be forgotten, too, that this remote period is found in
+another class of tradition, namely, that to which Dr. Tylor refers as
+containing the memory of the huge animals of the quaternary
+period.[330]
+
+It must be confessed that we do not get far with this evidence alone.
+If it proves that the true starting point is to be found in folklore,
+it also proves that folklore alone is not capable of working through
+the problem. Anthropology must aid here, and I will suggest the lines
+on which it appears to me it does this.
+
+Our first effort must be made by the evidence suggested by the
+conjectural method. This leads us to small human groups, each headed
+by a male who drives out all other males and himself remains with his
+females and his children. Sexual selection thus acts with primitive
+economics[331] in keeping the earliest groups small in numbers, and
+creating a spreading out from these groups of the males cast out. We
+have male supremacy in its crudest form accompanied by an enforced
+male celibacy, so far as the group in which the males are born is
+concerned, on the part of those who survive the struggle for supremacy
+and wander forth on their own account. Marking the stages from point
+to point, in order to arrive at a systematic method of stating the
+complex problem presented by the subject we are investigating, we can
+project from this earliest condition of man's life two important
+elements of social evolution, namely--
+
+      (a) Younger men are celibate within the natural
+      groups of human society, or are driven out therefrom.
+
+      (b) Men thus driven out will seek mates on their own
+      account, and will secure them partly from the original
+      group as far as they are permitted or are successful
+      in their attempts, and partly by capture from other
+      local groups.
+
+The first of these elements strongly emphasises the migratory
+character of the earliest human groups. The second shows how each
+group is relieved of the incubus of too great a number for the
+economic conditions by the double process of sending forth its young
+males, and of its younger females being captured by successful
+marauders.
+
+Let us take a fuller note of what the conditions of such a life might
+be. There is no tie of kinship operating as a social force within the
+groups; there is the unquestioned condition of hostility surrounding
+each group, and there is the enforced practice of providing mates by
+capture. Of these three conditions the most significant is undoubtedly
+the absence of the kinship tie. If then we use this as the basis for
+grouping the earliest examples of social organisation, we proceed to
+inquire whether there are any examples of kinless society in
+anthropological evidence.
+
+Following up the clue supplied by folklore, we may see whether the
+pygmy people of anthropological observation answer in any way to those
+conjectural conditions.[332] I think they do. Thus, we find that the
+pygmy people are in all cases on the extreme confines of the world's
+occupation ground; that they occupy the territory to which they have
+been pushed, not that which they have chosen. As the most primitive
+representatives, they are the last outposts of the migratory
+movements. Dr. Beke has preserved an account of the pygmies which even
+in its terminology assists in their identification as a type of the
+remotest stages of social existence. Dr. Beke obtained certain
+information about the countries south-west of Abyssinia, from which
+Latham quotes the following:--
+
+      "The people of Doko, both men and women, are said to
+      be no taller than boys nine or ten years old. They
+      never exceed that height even in the most advanced
+      age. They go quite naked; their principal foods are
+      ants, snakes, mice, and other things which commonly
+      are not used as food.... They also climb trees with
+      great skill to fetch down the fruits, and in doing
+      this they stretch their hands downwards and their legs
+      upwards.... They live mixed together; men and women
+      unite and separate as they please.... The mother
+      suckles the child only as long as she is unable to
+      find ants and snakes for its food; she abandons it as
+      soon as it can get its food by itself. No rank or
+      order exists among the Dokos. Nobody orders, nobody
+      obeys, nobody defends the country, nobody cares for
+      the welfare of the nation."[333]
+
+This evidence is confirmed in many directions. It coincides with the
+account by Herodotos of the expedition from Libya which met with a
+pygmy race,[334] and with a seventeenth-century account of a Dutch
+expedition to the north from the south, who "found a tribe of people
+very low in stature and very lean, entirely savage, without huts,
+cattle, or anything in the world except their lands and wild
+game."[335] Captain Burrows' account of the Congoland pygmies agrees
+in all essentials, and he particularly notes that they "have no ties
+of family affection such as those of mother to son or sister to
+brother, and seem to be wanting in all social qualities;" they have no
+religion and no fetich rites; no burial ceremony and no mourning for
+the dead; in short, he adds, "they are to my thinking the closest link
+with the original Darwinian anthropoid ape extant."[336] The evidence
+of the African pygmy people everywhere confirms these views, and
+differences of detail do not alter the general results.[337]
+
+[Illustration: CHINESE REPRESENTATION OF PYGMIES GOING ABOUT
+ARM-IN-ARM FOR MUTUAL PROTECTION]
+
+[Illustration: SEMANG OF KUALA KENERING, ULU PERAK]
+
+[Illustration: NEGRITO TYPE: SEMANG OF PERAK]
+
+Following this up we get the greatest assistance from Asia.[338] The
+Semang people of the Malay Peninsula are a short race, the male being
+four feet nine inches in height, with woolly and tufted hair, thick
+lips and flat nose, and their language is connected with the group
+of which the Khasi people is a member.[339] They subsist upon the
+birds and beasts of the forest, and roots, eating elephants,
+rhinoceros, monkeys, and rats. They are said to have chiefs among
+them, but all property is common. Their huts or temporary dwellings,
+for they have no fixed habitations but rove about like the beasts of
+the forest, consist of two posts stuck in the ground with a small
+cross-piece and a few leaves or branches of trees laid over to secure
+them from the weather, and their clothing consists chiefly of the
+inner bark of trees.[340] They use stone or slate implements. The
+authority for this information does not directly state their social
+formation, but in a footnote he compares them to the Negritos of the
+Philippine Islands, "who are divided into very small societies very
+little connected with each other." This is confirmed by Mr. Hugh
+Clifford, who relates a story told to him in the camp of the Semangs,
+which tells how these people were driven to their present
+resting-place, "not for love of these poor hunting grounds," but
+because they were thrust there by the Malays who stole their women.
+One further point is interesting; they have a legend of a people in
+their old home, composed of women only. "These women know not men, but
+but when the moon is at the full, they dance naked in the grassy
+places near the salt-licks; the evening wind is their only spouse, and
+through him they conceive and bear children."[341] All this has been
+confirmed and more than confirmed by the important researches of
+Messrs. Skeat and Blagden in their recently published work on these
+people. There is no necessity to do more than refer to the principal
+features brought out by these authorities. In the valuable notes on
+environment, we have the actual facts of the migratory movement drawn
+clearly for us;[342] their nomadic habits, rude nature-derived
+clothing, forest habitations and natural sources of food are
+described;[343] the evolution of their habitations from the natural
+shelters, rock shelters, caves, tree buttresses, branches, etc., is to
+be traced;[344] they belong to the old Stone Age, if not to a previous
+Wood and Bone Age;[345] they have no organised body of chiefs, and
+there is no formal recognition of kinship; marital relationship is
+preceded by great ante-nuptial freedom;[346] the name of every child
+is taken "from some tree which stands near the prospective birthplace
+of the child; as soon as the child is born, this name is shouted aloud
+by the _sage femme_, who then hands over the child to another woman,
+and buries the after-birth underneath the birth-tree or name-tree of
+the child; as soon as this has been done, the father cuts a series of
+notches in the tree, starting from the ground and terminating at the
+height of the breast;"[347] the child must not in later life injure
+any tree which belongs to the species of his birth-tree, and must not
+eat of its fruit. There is a theory to accompany this practice, for
+birds are believed to be vehicles for the introduction of the soul
+into the newborn child, and all human souls grow upon a soul-tree in
+the other world, whence they are fetched by a bird which is killed and
+eaten by the expectant mother;[348] but there seems to be no evidence
+of any religious cult or rite, and what there is of mythology or
+legend is probably borrowed.[349] The details in this case are of
+special importance, as they form a complete set of associated culture
+elements, and I shall have to return to them later on.
+
+[Illustration: SEMANG OF KEDAH HAVING A MEAL]
+
+I shall not attempt to exhaust the evidence to be derived from the
+pygmy people. What has been said of the examples I have chosen may in
+all essentials be said of the remaining examples. But it is perhaps
+advisable to be assured that the evidence of kinless people is not
+confined to the stunted and dwarfed races, for it has been argued that
+the pygmies are nothing but the ne'er-do-wells of the stronger races,
+and may not therefore be taken as true racial types. This may be true,
+but it does not affect my case, because I am not depending so much
+upon the physical characteristics of these people as upon their
+culture characteristics. These are definite and conclusive, and they
+are repeated among people of higher physical type. Thus the Jolas of
+the Gambia district have practically no government and no law; every
+man does as he chooses, and the most successful thief is considered
+the greatest man. There is no recognised punishment for murder or any
+other crime. Individual settlement is the only remedy, and the fittest
+survives. There is no formality in regard to marriage, or what passes
+for marriage, amongst them. Natural selection is observed on both
+sides, and the pair, after having ascertained a reciprocity of
+sentiment, at once cohabit. They do not intermarry with any other
+race.[350]
+
+It is possible to proceed from this to other regions of man's
+occupation ground. In America, the evidence of the modern savage is
+preceded by most interesting facts. If we compare Dr. Brinton's
+conclusions as to the spread of the American Indians from the north to
+the south, and as to the development of culture in the favoured
+districts being of the same origin as the undeveloped culture of the
+less favoured and of absolutely sterile districts, with Mr. Curtin's
+altogether independent conclusions as to the growth of the American
+creation myth with its cycle of first people peaceful and migratory,
+and its cycle of second people "containing accounts of conflicts which
+are ever recurrent," we are conscious that mythic and material remains
+of great movements of people are in absolute accord,[351] an accord
+which leads us to expect that the peoples who were pushed ever forward
+into the most desolate and most sterile districts of southern America
+would be the most nearly savage of all the American peoples. This is
+in agreement with Darwin's estimate of the Fuegians who wander about
+in groups of kinless society,[352] and it is in accord with other
+evidence. Thus the Zaparos, belonging to the great division of
+unchristianised Indians of the oriental province of Ecuador, have the
+fame of being most expert woodsmen and hunters. To communicate with
+one another in the wood, they generally imitate the whistle of the
+toman or partridge. They believe that they partake of the nature of
+the animals they devour. They are very disunited, and wander about in
+separate hordes. The stealing of women is much carried on even amongst
+themselves. A man runs away with his neighbour's wife or one of them,
+and secretes himself in some out of the way spot until he gathers
+information that she is replaced, when he can again make his
+appearance, finding the whole difficulty smoothed over. In their
+matrimonial relations they are very loose--monogamy, polygamy,
+communism, and promiscuity all apparently existing amongst them. They
+allow the women great liberty and frequently change their mates or
+simply discard them when they are perhaps taken up by another. They
+believe in a devil or evil spirit which haunts the woods, and call him
+Zamáro.[353]
+
+In all these cases, and I do not, of course, exhaust the evidence,
+there is enough to suggest that the social forms presented are of the
+most rudimentary kind. Conjecture has not and, I think, cannot get
+further back than such evidence as this. The social grouping is
+supported by outside influences rather than internal organisation;
+neither blood kinship nor marital kinship is recognised; hostility to
+all other groups and from other groups is the basis of inter-groupal
+life. To these significant characteristics has to be added the special
+birth custom and belief of the Semang pygmies. It is clear that the
+soul-bird belief and the tree-naming custom are different phases of
+one conception of social life, a conception definitely excluding
+recognition of blood kinship, and derived from the conscious adoption
+of an experience which has not reached the stage of blood kinship, but
+which includes a close association with natural objects. All this
+makes it advisable to take fuller count of pygmy culture than has
+hitherto been given to it. The pygmies have in truth always been a
+problem in man's history. From the time of Homer, Herodotos, and
+Aristotle, the pygmies have had their place among the observable types
+of man, or among the traditions to which observers have given
+credence. In modern times they have been accounted for either as
+peoples degraded from a higher level of culture, or as peoples who
+have never advanced. But whether we look upon these people as the last
+remnants of the primitive condition of hostility or whether they are
+reversions to that condition by reason of like causes, they bring
+before us what conjectural research has prepared us for. The first
+supposition is neither impossible nor incredible. The slow
+spreading-out in hostile regions would allow of the preservation of
+some examples of preference for unrestrained licence at the expense of
+constant hostility, in place of a modified peacefulness at the expense
+of restricted freedom in matters so dear to the human animal as sexual
+choice and power. The second supposition contains an element of human
+history which must find a place in anthropological research. The
+possible phases of social formation are very limited. If any section
+of mankind cannot develop in one direction, they will stagnate at the
+stage they have reached, or they will retrograde to one of the stages
+from which in times past they have proceeded. There is no other
+course, and the very limitations of primitive life prevent us from
+considering the possibility of any other course. Either of these
+alternatives allows us to consider the examples of hostile
+inter-grouping as sufficient to supply us with the vantage ground for
+observation of man in his earliest stages of existence. Perhaps each
+of them may contain somewhat of the truth. But whatever may be
+considered as the true cause of the pygmy level of culture, there is
+an underlying factor which must count most strongly in its
+determination, namely, that these people are the people who in the
+process of migration have been pushed out to the last strongholds of
+man. Whether they could not or would not conform to the newer
+condition of stationary or comparatively stationary society is not
+much to the point in presence of the fact that nowhere have they
+conformed to this standard of existence. Moreover we are entitled to
+the argument, which has been the main point advanced in connection
+with the anthropological problems we are discussing, that the most
+primitive type of man must of necessity be sought for, and can only be
+found at the extremes of the migration movement wherever that is
+discernible.[354]
+
+The question now becomes, can we by means of recognisable links
+proceed from the rudimentary kinless stage of society to the earliest
+stage of kinship society? This is a most difficult problem, but it
+must be solved. If the rudimentary kinless groups do indeed constitute
+a factor in human evolution, they are a most important factor. If they
+do not constitute such a factor, they can only be accidental
+productions, the sport of exceptional circumstances not in the line of
+evolution, and as such they are not of much use in anthropology. It
+will be seen, therefore, that the connection between rudimentary
+kinless society and the earliest, or representatives of the earliest,
+kinship society, is an essential part of an inquiry into origins.
+
+It may be approached first from the conjectural basis. On this basis
+it may be asserted that the victorious male of the primary groups
+would remain victorious only just so long as he could continue to
+adjust the conditions on the primary basis, and preserve his females
+to himself. New conditions would arise whenever the limitation of the
+food lands produced a degree of localisation of the hitherto movable
+groups. There would then have crept into human experience the
+necessity for something of common action among a wider range than the
+simple group. This is a new force, and social evolution is henceforth
+going to operate in addition to, perhaps to a limited extent in
+substitution of, the constant movement towards new food lands. The
+single male would no longer be the victorious male by himself; and
+sharing his power with other males meant the reduction of his power in
+his own group. Called away for something more than the defence of his
+own primary group of females, he would leave the females with the
+practical governance of the primary groups. This tendency would
+develop. Wherever the constant movement outwards became stayed by
+geographical or other influences, the groups which experienced the
+shock of stoppage would undergo change. The female in the various
+primary groups would become a static element, and the male alone would
+follow out in the more restricted area the older force of movement
+which he had learned during the period of unrestricted scope.[355] He
+would have to find his mates during his roamings, instead of the
+former condition of fighting for them during the group movements; and
+his relationship to the primary groups would be therefore
+fundamentally changed. From being the central dominant head, he would
+become a constantly shifting unit. The female under these conditions
+would become the centre of the new social unit, and the male would
+become the hunter for food and the fighter against enemies. The new
+social forces would thus consist of local units commanded by the
+female, and revolving units composed of the males, and there would
+arise therefrom cleavage between the economic conditions of the two
+sexes.
+
+That primitive economics bear the impress of sex cleavage is borne out
+by every class of evidence, and it is in this circumstance that we
+first come upon societies distinguished by containing two of the most
+important social elements, exogamy and totemism. Before, however,
+examining examples of societies containing the two elements of exogamy
+and totemism, it will be necessary to say something by way of
+preliminaries on these two elements themselves. They have rightly been
+made the subject of important special inquiry by anthropological
+scholars, as being in fact the key to the question of social
+evolution, and we shall clear the ground considerably by first of all
+turning to the principal authorities on the subject, and ascertaining
+the present position of the inquiry.
+
+I must however note, in the first place, that as I have stated the
+case, exogamy and totemism appear as two separate and distinct
+elements, whereas it is usual to consider exogamy as an essential part
+of totemism. I cannot, however, see that this is so. In advanced
+totemism, it is true, they are found as inseparable parts of one
+system, but they may well have started separately and coalesced later.
+In point of fact, all the evidence points in this direction, and if we
+cease to consider exogamy as a necessary element of totemism, we can
+advance investigation more rapidly and with greater accuracy.
+
+We come very quickly upon what may be termed natural exogamy. Male
+working with male outside the groups formed by women and the younger
+offspring would produce a natural exogamy, which would have followed
+upon the exogamy produced by hostile capture of women, and two streams
+of influence would thus tell in favour of the evolution of a system of
+formal exogamy, and Dr. Westermarck's theory of a natural avoidance of
+housemates, with all its wealth of evidence, helps us at this point.
+
+The position is not so clear as to totemism. If we begin, however,
+with a clear understanding that it is not a part of the machinery of
+exogamous grouping, but an independent growth of its own, we shall
+have gained an important point, for the contrary opinion has very
+often obscured the issue and prevented research in the right
+direction.
+
+It will be advisable to have before us the principal theories as to
+the origin of totemism. There are practically three--Mr. Frazer's, Mr.
+Lang's, and Mr. Baldwin Spencer's. Mr. Frazer considers totemism to be
+"in its essence nothing more or less than an early theory of
+conception, which presented itself to savage man at a time when he was
+still ignorant of the true cause of the propagation of the species."
+Mr. Frazer explains this theory further by saying that "naturally
+enough, when she is first aware of the mysterious movement within her,
+the mother fancies that something has that very moment passed into her
+body, and it is equally natural that in her attempt to ascertain what
+the thing is, she should fix upon some object that happened to be near
+her, or to engage her attention at the critical moment."[356]
+
+Mr. Lang rejects Mr. Frazer's theory _in toto_, and propounds his own
+as due to the naming of savage societies, and to a sort of natural
+exogamy produced by practically the same set of conditions as I have
+already described. Mr. Lang's totemism began in the primary groups,
+and began with exogamy as a necessary part of it. "Unessential to my
+system," says Mr. Lang, "is the question how the groups got animal
+names, as long as they got them, and did not remember how they got
+them, and as long as the names according to their way of thinking
+indicated an essential and mystic rapport between each group and its
+name-giving animal. No more than these three things--a group animal
+name of unknown origin; belief in a transcendental connection between
+all bearers human and bestial of the same name; and belief in the
+blood superstitions (the mystically sacred quality of the blood as
+life)--was needed to give rise to all the totemic creeds and practices
+including exogamy," and further, "we guess that for the sake of
+distinction, groups gave each other animal and plant names. These
+became stereotyped we conjecture, and their origin was forgotten. The
+belief that there must necessarily be some connection between animals
+and men of the same names led to speculation about the nature of the
+connection. The usual reply to the question was that the men and
+animals of the same name were akin by blood. The kinship _with
+animals_ being particularly mysterious was peculiarly sacred. From
+these ideas arose tabus, and among others that of totemic
+exogamy."[357]
+
+Mr. Baldwin Spencer, and with him Dr. Haddon, consider totemism to
+have arisen from economic conditions. Primitive human groups, says Dr.
+Haddon, "could never have been large, and the individuals comprising
+each group must have been closely related. In favourable areas each
+group would have a tendency to occupy a restricted range, owing to the
+disagreeable results which arose from encroaching on the territory
+over which another group wandered. Thus, it would inevitably come
+about that a certain animal or plant, or group of animals or plants,
+would be more abundant in the territory of one group than in that of
+another."[358]
+
+These theories are not necessarily mutually destructive, though they
+seem to me even collectively not to contain the full case for
+totemism. Mr. Frazer does not account for woman's isolation at the
+time of conceptual quickening, for the closeness of her observation of
+local phenomena, and for the separateness of her ideas from the actual
+facts of procreation. Mr. Lang overloads his case. He is accounting
+not for the origin of totemism, but for the origin of all, or almost
+all, that totemism contains in its most developed forms--"all the
+totemic creeds and practices including exogamy" as he says. He
+postulates a name-giving process by drawing upon the conceptions as to
+names by advanced savage thought, and he does not account for the fact
+that according to his theory, animals and plants must not only have
+been named, but named upon some sort of system known to a wide area of
+peoples, before totemistic names for the groups could have been given
+to them. Mr. Spencer's and Dr. Haddon's theory is perhaps open to the
+doubts caused by Mr. Lang's criticism of it that there is only one
+case of a known economic cause for totemism--an Australian case where
+two totem kins are said to have been so called "from having in former
+times principally subsisted on a small fish and a very small
+opossum;"[359] but on the other hand it does supply a _vera causa_,
+the actual evidence for which may well have passed away with the
+development of totemism, without leaving survivals.
+
+All these theories, however, are the result of considerable research
+and experience, and it is more than probable that they may each
+contain fragments of the truth which need the touch of combination to
+show how they stand in relation to the problem which they are
+propounded to solve. There are features of totemism which are not
+noticed by any of these distinguished authorities. By using the
+hitherto unnoticed features, I think it possible to produce a theory
+as to the origin of totemism, which will contain the essential
+features of those theories now prominently before the world.
+
+I will set down the order in which the problem can be approached from
+the standpoint already reached, and we may afterwards try to ascertain
+what proof is to be derived from totemic societies of the rudest type.
+
+Now totemism is essentially a system of social grouping, whose chief
+characteristic is that it is kinless--that is to say, the tie of
+totemism is not the tie of blood kinship, but the artificially created
+association with natural objects or animals. It takes no count of
+fatherhood, and only reckons with the physical fact of motherhood. It
+is not the actual fatherhood or the actual motherhood which is the
+fundamental basis of totemism, but the association with animal, plant,
+or other natural object. This is evidently the fact, whatever view is
+taken of totemism, and that totemism is, in its origin and principle,
+a kinless, not a kinship system, is the first fact of importance to
+bear in mind throughout all inquiry. Thus Messrs. Spencer and Gillen
+say "the identity of the human individual is often sunk in that of
+the animal or plant from which he is supposed to have originated."[360]
+
+The next fact of importance is that as it commences at birth time, it
+must be closely associated with the mother and her actions as mother.
+This leads us to the observation that it is through the agency of the
+mother that the totem name is conferred upon their children, and to
+the necessary antecedent fact that women must have themselves
+possessed the name they conferred--possessed, that is, either the name
+as a personal attribute and valued as such, or else the power of
+evolving the name and the capacity of using it with totemic
+significance. I conclude from this, therefore, that the search for the
+origin of totemism must be made from the women's side of the social
+group. Such a search would lead straight to the industrialism of early
+woman, from which originated the domestication of animals, the
+cultivation of fruits and cereals, and the appropriation of such trees
+and shrubs as were necessary to primitive economics.[361] The close
+and intimate relationship with human life which such animals, plants,
+and trees would assume under the social conditions which have been
+postulated as belonging to this earliest stage of evolution, and the
+aid which these friendly and always present companions would render at
+all times and under most circumstances, would generate and develop
+many of those savage conceptions which have become known to research.
+As human friends they would become part of humanity, just as
+Livingstone notes of an African people that they did not eat the beef
+which he offered to them because "they looked upon cattle as human and
+living at home like men,"[362] an idea which is also the basis of the
+custom in India not to taste fruit of a newly planted mangrove tree
+until it is formally "married" to some other tree.[363] These are but
+the fortunate instances where definite record in set terms has been
+made. At the back of them lies a whole collection of anthropomorphic
+conceptions, indulged in by man at all stages of his career.[364] As
+superhuman agencies for pregnancy and birth, they would do what the
+human father in the society we are contemplating could not be expected
+to do, for he would be seldom present during the long period of
+pregnancy; he would have shared with other males the privileges of
+sexual intercourse, and he would therefore not be so closely in
+companionship with the women of the local groups as the friendly
+animal, plant, or tree who did so much for the mothers. There would
+thus be formed the groundwork for the fashioning of that most
+incredible of all beliefs, well founded, as Mr. Hartland has proved
+both from tradition and belief,[365] that the human father was not
+father, and that other agencies were responsible for the birth of
+children.
+
+Gathering up the several threads of this argument, it seems to me that
+there is within this sphere of primitive thought and within these
+conditions of primitive life, ample room for the growth of all the
+main conceptions belonging to totemism; and it will be seen how
+necessary it is to separate totemism at its beginning from totemism in
+its most advanced stages. Totemism has not come to man fully equipped
+in all its parts. It is like every other human institution, the result
+of a long process of development, and the various stages of
+development are important parts of the evidence as to origins. At the
+beginning, it was clearly not connected with blood kinship and
+descent; it was as clearly not connected with any class system of
+marriage. But its beginnings would allow of these later growths, would
+perhaps almost engender these later growths.
+
+Thus, the primary notion of the totem birth of children would, when
+blood kinship and descent became a consciously accepted element in
+social development, easily slide into the belief of a totemic ancestor
+and kinship with the totem; the protection and assistance afforded by
+the totem to the women of the primary groups who became the mothers of
+new generations, would easily grow into a sort of worship of the
+totem; the adoption of the totem name from the circumstances of birth
+implying the origin of the name from within the group and not from
+without would, as aggregation took the place of segregation, give way
+before the association of groups of persons with common interests; the
+aggregate totem name would come to the separate local totems as soon
+as, but not before, aggregation had taken the place of segregation in
+the formation of the social system, and this was not at the earliest
+stage; the close association of the totems with groups of mothers who
+always took the fathers of their children from without the mother
+group, would readily develop into differentiating the mother totems
+within the group from the totems of the fathers without the group, and
+this differentiation would produce a special relationship between the
+sexes based upon the difference of totems instead of upon the sameness
+of them; and finally there would be produced first a two-class
+division founded on sex--all the mothers and all the fathers--and,
+only in a developed form, a two-class division founded on the accepted
+totem name.
+
+If this is a probable view of the course of totemic evolution, we may
+more confidently refer to its final stages for further evidence.
+Advanced totemic society shows a constant tendency to substitute
+blood kinship for the association with natural objects: first, blood
+kinship with the mother, then with the mother and the father, finally
+recognised through the father only. At this last stage, blood kinship
+has practically succeeded in expelling totemic association altogether
+in favour of tribal kinship by blood descent, for totemism with male
+descent as the basis of the social group is totemism in name only; the
+names of totemism remain but they are applied to kinship tribes or
+sections of tribes, and they do duty therefore as a convenient
+name-system without reference to their origin in definite association
+with the naming animal or plant; and it is already in position to
+surrender also the names and outward signs. Blood kinship is therefore
+the destroyer, not the generator, of totemism, and we are therefore
+compelled to get at the back of blood kinship if we want to find totem
+beginnings.
+
+This is an important aspect of the case, and it is one which, I think,
+cannot be ignored. We have found that rudimentary totemism was the
+basis of a social system founded on artificial associations with
+animal or plant, was therefore kinless in character; and we have found
+that when totemism has been carried on into a society developed upon
+the recognition of blood kinship, blood kinship became antagonistic to
+totemism, and ultimately displaced it. These two facts point to the
+rudimentary kinless system as the true origin of totemism.
+
+
+III
+
+Now we may test these conclusions by applying the theory they contain
+to an actual case of totemic society. It would be well to choose for
+this purpose a people who had specialised their totemic organisation,
+and there are only two supreme instances of this among the races of
+the world--the North American Indians and the Australians. Everywhere
+else, where totemism exists, it is not the dominant feature of the
+social organisation. In Asia and in Africa totemism is subordinate to,
+or at all events in close or equal association with, other elements,
+and we cannot be quite sure that we have in these cases pure totemism.
+North American totemism is in the most advanced stage. Australian
+totemism is to a very considerable degree less advanced, and it is
+therefore to Australian totemism I shall turn for evidence.
+
+But even here it is necessary to bear in mind that primitive as the
+Australians are, they are not so primitive as to be in the primary
+stages of totemic society. They have developed, and developed strongly
+along totemic lines, and we know that such development once started
+has the capacity to proceed far. What we have to do, therefore, is to
+attempt to penetrate beneath the range of development, to search for
+the social group at the farthest from the centre point from which
+migration started, to discover, if we can, relics of group hostility,
+hostile capture of women and of kinless society, all of which belong
+to the primary stage from which totemic development has taken place.
+If we can do this, we may hope to arrive at the origin of totemism,
+and we are more likely to accomplish it in the case of the Australians
+than with any other people. If we cannot, as Mr. Lang alleges,
+anywhere see "absolutely primitive man and a totemic system in the
+making,"[366] we may go back along the lines from which totemism has
+developed in Australian society and see somewhat of the process of the
+making.
+
+We may commence with evidence of the survival of the most primitive
+human trait, the condition of hostility among the local groups
+produced by the struggle for women. "The possession of a girl appears
+to be connected with all their ideas of fighting ... after a battle
+the girls do not always follow their fugitive husbands from the field,
+but frequently go over as a matter of course to the victors, even with
+young children on their backs."[367] Mr. Curr puts the evidence even
+more definitely in a primitive setting when he informs us of "the
+young bachelors of the tribe carrying off some of the girl wives of
+the grey-beards," leaving the old territory and settling at the first
+convenient place within thirty or forty miles of the old territory. I
+call this state of things "survival,"[368] because it is the existence
+in totemic society of the fundamental basis of pre-totemic society. It
+is checked in Australian totemic society by rules which show a strong
+development from the primitive. Thus the successful warrior may not
+take any of his captives to himself; "if a warrior took to himself a
+captive who belonged to a forbidden class, he would be hunted down
+like a wild beast," is the evidence of Mr. Fison, who allows it to be
+"a strong statement, but it rests upon strong evidence."[369] This is
+the exogamous class system operating even in the case of conflict,
+when men have resorted to their primitive instincts and their
+primitive methods.
+
+This discovery of primitive hostility accompanying the obtaining of
+wives leads us to look for other survivals of the earliest conditions,
+and we come upon mother-right groups in which the females in each
+local group are the sexual companions of males from outside their own
+social group. This is shown by the Kamilaroi organisation, where "a
+woman is married to a thousand miles of husbands."[370] This phrase
+may be textually an exaggeration of actual fact, but it undoubtedly
+expresses a condition of things which actually existed. Women in
+Australian society must look outside their class, and in general
+outside their totem, for their sexual mates, and they must expect to
+be claimed as rightful sexual mates by men whom they have never seen
+and who live at great distances. Carry this state of things but a few
+steps back, and we must come to a condition of localised female groups
+with males moving from group to group. Surely there is something more
+here than savage organisation. The something more is the development
+into a system of one of the results of the enforced migratory
+conditions of early man, namely, the migratory instincts of the males
+moving outside the female local groups and thus producing natural
+exogamy. This is what appears to me to be clearly a distinct element
+in the Australian system. But there is a new element in juxtaposition
+with it. The new element is the organisation into marriage
+classes--not every man from without, but only special men from
+without, are allowed the sexual companionship.
+
+Now in both these cases, where we have apparently penetrated to the
+most primitive conditions, we are also brought up abruptly against
+conditions which are not primitive, namely, the exogamous class system,
+and we are bound to conclude that this class system thus shows itself
+to be an intruding force which has not, however, been strong enough to
+quite obliterate the older forces of hostile marriage-capture and
+mother-right society.
+
+Our next quest is therefore to find out, if we can, an explanation of
+these two contrasted elements in Australian totemic society, and for
+this purpose it is advisable to still further narrow down the range of
+inquiry to one special section of the Australian peoples. For this
+purpose I shall take the Arunta. There has been much controversy about
+this people. Mr. Lang argues that the presence of exogamous classes
+and male descent shows the Arunta to be more advanced than other
+Australian peoples;[371] Messrs. Spencer and Gillen that the survival
+of totem beliefs, which are local and unconnected with the class
+system, proves them to be the least advanced. In this country Mr.
+Hartland and Mr. Thomas side with Mr. Lang; Mr. Frazer with Messrs.
+Spencer and Gillen.
+
+The first point of importance to note about the Arunta people is that
+they occupy the least favourable districts for food supply.[372] This
+means that they have been pushed there. They did not choose such a
+location--in other words, they are among the last units of the
+migration movements which peopled Australia; they are among the last
+people to have become stationary as a group, and to have been
+compelled to resort to the development of social organisation in lieu
+of constantly swarming off from the centre or from the last stopping
+place to the ends. This tells for primitive, not advanced, conditions.
+
+The next point is the totem system. Messrs. Spencer and Gillen,
+describing one special case as an example of the rest, give us the
+following particulars. The Arunta believe that the most marked
+features of the district they inhabit, the gaps and the gorges, were
+formed by their Alcheringa ancestors. These Alcheringa are represented
+as collected together in companies, each of which consisted of a
+certain number of individuals belonging to one particular totem. Each
+of these Alcheringa ancestors carried about with him or her one or
+more of the sacred stones called churinga. These are the general
+traditions related by the Arunta of to-day to explain their own
+customs, and let it be noted that the explanation does not necessarily
+lead us to the primitive conceptions of the Arunta people, but to
+their present conceptions as to unknown facts. The local example is
+found close to Alice Springs, where there are deposited a large number
+of churinga carried by the witchetty grub men and women. A large
+number of prominent rocks and boulders, and certain ancient gum
+trees, are the nanja trees and rocks of these spirits. If a woman
+conceives a child after having been near to this gap, it is one of
+these spirit individuals which has entered her body, and when born
+must of necessity be of the witchetty grub totem; "it is, in fact,
+nothing else but the reincarnation of one of the witchetty grub people
+of the Alcheringa;" the nanja tree, or stone, ever afterwards is the
+nanja of the child, and there is special connection between it and the
+child, injury to the nanja object meaning injury to the nanja
+man.[373] There is evidence that the reincarnation theory is not
+admissible,[374] and, indeed, it does not seem warranted on the facts
+presented by the authors. With this unnecessary element out of the
+way, then, there is left a system of local totemism, arising at birth
+and depending upon the mother, without reference in any way to the
+father, associated with natural features, rocks and trees, and showing
+in a special way a curious system of sex cleavage by the men of the
+group being the exclusive guardians of the sacred churinga, and the
+women the active power by which the churinga becomes connected with
+the newly-born member of the totem group.[375]
+
+Now at this point we may surely refer back to the custom and belief of
+the Semang people of the Malay Peninsula, and I suggest that we have
+the closest parallel between Semang belief and custom and Arunta
+totemism, not quite the same formula perhaps, but assuredly the same
+fundamental conception of every child at birth being in intimate
+association with objects of nature, and this association being the
+determining force of the newly-born man's social status and class,
+lasting all through life. In each case the kinless basis of totemism
+is thus fully shown. The totem names given by women, or assumed on
+account of the conditions attachable to women as mothers, did not
+extend to the human fathers. The fathers may be known or unknown to
+the mothers, but they did not become associated with the totems which
+the mothers associated with their children. To the extent of
+fatherhood, therefore, totemism of this type was clearly not based
+upon the natural fact of blood kinship, but upon the conscious
+adoption of a non-kinship form of society. To the extent of motherhood
+also it was not based upon blood kinship, for it was the local totem,
+not the mother's totem, which became the totem of the newly-born
+member of the group. We thus have an entirely non-kinship form of
+society to deal with, a kinless society, "where there is no necessary
+relationship of any kind between that of children and parents."[376]
+Primitive man consciously adapted certain of his observations of
+nature to his social needs, and among these observations the fact of
+actual blood kinship with father and mother played no part. It would
+appear therefore that totemism at its foundation was based upon a
+theoretical conception of relationship between man and animal or
+plant. Place of birth, association with natural objects, not
+motherhood and not fatherhood, are the determining factors.
+
+We may proceed to inquire as to the social form which has become
+evolved from this kinless system.
+
+In the case of the Semangs we have the kinless totemic belief and
+custom existing within a kinless society. In the case of the Arunta we
+have the kinless totemism existing in a society based on a kinless
+organisation still, but containing also full recognition of
+motherhood,[377] and perhaps recognition of physical fatherhood.[378]
+There is, therefore, an important distinction in the social position
+of the two parallel systems. Among the Semang people, their totemic
+belief and custom do not carry with them a superstructure of society.
+They form the substantive cult of the scattered social groups, which
+are kinless groups dependent upon ties local in character and derived
+from the conscious use of the facts of nature surrounding them. Among
+the Arunta people, on the contrary, the totem belief and custom are
+contained within a social system of extraordinary dimensions and
+proportions. Of course, the obvious questions to raise are--have the
+Semang people lost a once existing social system connected with their
+totemic cult? Have the Arunta people had imposed upon them a social
+system which has not destroyed their primitive totemic cult?
+
+To answer these questions I can only deal with the Semang evidence as
+it appears in researches of great authority and weight, and there is
+undoubtedly in all the evidence produced by Messrs. Skeat and
+Blagden, and the authorities they use, nothing whatever to suggest
+that Semang totemism once possessed above it an elaborate social
+organisation of the usual totemic type. There is indeed, the myth
+which points to a two-class exogamous division for marital
+purposes,[379] but there is more than myth for the unrestricted
+intercourse of the sexes both before and after marital rights.[380] In
+every other direction we get simple groups fashioned on no larger
+basis than nomadic roaming and journeying to fresh food grounds. On
+the other hand, there is much to suggest that the Arunta have a dual
+system of organisation; one, in which the primitive types are still
+surviving, the second, a more advanced type which covers but does not
+crush out the first. If this is so, it is clear that the parallel
+between Semang and Arunta totemism is considerably closer than at
+first appears.
+
+It will be necessary, therefore, to deal with the two principal signs
+of alleged Arunta progress, male descent and the exogamous classes. I
+see no evidence whatever of male descent; male ascendancy, a very
+different thing, appears, but there cannot strictly be male descent
+where fatherhood is unrecognised. And here I would interpose the
+remark that the use of the term descent, male descent and female
+descent, in these studies is far too indiscriminate.[381] Descent
+means succession by blood kinship by acknowledged sons or daughters,
+and this is exactly what does not always occur. Sonship and
+daughtership in our sense of the term are not always known to
+savagery. They were not known to the Arunta males, for fatherhood was
+not recognised by them and motherhood was not definitely used in the
+social sense. All that the Arunta can be said to have developed is a
+mother-right society with male ascendancy in the group.[382] Group
+sons succeeded to group fathers, but individual descent from father to
+son there is not.
+
+There remain the exogamous classes. In the first place, it is
+necessary to get rid of a difficulty raised by Mr. Lang. "In no tribe
+with female descent can a district have its local totem as among the
+Arunta.... This can only occur under male reckoning of descent."[383]
+But surely so acute an observer as Mr. Lang would see that with female
+descent right through, as it exists among the Khasia and Kocch people
+of Assam, local totem centres are just as possible as with male
+descent. Mr. Lang is conscious of some discrepancy here, for a little
+later on he repeats the statement that local totem centres "can only
+occur and exist under male reckoning of descent," but adds the
+significant qualification "in cases where the husbands do not go to
+the wives' region of abode."[384] This is the whole point. Where
+husbands do go to the wives' region of abode, as they do among the
+Khasis and the Kocch, female descent would allow of the formation of
+local totem centres. This is not far from the position of the Arunta.
+They are mother-right societies. The mother secures the totem name.
+The father, _de facto_, is not father according to the ideas of the
+Arunta people, is at best only one of a group of possible fathers
+according to the practices of the Arunta people. Therefore, the local
+totem centre is formed out of a system which may be called a
+mother-right system for the purpose of scientific description, but
+which is not even a mother-right system to the natives, because
+motherhood is not the foundation of the local group.
+
+Secondly, we have the important fact, which Mr. Lang has duly noted,
+though he does not apparently see its significance in the argument as
+to origins, that the class system "arose in a given centre and was
+propagated by emigrants and was borrowed by distant tribes."[385]
+Messrs. Spencer and Gillen distinctly affirm that the "division into
+eight has been adopted (or rather the names for the four new divisions
+have been) in recent times by the Arunta tribe from the Ilpirra tribe
+which adjoins the former on the north, and the use of them is at the
+present time spreading southwards."[386] This view is supported by the
+widespread organisation of eaglehawk and crow, and by the general
+homogeneity of Australian social forms. It is clear, therefore, that
+room is made for the external organisation of the class system and the
+consequent production of the dual characteristics of the Arunta--the
+joint product of the fossilisation of mother-right society at the end
+of the migration movement, and the superimposing upon this
+fossilisation, with its tendency towards the class system, of the
+fully organised class system. The two systems are not now fully welded
+in the Arunta group. Whatever view is taken of these, whether they be
+considered advanced or primal, the undoubted dualism has to be
+accounted for, and the best way of accounting for this dualism is, I
+submit, that of differential evolution. Further study of Messrs.
+Spencer and Gillen's work, together with the criticisms of various
+scholars, Mr. Lang, Mr. Hartland, Mr. Frazer, Mr. Thomas, and others,
+convinces me that the extreme artificiality of the class system is due
+partly to a want of understanding of the entire facts, and partly to
+the _ad hoc_ adoption by the natives themselves of new plans to meet
+difficulties which must arise out of a too close adhesion to their
+rules. Mr. Lang has allowed me to see a manuscript note of his, in
+which he points out that the inevitable result of the one totem to the
+one totem rule of marital relationship,--that is, totem A always
+intermarrying with totem B, males and females from both totems, and
+with no others,--is the consanguineous relationship of all the members
+of the two totems. The rule for non-consanguineous marriage has
+therefore broken down, and when it breaks down the Australian
+introduces a new rule which satisfies immediate necessities. When this
+in turn breaks down a further new rule is made, and this is the way I
+think the differing rules resulted. They represent, therefore, not
+varying degrees of culture progress, but only varying degrees of
+artificial social changes, and they spring from the oldest conditions
+of all where there is no class system at all.[387] Arunta society is
+not a "sport" under this view, but a product--a product to be
+accounted for and explained by anthropological rules, derived not only
+from Australian society but from the general facts of human society
+which have remained for observation by the science of to-day. The
+parallel between Semang and Arunta, therefore, helps us in two ways.
+It enables us to go back to Semang totemism as an example of primitive
+kinless society, and forward to Arunta totemism as an example of early
+development therefrom. We have, in point of fact, discovered the datum
+line of totemism. Upon this may be constructed the various examples
+according to their degrees of development, and we may thus see in
+detail the commencing elements of totemism as well as the means by
+which we may proceed from the commencing elements to the more advanced
+elements, and finally to the last stages of totemic society where
+blood kinship is fully recognised and used, where, in fact, totemic
+tribes as distinct from totemic peoples take their place in the
+world's history.
+
+
+IV
+
+I do not propose in this chapter to proceed further with this inquiry.
+It will not advance my object, nor is it absolutely necessary.
+Totemism in the full has been described adequately by Mr. Frazer in
+his valuable abstract of the evidence supplied from all parts of the
+world, and there is not much in dispute among the authorities when
+once the stage of origin is passed. There is danger, however, at the
+other extreme, namely, the attempt to discover totemism in impossible
+places in civilisation. Mr. Morgan has shown us totemic society in its
+highest form of development, untouched by other influences of
+sufficient consequence to divert its natural evolution. This, I think,
+is the merit of Mr. Morgan's great work, and not his attempt, his
+futile attempt as I think, to apply the principles of totemic society
+to the elucidation of societies that have long passed the stage of
+totemism. In particular, the great European civilisations are not
+totemic, nor are they to be seen passing from totemism. It is true
+that Mr. Lang, Mr. Grant Allen, and others have attempted to trace in
+certain features of Greek ritual and belief, and in certain tribal
+formations discoverable in Anglo-Saxon Britain, the relics of a living
+totemism in the civilised races of Europe;[388] but I do not believe
+either of these scholars would have endorsed his early conclusions in
+later studies. Mr. Grant Allen did not, so far as I know, repeat this
+theory after its first publication, and Mr. Lang has given many signs
+of being willing to withdraw it. The fact is, there is no necessity to
+think of Greek or English totem society because in Greece and England
+there are traces of totem beliefs. We may disengage them from their
+national position and put them back to the position they occupied
+before the coming of Greek or Englishman into the countries they have
+made their own.
+
+In that position there may well have been totemic peoples in Britain
+of the type we have been considering from Australia. I have already
+indicated that totemic survivals in folklore have been the subject of
+a special study of my own which still in the main stands good, and for
+which I have collected very many additional illustrations and proofs.
+I discovered that folklore contained some remarkably perfect examples
+of totemic belief and custom, and also a considerable array of
+scattered belief and custom connected with animals and plants which,
+unclassified, seemed to lead to no definite stage of culture history,
+yet when classified, undoubtedly led to totemism. The result was
+somewhat remarkable. At many points there are direct parallels to
+savage totemism, and the whole associated group of customs received
+adequate explanation only on the theory that it represented the
+detritus of a once existing totemic system of belief.
+
+The present study enables me to take the parallel to primitive
+totemism much closer. One of the perfect examples was of a local
+character. This was found in Ossory. Giraldus Cambrensis tells an
+extraordinary legend to the following effect: "A priest benighted in a
+wood on the borders of Meath was confronted by a wolf, who after some
+preliminary explanations gave this account of himself: There are two
+of us, a man and a woman, natives of Ossory, who through the curse of
+one Natalis, saint and abbot, are compelled every seven years to put
+off the human form and depart from the dwellings of men. Quitting
+entirely the human form, we assume that of wolves. At the end of the
+seven years, if they chance to survive, two others being substituted
+in their places, they return to their country and their former
+shape."[389] Here is a saintly legend introduced to explain the
+current tradition of the men of Ossory, that they periodically turned
+into wolves. Fynes Moryson, in 1603, ridiculed the beliefs of "some
+Irish who will be believed as men of credit," that men in Ossory were
+"yearly turned into wolves."[390] But an ancient Irish MS. puts the
+matter much more clearly in the statement that the "descendants of the
+wolf are in Ossory,"[391] while the evidence of Spenser and Camden
+explains the popular beliefs upon even more exact lines. Spenser says
+"that some of the Irish doe use to make the wolf their gossip;"[392]
+and Camden adds that they term them "Chari Christi, praying for them
+and wishing them well, and having contracted this intimacy, professed
+to have no fear from their four-footed allies." Fynes Moryson
+expressly mentions the popular dislike to killing wolves, and they
+were not extirpated until the eighteenth century.[393] Aubrey adds
+that "in Ireland they value the fang-tooth of an wolfe, which they set
+in silver and gold as we doe ye Coralls;"[394] and Camden notes the
+similar use of a bit of wolf's skin.[395]
+
+In the local superstitions of Ossory, therefore, we have several of
+the cardinal features of savage totemism, the descent from the
+totem-animal, the ascription to the totem of a sacred character, the
+belief in its protection, and a taboo against killing it. I will
+venture to suggest, however, that to these important features there is
+to be added a parallel in survival to the Semang and Arunta features
+where the local circumstances of birth are the determining forces
+which supply the totem name, for the relationship of "gossip,"
+"god-sib," is clearly of the same character as that of the soul-tree
+of the Semang and the alcheringa of the Australian.[396] The condition
+of survival has altered the detail of the parallel, but the parallel
+is on the same plane.
+
+The wolf as gossip to the men of Ossory leads us on to inquire whether
+any other animal had such close connections with human beings. In
+Erris, a part of Connaught, "the people consider that foxes perfectly
+understand human language, that they can be propitiated by kindness,
+and even moved by flattery. They not only make mittens for Reynard's
+feet to keep him warm in winter, and deposit these articles carefully
+near their holes, but they make them sponsors for their children,
+supposing that under the close and long-established relationship of
+Gossipred they will be induced to befriend them."[397] Thus it appears
+that the selfsame conception which the men of Ossory had in the
+thirteenth century for the wolf, the men of Erris had for the fox in
+the nineteenth century. No explanation from the dry details of the
+natural history of these animals is sufficient to account for this
+curious parallel, and we must turn to ancient beliefs for the
+explanation.
+
+The general attitude of the men of Erris towards the fox is confirmed
+as an attribute of totemism when we come to examine a special local
+form of it. This we can do by turning to Galway. The Claddagh fishermen
+in Galway would not go out to fish if they saw a fox: their rivals of
+a neighbouring village, not believing in the fox, do all they can
+to introduce a fox into the Claddagh village.[398] These people
+are peculiar in many respects, and are distinctively clannish. They
+retain their old clan-dress--blue cloaks and red petticoats--which
+distinguishes them from the rest of the county of Galway, and it may be
+conjectured that the present-day custom of naming from the names of
+fish--thus, Jack the hake, Bill the cod, Joe the eel, Pat the trout,
+Mat the turbot, etc.[399]--may be a remnant of the mental attitude of
+the folk towards that belief in kinship between men and animals which
+is at the basis of totemism. But, returning to the fox, we have in the
+belief that meeting this animal would prevent them from going out to
+fish, a parallel to the prohibition against looking at the totem which
+is to be found among savage people, and we have in the neighbours'
+disbelief in the fox and a corresponding belief in the hare,[400] that
+local distribution of different totems which is also found in savagery.
+But all these particulars about the relationship of the fox to the
+Claddagh fishermen receive unexpected light when we inquire into the
+biography of their local saint, named MacDara. This saint is the patron
+saint of the fishermen who, when passing MacDara's island, always dip
+their sails thrice to avoid being shipwrecked. But then, in the
+folk-belief, we have this remarkable fact, that MacDara's real name was
+Sinach, a fox[401]--an instance, it would seem, of a totem cult being
+transferred to a Christian saint. Thus, then, in the superstitions of
+these Claddagh fisherfolk we can trace the elements of totemism, the
+root of which is contained, first, in the nominal worship of a
+Christian saint, and second, in the actual worship of an animal, the
+fox.
+
+These examples of local totemism may be followed by a remarkable
+example of tribal or kinship totemism. It was noted by Mr. G. H.
+Kinahan in his researches for Irish folklore, and is mentioned quite
+incidentally among other items, the collector himself not fully
+perceiving the importance of his "find." This really enhances the
+value of the evidence, because it destroys any possibility of an
+objection to its validity--a really important matter, considering the
+remarkable character of this survival of totem-stocks in Western
+Europe. The exact words of Mr. Kinahan are as follows:--
+
+"In very ancient times some of the clan Coneely, one of the early
+septs of the county, were changed by 'art magick' into seals; since
+then no Coneely can kill a seal without afterwards having bad luck.
+Seals are called Coneelys, and on this account many of the name
+changed it to Connolly."[402] The same local tradition is mentioned by
+Hardiman in one of his notes to O'Flaherty's _Description of West or
+H-iar Connaught_,[403] but the note is equally significant of
+genuineness from the fact that the tradition is styled "a ridiculous
+story." It strengthens Mr. Kinahan's note in the following passage:
+"In some places the story has its believers, who would no more kill a
+seal, or eat of a slaughtered one, than they would of a human
+Coneely."
+
+The clan Coneely is mentioned both by Mr. Kinahan and by Mr. Hardiman
+as one of the oldest Irish septs; and that it is widely spread, and
+not congregated into one locality, is to be inferred from the
+description of the tradition as prevalent in Connaught, especially
+from Mr. Hardiman's words, describing that "in some places" the story
+has its believers now; and hence we may conclude that wherever the
+clan Coneely are situated there would exist this totem belief.
+
+The full significance of these facts may best be tested by reference
+to the conditions laid down by Dr. Robertson Smith for the discovery
+of the survivals of totemism among the Semitic races. These conditions
+are as follows:--
+
+      "'(1) The existence of stocks named after plants and
+      animals'--such stocks, it is necessary to add, being
+      scattered through many local tribes; (2) the
+      prevalence of the conception that the members of the
+      stock are of the blood of the eponym animal, or are
+      sprung from a plant of the species chosen as totem;
+      (3) the ascription to the totem of a sacred character
+      which may result in its being regarded as the god of
+      the stock, but at any rate makes it be regarded with
+      veneration, so that, for example, a totem animal is
+      not used as ordinary food. If we can find all these
+      things together in the same tribe, the proof of
+      totemism is complete; but even when this cannot be
+      done, the proof may be morally complete if all the
+      three marks of totemism are found well developed
+      within the same race. In many cases, however, we can
+      hardly expect to find all the marks of totemism in its
+      primitive form; the totem, for example, may have
+      become first an animal god, and then an
+      anthropomorphic god, with animal attributes or
+      associations merely."[404]
+
+Now in the Irish case all three of these conditions are found together
+in the same tribe, the clan Coneely, and it is impossible to overlook
+the importance of such a discovery. It proves from survivals in
+folklore that totemistic people once lived in ancient Ireland, just as
+the corresponding evidence proved that the ancient Semitic stock
+possessed the totemic organisation.
+
+We have now examined the most archaic forms of the survival of
+totemism in Britain. If we pass on to inquire whether we can detect
+the more scattered and decayed remnants of totem beliefs and customs,
+we turn to Mr. Frazer as our guide. From Mr. Frazer's review of the
+beliefs and customs incidental to the totemistic organisation of
+savage people, it is possible to extract a formula for ascertaining
+the classification of savage beliefs and practices incidental to
+totemism. This formula appears to me to properly fall into the
+following groups:--
+
+      (a) Descent from the totem.
+
+      (b) Restrictions against injuring the totem.
+
+      (c) Restrictions against using the totem for food.
+
+      (d) The petting and preservation of totems.
+
+      (e) The mourning for and burying of totems.
+
+      (f) Penalties for non-respect of totem.
+
+      (g) Assistance by the totem to his kin.
+
+      (_h_) Assumption of totem marks.
+
+      (_i_) Assumption of totem dress.
+
+      (_j_) Assumption of totem names.
+
+My suggestion is that if a reasonable proportion of the superstitions
+and customs attaching to animals and plants, preserved to us as
+folklore, can be classified under these heads this is exactly what
+might be expected if the origin of such superstitions and customs is
+to be sought for in a primitive system of totemism which prevailed
+amongst the people once occupying these islands. The clan Coneely and
+the Ossory wolves are proofs that such a system existed, and if such
+perfect survivals have been able to descend to modern times, in spite
+of the influences of civilisation, there is no _primâ facie_ reason
+why the beliefs and customs incidental to such a system should not
+have survived, even though they are no longer to be identified with
+special clans. When once a primitive belief or custom becomes
+separated from its original surroundings, it would be liable to
+change. Thus, when the wolf totem of Ossory passes into a local
+cultus, we meet with the belief that human beings may be transformed
+into animal forms, as the derivative from the totem belief in descent
+from the wolf. Fortunately, the process by which this change took
+place is discernible in the Ossory example; but it will not be so in
+other examples, and we may therefore assume that the Ossory example
+represents the transitional form and apply it as a key to the origin
+of similar beliefs elsewhere.
+
+Again, if we endeavour to discover how the associated totem-beliefs of
+the clan Coneely would appear in folklore supposing they had been
+scattered by the influences of civilisation, we can see that at the
+various places where members of the clan had resided for some time
+there would be preserved fragments of the once perfect totem-belief.
+Thus, one place would retain traditions about a fabulous animal who
+could change into human form; another place would preserve beliefs
+about its being unlucky to kill a seal (or some other animal specially
+connected with the locality); another place would preserve a
+superstitious regard for the seal (or some other local animal) as an
+augury; and thus the process of transference of beliefs into folklore,
+from one form into other related forms, from one particular object
+connected with the clan to several objects connected with the
+localities, would go on from time to time, until the difficulty of
+tracing the original of the scattered beliefs and customs would be
+well-nigh insurmountable without some key. But having once proved the
+existence of such examples as the clan Coneely and the Ossory wolves,
+this difficulty, though still great, is very much lessened. Our method
+would be as follows. We first of all postulate that totem peoples did
+actually exist in ancient Britain, or whence such extraordinary
+survivals? We next examine and classify the beliefs and customs which
+are incidental to totemism in savage society, and having set these
+forth by the aid of Mr. Frazer's admirable study on the subject, we
+ascertain what parallels to these beliefs and customs may be found in
+the folklore of Britain. And then our position seems to be very
+clearly defined. We prove that in folklore certain customs and
+superstitions are identical, or nearly so, with the beliefs and
+customs of totemism among savage tribes, and we conclude that this
+identity in form proves an identity in origin, and therefore that
+this section of folklore originated from the totemistic people of
+early Britain.
+
+I shall not take up all these points on the present occasion,
+especially as they have in all essentials appeared in the study to
+which I have referred; but as an example of the scattering of totem
+beliefs I will refer to the well-known passage in Cæsar (lib. v. cap.
+xii.), from which we learn that certain people in Britain were
+forbidden to eat the hare, the cock, or the goose, and see whether
+this does not receive its only explanation by reference to the totemic
+restriction against using the totem for food. Mr. Elton, with this
+passage in his mind, notices that "there were certain restrictions
+among the Britons and ancient Irish, by which particular nations or
+tribes were forbidden to kill or eat certain kinds of animals;" and he
+goes on to suggest that "it seems reasonable to connect the rule of
+abstaining from certain kinds of food with the superstitious belief
+that the tribes were descended from the animals from which their names
+and crests or badges were derived."[405]
+
+Let us see whether this reasonable conjecture holds good. The most
+famous example is that of Cuchulainn, the celebrated Irish chieftain,
+whose name means the hound of Culain. It is said that he might not eat
+of the flesh of the dog, and he came by his death after transgressing
+this totemistic taboo. The words of the manuscript known as the Book
+of Leinster are singularly significant in their illustration of this
+view. "And one of the things that Cúchulainn was bound not to do was
+going to a cooking hearth and consuming the food [_i.e._ the dog];
+and another of the things that he must not do was eating his
+namesake's flesh."[406] Diarmaid, whose name seems to be continued in
+the current popular Irish name for pig (Darby), was intimately
+associated with that animal, and his life depended on the life of the
+boar.[407] These examples are so much to the point that we may examine
+the cases mentioned by Cæsar from the same standard.
+
+Mr. Frazer points out that even among existing totem-tribes the
+respect for the totem has lessened or disappeared, and among the
+results of this he notes instances where, if any one kills his totem,
+he apologises to the animal. Under such an interpretation as this, we
+may surely classify a "memorandum" made by Bishop White-Kennett about
+the hare, the first of the British totems mentioned by Cæsar: "When
+one keepes a hare alive and feedeth him till he have occasion to eat
+him, if he telles before he kills him that he will doe so, the hare
+will thereupon be found dead, having killed himself."[408] But respect
+for the hare, in accordance with totem ideas, was carried further than
+this at Biddenham, where, on the 22nd September, a little procession
+of villagers carried a white rabbit [a substitute for hare] decorated
+with scarlet ribbons through the village, singing a hymn in honour of
+St. Agatha. All the young unmarried women who chanced to meet the
+procession extended the first two fingers of the left hand pointing
+towards the rabbit, at the same time repeating the following
+doggerel:--
+
+      Gustin, Gustin, lacks a bier,
+      Maidens, maidens, bury him here.[409]
+
+This points to a very ancient custom, not yet fully explained, but
+which clearly had for its object the reverential burying of a rabbit
+or hare. It is characteristic of the totem animal that it serves as an
+omen to its clansmen, and we find that the hare is an omen in Britain.
+Boudicca is said to have drawn an augury from a hare, taken from her
+bosom, and which when released pursued a course that was deemed
+fortunate for her attack upon the Roman army;[410] and in modern south
+Northamptonshire the running of a hare along the street or mainway of
+a village portends fire to some house in the immediate vicinity.[411]
+In 1648 Sir Thomas Browne tells us that in his time there were few
+above three-score years that were not perplexed when a hare crossed
+their path.[412] In Wilts and in Scotland it was unlucky to meet a
+hare, but the evil influence did not extend after the next meal had
+been taken.[413] Then, too, the prohibition against naming the totem
+object is found in north-east Scotland attached to the hare, whose
+name may not be pronounced at sea, and Mr. Gregor adds the significant
+fact that some animal names and certain family names were never
+pronounced by the inhabitants of some of the villages, each village
+having an aversion to one or more of the words.[414] A classification
+of the beliefs and customs connected with the hare takes us, indeed,
+to almost every phase of totemistic belief, and it is impossible to
+reject such a mass of cumulative evidence.
+
+Of the second of the British food taboos mentioned by Cæsar we have
+the most perfect illustration in the instance of the Irish chieftain,
+Conaire, who, descended from a fowl, was interdicted from eating its
+flesh.[415]
+
+Turning next to the goose, we find that at Great Crosby, in
+Lancashire, there is held an annual festival which is called the
+"Goose Fair," and although it is accompanied by great feasting, the
+singular fact remains that the goose itself, in whose honour the feast
+seems to have been held, is considered too sacred to eat, and is never
+touched by the villagers.[416] In Scotland also the goose was never
+eaten, being too sacred for food.[417]
+
+Thus the hare, the fowl, and the goose have retained their sacred
+character in a special manner in various parts of the country, and I
+may add a further note of more general significance. In Scotland there
+exists a prejudice against eating hares and cocks and hens.[418] In
+the south-western parts of England the peasant would not eat hares,
+rabbits, wild-fowl, or poultry, and when asked whence this dislike
+proceeds, he asserts that it was derived from his father[419]--the
+traditional sanction which is so essential to folklore.[420]
+
+The ideas surrounding these three special animals might be easily
+extended to others, but I will only observe that Mr. Elton, noting
+both the classical and modern accounts of certain districts in
+Scotland and Ireland where fish, though abundant, is tabooed as food,
+quotes with approval a modern suggestion that this abstinence was a
+religious observance.[421] That fish are carved on numerous stones is
+a curious commentary on this assertion, while another point to be
+noted is that the inhabitants of the various islands have each their
+peculiar notions as to what fish are good for food. Some will eat
+skate, some dog-fish, some eat limpets and razor-fish, and as a matter
+of course, says Miss Gordon Cumming, those who do not, despise those
+who do.[422] A prejudice also existed against white cows in Scotland,
+and Dalyell ventures upon the acute supposition that this was on
+account of the unlawfulness of consuming the product of a consecrated
+animal.[423] These are not stray notes of inexperienced observers, and
+with two centuries between them it must be that they contain the
+essence of the people's conception--a conception which leads us back
+to totemism for its explanation.
+
+I do not think we could get closer to totemic beliefs and ideas than
+this, nor could we have a better example of the necessity of examining
+early historical data by anthropological tests and by folklore
+parallels. Cæsar's words are unimportant by themselves. They convey
+nothing of any significance to the modern reader--a mere dietetic
+peculiarity which means nothing and counts for nothing. And yet it
+might be considered certain that Cæsar knew that the details he
+recorded were of importance in the historical sense. He did not
+indicate what the importance was, probably because he was not aware of
+it; but because he was conscious that among the influences which
+counted with these people were the food taboos, he rightly recorded
+the facts. They have remained unconsidered trifles until now, when
+anthropology has brought them within the range of scientific
+observation, and they are now to be reckoned with as part of the
+material which tells of the culture conditions of a section of the
+early British peoples.
+
+I must here interpose a remark with reference to this grouping of the
+evidence. Apart from the significance of the superstitions as they are
+recorded in their bare condition among the peasantry, there is the
+additional fact to note that the superstition against eating or
+killing certain animals or birds, or against looking at them or naming
+them, etc., is not universal. It obtains in one place and not in
+another. If the injunction not to kill, injure, or eat a certain
+animal were simply the reflection of a universal practice, such a
+practice might originate in some attribute of the animal itself which
+characteristically would produce or tend to produce superstition. But
+the spread of this class of superstition in certain districts, and not
+in others, is indicative of an ancient origin, and it is exactly what
+might be expected to have been produced from totem-peoples.
+Unfortunately, neither the negative evidence of superstitious beliefs
+nor the local distribution of superstitious beliefs has ever been
+considered worthy of attention. But some little evidence is
+incidentally forthcoming, and I would submit that this may be taken as
+indicative of what might be obtained more fully by further research
+into this neglected aspect of folklore. I drew Miss Burne's attention
+to this subject, and she has noted some particulars in her valuable
+_Shropshire Folklore_.[424] But for the most part this portion of our
+evidence wants picking out by a long and tedious process from the mass
+of badly recorded facts about popular superstitions. I do not believe
+in the generally stated opinion that certain superstitions are
+universally believed or practised. It is difficult to prove a
+negative, and such evidence is not absolutely scientific, but when it
+comes in direct antithesis to positive, there does not seem any harm
+in accepting it. Every class of superstition wants tracing out
+geographically, and local variants want careful noting. I cannot doubt
+if this were properly done that many so-called universal superstitions
+would be found to be distinctly local. In the meantime, it is not with
+universal superstitions that we have to deal. It is primarily with
+those local variants which show us side by side the differences of
+belief. It is thus that we can afford evidence of that intermixture
+of totem-objects which is to be expected from the known facts of
+totem-beliefs and customs. Indeed, Mr. McLennan has laid it down that
+"we might expect that while here and there perhaps a tribe might
+appear with a single animal god, as a general rule tribes and nations
+should have as many animal and vegetable gods as there were distinct
+stocks in the population ... we should not expect to find the same
+animal dominant in all quarters, or worshipped even everywhere within
+the same nation."[425]
+
+It is important that we should thoroughly understand what these
+survivals of totemism in the British isles really mean. On the extreme
+west coast of Ireland, farthest away from the centres of civilisation,
+there are found these unique examples of a savage institution. The
+argument that they might have been transplanted thither by travellers
+from the far west, where totemism has developed to its highest form,
+cannot seriously be advanced. The argument that they might be the
+accidental form into which some merely superstitious fancies of
+ignorant peasants happened to have ultimately shaped themselves, is
+met by the mathematical demonstration that the ratio of chance against
+such a development would be well-nigh incalculable. The remaining
+argument is that they indicate the last outpost, or perhaps one of the
+last outposts, of a primitive savage organisation which once existed
+throughout these lands. This is the view that appears to me to be the
+only possible one to meet all the conditions of the case; one proof
+in support of this view being the discovery of evidence in other
+parts of the country which shows that totemism has left its stamp in
+more or less perfect form upon the traditional beliefs and practices
+of the nation. Though we are not able to identify further complete
+examples of the same type as the seal clan of Western Ireland, or the
+wolf people of Ossory, we should be able, if the explanation I have
+advanced of their origin be the correct one, to produce examples of
+the varying forms which such an institution as totemism must have
+assumed when it had been broken up by the advance of civilising
+influences. If the seal clan, or the wolf clan, is in truth the last
+outpost of a savage organisation, there will be in the lands less
+remote from the centres of civilisation some evidences of the break-up
+of savagery as it has been driven westward. Somewhere in tradition,
+somewhere in local observances of beliefs or superstition, there must
+still be echoes, more or less faint, but still echoes, from totemism.
+Having discovered these undoubted examples of totemism, the argument
+shifts its ground. We can no longer say that the theory of totemism
+may possibly explain some of the customs and traditions of the people.
+We are, by the logic of the position, compelled to say that custom and
+tradition must have preserved many relics of totemism, and that so far
+from seeking to explain custom and tradition by the theory of
+totemism, we must seek to explain the survival of totemism by custom
+and tradition. I lay stress on this view of the case because it is
+hard to combat the views of those who look upon "mere superstition" as
+no explanation of primitive originals. To us of the present day the
+beliefs of the peasantry are no doubt properly definable as "mere
+superstition." But when we examine it as folklore we are seeking for
+its origin, not for its modern aspect; we are asking how "mere
+superstition" first arose, and in what forms, not how it exists; we
+are pushing back the inquiry from to-day when it exists side by side
+with a philosophical and moral religion to the time when it existed as
+the sole substitute for philosophy and morals. Even if it is "mere
+superstition" it has a dateless history. It is not conceivable that it
+suddenly arose at a particular period before which "mere superstition"
+did not exist, and all, both peasant and chief, were philosophical and
+moral. It is not conceivable that the mere superstition of to-day has
+replaced bodily the mere superstition of other ages. Every succeeding
+age of progress has influenced it, no doubt, but not eradicated it,
+and hence the mere superstition of to-day has just such an unbroken
+continuity of history as language or institutions. That we are able to
+pick out from among its items undoubted forms of totemism, and that we
+may add to these complete examples a classified grouping of customs
+and beliefs in survival parallel to the customs and beliefs of savage
+totemism, affords proof that at least we may carry back that history
+to the era of totemism, at whatever point that era may cross the line
+of, or come into contact with, political history.
+
+This is the definite conclusion to be drawn from the anthropological
+interpretation of the presence of totemic beliefs among the survivals
+of folklore. The study of the anthropological conditions has occupied
+a wide range of thought and inquiry, but it leads us back to a safe
+basis for research, for it brings definitely within touch of that
+realm of man which lies outside the civilisation wherein folklore is
+embedded, the peoples who have made, and the peoples who are dominated
+by, that civilisation. The savage of Britain cannot with this evidence
+before us be considered as the mere product of the literature of
+Greece and Rome. He is part and parcel of the savagery of the human
+race. Anthropology has shown us that savagery reached the land we now
+call Britain as part of the general movement of people which has
+caused the whole earth to become a dwelling-place for man, and now
+that we know this we must appeal to anthropology whenever we find that
+the problems of folklore take us out of the culture period of a
+civilisation known to history.[426]
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+I append a synopsis of the culture-structure of the Semangs of the
+Malay Peninsula (references are to Skeat and Blagden's _Pagan Races of
+the Malay Peninsula_ where not otherwise specified), in order that the
+position claimed for the one section of totemic belief may be tested
+by the remaining characteristics of Semang culture. I claim that there
+is nothing that remains which is inconsistent with the interpretation
+given of the totemic items.
+
+_Physical_:--
+
+(a). Live exclusively in the forest surrounded by hostile fauna (i.
+13).
+
+(b). Food consists of such wild vegetable food as may happen to fall
+from time to time in season (i. 109, 341, 525), together with small
+mammals and birds (i. 112), fish (i. 113).
+
+(c). As soon as they have exhausted the sources of food in one
+neighbourhood they move on to the next (i. 109).
+
+(d). Fire obtained by friction (i. 111, 113), but meat is eaten raw
+(i. 112).
+
+(e). Nudity is alleged (_Journ. Indian Archipelago_, i. 252; ii.
+258); no satisfactory proof (i. 137); do not use skins of animals nor
+feathers of birds (i. 138); a girdle of fungus string (i. 138, 142,
+380); fringe of leaves suspended from a string (i. 139, 142);
+necklaces and ligatures of jungle fibre (i. 144, 145); women wear a
+comb made of bamboo as a charm against diseases (i. 149).
+
+(f). Habitations are rock shelters (i. 173), tree shelters afforded
+by branches of trees improved by construction of a weather screen (i.
+174); ground screen of palm leaves (i. 175).
+
+(g). Hunt successfully the largest animals, escaping easily up the
+trees (i. 202-204).
+
+(h). Knives made of bamboo, flakes and chips of stone, knives of
+bone (i. 249, 269); bow and arrow (i. 251, 255); not sufficiently
+advanced to have produced neolithic implements (i. 268); wooden spear
+(i. 270).
+
+(i). Ignorant of pottery, vessels made from big stems of bamboo (i.
+383).
+
+_Social_:--
+
+(j). Chief of the group is the principal medicine man, but is on an
+equal footing with his men, no caste and property is in common (i.
+497, 499).
+
+(k). Marriage rights are secured by the presentation of a jungle
+knife to the bride's parents and a girdle to the bride, and the bride
+never lets the girdle part from her for fear of its being used to her
+prejudice in some magic ceremony; adultery is punishable by death (ii.
+58, 59) [but this information was not obtained from the most primitive
+of the Semang people].
+
+(l). Semang women are common to all men (Newbold, _Political and
+Stat. Acc. of Settlements in Straits of Malacca_, ii. 379). Great
+ante-nuptial freedom (ii. 56, 218); "Of the Semang I have not had an
+opportunity of personally judging" (ii. 377, Newbold).
+
+[Illustration: TREE HUT, ULU BATU, ABOUT 12 MILES FROM KUALA LUMPUR,
+SELANGOR]
+
+(m). Eat dead kindred except head (Newbold, ii. 379); burial takes
+place in the ground, and the older practice was exposure in trees;
+the Semang have no dread of ghosts of the deceased (ii. 89, 91).
+
+(n). No sacred shrines or places (ii. 197).
+
+(o). Avoidance of mother-in-law (ii. 204).
+
+(p). Myth of the ringdove informing the children of the first woman
+that they had married within prohibited degrees of consanguinity, and
+advising them to separate and marry "other people" (ii. 218).
+
+(q). Myth as to ignorance of cause of birth being dispelled by the
+cocoanut monkey informing the first man and woman (ii. 218).
+
+(r). The Semang are almost ineradicably nomadic, have no fixed
+habitation, and rove about like the beasts of the forest (i. 172; ii.
+470).
+
+(s). Women and girls are not allowed to eat until the men and boys
+have finished their repast (i. 116); the men do most of the hunting
+and trapping, and the women take a large share in the collecting of
+roots and fruits; all the cooking is performed by the women and girls
+(i. 375).
+
+(t). They are split up into a large number of dialects, each of
+which is confined to a relatively small area, and it often happens
+that a little [clan] or even a single family uses a form of speech
+which is differentiated from other dialects to be practically
+unintelligible to all except the members of the little community
+itself (ii. 379).
+
+(u). Natural segregation of the [tribes] into small [clans] to some
+extent cut off from one another and surrounded by settled Malay
+communities (ii. 379).
+
+(v). The most thoroughly wild and uncivilised members of our race,
+regarded by the Malays as little better than brute beasts, with no
+recorded history (ii. 384).
+
+(w). Nomadic life of the Semang leads them over a considerable tract
+of country (ii. 388).
+
+_Psychical_:--
+
+(x). Decorative patterns on quivers representing natural objects,
+and possessing magical virtue to bring down various species of monkeys
+and apes and other small mammals (i. 417), and as charms for the men
+(i. 423).
+
+(y). Decorative pattern on magic comb worn by women to serve as a
+charm against venomous reptiles and insects, similar design for
+similar reason sometimes painted on the breast (i. 41, 420-436).
+
+(z). Child's name is taken from some tree which stands near the
+prospective birthplace of the child. As soon as the child is born this
+name is shouted aloud by the _sage femme_, who then hands over the
+child to another woman, who buries the afterbirth underneath the
+birth-tree or name-tree of the child. As soon as this is done the
+father cuts a series of notches in the tree, starting from the ground
+and terminating at the height of the breast. The cutting of these
+notches is intended to signalise the arrival on earth of a new human
+being, since it thus shows that Kari registers the souls that he has
+sent forth by notching the tree against which he leans. Trees thus
+"blazed" are never felled. The child must not in later life injure any
+tree which belongs to the species of his tree; for him all such trees
+are taboo, and he must not even eat their fruit, the only exception
+being when an expectant mother revisits her birth-tree. Every tree of
+its species is regarded as identical with the birth-tree (ii. 3, 4).
+When an East Semang dies his birth-tree dies too (ii. 5).
+
+(aa). The child's soul is conveyed in a bird, which always inhabits
+a tree of the species to which the birth-tree belongs. It flies from
+one tree of the species to another, following the as yet unborn body.
+The souls of first-born children are always young birds newly hatched,
+the offspring of the bird which contained the soul of the mother. If
+the mother does not eat the soul-bird during her accouchement the
+child will be stillborn or will die shortly after birth (ii. 4, 192,
+194, 216). She keeps the soul-bird within the birth-bamboo, and does
+not eat it all at once, but piecemeal (ii. 6). All human souls grow
+upon a soul-tree in the other world, whence they are fetched by a bird
+which was killed and eaten by the expectant mother (ii. 194).
+
+(bb). Semang religion, in spite of its recognition of a thunder-god
+(Kari) and certain minor deities (so called), has very little indeed
+in the way of ceremonial, and appears to consist mainly of mythology
+and legend. It shows remarkably few traces of demon worship, very
+little fear of ghosts of the deceased, and still less of any sort of
+animistic beliefs (ii. 174). [As the Kari is the deity common to the
+Semang and the people higher in culture than the Semang, it is
+difficult to trace out the primitive idea. The myths also show a
+common impress, "which is probably mainly due to the same savage
+Malay element" (ii. 183).]
+
+(cc). During a storm of thunder and lightning the Semang draw a few
+drops of blood from the region of the shin bone, mix it with a little
+water in a bamboo receptacle, and throw it up to the angry skies (ii.
+204).
+
+(dd). Pretend entire ignorance of a supreme being, but on pressure
+confessed to a very powerful yet benevolent being, the maker of the
+world (ii. 209).
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[284] Beddoe, _Races of Britain_, cap. ii., and _Journ. Anthrop.
+Inst._, xxxv. 236-7; Boyd-Dawkins, _Early Man in Britain_, cap. vii.
+viii. and ix.; Ripley, _Races of Europe_, cap. xii.
+
+[285] Rhys, _Celtic Britain_, 271; Rhys, _Celtic Heathendom_, _passim_;
+Rhys and Jones, _Welsh People_, cap. i. and Appendix B on "Pre-Aryan
+Syntax in Insular Celtic," by Professor Morris Jones.
+
+[286] Barrows, mounds, tumuli, stone circles, monoliths are generally
+admitted to belong to the Stone Age people before the Celts arrived,
+and when they are adequately investigated, as Mr. Arthur Evans has
+investigated Stonehenge (_Archæological Review_, vol. ii. pp. 312-330),
+and the Rollright Stones (_Folklore_, vol. vi. pp. 5-51), the evidence
+of a prehistoric origin is unquestioned.
+
+[287] I have worked out the evidence for this in the _Archæological
+Review_, vol. iii. pp. 217-242, 350-375, and though I do not endorse
+all I have written there, the main points are still, I think, good.
+
+[288] Wallace, _Darwinism_, cap. xv.
+
+[289] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes of Australia_, 12, 272, 324,
+368, 420.
+
+[290] _Descent of Man_, i. cap. vii. 176.
+
+[291] _Cf._ Topinard's _Anthropology_, part iii., "On the Origin of
+Man," pp. 515-535, for the details of the various authorities ranged on
+the sides of monogenists and polygenists.
+
+[292] Keane, _Man, Past and Present_, discusses the important evidence
+obtained by Dr. Dubois from Java, and Dr. Noetling from Upper Burma,
+pp. 5-8. It is only fair to that brilliant scholar, Dr. Latham, to
+point out that without the evidence before him to prove the point, he
+came to the same conclusion that the original home of man was
+"somewhere in intra-tropical Asia, and that it was the single locality
+of a single pair."--Latham, _Man and his Migrations_, 248.
+
+[293] The most recent example of this is Mr. Thomas's extraordinary
+treatment of the evidence of migration in Australia. It produces in his
+mind "novel conditions," but has effects which he cannot neglect, but
+which he strangely misinterprets. N. W. Thomas, _Kinship Organisations
+in Australia_, 27-28.
+
+[294] Spencer, _Principles of Sociology_, i. 18.
+
+[295] Lord Avebury, _Prehistoric Times_, 586.
+
+[296] _Man, Past and Present_, pp. 1, 8.
+
+[297] Latham, _Man and his Migrations_, 155-6.
+
+[298] The ethnographic movement is a very definite fact in
+anthropological evidence, though it has been little noted. Thus "the
+Coles are evidently a good pioneering race, fond of new clearings and
+the luxuriant and easily raised crops of the virgin soil, and have
+constitutions that thrive on malaria, so it is perhaps in the best
+interest of humanity and cause of civilisation that they be kept moving
+by continued Aryan propulsion. Ever armed with bow, arrows, and
+pole-axe, they are prepared to do battle with the beasts of the forest,
+holding even the king of the forest, the 'Bun Rajah,' that is, the
+tiger, in little fear."--Col. Dalton in _Journ. Asiatic Soc., Bengal_,
+xxxiv. 9.
+
+[299] Traditions of great migrations exist among most primitive races.
+Some of these contain unexpected corroboration from actual discoveries.
+Thus the natives of New Zealand had a tradition that their ancestors,
+when they arrived in their canoes some four centuries ago, buried some
+sacred things under a large tree. It is said that the tree was blown
+down in recent times and that the sacred things were discovered. Taplin
+records "a good specimen of the kind of migration which has taken place
+among the aborigines all over the continent" (_The Narrinyeri_, p. 4);
+and similar evidence could be produced in almost every direction. Mr.
+Mathew in _Eaglehawk and Crow_ deals with "the argument from mythology
+and tradition" as to the origin of the Australians in a very suggestive
+fashion (pp. 14-22). Stanley has preserved an African native tradition
+of local groups spreading out from the parent home _(Through the Dark
+Continent_, i. 346).
+
+[300] I am aware this is disputed by O. Peschel--_Races of Man_, 137
+_et seq._--but I think the evidence is sufficient; and it must be
+remembered that there is direct evidence of the most backward races not
+using the fire they possess for cooking, but always eating their animal
+food raw, as, for instance, the Semang people of the Malay Peninsula.
+(See Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_, i. 112.)
+The Andaman Islanders could not make fire, though they possessed and
+kept it alive. This shows that they must have borrowed it and did not
+previously possess it.--Quatrefages, _The Pygmies_, 108. Tylor, _Early
+History of Mankind_, cap. ix., should be consulted.
+
+[301] The term political is, I confess, a little awkward, owing to its
+specially modern use, but it is the only term which, in its early
+sense, expresses the stage of social development represented by a
+polity as distinct from a mere localisation.
+
+[302] It was one of the first efforts of the science of language to
+endeavour to trace out the original home of the so-called Aryas and
+their subsequent migrations. "Emigration," said Bunsen, "is the great
+agent in forming nations and languages" (_Philosophy of Hist._, i. 56);
+and Niebuhr, who has traced out most of the migrations of the Greek
+tribes, observes that "this migration of nations was formerly not
+mentioned anywhere" (_Anc. Hist._, ii. 212). Quite recently, Professor
+Flinders Petrie has worked at the question of European migrations in
+the Huxley lecture of 1907 (_Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, xxxvi. 189-232),
+his valuable maps showing "the movements of twenty of the principal
+peoples that entered Europe during the centuries of great movements
+that are best known to us" (204). In the meantime, the folklorist has
+much to do in this direction, and up to the present he has almost
+entirely ignored or misread the evidence. I do not know whether Mr.
+Nutt would still adhere to his conclusion that the myth embodied in the
+Celtic expulsion-and-return formula is undoubtedly solar (_Folklore
+Record_, iv. 42), but a restatement of Mr. Nutt's careful and elaborate
+analysis would lead me to trace the myth to the migration period of
+Aryan history, just as I agree with von Ihering that the _ver sacrum_
+of the Romans is a rite continued from the migration period to express
+in religious formulæ, and on emergency to again carry out, the ancient
+practice of sending forth from an overstocked centre sufficient of the
+tribesmen and tribeswomen to leave those who remained economically
+well-conditioned (_The Evolution of the Aryan_, 249-290). Pheidon's law
+at Corinth, alluded to by Aristotle (_Pol._, ii. cap. vi.), could only
+be carried out by a sending out of the surplus. See also Aristotle,
+_Pol._, ii. cap. xii.; and Newman's note to the first reference,
+quoting similar laws elsewhere. Both the "junior-right" traditions and
+customs take us back to the same conditions. The occupation of fresh
+territories is an observable feature of the Russian mir (Wallace,
+_Russia_, i. 255; Laveleye _Primitive Property_, 34), and Mr. Chadwick
+has recently called attention to the corresponding Scandinavian
+evidence (_Origin of the English Nation_, 334).
+
+[303] Mr. J. R. Logan long ago pointed out that "the further we go
+back, we find ethnic characteristics more uniform," and further
+concluded that certain facts observed by himself "lead to the inference
+that the Archaic world was connected."--_Journ. Indian Archipelago_,
+iv. 290, 291.
+
+[304] _Descent of Man_, pp. 590, 591.
+
+[305] _Studies in Ancient History_, i. 84.
+
+[306] _History of Human Marriage_, cap. ii.
+
+[307] _Ancient Society_, p. 10.
+
+[308] _Secret of the Totem_, p. 32.
+
+[309] N. W. Thomas, _Kinship Organisation in Australia_, 4.
+
+[310] _Folklore_, xii. 232.
+
+[311] Both Dr. Haddon and myself made the same point on a criticism of
+Mr. Fraser's _Golden Bough_, mine being from the Aricia rites, and Dr.
+Haddon's from the savage parallels thereto. See _Folklore_, xii. 223,
+224, 232.
+
+[312] Sproat's _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, 19. The use of the
+term "tribe" in this quotation is, of course, descriptive only. There
+is no tribal constitution among the Ahts, and "group" would have been
+the preferable term.
+
+[313] Dr. W. H. Rivers' recently published work on the Todas is the
+best authority.
+
+[314] Rivers, _op. cit._, 432, 455.
+
+[315] Rivers, _op. cit._, cap. xxi. 504, 517.
+
+[316] Rivers, _op. cit._, 452-456.
+
+[317] Latham, _Descriptive Ethnology_, ii, 137.
+
+[318] Bucher, _Industrial Evolution_, 56.
+
+[319] Rev. George Taplin, _The Narrinyeri; South Australian
+Aborigines_, 40. _Cf._ Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-east Australia_,
+710-720; Grierson, _The Silent Trade_, 22.
+
+[320] _Cf._ Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Tribes of Malay Peninsula_, i,
+10.
+
+[321] Graham, _Bheel Tribes of Khandesh_, 3.
+
+[322] Herodotos, iv. 180.
+
+[323] _Journ. Asiatic Soc., Bengal_, xiii. 625.
+
+[324] Major Gurdon, _The Khasis_, 76, 82.
+
+[325] N. W. Thomas, _Kinship Organisations in Australia_, 124.
+
+[326] Fustel de Coulange's _Cité Antique_, cap. xiv. and xv., is,
+however, the most exaggerated example of this point of view.
+
+[327] Lang, _Social Origins_, 1. The latest exponent of anthropological
+principles affirms that "the family which exists in the lower stages of
+culture, though it is overshadowed by the other social phenomena, has
+persisted through all the manifold revolutions of society."--N. W.
+Thomas, _Kinship Organisations in Australia_, 1.
+
+[328] Jevons' _Introd. to Hist. of Religion_, 195.
+
+[329] See also Prof. Geikie in _Scottish Geographical Mag._ (Sept.
+1897).
+
+[330] _Early Hist. of Mankind_, 303; MacCulloch, _Childhood of
+Fiction_, 396; Gould, _Mythical Monsters_.
+
+[331] Mr. Westermarck has collected excellent evidence as to the
+economic influences upon savage society (_Hist. of Human Marriage_,
+39-49), and we may quite properly assume the same conditions for
+earliest man.
+
+[332] A very good summary of the pygmy peoples in all parts of the
+world is given by Mr. W. A. Reed in his useful _Negritos of Zambales_,
+13-22. _Cf._ Keane, _Man, Past and Present_, 118-121; Keane,
+_Ethnology_, 246-248; and Sir W. H. Flower, _Essays on Museums_, cap.
+xix.
+
+[333] Latham, _Man and his Migrations_, 55, 56. Dr. Beke was a most
+cautious observer, and I have consulted all his contributions to the
+_Journal of the Geographical Society_ (vol. xiii.) and have found no
+sign of his retraction of the evidence. His correspondence in the
+_Literary Gazette_ of 1843, p. 852, discusses the question of the Dokos
+being pygmies, but he adheres to his information as to the absence of
+social structure being correct.
+
+[334] Lib. ii. 32, 8; _cf._ Quatrefages, _The Pygmies_, cap. 1, "The
+Pygmies of the Ancients."
+
+[335] Lieut.-Col. Sutherland, _Memoir respecting the Kaffirs,
+Hottentots, and Bosjemans_, i. 67 (Cape Town, 1846).
+
+[336] Burrows, _The Land of Pygmies_, 182.
+
+[337] Mr. A. B. Lloyd's volume _In Dwarfland and Cannibal Country_, p.
+96, is the most recent evidence.
+
+[338] It is worth noting here that the Chinese traditions of the
+pygmies are exceedingly suggestive and curious. See Moseley, _Notes by
+a Naturalist_, 369.
+
+[339] Skeat and Blagden, _Malay Peninsula_, ii. 443.
+
+[340] _Journ. Indian Archipelago_, iv. 425-427; _cf._ _Journ. Anthrop.
+Inst._, xvi. 228; Wallace, _Malay Archipelago_, 452.
+
+[341] Clifford, _In Court and Kampong_, 171-181.
+
+[342] Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of Malay Peninsula_, i. 13.
+
+[343] _Op. cit._, i. 53-4, 139, 169, 172, 341.
+
+[344] _Op. cit._, i. 170.
+
+[345] _Op. cit._, i. 243-248, 268.
+
+[346] _Op. cit._, i. 494; ii. 56, 218.
+
+[347] _Op. cit._, ii. 3. Compare _Journ. Indian Archipelago_, iv. 427,
+"they are called after particular trees, that is, if a child is born
+under or near a cocoanut or durian, or any particular tree in the
+forest, it is named accordingly," and John Anderson, _Considerations
+relative to Malayan Peninsula_, 1824, p. xli.
+
+[348] _Op. cit._, ii. 4, 192, 194.
+
+[349] _Op. cit._, ii. 174, 209.
+
+[350] _Archæological Review_, i. 13, from an official report published
+in a Government Blue Book.
+
+[351] Brinton, _The American Race_; Curtin, _Creation Myths of
+Primitive America_.
+
+[352] Darwin, _Journal of Researches_, 228.
+
+[353] _Anthropological Inst._, vii. 502-510.
+
+[354] Quatrefages, _The Pygmies_, 24, 48, 69.
+
+[355] There is ample evidence of this characteristic. Thus, of the
+Australians of Port Lincoln district, it is said that "the habit of
+constantly changing their place of rest is so great that they cannot
+overcome it even if staying where all their wants can be abundantly
+supplied."--_Trans. Roy. Soc., Victoria_, v. 178.
+
+[356] _Fortnightly Review_, lxxviii. 455.
+
+[357] _Secret of the Totem_, 125, 140.
+
+[358] _British Association Report_, 1902, p. 745. _Cf._ Spencer and
+Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, 160.
+
+[359] Lang, _Secret of the Totem_, 140, quoting Grey, _Vocabulary of
+the Dialects of South-west Australia_.
+
+[360] Spencer and Gillen, _Tribes of Central Australia_, 119.
+
+[361] The reader should consult Mason's _Women's Share in Primitive
+Culture_, and Bucher's _Industrial Evolution_, for evidence on this
+point.
+
+[362] Livingstone, _South Africa_, 462.
+
+[363] Sleeman, _Rambles of an Indian Official_, i. 43. "Banotsarg is
+the name given to the marriage ceremony performed in honour of a newly
+planted orchard, without which preliminary observance it is not proper
+to partake of its fruit. A man holding the Salagram personates the
+bridegroom, and another holding the sacred Tulsi personates the bride.
+After burning a hom or sacrificial fire, the officiating Brahmin puts
+the usual questions to the couple about to be united. The bride then
+perambulates a small spot marked out in the centre of the orchard.
+Proceeding from the south towards the west, she makes the circuit three
+times, followed at a short distance by the bridegroom holding in his
+hand a strip of her chadar of garment. After this, the bridegroom takes
+precedence, making his three circuits, and followed in like manner by
+his bride. The ceremony concludes with the usual offerings" (Elliot,
+_Folklore of North-west Provinces of India_, i. 234).
+
+[364] Myths explaining the domestication of animals belong to this
+stage of culture. The dog is a sacred animal among the Khasis, with
+certain totemic associations, and there is a very realistic and
+humanising myth relating how the dog came to be regarded as the friend
+of man (Gurdon, _The Khasis_, 51, 172-3). The Kyeng creation legend
+includes a good example of animal friendship with man (Lewin, _Wild
+Races of South-east India_, 238-9). The American creation myths afford
+remarkable testimony to this view of the case. "Game and fish of all
+sorts were under direct divine supervision ... maize or Indian corn is
+a transformed god who gave himself to be eaten to save men from hunger
+and death" (Curtin, _Creation Myths of Primitive America_, pp. xxvi,
+xxxviii). The Narrinyeri Australians "do not appear to have any story
+of the origin of the world, but nearly all animals they suppose
+anciently to have been men who performed great prodigies, and at last
+transformed themselves into different kinds of animals and stones"
+(Taplin, _The Narrinyeri_, 59).
+
+[365] _Legend of Perseus_, i. cap. vi.
+
+[366] _Secret of the Totem_, 29.
+
+[367] Mitchell, _Australian Expeditions_, i. 307; _cf._ Fison and
+Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, 200, 224; Taplin, _The Narrinyeri_, 10.
+
+[368] Curr, _Australian Race_, i. p. 193; _cf._ Smyth, _Aborigines of
+Victoria_, ii. p. 316.
+
+[369] Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, 66, 285, 289.
+
+[370] Fison and Howitt, _op. cit._, 68, 73.
+
+[371] Lang, _Secret of the Totem_, 64.
+
+[372] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes_, 7.
+
+[373] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes_, 120, 124, 133.
+
+[374] _Globus_, xci, a very important criticism of Spencer and Gillen's
+work.
+
+[375] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._, 139, 154.
+
+[376] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, 144.
+
+[377] _Globus_, xci, gives important evidence of traces of female descent
+among the Arunta.
+
+[378] There is conflict of testimony on this point. Spencer and Gillen
+deny that the Arunta recognise the fact of paternity in any way (see
+_Northern Tribes_, pp. xiii, 145, 330), and yet talk of the "actual
+father" in ceremonial functions (p. 361).
+
+[379] Skeat and Blagden, _Malay Peninsula_, ii. 218.
+
+[380] Newbold, _Political and State Acc. of Malacca_, ii.; Skeat and
+Blagden, _op. cit._, ii. 56.
+
+[381] Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes_, 36, give a useful
+note on this point.
+
+[382] In this they are exactly paralleled by the Khasi people of Assam,
+among whom we find a limited sort of male chiefship by succession
+through females, and an absolute succession to property by females by
+succession through females (Gurdon, _The Khasis_, 68, 88). Descent from
+the female is absolute in both cases, and all we get is male
+ascendancy.
+
+[383] _Secret of the Totem_, 73.
+
+[384] _Op. cit._, 79.
+
+[385] Lang, _Secret of the Totem_, 148.
+
+[386] _Central Tribes_, 72. Mrs. Langloh Parker's information as to the
+origin of the Euahlayi two-class division having arisen from an
+amalgamation of two distinct tribes, points to the same
+facts.--_Euahlayi Tribe_, 12.
+
+[387] Spencer and Gillen, _Tribes of Central Australia_, 96, 99, 106.
+
+[388] Lang's Introd. to Bolland's _Aristotle's Politics_ (1877), p.
+104; Grant Allen's _Anglo-Saxon Britain_ (1888), pp. 79-83.
+
+[389] _Topography of Ireland_, lib. ii. cap. 19.
+
+[390] _Hist. of Ireland_, ii. 361.
+
+[391] _Irish Nennius_, p. 205; Lang, _Custom and Myth_, p. 265; _Revue
+Celtique_, ii. 202.
+
+[392] _View of the State of Ireland_, p. 99.
+
+[393] Moryson, _Hist. of Ireland_, ii. 367.
+
+[394] Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme_, 204.
+
+[395] Camden, _Britannia_, iii. 455; iv. 459.
+
+[396] The significance of the word "gossip" is worth noting. Halliwell
+says it "signified a _relation_ or sponsor in baptism, all of whom were
+to each other and to the parents _God-sibs_, that is, _sib_, or related
+by means of religion." This meaning does not seem to have died out in
+the days of Spenser, and his use of the word to describe the
+relationship of the men of Ossory to wolves is very significant. For
+the history of this important word see Hearn's _Aryan Household_, 290.
+
+[397] Otway, _Sketches in Erris_, 383-4.
+
+[398] _Folklore Record_, iv. 98.
+
+[399] _Ulster Journ. Arch._, ii. 161, 162. They have also another
+primitive trait. Their trade emblems are carved on their tombstones.
+_Roy. Irish Acad._, vii. 260.
+
+[400] This I gather from _Ulster Journ. Arch._, ii. 164, where it is
+stated that the hare is unpropitious.
+
+[401] _Folklore Journal_, ii. 259.
+
+[402] _Folklore Journal_, ii. 259; _Folklore Record_, iv. 104. Miss
+Ffennell kindly informed me at the meeting of the Folklore Society
+where I read a paper on the subject, that she had frequently heard the
+islanders of Achill, off the coast of Ireland, state their belief that
+they were descended from seals.
+
+[403] Published by the _Irish Archæological Society_, p. 27; there is a
+Seal Island off the coast of Donegal (Joyce, _Irish Place-Names_, ii.
+282); and some Shetland legends of the seal will be found in _Soc.
+Antiq. Scot._, i. 86-89. Seals are eaten for food in the island of
+Harris (see Martin, _Western Islands_, 36), and one called the Virgin
+Mary's Seal is offered to the minister (Reeves, _Adamnan Vita.
+Columb._, 78, note _g_). The attitude of the Irish to seals is shown by
+the two following notes:--"At Erris, in Ireland, seals are considered
+to be human beings under enchantment, and they consider it unlucky to
+have anything to do with seals, and to have one live near their
+dwelling is considered as productive of evil to life and property. A
+story current, in 1841, describes how a young fisherman came in a fog
+upon an island whereon lived these enchanted men in their human form,
+but when they quitted it they turned to seals again" (Otway, _Sketches
+of Erris_, 398, 403). Off Downpatrick Head they used to take seals, but
+have given up the practice, because once two young fellows had urged
+their curraghs into a cave where the seals were known to breed, and
+they were killing them right and left when, in the farthest end of the
+cave and sitting up on its bent tail in a corner, there sat an old
+seal. One of the boys was just making ready to strike him, when the
+seal cried out, "Och, boys! och, ma bouchals, spare your old
+grandfather, Darby O'Dowd." He then proceeded to tell the boys his
+story. "It's true I was dead and dacently buried, but here I am for my
+sins turned into a sale as other sinners are and will be, and if you
+put an end to me and skin me maybe it's worser I'll be, and go into a
+shark or a porpoise. Lave your ould forefather where he is, to live out
+his time as a sale. Maybe for your own sakes you will ever hereafter
+leave off following and parsecuting and murthering sales who may be
+nearer to yourselves nor you think." The story is universally believed,
+and on the strength of it the people have given up seal hunting (Otway,
+_Sketches of Erris_, 230).
+
+[404] _Kinship and Marriage in Arabia_, 188. _Cf._ Mr. Jacobs' articles
+in _Archæological Review_, "Are there totem clans in the Old
+Testament?" vol. iii. pp. 145-164.
+
+[405] _Origins of English History_, 297.
+
+[406] _Proc. Roy. Irish Acad._, x. 436; Lang's _Custom and Myth_, 265;
+Elton's _Origins of English History_, 299-300; _Revue Celtique_, i. 50;
+iii. 176.
+
+[407] _Rev. Celtique_, vi. 232.
+
+[408] Aubrey's _Remaines of Gentilisme_, 102.
+
+[409] _Folklore Record_, i. 243.
+
+[410] Xiphilinus in _Mon. Hist. Brit._, p. lvii.
+
+[411] _Choice Notes, Folklore_, p. 16.
+
+[412] _Vulgar Errors_, p. 320.
+
+[413] Aubrey, _Gentilisme and Judaisme_, 109; Napier, _Folklore of West
+of Scotland_, 26. Consult Mr. Billson's valuable paper on "The Easter
+Hare" in _Folklore_, iii. 441-466.
+
+[414] Gregor, _Folklore of North-East Scotland_, 129, 199.
+
+[415] O'Curry, _Manners of the Anc. Irish_, i. p. ccclxx.
+
+[416] _Notes and Queries_, 3rd ser. iv. 82, 158; Dyer's _Popular
+Customs_, 384.
+
+[417] Gordon Cumming, _Hebrides_, 369.
+
+[418] Gordon Cumming, _Hebrides_, 369.
+
+[419] _Gentleman's Magazine Library, Pop. Sup._, 216.
+
+[420] It will be useful to refer to Mr. Thrupp's paper on "British
+Superstition as to Hares, Geese, and Poultry" in _Trans. Ethnological
+Society of London_, new ser. vol. v. pp. 162-167.
+
+[421] _Origins of English History_, 170.
+
+[422] Gordon Cumming, _Hebrides_, 365.
+
+[423] Dalyell's _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, 431. It should be
+noted that Dalyell wrote before the age of scientific folklore, and
+therefore his observations are founded more upon conjectures derived
+from the practices and beliefs themselves than from any theory as to
+origins.
+
+[424] White horse, p. 208; black cat, p. 211, note 3; two magpies, p.
+224; crickets, p. 238; hawthorn, p. 244.
+
+[425] _Fortnightly Review_, xii. 562.
+
+[426] It is just possible that the value of investigating Australian
+totemism may prove to have a still more direct bearing upon British
+folklore, for Huxley's opinion as to the Australoid race is not
+entirely to be neglected. He argued that "The Australoid race are dark
+complexion, ranging through various shades of light and dark chocolate
+colour; dark or black eyes; the hair of the scalp black and soft, silky
+and wavy; the skull dolichocephalic. The great continent of Australia
+is the headquarters of the Australoid race.... The Dekkan, which is so
+remarkably isolated on the north by the valleys of the Ganges and
+Indus, beyond these by the Himalaya Mountains, and on the east and west
+by the sea, was originally inhabited, and is still largely peopled by
+men who completely come under the definition of the Australoid race
+given above. In Abyssinia and Egypt there is a smooth-haired,
+dark-complexioned, long-headed stock which I am strongly inclined to
+regard as a westward extension of the Australoid race. I would venture
+to suggest that the dark whites who stretch from Northern Hindostan
+through Western Asia, skirt both shores of the Mediterranean, and
+extend through Western Europe to Ireland, may have had their origin in
+a prolongation of the Australoid race, which has become modified by
+selection or intermixture" (Huxley in _Prehistoric Congress, 1868_, pp.
+92-94). This point of view is confirmed by Mr. Mathew's conclusions,
+_Eaglehawk and Crow_, cap. iii.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+SOCIOLOGICAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+Perhaps the most important part of the anthropological aspect of
+custom, rite, and belief in tradition is sociological. Perhaps, too,
+it is the most neglected. Inquirers into the origin of religion
+proceed one after the other to investigate the phenomena of early
+beliefs as they interpret the origin of religion, without one thought
+of the sociological conditions of the problem. They interpose, as I
+have already pointed out, the theory of a state religion, when such a
+foundation is incidentally found to be necessary to carry the imposing
+superstructure of Celtic mythology, but they do not pause to inquire
+whether the state, suddenly introduced into the argument, is a
+discoverable factor; or they proceed to erect their superstructure of
+religious origins without any social foundation whatever, and we are
+left with a great concept of abstract thought having no roots in the
+source from which it is supposed to be drawn. The sun-god and the
+dawn-god, even the All-father, are traced in the most primitive
+thought of man, but it is not deemed necessary to show in what
+relation these concepts stand to practical life. It is here I must
+refer back to Robertson-Smith's dictum on mythology, for it is the
+necessary preliminary to showing that belief cannot enter into life
+except through the sociological units into which all humanity fits
+itself; or rather, I would prefer Robertson-Smith's way of putting it,
+"the circle into which a man was born was not simply a human society,
+a circle of kinfolk and fellow-citizens, but embraced also certain
+divine beings, the gods of the family and the state, which to the
+ancient mind were as much a part of the particular community with
+which they stood connected as the human members of the social
+group."[427] Any proposal to examine a group of customs, beliefs, and
+rites which at their origin take us back to the earliest history of a
+country must, therefore, be considered from the sociological side. The
+great mass of the material to be used in such an inquiry is not
+ancient so far as its date of record is a test of antiquity, but it is
+ancient as traditional survival, and it is not possible to trace back
+custom and belief surviving in modern times to the earliest times,
+except through the medium of the institutions which formed the social
+basis of the peoples to whom such custom and belief belonged. A custom
+or belief exists as a living force before it sinks back into the
+position of a survival. It is the lingering effect of this living
+force which helps to preserve it for so many ages, and in the midst of
+such adverse circumstances, as a survival among other customs and
+beliefs existing under a different living force. It is not possible,
+therefore, to ascertain the origin of custom or belief in survival,
+except as a fragment of the social institution to which it originally
+belonged. No custom or belief has a life of its own separate from all
+other. It is joined to other customs and beliefs in indissoluble
+co-partnership, the whole group making up the institutions under which
+the race or people to whom they belong live and flourish. This, as we
+have already seen, is a most important principle in the study of
+survivals. Not only is it strictly true of all primitive peoples, but
+it is true of the early stages of more advanced communities.[428]
+Indeed it has been put into a phrase used long ago by an English
+writer on the manorial tenant, "His religion is a part of his
+copyhold,"[429] and when the jurist talks to us in highly technical
+language of lords, freeholders, villans, and serfs, we must bear in
+mind that at any rate these villans and serfs belonged to a social
+institution, one element of which was religion. So, too, must the
+folklorist bear in mind that it is not the individual belief he is
+concerned with, but with the belief that belongs to a community. It
+must be assumed that the true test of the antiquity of every custom or
+belief is its natural and easy assimilation with other customs and
+beliefs, equally with itself in the position of a survival, and the
+recognition of the whole group thus brought into relationship as
+belonging to the institutions of the people from whom it is derived.
+
+It is well to understand what this condition of things exactly means
+as an element in the study of early beliefs. It will be dealing with
+beliefs from their place in the social habitat; housing them, so to
+speak, within the groups of human beings with which they are
+connected. It will be considering them as part of the living organism
+which the social units of man have created. All this indicates a
+method of treating the subject entirely different from what has
+hitherto obtained. Students of early English institutions are content
+to construct elaborate arguments from the often conflicting testimony
+of historical authorities; students of early beliefs construct
+elaborate systems of religious thought far above the custom and rite
+with which they are dealing. The two branches of the same subject are
+never brought together to illustrate each other. Early institutions
+cannot be separated from early beliefs. Early beliefs cannot properly
+be separated from the society of which they form a component part. We
+require to know not only what beliefs a particular people possess, but
+in what manner these beliefs generate custom and rite and take their
+place among the influences which affect the social organism. Early man
+does not live individually. His life is part of a collective group.
+The group worships collectively as it lives collectively, and it is
+extremely important to work out the dual conditions. If the several
+items of custom and belief preserved by tradition are really ancient
+in their origin, they must be floating fragments, as it were, of an
+ancient _system_ of custom and belief--the cultus of the people among
+whom they originated. This cultus has been destroyed, struggling
+unsuccessfully against foreign and more vigorous systems of religion
+and society. To be of service to history each floating fragment of
+ancient custom and belief must not only be labelled "ancient," but it
+must be placed back in the system from which it has been torn away. To
+do this is to a great extent to restore the ancient system; and to
+restore an ancient system of culture, even if the restoration be only
+a mosaic and a shattered mosaic, is to bring into evidence the people
+to which it belongs.
+
+In the previous chapter it was necessary to lay somewhat special
+stress upon the system of social organisation known as totemism, which
+was not founded upon kinship. This was traced in survival among the
+pre-Celtic peoples of Britain. If we now turn to the Celts and Teutons
+of Britain we shall find that we have to deal with a social
+organisation founded definitely upon kinship; and if there are
+survivals of belief, custom, and rite, derived from this kinship
+system, existing side by side in the same culture area with survivals
+from the kinless system, it will be necessary to explain how two such
+opposite streams can have been kept flowing.
+
+It is not difficult in the case of countries occupied by Celtic or
+Teutonic peoples to ascertain what the particular institution was
+which linked together the beliefs of the people, though it is not easy
+to trace out all the phases of it. It is the tribe--that system of
+society which appears as the means by which Greek and Roman, Celt and
+Teuton, Scandinavian and Slav, Hindu and Persian, were able to
+conquer, overrun, and finally to settle in the lands which they have
+made their own. We know something of the Celtic tribe, less of the
+Teutonic tribe, but all we know is that it possesses features in
+common with the tribe of its kindred. There is no fact more certainly
+true as a result of comparative research than that the tribe is the
+common heritage of those people who have become the dominant rulers of
+the Indo-European world. I use this term "tribe" in no formal sense,
+not in the sense of its Roman derivation and use, which shows it quite
+as a secondary institution, but as the most convenient term to define
+that grouping of men with wives, families, and descendants, and all
+the essentials of independent life, which is found as a primal unit of
+European society in a state of unsettlement as regards land or
+country. The tie which bound all together was personal not local,
+kinship with a tribal god, kinship more or less real with
+fellow-tribesmen, kinship in status and rights. We meet with this
+tribal organisation everywhere in Indo-European history. It made
+movement from country to country possible. It made conquest possible.
+Celt and Teuton did not conquer in families any more than Greek or
+Hindu did. They conquered in tribes, and it was because of the
+strength of the tribal organisation during the period, first of
+migration and wandering and then of conquest, that the settlement
+after conquest was possible and was so strong. Everywhere we find
+these people conquerors and settlers. In India, in Iran, in Greece and
+Rome, in Scandinavia, in Celtic and Teutonic Europe, in Slavic Europe,
+they are moving tribes of conquerors come to settle and rule the
+people they conquer.[430] When Dr. Ridgeway asks whence came the
+Acheans,[431] he answers the question much in the same fashion as that
+in which Dr. Duncker describes the settlement on the Ganges:--
+
+      "The ancient population of the new states on the
+      Ganges was not entirely extirpated, expelled, or
+      enslaved. Life and freedom were allowed to those who
+      submitted and conformed to the law of the conqueror;
+      they might pass their lives as servants on the farms
+      of the Aryas (Manu, i. 91). But though the remnant of
+      this population was spared, the whole body of the
+      immigrants looked down on them with the pride of
+      conquerors--of superiority in arms, blood, and
+      character--and in contrast to them they called
+      themselves Vaiçyas, i.e. tribesmen, comrades, in other
+      words those who belong to the community or body of
+      rulers. Whether the Vaiçya belonged to the order of
+      the nobles, the minstrels and priests or peasants, was
+      a matter of indifference, he regarded the old
+      inhabitants as an inferior species of mankind.... In
+      the new states on the Ganges therefore the population
+      was separated into two sharply divided masses. How
+      could the conquerors mix with the conquered? How could
+      their pride stoop to any union with the despised
+      servants?"[432]
+
+These two divided masses thus so clearly described were, in fact,
+tribesmen and non-tribesmen, just that distinction which we meet with
+in Celtic and Teutonic law, and described in the same terms which
+Bishop Stubbs was obliged to use when he set forth the facts of the
+Teutonic invasion of Britain.
+
+The terms are indeed necessary terms. Tribesmen capable of retaining
+the tribal organisation during the period of migration and conquest
+did not lightly lose that organisation when they settled. In Sir
+Alfred Lyall's pure genealogic clan of Central India[433] I recognise
+the unbroken tribal formation before the family group has arisen as a
+political unit. In Mr. Tupper's argument against the conclusions of
+Sir Henry Maine I recognise the Hindu evidence that the tribe was the
+earliest social group, breaking up, as later influences arose, into
+village communities and joint families.[434] In Bishop Stubbs's
+masterly analysis of English constitutional history the tribe appears
+at the outset--"the invaders," he says, "came in families and kindreds
+and in the full organisation of their tribes ... the tribe was as
+complete when it had removed to Kent as when it stayed in Jutland; the
+magistrate was the ruler of the tribe not of the soil; the divisions
+were those of the folk and the host not of the land; the laws were the
+usage of the nation not of the territory."[435] And so I agree with
+Mr. Skene as to the Celtic tribe that "the tuath or tribe preceded the
+fine or clan,"[436] and with the editors of the Irish law tracts that
+"the tribe existed before the family came into being and continued to
+exist after the latter had been dissolved."[437]
+
+We need not go beyond this evidence. The tribe is the common form into
+which the early Indo-European peoples grouped themselves for the
+purpose of conquest and settlement. It was their primal unit. It may
+have been numerically large or small. It may have been the result of
+a combination of many smaller tribes into one great tribe. But in any
+case and under any conditions there stands out the tribal
+organisation, that great institutional force from which spring all
+later institutions. Its roots go back into the remotest past of
+Indo-European history; its active force caused the Indo-European
+people to become the mightiest in human history; its lasting results
+have scarcely yet ceased to shape the aspirations of political society
+and to affect the destinies of nations. The whole life of the early
+period was governed by tribal conditions--the political, social,
+legal, and even religious conceptions were tribal in form and
+expression.
+
+The tribal institution of the Aryan-speaking peoples includes a life
+outside the tribe. That was an outlaw's life, a kinless outcast, whom
+no tribesman would look upon or assist, whom every tribesman
+considered as an enemy until he had reduced him to the position of
+helot or slave, but for whom every tribe had a place in its
+organisation and a legal status in its constitution. But it was the
+legal status imposed by the master over the servant, and the kinless
+included not only the outcast from the tribe, but the conquered
+aboriginal who had never been within the tribe. It is important to
+notice this, for it to some extent measures the strength of the tribal
+organisation. It not only allowed for a special position for all
+tribesmen, but it allowed for that position to have a definite
+relationship to persons who were not tribesmen, and it is in the
+combined forces of tribesmen and non-tribesmen that the tribal
+organisation which swept over part of Asia and over all Europe obtains
+its greatest power. There are tribal systems outside the Semitic and
+the Indo-European, but these do not have the distinctive features that
+the tribal systems of these two great civilising peoples possess. Like
+the Semitic and Aryan tribal systems, savage tribes are fashioned for
+conquest, but, unlike them, they are not fashioned for settlement and
+resettlement, and perhaps again and again conquest and resettlement.
+They spent all their power, or most of their power, in their one great
+effort of conquest, and whether we turn to the American Indian tribes,
+to the African tribes, or to the Asiatic tribes we find the same facts
+of frequent dissipation of power after sudden and complete conquest of
+it. The tribal system which led to civilisation has a different
+history. It has, too, a different constitution in that to the strength
+of tribesmen was added the subordination--politically, industrially,
+and economically--of non-tribesmen. They were the people who, in the
+terms of the northern poem,
+
+        "Laid fences,
+      Enriched the plough lands,
+      Tended swine,
+      Herded goats,
+      Dug peat."[438]
+
+Unfortunately the institution of the tribe has never been properly
+studied by the great authorities in history, and students are left
+without guidance in this important matter. And yet in any attempt to
+get back to the earliest period of history in lands governed by an
+Aryan-speaking people we must proceed, can only proceed, on the basis
+of the tribe, and it is the failure to understand this which has made
+so much early history unsatisfactory and inconclusive and compels us
+to the conclusion that the master-hand is still needed to rewrite in
+terms of tribal history all that has been written in terms merely of
+political history.
+
+If, however, history from the written records is thus at fault, so too
+is history from the traditional records. No systematic effort has been
+made to treat the traditional story or the traditional custom and
+belief as part of the tribal history of our race, and yet in the few
+cases where it has been so treated the results are obviously
+satisfactory. I can illustrate the value of this point of view by an
+example drawn from the period which witnessed the earliest struggles
+of our race. I think with Mr. Keary that in those German stories
+"which delight above all things in that portrait of the youngest son
+of the house--he is the youngest of three--who is left behind despised
+and neglected when his brothers go forth to seek their fortunes," we
+have traces of a veritable fact, of an historical condition where the
+elder sons actually went forth to conquest and to settlement and the
+youngest son remained in the original home as the hearth-child.[439]
+The position of hearth-child, surviving as it does in our law of
+Borough English, is of great significance, and that we can by the aid
+of tradition reach a state of society which gave birth to it is a
+point of the greatest importance, even if we could go no further. But
+there is a stage beyond it. The majority of these youngest-son
+stories relate to events not to be identified with any particular
+tribe or people, but which belong to all the tribes and peoples whose
+course of conquest and settlement took the common form. But if apart
+from these all-world stories there exist stories, or if there be but
+one story which has become identified with an episode, a person, or a
+place belonging to a particular people, we may claim it as part of the
+history of that particular people. It may be that the general story
+has become specialised in this one case, or it may be that an entirely
+new story has sprung out of the special case. But whichever be the
+origin of such a story attached to a particular people, it must tell
+us something of that people at a period when its history was being
+made rather than recorded. What it tells may be very little, may not
+lead up to anything very great or definite, so far as later history is
+concerned; but that for the period to which it belongs it relates to
+an episode worthy to have been kept in the memories of the descendants
+of the chief actors in the events is the point to bear in mind.
+
+There is one such story which belongs to English history. One of the
+most famous of these youngest-son stories is that of Childe Rowland,
+and Mr. Jacobs, on examining its incidents and details, suggests that
+"our story may have a certain amount of historic basis and give a
+record which history fails to give of the very earliest conflict of
+races in these isles."[440] Mr. Jacobs gives good grounds for this
+conclusion, and shows up a picture of earliest English history which
+is certainly not contained elsewhere, and we are able by this means
+to pass from that large group of youngest-son stories, which have
+brought with them living testimony of an ancient institution of our
+race in its oldest home, to the narrower but more direct example which
+comes to us from events which happened just at the dawn of history in
+our own land. It is not necessary to emphasise the importance of this
+service to history at the instance of tradition, for it will be
+obvious to every student that many a struggle must have remained
+unrecorded and many a hero must have died unnamed in the events which
+belong to the period of tribal conquest and settlement. And to have
+still with us the far-off echo of these events is no slight
+encouragement to an inquiry which has for its object the
+reconstruction of the conditions under which such events took place.
+
+This would be all the better understood if we could get a concrete
+case for illustration, and, fortunately, this is possible by turning
+to the evidence of India. "What we know of the manner in which the
+states of Upper India were founded," says Sir Alfred Lyall,
+
+      "gives a very fair sample of the movements and changes
+      of the primitive world. When the dominant Rajput
+      families lost their dominion in the rich Gangetic
+      plains one part of their clan seems to have remained
+      in the conquered country, having submitted to the
+      foreigner, cultivating in strong communities of
+      villages and federations of villages and paying such
+      land tax as the ruler could extract. Another part of
+      the clan, probably the near kinsmen of the defeated
+      chief, followed his family into exile, and helped him
+      to carve out another, but a much poorer, dominion.
+      Here the chief built himself a fort upon the hill; his
+      clansmen slew or subdued the tribes they found in
+      possession of the soil, and the lands were all
+      parcelled off among the chief's kinsfolk, the
+      indigenous proprietors being subjected to payment of a
+      land tax, but not otherwise degraded. When the land
+      grew too strait for the support of the chief's family
+      or of the sept--that is, when there were no vacant
+      allotments, a landless son of the chief would assemble
+      a band, and set forth to make room for himself
+      elsewhere."[441]
+
+The evidence from India is fact, the evidence from England is
+tradition, and yet I do not think any student will deny that both fact
+and tradition are part and parcel of the same conditions of society,
+the same forces operating upon the same material. The conditions of
+society in both cases are tribal conditions, and the common factor
+having thus been discovered, it is possible to determine not only the
+inter-relationship between fact and tradition, but the means by which
+we may estimate the value of both.
+
+We cannot, however, stop here. I carry on the same argument from the
+traditional legend to the traditional custom and belief, and affirm
+that it is only by their position as part of the tribal system that
+custom and belief in survival must be tested. If they have descended
+from early Celtic or Teutonic custom and belief, they have descended
+from tribal custom and belief, and somewhere in the stages of descent
+will be found the link which connects them definitely with the tribe.
+That not all custom and belief has so descended is due to the fact
+that much of it belongs to the pre-Celtic period, which was not
+tribal; some of it, no doubt, to comparatively modern times, when, as
+we have already seen, superstition had taken the place of thought,
+while some phases of early belief belong to conditions which
+transcend the division between pre-Aryan and Aryan folk. On this I
+will say something by way of explanation presently. In the meantime it
+is an extremely important task to classify survivals into tribal and
+non-tribal groups. Those which belong to Celtic or Teutonic origins
+must show their tribal origin, for they could not have come into
+existence apart from the tribe, and apart from the tribe they could
+not have survived after the break-up of the tribe consequent upon the
+development of national and political life. Custom and belief which do
+not fit into the ancient tribal system, therefore, cannot be
+recognised as ancient Celtic or ancient Teutonic custom and belief,
+and contrariwise when it is seen that they naturally fall into this
+system it may be argued that there we must search for their origin.
+Our Anglo-Saxon forefathers have left a curious testimony to this view
+of the question in their word "holy" or wholesome. What is wholesome
+is so for the whole group. The Anglo-Saxon idea of holiness implies as
+its chief element relation to the tribal life.[442]
+
+The classification of survivals in folklore into tribal and non-tribal
+items is a lengthy and intricate process. Some years ago I made a
+start in a study of fire worship which I presented to the British
+Association,[443] and I hope shortly to be ready with a volume on
+_Tribal Custom_, which will embody a fuller study of fire worship and
+its accompanying beliefs, together with a complete study of all the
+remains of traditional custom, rite, and belief, which only as the
+detritus of the ancient tribal organisation receive adequate
+explanation of their presence in the midst of modern political and
+religious institutions. If I leave this part of my subject without
+further illustration in this present volume, I must add one important
+note upon the persistence of survivals of both kinless and kinship
+societies. I have shown that the tribal system of the advanced races
+included provision for non-tribesmen, provision which kept
+non-tribesmen outside the tribal bond, and at the same time kept them
+tied to the tribe by using them as the necessary dependent adjunct of
+the tribe, using them as bondmen and serfs in point of fact. This
+extremely important factor in the history of the tribal organisation,
+which has not been properly noticed by the few authorities who have
+investigated tribal institutions, receives additional importance when
+viewed from the standpoint of folklore, for it allows for the
+preservation of non-tribal cults side by side with tribal cults.
+Non-tribesmen preserved their custom, belief, and rite simply because
+they were not admitted to the custom, belief, and rite of the tribe,
+and this is the explanation of the existence, in survival, of folklore
+which goes back to pre-Celtic times. Some of this pre-Celtic folklore
+we have already had before us, and some of it I have studied in my
+_Ethnology in Folklore_. Later on I shall have something more to say
+on the subject. Here it is only necessary to emphasise the importance
+of having ascertained why it is that the Celtic conquerors of Britain
+and the earliest tribal conquerors of the Indo-European world
+generally permitted to live in their midst what in a sense was opposed
+to all that they believed, to all that they practised, to all that
+governed them in thought and action.
+
+I think this is a strong position upon which to conduct folklore
+research. It includes the whole of the historical position; it takes
+due count of historical facts instead of ignoring them. It is based
+upon a scientific conception of the meaning of a survival of culture.
+A survival is that which has been left stranded amidst the development
+that is going on around. Its future life is not one of development but
+of decay. We are not dealing with the evolution of society, but with
+the decaying fragments of a social system which has passed away. We
+have to trace out its line of decay from the point where it almost
+vanishes as the mere superstition or practice of a peasant or an
+outcast, back to phases where it exists in more strenuous fashion, and
+finally back to its original position as part and parcel of a living
+social fabric. Moreover, the strength of our position is based upon a
+scientific conception of the development of the nation or people among
+whom survivals exist. It is not all parts of the nation which develop
+at the same rate, at the same time, and for the same period. There are
+social strata in every country, and it is the observance of these
+strata which has made it possible for the inquirer of to-day to use
+the evidence they afford for historical purposes.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[427] _Religion of the Semites_, 30. It is worth while quoting here
+Merivale's note in his Boyle lectures, _Conversion of the Northern
+Nations_, 122. "Pagan temples were always the public works of nations
+and communities. They were national buildings dedicated to national
+purposes. The mediæval churches, on the other hand, were the erection
+of individuals, monuments of personal piety, tokens of the hope of a
+personal reward." _Cf._ Stanley, _Hist. Westminster Abbey_, 12.
+
+[428] Mr. Granger has a very instructive passage on this point in his
+_Worship of the Romans_, 210-214; _cf._ Robertson-Smith, _Religion of
+the Semites_, lec. ii.; Mr. MacDonald, _Africana_, i. 64, notes, too,
+that "the natives worship not so much individually as in villages or
+communities." Prof. Sayce, studying early religion, says in its outward
+form it "was made up of rites and ceremonies which could only be
+performed collectively."--_Science of Language_, ii. 290.
+
+[429] Clarke's _Survey of the Lakes_, 36.
+
+[430] Pritchard's _Researches into the Physical Hist. of Mankind_, vol.
+iii., may still be consulted for an account of the tribal movements in
+Europe.
+
+[431] _Early Age of Greece_, i. cap. iv.
+
+[432] _History of Antiquity_, iv. 116-17.
+
+[433] _Asiatic Studies_, i. 173.
+
+[434] _Punjab Customary Law_, ii. 3-59. _Cf._ Baden-Powell's _Indian
+Vill. Com._, 230; Duncker, _Hist. Antiq._, iv. 115-17.
+
+[435] Stubbs's _Const. Hist._, i. 64. _Cf. Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law_,
+12.
+
+[436] _Celtic Scotland_, iii. 137, note 4.
+
+[437] _Anc. Laws of Ireland_, iv. p. 77. _Cf._ also Mr. Andrews' _Old
+English Manor_, p. 20, and Meyer, _Geschichte der Alterthums_, 2-3.
+
+[438] Du Chaillu, _The Viking Age_, i. 488.
+
+[439] Keary, _Origin of Primitive Belief_, 464-5. Mr. MacCulloch,
+_Childhood of Fiction_, devotes a chapter to the clever-youngest-son
+group of tales (cap. xiii.), which should be consulted.
+
+[440] _Folklore_, ii. 194.
+
+[441] Sir A. Lyall, _Asiatic Studies_, 184, and compare pp. 198, 208,
+211.
+
+[442] _Cf._ Granger, _Worship of the Romans_, 211. Mr. Granger uses
+terms which I do not quite accept, though his suggestion is entirely
+good in principle.
+
+[443] _Report of British Association_ (Liverpool Meeting).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+EUROPEAN CONDITIONS
+
+
+There are obviously conditions attaching to European culture history
+which do not apply elsewhere, and as obviously the most important,
+perhaps the only important one, which it is necessary to consider in
+connection with the problems of folklore is that resulting from the
+introduction of a non-European religion and the adoption of this
+religion as part of the state machinery in the several countries. This
+religion is, of course, Christianity. It came into the home of a
+decaying, corrupt, and impossible state religion wherever the Roman
+Empire was established and into the homes of purer and sterner faiths,
+faiths that had belonged to the people through all the years of
+conquest and settlement, migration and resettlement, wherever the
+empire of Rome had not become established.
+
+Until the advent of Christianity into Britain the Celtic peoples
+possessed their own customs, their own religious beliefs, their own
+usages. Until the Anglo-Saxons came into contact with Christianity in
+their new settlements in England, they also possessed their own
+customs, usages, and beliefs. So far as Celt and Teuton were
+responsible for continuing or allowing to continue the still older
+faiths, the faiths of savagery as we have accustomed ourselves to
+term them, they brought these faiths also into contact with
+Christianity, and Christianity dealt with the problem thus presented
+exactly as it dealt with the Celtic and Teutonic faiths, namely, by
+treating all alike as pagan, all equally to be set aside or used in
+any fashion that circumstances might demand. Let it be particularly
+noted that Christianity did not distinguish between the various shades
+of paganism. All that was not Christian was pagan.
+
+Christianity was both antagonistic to and tolerant of pagan custom and
+belief. In principle and purpose it was antagonistic. In practice it
+was tolerant where it could tolerate safely. At the centre it aimed at
+purity of Christian doctrine, locally it permitted pagan practices to
+be continued under Christian auspices. In the earliest days it set
+itself against all forms of idolatry and non-Christian practices; in
+later days, after the fifth century, says Gibbon,[444] it accepted
+both pagan practice and pagan ritual.
+
+The relationship of Christianity to paganism is, therefore, a very
+complex subject, and it would not be possible in this place to work
+out one tithe of it. Nor is it needed. The two cardinal facts with
+which we are now concerned are the principle of antagonism and the
+practice of toleration. As to the former there need not be any
+discussion on the fact. Everywhere throughout Europe its effect is to
+be seen. It formed the most solid and systematic arresting force
+against the natural development of pagan belief and practice, and it
+is this fact of arrested development in pagan belief and practice
+which is of great importance. We can ascertain the point of stoppage,
+note the stage of arrested development, and trace out the subsequent
+history of a custom, belief, or rite so arrested. As a survival in a
+state of arrested development, a custom or belief is observable
+throughout its later history. All it does is to decay, and decay
+slowly, and each stage of decay may oftentimes be discovered. On the
+other hand, if no arrest of development had taken place there would
+have been no survival and no decay. The custom or belief which is not
+arrested by an opposing culture becomes a part of the religion or of
+the institutions of the nation, and the history of its development
+becomes, as a rule, lost in the general advance of religion and
+politics--custom develops into law, belief develops into religion,
+rite develops into ceremonial, and tradition ceases to be the force
+which keeps them alive. The two classes of custom and belief thus
+contrasted are of different value to the student. The one is important
+because it contains the germs and goes back to the origin of existing
+institutions. The other is important because, having been arrested by
+a strong opposing force, unable to destroy it altogether, it remains
+as evidence of custom and belief at the time of its arrestment. It
+will be seen at once how far this evidence may take us. It stretches
+back into the remotest past. It survives in the stage at which it was
+arrested, not of course in the form in which it then appeared, but in
+the decayed form which years of existence beneath the ever-opposing
+forces of the established civilisation must have brought about.
+
+These opposing forces can be detected in working order. What can be
+more indicative of a dual system of belief than the cry of an old
+Scottish peasant when he came to worship at the sacred well?--"O Lord,
+Thou knowest that well would it be for me this day an I had stoopit my
+knees and my heart before Thee in spirit and in truth as often as I
+have stoopit them afore this well. But we maun keep the customs of our
+fathers." It appears over and over again in the lives of early
+Christian saints who were only just parting from a living pagan faith.
+Thus St. Bega was the patroness of St. Bees in Cumberland, where she
+left a holy bracelet which was long an object of profound veneration;
+and in a prefatory statement by the compiler of a small collection of
+her miracles, written in the twelfth century, we learn among other
+things that whosoever forswore himself upon her bracelet swiftly
+incurred the heaviest punishment of perjury or a speedy death. It is
+to be observed that Beagas, the French Bague, is the Anglo-Saxon
+denomination for rings, and Dr. William Bell suggests that holy St.
+Bega was but a personification of one of the holy rings which, having
+gained great hold upon the minds of the heathen Cumbrians, it was not
+politic in their first Christian missionaries wholly to subvert.[445]
+These rings are, of course, the doom rings of the Scandinavian temples
+which are so often referred to in the Sagas.[446]
+
+Baptism, an essentially Christian ceremony, might off-hand be supposed
+to contain nothing but evidence for Christianity. It might at most be
+expected that the details of the ceremony would contain relics of
+adapted pagan rites, and this we know is the case. But we can go
+beyond even this, and discover in the popular conception of the rite
+very clear indications of the early antagonism between Christianity
+and paganism--an antagonism which is certainly some eighteen hundred
+years old in this country, and though so old is still contained in the
+evidence of folklore.
+
+An analysis of baptismal folklore shows us that its most important
+section is contained under the group which deals with the effect of
+non-baptism. In England we have it prevailing in the border counties,
+in Cornwall, Devonshire, Durham, Lancashire, Middlesex,
+Northumberland, and Yorkshire, and in North-East Scotland, that
+children joined the ranks of the fairies if they died unchristened, or
+that their souls wandered about in the air, restless and unhappy,
+until Judgment Day. Various penalties attended the condition of
+non-baptism, but perhaps the most significant is the Northumberland
+custom of burying an unbaptised babe at the feet of an adult Christian
+corpse--surely a relic of the old sacrifice at a burial which is
+indicated so frequently in the graves of prehistoric times,
+particularly of the long-barrow period. In Ireland we have the effect
+of non-baptism in a still more grim form. In the sixteenth century the
+rude Irish used to leave the right arms of their male children
+unchristened, to the intent that they might give a more ungracious and
+deadly blow.[447]
+
+[Illustration: RITE OF BAPTISM, ON FONT AT DARENTH, KENT]
+
+These, and their allied and variant customs, are relics, not so much
+of the absorption by Christian baptism of rites belonging to early
+paganism as of the struggle between Christianity and paganism for the
+mastery, of the anathemas of Christians against pagans, and of the
+terrible answer of the pagan. And what are we to say to it? Is it that
+the struggle itself has lasted all these centuries, or only its
+memory? My belief is that the struggle itself has lasted in reality
+though not in name.
+
+But if we have been able to look through the very portals of
+Christianity to the regions of paganism behind, can we not boldly pass
+through altogether and recover from folklore much of the lost evidence
+of our prehistoric ancestors? I put the question in this way
+purposely, because it is the way which is indicated by the methods and
+data of folklore, and it is a question which has much to do with the
+different views held of the province of folklore.
+
+I will answer by referring to the pre-baptismal rites of washing. In
+Northumberland we meet with the analogue of the sixteenth-century
+Irish practice, for there the child's right hand is left unwashed that
+it may gather riches better[448]--the golden coin taking the place of
+the ancient weapon in this as in other phases of civilisation. Not
+only is the water used for this purpose heated in the old-fashioned
+way by placing red-hot irons in it (_i.e._ the modern equivalent for
+stone-boiling), but in Yorkshire we have the custom that the newborn
+infant must be placed in the arms of a maiden before any one else
+touches it, two practices represented exactly in the customs of the
+Canary Islanders, who were in the stone age of culture and are
+considered to be the last remnants of a race which once included
+Britain among its lands of occupation.[449]
+
+The Rev. C. O'Connor, in his third letter of Columbanus, gives a very
+interesting statement of Irish well-worship in a letter addressed to
+his brother, the late Owen O'Connor Don, and which shows the living
+antagonism between Christian and pagan belief. He says:--
+
+      "I have often enquired of your tenants what they
+      themselves thought of their pilgrimage to their wells
+      of Kill Orcht, Tobbar-Brighde, Tobbar-Muire, near
+      Elphin, and Moore, near Castlereagh, where multitudes
+      assemble annually to celebrate what they, in broken
+      English, termed Patterns; and when I pressed a very
+      old man--Owen Hester--to state what possible advantage
+      he expected to derive from the singular custom of
+      frequenting in particular such wells as were
+      contiguous to an old blasted oak, or an upright unhewn
+      stone, and what the meaning was of the yet more
+      singular custom of sticking rags in the branches of
+      such trees and spitting on them, his answer, and the
+      answer of the oldest men, was that their ancestors
+      always did it; that it was a preservative against
+      Geasa-Dravideacht, _i.e._ the sorceries of Druids;
+      that their cattle was preserved by it from infectious
+      disorders; that the davini maithe, _i.e._ the fairies,
+      were kept in good humour by it; and so thoroughly
+      persuaded were they of the sanctity of these pagan
+      practices that they would travel bareheaded and
+      barefooted from ten to twenty miles for the purpose of
+      crawling on their knees round these wells and upright
+      stones and oak trees westward as the sun travels, some
+      three times, some six, some nine, and so on, in uneven
+      numbers until their voluntary penances were completely
+      fulfilled. The waters of Logh-Con were deemed so
+      sacred from ancient usage that they would throw into
+      the lake whole rolls of butter as a preservation for
+      the milk of their cows against
+      Geasa-Dravideacht."[450]
+
+Scarcely less important than the effect of the antagonism of the
+Church in the production of arrested development is the effect of the
+toleration of the Church for pagan custom and belief. This toleration
+took the shape either of allowing the continuation of pagan custom and
+belief as a matter not affecting Christian doctrine or of actual
+absorption into Church practice and ritual. The story told to the full
+is a long and interesting one. And it still awaits the telling.
+Gibbon, in a few sentences, has told us the outline.[451] Other
+authorities have told us small episodes. I am, of course, not
+concerned here with anything more than to adduce sufficient evidence
+to establish the fact that Christian tolerance of paganism has been
+one of the assistant causes for the long continuance of pagan
+survivals.
+
+I shall not hesitate to begin by quoting at length a luminous passage
+from Grimm's great work. In the preface to his second edition he
+writes as follows:--
+
+      "Oftentimes the Church prudently permitted, or could
+      not prevent, that heathen and Christian things should
+      here and there run into one another; the clergy
+      themselves would not always succeed in marking off the
+      bounds of the two religions: their private leanings
+      might let some things pass which they found firmly
+      rooted in the multitude. In the language, together
+      with a stock of newly-imported Greek and Latin terms,
+      there still remained, even for ecclesiastical use, a
+      number of Teutonic words previously employed in
+      heathen services, just as the names of gods stood
+      ineradicable in the days of the week; to such words
+      old customs would still cling silent and unnoticed
+      and take a new lease of life. The festivals of the
+      people present a tough material: they are so closely
+      bound up with its habits of life that they will put up
+      with foreign additions if only to save a fragment of
+      festivities long loved and tried. In this way
+      Scandinavia, probably the Goths also for a time, and
+      the Anglo-Saxons down to a late period, retained the
+      heathenish Yule as all Teutonic Christians did the
+      sanctity of Easter-tide; and from these two the
+      Yule-boar and Yule-bread, the Easter pancake,
+      Easter-sword, Easter-fire, and Easter-dance could not
+      be separated. As faithfully were perpetuated the name
+      and in many cases the observances of Midsummer. New
+      Christian feasts, especially of saints, seem
+      purposely, as well as accidentally, to have been made
+      to fall on heathen holidays. Churches often rose
+      precisely where a heathen god or his sacred tree had
+      been pulled down, and the people trod their old paths
+      to the accustomed site; sometimes the very walls of
+      the heathen temple became those of the church, and
+      cases occur in which idol images still found a place
+      in a wall of the porch, or were set up outside the
+      door, as at Bamberg Cathedral there lie Slavic heathen
+      figures of animals inscribed with runes. Sacred hills
+      and fountains were rechristened after saints, to whom
+      their sanctity was transferred; sacred woods were
+      handed over to the newly-founded convent or the king,
+      and even under private ownership did not lose their
+      long-accustomed homage. Law usages, particularly the
+      ordeals and oath-takings, but also the beating of
+      bounds, consecrations, image processions, spells and
+      formulas, while retaining their heathen character,
+      were simply clothed in Christian forms. In some
+      customs there was little to change: the heathen
+      practice of sprinkling a newborn babe with water
+      closely resembled Christian baptism; the sign of the
+      hammer, that of the cross; and the erection of tree
+      crosses the irmensûls and world trees of
+      paganism."[452]
+
+This passage, written in 1844, has been abundantly illustrated by the
+research of specialists since that date, and, of course, Mr. Frazer's
+monumental work will occur to every reader. But, after all, the chief
+authority for the action of the Church towards paganism in this
+country is the famous letter of Pope Gregory to the Abbot Mellitus in
+A.D. 601, as preserved by the historian Beda. It is worth while
+quoting this once again, for it is an English historical document of
+priceless value. "We have been much concerned," writes the good St.
+Gregory,
+
+      "since the departure of our congregation that is with
+      you, because we have received no account of the
+      success of your journey. When, therefore, Almighty God
+      shall bring you to the most reverend Bishop Augustine
+      our brother, tell him what I have, upon mature
+      deliberation on the affair of the English, determined
+      upon, namely, that the temples of the idols [fana
+      idolorum] in that nation [gente] ought not to be
+      destroyed; but let the idols that are in them be
+      destroyed; let holy water be made and sprinkled upon
+      the said temples, let altars be erected and relics
+      placed. For if these temples be well built, it is
+      requisite that they be converted from the worship of
+      devils [dæmonum] to the worship of the true God; that
+      the nation seeing that their temples are not destroyed
+      may remove error from their hearts, and knowing and
+      adoring the true God may the more familiarly resort to
+      the places to which they have been accustomed. And
+      because they have been used to slaughter many oxen in
+      the sacrifices to devils some solemnity must be
+      exchanged for them on this account, so that on the day
+      of the dedication, or the nativities of the holy
+      martyrs whose relics are there deposited, they may
+      build themselves huts of the boughs of trees, about
+      those churches which have been turned to that use from
+      temples and celebrate the solemnity with religious
+      feasting and no more offer beasts to the devil
+      [diabolo], but kill cattle to the praise of God in
+      their eating, and return thanks to the giver of all
+      things for their sustenance."[453]
+
+The church of St. Pancras at Canterbury is claimed to be one of the
+temples so preserved,[454] and there have survived down to our own
+times examples of the animal sacrifice which in early Christian days
+may well have been preserved by this famous edict.[455] But beyond
+these illustrations of the two stated objects of Pope Gregory's letter
+there are innumerable additional results from such a policy,[456]
+results which prove that British pagandom was not stamped out by edict
+or by sword, but was rather gradually borne down before the strength
+of the new religion--borne down and pushed into the background out of
+sight of the Church and the State, relegated to the cottage homes, the
+cattle-sheds and the cornfields, the countryside and the denizens
+thereof.[457]
+
+This is where we must search for it, and I think this important
+element in our studies will be better understood if we turn for one
+moment to the results of Christian contact with earlier belief in the
+one country where Christianity has set up its strongest political
+force, namely, Italy. Dr. Middleton wrote a series of remarkable
+letters which tell us much on this point, but before referring to
+this, I wish first to quote a hitherto buried record by an impartial
+observer[458] in the year 1704. It is a letter written from Venice to
+Sir Thomas Frankland, describing the travels and observations of a
+journey into Italy. The traveller writes:--
+
+      "I cannot leave Itally without making some general
+      observations upon the country in general, and first as
+      to their religion; it differs in name only now from
+      what it was in the time of the ancient heathen Romans.
+      I know this will sound very oddly with some sort of
+      people, but compare them together and then let any
+      reasonable man judge of the difference. The heathen
+      Itallians had their gods for peace and for war, for
+      plenty and poverty, for health and sickness, riches
+      and poverty, to whom they addressed themselves and
+      their wants; and the Christian Itallians have their
+      patron saints for each of these things, to whom they
+      also address according to their wants. The heathen
+      sacrificed bulls and other beasts, and the Christian
+      ones after the same manner a piece of bread, which a
+      picture in the garden of Aldobrandina at Rome, painted
+      in the time of Titus Vespasian, shews by the altar and
+      the priests' vestments to have been the same as used
+      now. The Pantheon at Rome was dedicated by the
+      ancients to all the gods, and by the moderns to all
+      the saints; the temple of Castor and Pollux at Rome is
+      now dedicated to Cosmo and Damian, also twin brothers.
+      The respect they pay to the Virgin Mary is far greater
+      than what they pay to the Son, and whatever English
+      Roman Catholics may be made to believe by their
+      priests or impose upon us, it is certain that the
+      devotion to the Madonnas in Itally is something more
+      than a bare representation of the Virgin Mary when
+      they desire her intercession. Miracles they pretend
+      not only to be wrought by the Madonnas themselves, but
+      there is far greater respect paid to a Madonna in one
+      place than another, whereas if this statue were only a
+      bare representation of the Virgin to keep them in mind
+      of her, the respect would be equal. I visited all the
+      famous ones, and it would fill a volume to tell you
+      the fopperies that's said of them. That of Loretto,
+      being what they say is the very house where the Virgin
+      lived, is not to be described, the riches are so
+      great, nor the devotion that's paid to the statue....
+      The Lady of Saronna is another famous one and very
+      rich; she is much handsomer than she of Loretto and a
+      whole church-full of the legend of the miracles she
+      hath wrought. She is in great reputation, and it's
+      thought will at last outtop the Lady of Loretto; there
+      is another near Leghorne that I also visited called
+      _La Madonna della Silva Nera_, to whom all Itallian
+      ships that enter that port make a present of thanks
+      for their happy voyage, and salute her with their
+      cannon, and most ships going out give her something
+      for her protection during their voyage. I could tire
+      you with she at the Annunciata at Florence, she within
+      a mile of Bollognia, for whom the magistracy have
+      piazza'd the road all the way from her station to the
+      city, that she may not be encumbered with sun or rain
+      when she makes them a visit, and hundreds more that
+      would fill a volume of fopperies that I had the
+      curiosity to see, but it would be imposing too much
+      upon your patience."[459]
+
+This only confirms Dr. Middleton's conclusions, which received the
+approval of Gibbon, and those of later writers. "As I descended from
+the Alps," writes the Rev. W. H. Blunt in 1823,
+
+      "I was admonished of my entrance into Italy by a
+      little chapel to the Madonna, built upon a rock by the
+      roadside, and from that time till I repassed this
+      chain of mountains I received almost hourly proof that
+      I was wandering amongst the descendants of that people
+      which is described by Cicero to have been the most
+      religious of mankind. Though the mixture of religion
+      with all the common events of life is anything but an
+      error, yet I could not avoid regretting that, like
+      their heathen ancestors, the modern Italians had
+      supplied the place of our great master mover by a
+      countless host of inferior agents."[460]
+
+Mr. Blunt goes on to give interesting details of the close connection
+between the modern religious festival, ceremony, or service, and those
+of classical times, and the conclusion is obvious. In modern days Dr.
+Mommsen has lent the sanction of his great authority to the
+identification of the birthday of Christ with that of Mithra,[461]
+and Mr. Leland has given such numerous identifications not only of the
+cults of pagan and Christian Italy, but of the god-names of ancient
+Rome with the saint-names or witch-names of modern times,[462] that it
+seems impossible to deny a place for this evidence. "It was," says
+Gibbon,
+
+      "the universal sentiment both of the Church and of
+      heretics that the dæmons were the authors, the
+      patrons, and the objects of idolatry; those rebellious
+      spirits who had been degraded from the rank of angels
+      were still permitted to roam upon earth, to torment
+      the bodies and to seduce the minds of sinful men. It
+      was confessed, or at least it was imagined, that they
+      had distributed among themselves the most important
+      characters of Polytheism, one dæmon assuming the name
+      of Jupiter, another of Æsculapius, a third of Venus,
+      and a fourth perhaps of Apollo."[463]
+
+This, then, is recognition and adoption of pagan beliefs, not the
+uprooting of them. If the Roman Jupiter was a Christian dæmon, his
+existence at all events was recognised. But even this negative way of
+adopting the old beliefs gave way as the Church spread further. The
+tribe of dæmons soon included the popular fairy, elf, and goblin. And
+then came the positive adoption of pagan customs. Gibbon describes how
+the early Christians refused to decorate their doors with garlands and
+lamps, and to take part in the ceremonial of lifting the bride over
+the threshold of the house.[464] Both these customs have survived in
+popular folklore, in spite of the recorded action of the early
+Church, and it would be curious to ascertain whether they have
+survived by the help of the Church. We cannot answer that question of
+historical evidence just now, but it is a question which, in its wider
+aspect, as including many other items of folklore, ought to be
+examined into. There is no doubt, however, that by analogy it can be
+answered, because we have ample evidence, if the writings of reformers
+may be taken as historical facts and not polemical imaginations, that
+many very important customs, among the richest as well as the poorest
+treasures of folklore, have been, so to speak, Christianised by the
+Church, and that the Church has taken part in and adopted
+non-Christian customs, the survivors of olden-time life in
+Europe.[465]
+
+Now it is clear from these considerations, and from the vast mass of
+information which is gradually being accumulated on the subject, that
+not only the arresting force of Christianity but also its toleration
+has assisted in the preservation of pre-Christian belief and custom.
+But the preservation has been in fragments only. The system which
+supported the older faith and might, if it had been allowed a natural
+growth, have produced a newer religion of its own, was completely
+shattered. It left no preservative force except that of tradition,
+the traditional instinct to do what has always been done, to believe
+what has always been believed. Pre-Christian belief and custom has
+thus become isolated beliefs and customs in survival. It has been
+broken up into innumerable fragments of unequal character, and
+containing unequal elements. It has been forced back into secret
+action wherever Christianity was wholly antagonistic, and hence
+primitive public worship has tended to become local worship, or
+household worship, or even personal worship, while all such worship
+which is not the authorised Church worship has tended to become
+superstition. Where Christianity was not wholly antagonistic, it
+absorbed rites, customs, and even beliefs, and these primitive
+survivals have taken their place in the evolution of Christian
+doctrine, and thus become lost to the students of Celtic and Teutonic
+antiquities. But even so, there are discoverable points where the
+dividing line between non-Christian and Christian belief has not been
+obliterated by the process of absorption. In all cases it is the duty
+of the student to note the stage of arrested development in the
+primitive rite, custom, or belief, whether it be caused by antagonism
+or by absorption. It is at this point, indeed, that the history of the
+survival begins. It is here that we have to turn from the polity, the
+religion, or cultus of a people to the belief, practices, or
+superstition of that portion of our nation which has not shared its
+progress from tribesmen to citizens, from paganism to Christianity,
+from vain imaginings to science and philosophy. It is from this point
+we have to turn from the dignity of courts, the doings of armies, and
+the results of commerce, to the doings, sayings, and ideas of the
+peasantry who cannot read, and who have depended upon tradition for
+all, or almost all, they know outside the formalities of law and
+Church.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[444] _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_ (Bury), iii. 214-15.
+
+[445] _Royal Irish Academy_, viii. 258; _Brit. Arch. Assoc._
+(Gloucester volume), 62.
+
+[446] "The Story of the Ere Dwellers," Morris, _Saga Library_, ii. 8.
+
+[447] Camden, _Britannia_, s.v. "Ireland."
+
+[448] Henderson, _Folklore of Northern Counties_, 16.
+
+[449] Glas, _Canary Islands_, 148.
+
+[450] Betham, _Gael and Cymbri_, pp. 236-8.
+
+[451] _Decline and Fall_, iii. p. 214 (edit. Bury).
+
+[452] Grimm, _Teutonic Mythology_, by Stallybrass, iii. pp. 35, 36. A
+passage from Hakon's Saga, quoted by Du Chaillu in his _Viking Age_, i.
+p. 464, shows that the northern peoples adopted the same measures.
+
+[453] Beda, lib. i. cap. 30; and consult Mr. Plummer's learned notes on
+this (vol. ii. 57-61).
+
+[454] Stanley, _Memorials of Canterbury_, 37-38.
+
+[455] _Cf._ my _Ethnology in Folklore_, 30-36, 136-140. Compare St.
+Patrick's dedication of pagan sacred stones to Christian
+purposes.--_Tripartite Life of St. Patrick_, i. 107.
+
+[456] Thus Henry of Huntingdon records that Redwald, King of the East
+Angles, after his conversion to Christianity, "set up altars to Christ
+and the devil in the same chapel" (lib. iii.).
+
+[457] _Cf._ Kemble, _Saxons in England_, i. 330-335. Dr. Hearn writes:
+"Even as the good Pope Gregory the Great permitted the newly converted
+English to retain their old temples and accustomed rites, attaching,
+however, to them another purpose and a new meaning, so his successors
+found means to utilize the simple beliefs of early animism. Long and
+vainly the Church struggled against this irresistible sentiment.
+Fifteen centuries ago it was charged against the Christians of that day
+that they appeased the shades of the dead with feasts like the
+Gentiles. In the Penitentials we find the prohibition of burning grains
+where a man had died. In the _Indiculus superstitionum et Paganiarum_
+among the Saxons complaint is made of the too ready canonisation of the
+dead; and the Church seems to have been much troubled to keep within
+reasonable bounds this tendency to indiscriminate apotheosis. At length
+a compromise was effected, and the Feast of All Souls converted to
+pious uses that wealth of sentiment which previously was lavished on
+the dead" (_The Aryan Household_, p. 60). And, to close this short note
+upon an important subject, Mr. Metcalfe, speaking of the old poetic
+literature of the pagan English, says: "It was kidnapped, and its
+features so altered and disguised as not to be recognisable. It was
+supplanted by Christian poetical legends and Bible lays produced in
+rivalry of the popular lays of their heathen predecessors. Finding that
+the people would listen to nothing but these old lays, the missionaries
+affected their spirit and language, and borrowed the words and phrases
+of heathenism" (Metcalfe's _Englishman and Scandinavian_, p. 155).
+
+[458] For some reason not apparent in the document itself, Mrs. S. C.
+Lomas, the editor of this report, says this interesting letter gives "a
+curious and evidently prejudiced description of the religious houses
+and observances." See preface to _Hist. MSS. Com. Report on the MSS. of
+Chequers Court, Bucks_, p. x.
+
+[459] _Hist. MSS. Com., Chequers Court Papers_, pp. 171-2.
+
+[460] _Vestiges of Ancient Manners and Customs in Italy_, p. 1.
+
+[461] _Corpus insc. Lat._, i. 409; and _cf._ Cumont's _Mysteries of
+Mithra_ (1903).
+
+[462] Leland, _Etruscan Roman Remains_ (1892).
+
+[463] _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_ (Bury), ii. 15.
+
+[464] _Decline and Fall_, ii. 17.
+
+[465] Evidence is scattered far and wide in most of the reliable
+studies in folklore. Two special books may be mentioned. A great
+storehouse of examples is to be found in _The Popish Kingdoms_, by
+Thomas Naogeorgus, Englyshed by Barnabe Googe, 1570, a new edition of
+which was published by Mr. R. C. Hope in 1880; and Mr. H. M. Bower has
+exhaustively examined one important Italian ceremony in his _The
+Elevation and Procession of the Ceri at Gubbio_, published by the
+Folklore Society in 1897.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+ETHNOLOGICAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+Already I have had to point out that an appeal to ethnological
+evidence is the means of avoiding the wholesale rejection of custom
+and belief recorded of early Britain, because it has been rejected as
+appertaining to the historic Celt. I will now proceed with the
+definite proposition that the survivals in folklore may be allocated
+and explained by their ethnological bearing.
+
+Some years ago I advanced this proposition in my little book entitled
+_Ethnology in Folklore_. Only haltingly have my conclusions been
+accepted, but I nowhere find them disproved,[466] while here and there
+I find good authorities appealing to the ethnological element in
+folklore to help them in their views. Mr. MacCulloch, for instance,
+prefers to go for the basis of the Osiris and Dionysius myths to an
+earlier custom than that favoured by Mr. Frazer and Mr. Grant Allen,
+namely, to the practices of the neolithic folk, in Egypt and over a
+wide tract of country which includes Britain, of dismembering the
+dead body previous to its burial.[467] Mr. Lang, Mr. Frazer, Mr.
+Hartland, and others are strangely reticent on this subject. That Mr.
+Lang should be content to trace a story from the Vedas, in which
+Urvasi tells Pururavas that he must never let her see him naked, to "a
+traditional Aryan law of nuptial etiquette,"[468] seems to be using
+the heaviest machinery for the smallest purposes, while for other and
+greater purposes he fails to find in ethnological distinctions,
+explanations which escape his research.[469] That Mr. Frazer should
+have been able to examine in so remarkable a manner the agricultural
+rites of European peoples, and only to have touched upon their
+ethnological bearings in one or two isolated cases, seems to me to be
+neglecting one of the obvious means of arriving at the solution of the
+problem he starts out to solve.[470]
+
+I do not want to discount these fragmentary appeals to the
+ethnological element in folklore. I accept them as evidence that the
+appeal has to be made. I would only urge that it may be done on more
+thorough lines, after due consideration of all the elements of the
+proposition and of all that it means to the study of folklore. We
+cannot surrender to the palæontologist all that folklore contains in
+tradition and in custom as to pygmy peoples, or to the Egyptologist
+all that it contains as to dismemberment burial rites, without at the
+same time realising that if it is correct to refer these two groups of
+folklore respectively to the earliest ages of man's existence as man
+and to the neolithic stage of culture, they must be withdrawn from all
+other classification. We cannot use the same items of folklore in two
+totally different ways. The results of withdrawal are as important as
+the results of allocation, and the necessity for the correct docketing
+of all groups of folklore is thus at once illustrated.
+
+The first point in the argument for ethnological data being
+discoverable in folklore is that a survey of the survivals of custom,
+belief, and rites in any given country shows one marked feature, which
+results in a dividing line being drawn as between two distinct
+classes. This feature is the antagonism which is discoverable in these
+classes. On one side of the dividing line is a set of customs,
+beliefs, and rites which may be grouped together because they are
+consistent with each other, and on the other side is another set of
+customs, beliefs, and rites which may be grouped together on the same
+ground. But between these two sets of survivals there is no agreement.
+They are the negations of each other. They show absolutely different
+conceptions of all the phases of life and thought which they
+represent, and it is impossible to consider that they have both come
+from the same culture source. I have applied the test of ethnology to
+such cases in Britain, and this appears to answer the difficulty which
+their antagonism presents. It appears too to be the only answer.
+
+The subjects which show this antagonism are all of vital importance.
+They include friendly and inimical relations with the dead; marriage
+as a sacred tribal rite and marriage as a rule of polyandrous society;
+birth ceremonies which tell of admittance into a sacred circle of
+kinsmen, and birth ceremonies which breathe of revenge and hostility;
+the reverential treatment of the aged folk and the killing of them
+off; the preservation of human life as part of the tribal blood, and
+human sacrifice as a certain cure for all personal evils; the worship
+of waters as a strongly localised cult, preserved because it is local
+by whatsoever race or people are in occupation and in successive
+occupation of the locality; totemic beliefs connected with animals and
+plants contrasted with ideas entirely unconnected with totemism--all
+this, and much more which has yet to be collected and classified,
+reveals two distinct streams of thought which cannot by any process be
+taken back to one original source.
+
+This fact of definite antagonism between different sets of surviving
+beliefs existing together in one country leads to several very
+important conclusions. This is the case with the Irish Sids. These
+beings are said to be scattered over Ireland, and around them
+assembled for worship the family or clan of the deified patron. While
+there were thus a number of topical deities, each in a particular spot
+where he was to be invoked, the deities themselves with the rest of
+their non-deified but blessed brother spirits had as their special
+abode "Lands of the Living," the happy island or islands somewhere far
+away in the ocean. Now this Sid worship, we are told by Irish
+scholars, "had nothing to do with Druidism--in fact, was quite opposed
+to it," the Sids and the Druids being "frequently found at variance
+with each other in respect to mortals."[471]
+
+This is the commencing point of the evidence which proves Druidism to
+have belonged to the pre-Celtic people, though finding an adopted home
+among them. This is so important a subject and has been so strangely
+and inconsistently dealt with by most authorities that it will be well
+to indicate where we have to search for the non-Celtic, and therefore
+pre-Celtic, origin of Druidism. The Druidism revealed by classical
+authorities is, for the most part, the Druidism of continental peoples
+and not of Britain, and I hesitate to accept off-hand that it is
+proper to transfer the continental system to Britain and say that the
+two systems were one and the same. There is certainly no evidence from
+the British side which would justify such a course, and I think there
+is sufficient argument against it to suspend judgment until the whole
+subject is before us. If Professor Rhys is right in concluding that
+Druidism is at its roots a non-Celtic religion,[472] we must add to
+this that it was undoubtedly a non-Teutonic religion. Celts and
+Teutons were sufficiently near in all the elements of their
+civilisation for this want of parallel in their relationship to
+Druidism to be an additional argument against the Celts having
+originated this cult. And then the explanation of the differences
+between continental and British Druidism becomes comparatively easy to
+understand. The continental Celts, mixing more thoroughly with the
+pre-Celtic aborigines than did the British Celts, would have absorbed
+more of the pre-Celtic religion than the British Celts, and hence all
+the details which classical authorities have left us of continental
+Druidism appear as part of the Celtic religion, while in Britain these
+details are for the most part absent. But this is not all. There are
+certain rites in Britain noted by the early authorities which are not
+attached to any particular cult. They are not Druidic; they are not
+Celtic. They are, as a matter of fact, special examples of rites
+practised in only one locality, and accordingly referred to as
+something extraordinary and not general. From this it is clearly
+correct to argue that the British Celts had in their midst a cult
+which, if they did not destroy, they certainly did not absorb, and
+that therefore this cult being non-Celtic must have been pre-Celtic.
+
+I do not wish to argue this point out further than is necessary to
+explain the position which, it appears to me, Druidism occupies, and I
+will therefore only add a note as to the authorities for the
+statements I have advanced. The differences between continental and
+British Druidism are definite and pronounced,[473] the mixture of the
+continental Celts with the Iberic people, which they displaced, is
+attested, by ancient authority and modern anthropology,[474] while the
+only evidence of such a mixture in Britain is the prominently recorded
+instance of the Picts intermarrying with the Gael,[475] and this has
+to be set against the close distinction between tribesmen and
+non-tribesmen, which is such a remarkable feature of Celtic law;[476]
+the existence of local cults in early Britain having all the
+characteristics of a ruder and more savage origin, and not identified
+with Celticism, is a point derived from our early authorities.[477]
+These are the main facts of the case, and the subject has to be
+worked out in considerable detail before it can be settled.
+
+There is one other primary subject which bears upon the question of
+race distinctions in folklore. With the fact of conquest to reckon
+with, the relationship of the conqueror to the conquered is a matter
+to consider. In the European tribal system it was a definite
+relationship, so definite that the conquered, as we have seen, formed
+an essential part of the tribal organisation--the kinless slaves
+beneath the tribal kindred. There was a place for the kinless in the
+tribal economy and in the tribal laws. There was also a place for them
+in the tribal system of belief, and the mythic influence of the
+conquered is a subject that needs very careful consideration.
+
+It is an influence which appears in all parts of the world. Thus, to
+give a few instances, in New Guinea they have no idols, and apparently
+no idea of a supreme being or a good spirit. Their only religious
+ideas consist in a belief in evil spirits. They live a life of slavish
+fear to these, but seem to have no idea of propitiating them by
+sacrifice or prayer. They believe in the deathlessness of the soul. A
+death in the village is the occasion of bringing plenty of ghosts to
+escort their new companion, and perhaps fetch some one else. All night
+the friends of the deceased sit up and keep the drums going to drive
+away the spirits; they strike the fences and posts of houses all
+through the village with sticks. This is done to drive back the
+spirits to their own quarters on the adjacent mountain tops. But it is
+the spirits of the inland tribes, the aborigines of the country, that
+the coast tribes most fear. They believe, when the natives are in the
+neighbourhood, that the whole plain is full of spirits who come with
+them. All calamities are attributed to the power and malice of these
+evil spirits. Drought, famine, storm and flood, disease and death are
+all supposed to be brought by Vata and his hosts, so that the people
+are an easy prey to any designing individuals who claim power over
+these. Some disease charmers and rain-makers levy heavy toll on the
+people.[478]
+
+It appears that the native population of New Zealand was originally
+composed of two different races, which have retained some of their
+characteristic features, although in course of time they have in all
+other respects become mixed, and a number of intermediate varieties
+have thence resulted. From the existence of two races in New Zealand
+the conclusion might be drawn that the darker were the original
+proprietors of the soil anterior to the arrival of a stock of true
+Polynesian origin, that they were conquered by the latter and nearly
+exterminated. There is a district in the northern island, situated
+between Taupo and Hawke's Bay, called Urewera, consisting of steep and
+barren hills. The scattered inhabitants of this region have the renown
+of being the greatest witches in the country. They are very much
+feared, and have little connection with the neighbouring tribes, who
+avoid them if possible. If they come to the coast the natives there
+scarcely venture to refuse them anything for fear of incurring their
+displeasure. They are said to use the saliva of the people whom they
+intend to bewitch, and visitors carefully conceal their spittle to
+give them no opportunity of working their evil. Like our witches and
+sorcerers of old, they appear to be a very harmless people, and but
+little mixed up with the quarrels of their neighbours.[479] The
+Australians, according to Oldfield, ascribe spirit powers to those
+residing north of themselves and hold them in great dread.[480]
+
+In Asia the same idea prevails among the native races. Thus Colquhoun
+says,
+
+      "it was amusing to find the dread in which the Lawas
+      [a hill tribe] are held by both Burmese and Siamese.
+      This is due to a fear of being bitten by them and
+      dying of the bite. They are called by their Burmese
+      neighbours the 'man-bears.' A singular custom obtains
+      amongst these people which may perhaps partly account
+      for this superstition. On a certain night in the year
+      the youths and maidens meet together for the purpose
+      of pairing. Unacceptable youths are said to be bitten
+      severely if they make advances to the ladies."[481]
+
+The Semang pygmy people, afraid to approach the Malays even for
+purposes of barter, "learnt to work upon the superstition of the
+Malays by presenting them with medicines which they pretended to
+derive from particular shrubs and trees in the woods."[482] That this
+is a real superstition of the conquerors for the conquered is proved
+from other sources to which I have referred elsewhere.[483]
+
+In Africa it appears as a living force, and we are told that the
+stories current in the country of the Ukerewé, "about the witchcraft
+practised by the people of Ukara island, prove that those islanders
+have been at pains to spread abroad a good repute for themselves; that
+they are cunning, and aware that superstition is a weakness of human
+nature have sought to thrive upon it."[484]
+
+It appears in more definite form with the Hindus. The Kathkuri, or
+Katodi, have a belief that they are descended from the monkeys and
+bears which Adi Narayun in his tenth incarnation of Rama, took with
+him for the destruction of Rawun, King of Lanka, and he promised his
+allies that in the fourth age they should become human beings. They
+practise incantation, and encourage the awe with which the Hindu
+regards their imprecations, for a Hindu believes that a Katodi can
+transform himself into a tiger.[485]
+
+To this day the Aryans settled in Chota-Nagpore and Singbhoom firmly
+believe that the Moondahs have powers as wizards and witches, and can
+transform themselves into tigers and other beasts of prey with the
+view of devouring their enemies, and that they can witch away the
+lives of man and beast. They were in all probability one of the tribes
+that were most persistent in their hostility to the Aryan
+invaders.[486] In Ceylon the remnants of the aborigines are found in
+the forests and on the mountains, and are universally looked upon and
+feared as demons, the beliefs engendered therefrom being exactly
+parallel to the witch beliefs of our own country.[487]
+
+There is similar evidence among European peoples. Formerly in Sweden
+the name of Lapp seems to have been almost synonymous with that of
+sorcerer, and the same was the case with Finn. The inhabitants of the
+southern provinces of Sweden believed their countrymen in the north to
+have great experience in magic.[488] The famous Gundhild, of Saga
+renown, was believed to be a sorceress brought up among the
+Finns,[489] and even in respect of classical remains Mr. Warde Fowler
+"prefers to think of the Fauni as arising from the contact of the
+first clearers and cultivators of Italian soil with a wild aboriginal
+race of the hills and woods."[490]
+
+These facts are sufficient to show that the mythic influence of a
+conquered race is a factor which may assist in the discussion of the
+ethnological conditions of folklore, and it is obvious that they
+reveal a very powerful influence for the continuance of ancient ideas
+as well as for the creation of fresh examples of ancient ideas applied
+to new experiences. It is well in this connection to remember certain
+historical facts connected with the settlement of the English in
+Britain.
+
+From Freeman's _Old English History_ it appears that at the beginning
+of the seventh century "the tract of country which the English then
+ruled over south of the Humber, coincided almost exactly with the
+boundary of the Gaulish portion of Britain," as distinct from
+non-Aryan Britain. This apparent recognition of Celtic landmarks, says
+Professor Rhys, by the later invaders, "is a fact, the historical and
+political significance of which I leave to be weighed by others,"[491]
+and I venture to suggest that one important result is to show Britain
+to have contained an Aryan culture-ground and a non-Aryan
+culture-ground. If we try to step from one to the other we quickly
+discover the mythic relationship of conqueror to the conquered.
+
+[Illustration: SCENE FROM THE LIFE OF ST. GUTHLAC SHOWING THE ATTACKS
+OF THE DÆMONES]
+
+Thus in the Anglo-Saxon life of St. Guthlac we have an interesting
+glimpse into the conditions of the country and the attitude of the two
+hostile races, Celts and Teutons, to each other.
+
+      "There is in Britain a fen of immense size which
+      begins from the river Granta, not far from the city,
+      which is named Grantchester ... a man named Tatwine
+      said that he knew an island especially obscure, which
+      ofttimes many men had attempted to inhabit, but no
+      man could do it on account of manifold horrors and
+      fears, and the loneliness of the wild wilderness....
+      No man ever could inhabit it before the holy man
+      Guthlac came thither on account of the dwelling of the
+      accursed spirits there.... There was on the island a
+      great mound raised upon the earth, which same of yore
+      men had dug and broken up in hopes of treasure....
+      Then in the stillness of the night it happened
+      suddenly that there came great hosts of the accursed
+      spirits, and they filled the house with their coming,
+      and they poured in on every side from above and
+      beneath and everywhere. They were in countenance
+      horrible, and they had great heads and a long neck and
+      lean visage; they were filthy and squalid in their
+      beards, and they had rough ears and distorted face,
+      and fierce eyes and foul mouths: and their teeth were
+      like horses' tusks, and their throats were filled with
+      flame, and they were grating in their voice: they had
+      crooked shanks and knees, big and great behind, and
+      distorted toes, and shrieked hoarsely with their
+      voices, and they came with such immoderate noises and
+      immense horror that it seemed to him that all between
+      heaven and earth resounded with their dreadful cries.
+      Without delay, when they were come into the house,
+      they soon bound the holy man in all his limbs, and
+      they pulled and led him out of the cottage and brought
+      him to the black fen and threw and sunk him in the
+      muddy waters. After that they brought him to the wild
+      places of the wilderness, among the dense thickets of
+      brambles that all his body was torn. After they had a
+      long time thus tormented him in darkness they let him
+      abide and stand awhile, then commanded him to depart
+      from the wilderness, or if he would not do so they
+      would torment and try him with greater plagues."[492]
+
+These doings are not sufficiently remote from sober fact for us to be
+unable to detect human enemies in the supposed beings of the spirit
+world, and this conclusion is confirmed by a later passage in the same
+narrative describing Guthlac awakened from his sleep and hearing "a
+great host of the accursed spirits speaking in British [bryttisc] and
+he knew and understood their words because he had been erewhile in
+exile among them."[493] Guthlac in England is only experiencing what
+other saints experienced elsewhere,[494] and we cannot doubt we have
+in these reminiscences of saintly experience that mixture of fact with
+traditional belief which would follow the priests of the new religions
+from their native homes to the cell.
+
+It is necessary to consider another great element in human life with
+reference to its ethnological value, for folklore has always been
+intimately associated with it, and recently, owing to Mr. Frazer's
+brilliant researches, this branch of folklore has been almost unduly
+accentuated. I mean, of course, agriculture. Mr. Frazer has ignored
+the ethnological side of agriculture, and it has been appropriated by
+the student of economics as a purely historical institution. This has
+caused a special position to be given to agricultural rites and
+customs almost without question and certainly without examination, and
+it will be necessary to go rather closely into the subject in order to
+clear up the difficulties which present neglect has produced. I shall
+once again draw my illustrations from the British Isles.
+
+[Illustration: SCENE FROM THE LIFE OF ST. GUTHLAC SHOWING THE ATTACKS
+OF THE DÆMONES]
+
+I put my facts in this way: (1) In all parts of Great Britain there
+exist rites, customs, and usages connected with agriculture which are
+obviously and admittedly not of legislative or political origin,
+and which present details exactly similar to each other in
+_character_, but differing from each other in _status_; (2) that the
+difference in status is to be accounted for by the effects of
+successive conquests; (3) that the identity in character is not to be
+accounted for by reference to manorial history, because the area of
+manorial institutions is not coincident with the area of these rites,
+customs, and usages; (4) that exact parallels to them exist in India
+as integral portions of village institutions; (5) that the Indian
+parallels carry the subject a step further than the European examples
+because they are stamped with the mark of difference in race-origin,
+one portion belonging to the Aryan people and the other to the
+non-Aryan.
+
+I shall now pick out some examples, and explain from them the evidence
+which seems to me to prove that race-distinction is the key for the
+origin of these agricultural rites and usages in Europe as in India. I
+have dealt with these examples at some length in my book on the
+village community, and I shall only use such details as I require for
+my immediate purpose.
+
+My first point is that to get at the survivals of the village
+community in Britain it is not necessary to approach it through the
+medium of manorial history. Extremely ancient as I am inclined to
+think manorial history is, it is unquestionably loaded with an
+artificial terminology and with the chains so deftly forged by
+lawyers. An analysis of the chief features in the types of the English
+village community shows that the manorial element is by no means a
+common factor in the series. These types mark the transition from the
+tribal form to the village form. In Harris Island we have the chief
+with his free tribesmen around him, connected by blood kinship, living
+in scattered homesteads, just like the German tribes described by
+Tacitus. Under this tribal community is the embryo of the village
+community, consisting of smaller tenantry and cottar serfs, who live
+together in minute villages, holding their land in common and yearly
+distributing the holdings by lot. In this type the tribal constitution
+is the real factor, and the village constitution the subordinated
+factor as yet wholly undeveloped, scarcely indeed discernible except
+by very close scrutiny.
+
+At Kilmorie the tribal community is represented merely by the
+scattered homesteads. These are occupied by a joint farm-tenantry, who
+hold their lands upon the system of the village community. Here the
+village constitution has gradually entered into, so to speak, the
+tribal constitution, and has almost absorbed it.
+
+At Heisgier and Lauder the tribal community is represented by the last
+link under the process of dissolution, namely, the free council of the
+community by which the village rights are governed, while the village
+community has developed to a considerable extent.
+
+At Aston and at Malmesbury the old tribal constitution is still kept
+alive in a remarkable manner, and I will venture to quote from my book
+the account of the evolution at Aston of a tenantry from the older
+tribal constitution, because in this case we are actually dealing with
+a manor, and the evidence is unique so far as England is concerned.
+
+The first point is that the village organisation, the rights of
+assembly, the free open-air meetings, and the corporate action
+incident to the manor of Aston and Cote, attach themselves to the land
+divisions of sixteen hides, because although these hides had grown in
+1657 into a considerable tenancy, fortunately as a tenancy they kept
+their original unity in full force and so obstinately clung to their
+old system of government as to keep up by _representation_ the once
+undivided holding of the hide. If the organisation of the hide had
+itself disappeared, it still formed the basis of the village
+government, the sixteen hides sending up their sixteen _elected_
+representatives. How the tenancy grew out of the original sixteen
+homesteads may perhaps be conjecturally set forth. In the first place
+the owners of the yard-lands succeeded to the place originally
+occupied by the owners of the sixteen hides. Instead of the original
+sixteen group-owners we have therefore sixty-four individual owners,
+each yard-land having remained in possession of an owner. And then at
+succeeding stages of this dissolution we find the yard-lands broken up
+until, in 1848, "some farmers of Aston have only half or even a
+quarter of a yard-land, while some have as many as ten or eleven
+yard-lands in their single occupation." Then disintegration proceeded
+to the other proprietary rights, which, originally appendant to the
+homestead only, became appendant to the person and not to the
+residence, and are consequently "bought and sold as separate property,
+by which means it results that persons resident at Bampton, or even at
+great distance, have rights on Aston and Cote Common." And finally we
+lose all trace of the system, as described by Mr. Horde and as
+depicted by the representative character of the Sixteens, and in its
+place find that "there are some tenants who have rights in the common
+field and not in the pasture, and _vice versâ_ several occupiers have
+the right of pasture who do not possess any portion of arable land in
+the common field," so that both yard-lands and hides have now
+disappeared, and absolute ownership of land has taken their place. Mr.
+Horde's MS. enables us to proceed back from modern tenancy-holding to
+the holding by yard-lands; the rights of election in the yard-lands
+enable us to proceed back to the original holding of the sixteen
+hides.
+
+At Hitchin, which is Mr. Seebohm's famous example, we meet with the
+manorial type. But its features are in no way peculiar. There is
+nothing which has not its counterpart, in more or less well-defined
+degree, in the other types which are not manorial. In short, the
+manorial framework within which it is enclosed does little more than
+fix the details into an immovable setting, accentuating some at the
+expense of others, legalising everything so as to bring it all under
+the iron sovereignty which was inaugurated by the Angevin kings.
+
+My suggestion is that these examples are but varying types of one
+original. The Teutonic people, and their Celtic predecessors, came to
+Britain with a tribal, not an agricultural, constitution. In the
+outlying parts of the land this tribal constitution settled down, and
+was only slightly affected by the economical conditions of the people
+they found there; in the more thickly populated parts this tribal
+constitution was superimposed upon an already existing village
+constitution in full vigour. We, therefore, find the tribal
+constitution everywhere--in almost perfect condition in the north, in
+Wales, and in Ireland; in less perfect condition in England. We also
+find the village constitution everywhere--in almost embryo form in the
+north, Wales, and in Ireland; in full vigour and force in England,
+especially in that area which, as already noted, has been identified
+as the constant occupation-ground of all the races who have settled in
+Britain.
+
+Now the factor which is most apparent in all these cases is the
+singular dual constitution which I have called tribal and village. It
+is only when we get to such cases as Rothwell and Hitchin that almost
+all traces of the tribal element are lost, the village element only
+remaining. But inasmuch as this village element is identical in
+_kind_, if not in degree, with the village element in the other types,
+and inasmuch as topographically they are closely connected, we are, I
+contend, justified in concluding that it is derived from the same
+original--an original which was composed of a tribal community with a
+village community in serfdom under it.
+
+This dual element should, I think, be translated into terms of
+ethnology by appealing to the parallel evidence of India. There the
+types of the village community are not, as was thought by Sir Henry
+Maine and others, homogeneous. There the dual element appears, the
+tribal community at the top of the system, the village community at
+the bottom of the system. But in India a new factor is introduced by
+the equation of the two elements with two different races--the tribal
+element being Aryan, and the village element non-Aryan. Race-origins
+are there still kept up and rigidly adhered to. They have not been
+crushed out, as in Europe, by political or economical activity.
+
+But if crushed out of prominent recognition in Europe, are we,
+therefore, to conclude that their relics do not exist in peasant
+custom? My argument is that we cannot have such close parallels in
+India and in England without seeing that they virtually tell the same
+story in both countries. It would require a great deal to prove that
+customs, which in India belong now to non-Aryan aborigines and are
+rejected by the Aryans, are in Europe the heritage of the Aryan race.
+
+The objections to my theory have been formulated by Mr. Ashley, who
+follows Mr. Seebohm and M. Fustel de Coulanges as an adherent of the
+chronological method of studying institutions. Like the old school of
+antiquaries, this new school of investigators into the history of
+institutions gets back to the period of Roman history, and there
+stops. Mr. Ashley suggests that because Cæsar describes the Celtic
+Britons as pastoral, therefore agriculture in Britain must be
+post-Celtic. I will not stop to raise the question as to who were the
+tribes from which Cæsar obtained his evidence. But it will suffice to
+point out that if Cæsar is speaking of the Aryan Celts of Britain--and
+this much seems certain--he only proves of them what Tacitus proves of
+the Aryan Teutons, what the sagas prove of the Aryan Scandinavians,
+what the vedas prove of the Aryan Indians, what philology, in short,
+proves of the primitive Aryans generally, namely, that they were
+distinctly hunters and warriors, and hated and despised the tillers
+of the soil.
+
+It does not, in point of fact, then, help the question as to the
+origin of agricultural rites and usages to turn to Aryan history at
+all. In this emergency Roman history is appealed to. But this is just
+one of those cases where a small portion of the facts are squeezed in
+to do duty for the whole.
+
+Both M. Fustel de Coulanges and Mr. Seebohm think that if a Roman
+origin can be _primâ facie_ shown for the economical side of
+agricultural institutions, there is nothing more to be said. But they
+leave out of consideration a whole set of connected institutions.
+Readers of Mr. Frazer's _Golden Bough_ are now in possession of facts
+which it would take a very long time to explain. They see that side by
+side with agricultural economics is agricultural religion, of great
+rudeness and barbarity, of considerable complexity, and bearing the
+stamp of immense antiquity. The same villagers who were the observers
+of those rules of economics which are thought to be due to Roman
+origin were also observers of ritual and usages which are known to be
+savage in theory and practice. Must we, then, say that all this ritual
+and usage are Roman? or must we go on ignoring them as elements in the
+argument as to the origin of agricultural institutions? One or the
+other of these alternatives must, I contend, be accepted by the
+inquirer.
+
+Because the State has chosen or been compelled for political reasons
+to lift up peasant economics into manorial legal rules, thus forcibly
+divorcing this portion of peasant life from its natural associations,
+there is no reason why students should fix upon this arbitrary
+proceeding as the point at which to begin their examination into the
+origin of village agriculture. Manorial tenants pay their dues to the
+lord, lot out their lands in intermixed strips, cultivate in common,
+and perform generally all those interesting functions of village life
+with which Mr. Seebohm has made us familiar. But, in close and
+intimate connection with these selfsame agricultural economical
+proceedings, it is the same body of manorial tenants who perform
+irrational and rude customs, who carry the last sheaf of corn
+represented in human or animal form, who sacrifice animals to their
+earth deities, who carry fire round fields and crops, who, in a
+scarcely disguised ritual, still worship deities which there is little
+difficulty in recognising as the counterparts of those religious
+goddesses of India who are worshipped and venerated by non-Aryan
+votaries. Christianity has not followed the lead of politics, and
+lifted all this portion of peasant agricultural life into something
+that is religious and definite. And because it remains sanctioned by
+tradition, we must, in considering origins, take it into account in
+conjunction with those economic practices which have been unduly
+emphasised in the history of village institutions. In India primitive
+economics and religion go hand in hand as part of the village life of
+the people; in England primitive economics and _survivals_ of old
+religions, which we call folklore, go hand in hand as part of the
+village life of the people. And it is not in the province of students
+to separate one from the other when they are considering the question
+of origin.
+
+This is practically the whole of my argument from the folklore point
+of view. But it is not the whole of the argument against the theory
+of the Roman origin of the village community. I cannot on this
+occasion re-state what this argument is, as it is set forth at some
+length in my book. But I should like to point out that it is in
+reality supported by arguments to be drawn from ethnological facts.
+Mr. Ashley surrenders to my view of the question the important point
+that ethnological data, derived from craniological investigation, fit
+in "very readily with the supposition that under the Celtic, and
+therefore under the Roman rule, the cultivating class was largely
+composed of the pre-Celtic race; and allows us to believe that the
+agricultural population was but little disturbed." Economically it was
+certainly not disturbed by the Romans. If the agricultural implements
+known to and used by the Romans were never used in Britain after their
+departure; if the old methods of land-surveying under the agrimensores
+is not to be traced in Britain as a continuing system; if wattle and
+daub, rude, uncarpentered trees turned root upwards to form roofs,
+were the leading principles of house-architecture, it cannot be
+alleged that the Romans left behind any permanent marks of their
+economical standard upon the "little disturbed agricultural
+population." Why, then, should they be credited with the introduction
+of a system of lordship and serf-bound tenants, when both lordship and
+serfdom are to be traced in lands where Roman power has never
+penetrated, under conditions almost exactly similar to the feudal
+elements in Europe? If it be accepted that the early agricultural
+population of Britain was non-Aryan; if we find non-Aryan agricultural
+rites and festivals surviving as folklore among the peasants of
+to-day; why should it be necessary, why should it be accepted as a
+reasonable hypothesis, to go to the imperial and advanced economics of
+Rome to account for those other elements in the composition of the
+village community which, equally with the rites and festivals, are to
+be found paralleled among the non-Aryan population living under an
+Aryan lordship in India? The only argument for such a process is one
+of convenience. It does so happen that the Roman theory _may_ account
+for some of the English phenomena. But, then, the Celtic and Teutonic,
+or Aryan theory also accounts for the same English phenomena, and,
+what is more, it accounts for other phenomena not reckoned by the
+Roman theory. My proposition is that the history of the village
+community in Britain is the history of the economical condition of the
+non-Aryan aborigines; that the history of the tribal community is the
+history of the Aryan conquerors, who appear as overlords; and that the
+Romans, except as another wave of Aryan conquerors at an advanced
+stage of civilisation, had very little to do with shaping the village
+institutions of Britain.[495]
+
+It is necessary before leaving this subject to take note of a point
+which may lead, and in fact has led to misconception of the argument.
+I have stated that all custom, rite, and belief which is Aryan custom,
+rite, and belief, as distinct from that which is pre-Aryan--pre-Celtic
+in our own country--must have a position in the tribal system, and I
+have said that custom, rite, and belief which cannot be traced back
+to the tribal system may be safely pronounced to be pre-tribal in
+origin and therefore pre-Celtic, to have survived, that is, from the
+people whom the Celts found in occupation of the country when first
+they landed on its shores. I did not interrupt my statement of the
+case to point out one important modification of it, because this
+modification has nothing to do with the great mass of custom and
+belief now surviving as folklore, but I will deal with this
+modification now so that I may clear up any misconception. We have
+already ascertained that over and above the custom and belief, which
+may be traced back to their tribal origins, there are both customs and
+beliefs which owe their origin to psychological conditions, and there
+are myths surviving as folk-tales or legends which owe their origin to
+the primitive philosophy of earliest man. Neither of these departments
+of folklore enters into the question of race development. The first
+may be called post-ethnologic because they arise in a political
+society of modern civilisation which transcends the boundaries of
+race; the second may be called pre-ethnologic, because they arise in a
+savage society before the great races had begun their distinctive
+evolution. The point about this class of belief is that it has never
+been called upon to do duty for social improvement and organisation,
+has never been specialised by the Celt or Teuton in Europe, nor by
+other branches of the same race. The myth alone of these two groups of
+folklore could have had an ethnological influence, and this must have
+been very slight. It remained in the mind of Aryan man, but has never
+descended to the arena of his practical life. It has influenced his
+practical life indirectly of course, but it has never become a brick
+in the building up of his practical life. This distinction between
+custom and belief which are tribal and custom and belief which are not
+tribal, is of vast importance. It has been urged against the
+classification of custom, rite, and belief into ethnological groups
+that it does not allow for the presence of a great mass of belief,
+primitive in character and undoubtedly Aryan, if not in origin at all
+events in fact. The objection is not valid. The custom, rite, and
+belief which can be classified as distinctively Aryan is that portion
+of the whole corpus of primitive custom, rite, and belief, which was
+used by the Aryan-speaking folk in the building up of their tribal
+organisation. They divorced it by this use from the general primitive
+conceptions, and developed it along special lines. It is in its
+special characteristics that this belief belongs to the tribal system
+of the Aryans, not in its general characteristics. Not every custom,
+rite, and belief was so used and developed. The specialisation caused
+the deliberate rejection or neglect of much custom, rite, and belief
+which was opposed to the new order of things, and did not affect the
+practical doings of Aryan life.
+
+There are thus three elements to consider: (1) the custom, rite, and
+belief specialised by the Aryan-speaking people in the formation and
+development of their tribal system; (2) the custom, rite, and belief
+rejected or neglected by the Aryan tribesmen; and (3) the belief which
+was not affected by or used for the tribal development, but which, not
+being directly antagonistic to it, remained with the primitive Aryan
+folk as survivals of their science and philosophy.
+
+For ethnological purposes we have only to do with the first group. It
+is definite, and it is capable of definite recognition within the
+tribe. When once it was brought into the tribal system it ceased to
+exist in the form in which it was known to general savage belief; it
+developed highly specialised forms, took its part in the formation of
+a great social force, a great fighting and conquering force, a great
+migratory force. In accomplishing this task it grew into a solid
+system, each part in touch with all other parts, each part an
+essential factor in the ever-active forces which it helped to fashion
+and control.
+
+It is in this wise that we must study its survivals wherever they are
+to be found, and the study must be concentrated within certain
+definite ethnographic areas. If I were to pursue the subject and
+choose for my study the folklore of Britain, I should have to object
+to the treatment accorded to British custom, rite, and belief by even
+so great an authority as Mr. Frazer, because they are used not as
+parts of a tribal system but as mere detritus of a primitive system of
+science, or philosophy. According to my views they had long since
+become separated from any such system and it is placing them in a
+wrong perspective, giving them a false value, associating them with
+elements to which they have no affinity to divorce them from their
+tribal connection. The custom, rite, and belief which were tribal,
+when they were brought to their present ethnographic area, cannot be
+considered in the varied forms of their survival except by restoration
+to the tribal organisation from which they were torn when they began
+their life as survivals.
+
+What I have endeavoured to explain in this way are the principles
+which should govern folklore research in relation to ethnological
+conditions. The differing races which made up the peoples of Europe
+before the era of political history must have left their distinctive
+remains in folklore, if folklore is rightly considered as the
+traditional survivals of the prehistory period. To get at and classify
+these remains we must be clear as to the problems which surround
+inquiry into them. The solution of these problems will place us in
+possession of a mass of survivals in folklore which are naturally
+associated with each other, and which stand apart from other survivals
+also naturally associated with each other. In these two masses we may
+detect the main influences of the great tribal races and the
+non-tribal races. We cannot, I think, get much beyond this. We may,
+perhaps, here and there, detect smaller race divisions--Celtic,
+Teutonic, Scandinavian or other distinctions, according to the area of
+investigation--but these will be less apparent, less determinable, and
+will not be so valuable to historical science as the larger division.
+To this we shall by proper investigation be indebted for the solution
+of many doubtful points of the prehistoric period, and it is in this
+respect that it will appeal to the student of folklore.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[466] Mr. Nutt's presidential address to the Folklore Society in 1899
+does not, I think, disprove my theory. It ignores it, and confines the
+problem to legend and folk-tale. Mr. Nutt's powerful, but not
+conclusive, study is to be found in _Folklore_, x. 71-86, and my reply
+and correspondence resulting therefrom are to be found at pp. 129-149.
+
+[467] MacCulloch, _Childhood of Fiction_, 90-101; Greenwell, _British
+Barrows_, 17, 18.
+
+[468] _Custom and Myth_, 76.
+
+[469] _Myth, Ritual and Religion_, ii. 215, compared with Gomme,
+_Ethnology in Folklore_, 16.
+
+[470] I have discussed this point at greater length in _Folklore_, xii.
+222-225.
+
+[471] Mr. J. O'Beirne Crowe in _Journ. Arch. and Hist. Assoc. of
+Ireland_, 3rd ser., i. 321.
+
+[472] Rhys, _Lectures on Welsh Philology_, 32; _Celtic Heathendom_,
+216; _Celtic Britain_, 67-75; Rhys and Brynmôr-Jones, _Welsh People_,
+83.
+
+[473] The continental evidence has been collected together in
+convenient shape by modern scholars: thus Mr. Stock, in his work on
+_Cæsar de bello Gallico_, notes and compares the evidence of Cæsar,
+Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, Ammianus Marcellinus, Mela, Lucan, and Pliny
+as it has been interpreted by modern scholars (see pp. 107-113), and he
+is followed by Mr. T. Rice Holmes in his study of _Cæsar's Conquest of
+Gaul_, pp. 532-536. The Druidic cult of belief in immortality,
+metempsychosis, ritual of the grove, augury, human sacrifice, is all
+set out and discussed. These are the continental Druidic beliefs and
+practices, and they may be compared with the Druidic Irish beliefs and
+practices in Eugene O'Curry's _Manners and Customs of the Ancient
+Irish_, lect. ix. and x. vol. ii. pp. 179-228, and Dr. Joyce's _Social
+History of Ancient Ireland_, i. 219-248, where "the points of agreement
+and difference between Irish and Gaulish Druids" are discussed. Mr.
+Elton notices the difference between the continental and the British
+Druids, but ascribes it to unequal development (_Origins of Eng.
+Hist._, 267-268). Cæsar's well-known account of the wickerwork
+sacrifice is very circumstantial. It is not repeated by either Diodorus
+or Strabo, who both refer to individual human sacrifice. Pliny
+introduces the mistletoe, oak, and serpent cults, and the other three
+authorities are apparently dependent upon their predecessors.
+
+[474] The mixture of Celt and Iberian is very ably dealt with by Mr.
+Holmes in his _Cæsar's Conquest of Gaul_, pp. 245-322, and by Ripley,
+_Races of Europe_, 461, 467, together with cap. vii. and xii.; see also
+Sergi, _Mediterranean Race_, cap. xii.
+
+[475] The intermarrying of the Picts with the Celts of the district
+they conquered is mentioned in all the chronicles as an important and
+significant rite, which determined the succession to the Pictish throne
+through the female side (Skene's _Chron. of the Picts and Scots_, 40,
+45, 126, 319, 328, 329). Beda, i. cap. i., mentions female succession.
+Skene discusses this point in _Celtic Scotland_, i. 232-235, and
+McLennan includes it in his evidence from anthropological data
+(_Studies in Anc. Hist._, 99).
+
+[476] Mr. Seebohm is the best authority for the importance of the
+non-tribesman in Celtic law (_Tribal System in Wales_, 54-60).
+
+[477] The local cults in Great Britain which are not Celtic in form,
+and do not seem to be connected with Celtic religion on any analogy,
+are those relating to Cromm Cruaich, referred to in the _Tripartite
+Life of St. Patrick_ (see Whitley Stokes in _Revue Celtique_, i. 260,
+xvi. 35-36; O'Curry, _MS. Materials of Anc. Irish History_, 538-9;
+Joyce, _Social History of Ancient Ireland_, i. 275-276; Rhys, _Celtic
+Heathendom_, 200-201). I do not follow Rhys in his identification of
+this cult as a part of the ceremonies on mounds, and suggest that Mr.
+Bury in his _Life of St. Patrick_, 123-125, gives the clue to the
+purely local character of this idol worship which I claim for it.
+Similarly the overthrow of the temple at Goodmanham, Godmundingham,
+described by Beda, ii. cap. 13, with its priest who was not allowed to
+carry arms, or to ride on any but a mare, is the destruction of a
+successful local cult, not of a national or tribal religion. I confess
+that Dr. Greenwell's observations in connection with his barrow
+discoveries (_British Barrows_, 286-331) are in favour of an early
+Anglican cultus, but I think his facts may be otherwise interpreted,
+and in any case they confirm my view of the special localisation of
+this cult.
+
+[478] Rev. W. G. Lawes in _Journ. Royal Geographical Soc._, new series,
+iii. 615. _Cf._ Romilly, _From my Verandah_, 249; _Journ. Indian
+Archipelago_ vi. 310, 329.
+
+[479] Dieffenbach, _Travels in New Zealand_, ii. 7, 10, 59.
+
+[480] _Trans. Ethnol. Soc._, new series, iii. 235.
+
+[481] Colquhoun's _Amongst the Shans_, 52; Bastian, _Oestl. Asien_, i.
+119.
+
+[482] Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_, i. 228;
+and compare Rev. P. Favre, _Account of Wild Tribes of the Malayan
+Peninsula_ (Paris, 1865), p. 95.
+
+[483] _Ethnology in Folklore_, 45; and see Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,
+i. 112-113.
+
+[484] Stanley, _Through the Dark Continent_, i. 253. _Cf._ Burrows,
+_Land of the Pigmies_, 180, for the state of fear which the pygmies
+cause to their neighbours.
+
+[485] Latham, _Descriptive Ethnology_, ii. 457.
+
+[486] _Journ. As. Soc. Bengal_, 1866, ii. 158; see also Geiger,
+_Civilisation of Eastern Iranians_, i. 20-21.
+
+[487] _Journ. Ceylon As. Soc._, 1865-1866, p. 3. _Journ. Ind.
+Archipelago_, i. 328; Tennant, _Ceylon_, i. 331; J. F. Campbell, _My
+Circular Notes_, 155-157.
+
+[488] Landtman, _Origin of Priesthood_, p. 82, quoting the original
+authorities.
+
+[489] Vigfusson and Powell, _Corpus Boreale_, ii. 38; and see i. 408.
+
+[490] _Roman Festivals_, 264.
+
+[491] Rhys, _Lectures on Welsh Philology_, 196.
+
+[492] _Life of St. Guthlac_, by Felix of Crowland, edit. C. W. Goodwin,
+pp. 21, 23, 27, 35.
+
+[493] _Life of St. Guthlac_, p. 43.
+
+[494] Wright, _Essays on Popular Superstitions of the Middle Ages_, ii.
+4-10.
+
+[495] The substance of this part of my subject, with more elaboration
+in detail, is taken from a paper I contributed to the _Transactions of
+the Folklore Congress_, 1891.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+aborigines, savage, 219
+Abyssinian pygmies, 241
+African pygmy people, 241-2
+aged, killing of the, 68-78
+agricultural custom, 49, 163, 188, 192, 220, 311, 339, 352-3, 359
+Ahts of Vancouver Island, 62, 228
+All Souls, feast of, 331
+allocation of folklore items, 340
+altar superstitions, 198, 200
+American Indian creation myths, 131, 141, 258
+American Indian traditions, 144, 246
+analysis of custom, 159
+Andaman islanders, 218
+animal traditions, 239
+animals, domestication of, 258
+antagonism in folklore, 340
+anthropological conditions, 208-302
+apparitions, 188
+arm, right, left unchristened, 324, 325
+arresting force of Christianity, 321, 322
+Arthur traditions, 29, 33-34
+Arunta people (Australians), 265-274
+Ashantee creation myth, 141, 142
+ashes, custom connected with, 160
+aspirations of man, 145
+association, law of, in folklore, 166-9
+Aston and Cote, manor, 355
+Australian evidence, 61, 142, 143, 156, 187, 213, 217, 230, 232, 251,
+    256, 258, 262-74, 347
+Australoid race, 296
+Avebury (Lord), quoted, 65, 215
+
+Balder myth, 108
+ballads, growth of, 13
+baptism, 323-4, 325, 328
+baptismal water, 197
+barbaric conquest, 219
+Beddgelert bridge tradition, 26
+Bedfordshire evidence, 95, 287
+bees, telling the, 162, 164
+Bega (St.), 323
+belief the foundation of myth, 140-6
+Beowulf, quoted, 89
+Berkshire evidence, 95, 162
+boar as a totem animal, 287
+Border civilisation, 31, 183-5
+Boudicca, hare portent of, 288
+bow and arrow, 218
+Breton tradition, 21-22, 28
+bridges, tradition concerning, 25, 26
+Britain, totemism in, 276-96
+Buckinghamshire evidence, 162
+bull (white) ceremony, 161
+Bund (Willis), quoted, 118
+burial superstition, 198, 324, 339
+Burmese evidence, 347
+Bury (J. B.), quoted, 35, 345
+Bushmen dances, 141
+
+Cæsar, food taboos in Britain, 286-91
+Canary Islanders, custom, 325
+Catskin story, 59-66
+cattle, telling of death to, 162
+Celtic mythology, 103
+Celtic tribes of Britain, 25-28, 103-5, 111, 310
+Ceylon evidence, 31
+Chadwick (H. M.), quoted, 223
+charms, 188
+Cheshire evidence, 162
+child relationship to parents, 232
+child thought, 186, 187
+Childe Rowland story, 314-15
+children not related to parents, 61, 268, 271
+Christianity and paganism, 320-37
+church ceremony of marriage, 90-1
+church, sacred character of objects and buildings, 197-9
+churning superstition, 202
+civil war pamphlets, 195
+Claddagh fisherfolk, 279
+clan songs, 97
+class system in Australian totemism, 264, 265, 270, 272
+classification, false, of folklore, 166
+Clonmel witch case, 205
+club, for killing the aged, 74-76
+cock as a totem animal, 286, 289
+comparative folklore, 170-9
+conjectural method of inquiry, 225-6, 239, 250
+conquered, mythic influence of, 345-9
+conscious use of experience or observation, 211, 212
+conquest in man's history, 219
+Cook (A. B.), quoted, 106, 108
+Cornwall evidence, 20, 55, 162, 164, 193, 196, 324
+Crawley (E.), quoted, 155
+Crayford legend, 43
+creation myths, 130-9
+Cromm Cruaich, 344
+Cuchulain, totem descent of, 286
+Cuerdale hoard of coins, 30-31
+Cumberland evidence, 162, 184, 323
+custom, belief, and rite, 10, 123, 125, 154-70
+Cynuit, fight with Danes at, 5-6
+
+Danish conquest in tradition, 22, 31, 41, 192
+Darwin (C.), quoted, 213, 224, 247
+death beliefs, 191-2
+death, telling of, to bees, 162
+decay the principal force in folklore, 157-9, 319
+definitions, 129
+Demeter temple custom, 150
+Derbyshire evidence, 162
+descent, use of the term, 270
+Devonshire evidence, 5, 95, 96, 324
+differential evolution, 228
+diffusion of folk-tales, 153
+dog as a totem animal, 286
+doom rings, 323
+doors, decoration of, 334
+Dorsetshire evidence, 45, 94
+dreams, 13-20, 188
+Druidism, 341, 342-4
+duplication of myth, 33, 34
+Durham evidence, 162, 184, 324
+
+Easter-tide, 328
+economic influences upon early man, 219, 257
+Egyptian civilisation, 108
+Elton (C.), quoted, 73, 74, 78, 114, 286, 290, 344
+Essex evidence, 95
+ethnographic movements of man, 216
+ethnological conditions, 338-66
+Eucharist, sacred elements of, 197
+European conditions, 320-37
+European sky god, 106
+Evans (Arthur), quoted, 209
+Exeter custom, 96
+exogamy, 252, 271
+
+fact, basis of tradition upon, 10, 47-49
+fairs, 45
+family, the term, 235-7
+Farrer (J. A.), quoted, 145
+father kinship, 231, 259
+father and daughter marriage, 59-66
+female descent, 271
+festivals, pagan in origin, 328
+fictional literature, 6, 123, 145
+Fijian creation myth, 131
+Fir-Bolgs, 101
+fire, non-use of, 218
+fire worship, 106, 108, 160, 163, 317
+first foot custom, 162, 164
+fish as a totem, 290
+folklore, necessities of, 4-7
+folk-tales, 46-84, 123, 127, 129, 148-9
+food taboos in ancient Britain, 286
+formula of custom, 159
+fox totem in Connaught, 278-80
+Frazer (J.), quoted, 62, 108-9, 110, 140, 228, 253, 255, 265, 274, 283,
+    285, 287, 329, 338, 339, 365
+Fuegians, 247
+
+Gambia district, peoples of, 245
+Genesis creation myth, 137-8, 150
+geological age of man, 214
+giants, 194
+Gibbon (E.), quoted, 321, 327, 334
+Giles (Dr.), quoted, 113
+Gold coast natives, 230
+Gomme (Mrs.), quoted, 26
+goose as a totem animal, 286, 289
+Gospels used as charms, 199
+gossip, meaning of, 278
+Gregory (Pope), letter of, to Mellitus, 329-30
+Greek totemism, 275
+Greek laws, 85, 86, 87, 88
+Grey (Sir George), quoted, 143
+Grierson (P. J. H.), quoted, 45, 230
+Grimm, quoted, 7, 78-81, 327-8
+group (human) the unit of anthropological work, 234
+Guthlac (St.) legend, 350-2
+
+Haddon (A. C.), quoted, 188, 228, 253, 254
+Hampshire evidence, 96, 162, 192
+hare as a totem animal, 280, 287-9
+Harris, island of, 354
+Hartland (E. S.), quoted, 23, 148, 259, 265
+Hawick Common riding, 98-99
+Hebrew creation myth, 137-8
+Hereward in history and tradition, 35-40
+historians, neglect of folklore, 110-20
+historical material, 2-4
+history and folklore, 1-122, 315
+holy, the word, 317
+"holy mawle," 74
+horde, type of society, 225
+hostility among primitive groups of mankind, 264
+Howitt (A. W.), quoted, 142, 230
+hunting stage of society, 220
+Huxley (T. H.), quoted, 138
+
+idols in Christian churches, 328
+Indian evidence, 13, 27, 31, 52, 55, 63, 66, 72, 73, 78, 85, 86, 87,
+    101, 109, 119, 135-6, 146, 151, 174, 175, 193, 217, 229, 231, 258,
+    271, 309, 310, 315, 348, 349, 353, 357
+industrial evolution, 228-30
+Innis (Thomas), quoted, 113
+institutions and religion, 305, 306, 360
+Irish evidence, 11, 49, 50, 56-59, 88, 97, 108, 159, 163, 177, 182, 183,
+    198, 205, 276-82, 286, 287, 324, 330
+Italy, Christian and pagan beliefs in, 331-4, 335
+
+Java, remains of man in, 214
+Jevons (F. B.), quoted, 140, 141, 145, 236
+Jewish temple rite, 200
+Joyce (Dr.), quoted, 116
+junior right inheritance, 96, 172-4, 223, 313
+
+Keane (A. H.), quoted, 214, 215, 241
+Keary (J. F.), quoted, 313
+Kemble (J. M.), quoted, 3, 42, 89
+Kent evidence, 43, 191, 330
+Kentish laws, 92
+Kilmorie, 352
+kinship, 219, 220, 226, 230, 261
+kinlessness, 225, 231, 235, 240-7, 256, 261, 268
+Kronos myth, 134
+
+Lambeth pedlar legend, 20
+Lancashire evidence, 20, 162, 191, 289, 324
+lands, surrender of, to sons, 70-2
+Lang (A.), quoted, 7, 116, 131, 132, 153, 225, 226, 236, 253, 254,
+    255, 263, 265, 271, 272, 273, 275, 339
+Lapps as sorcerers, 349
+Lappenberg (J. M.), quoted, 113
+Latham (Dr.), quoted, 214, 215-16, 241
+Lauder, 354
+Law, traditional origin of, 84-100, 196, 328
+left and right superstition, 166
+legend, 124, 127, 129, 151-2
+legislation, primitive, 213, 273
+Leicestershire evidence, 198
+Lincolnshire evidence, 30, 162, 350-2
+Litlington tradition, 43
+local traditions, 13-33
+locality influence of, 219, 344
+Lockyer (Sir Norman), quoted, 107
+logic of primitive man, 140
+London Bridge legends, 13-33
+Lud, Celtic god, 105
+Lundinium (Roman), 24, 25, 105
+
+Mabinogion creation myth, 136
+MacCulloch (Mr.), quoted, 47, 82, 123, 173, 239, 313, 338
+Maine (Sir Henry), quoted, 85, 87, 117, 226, 235
+male descent, 269, 270
+male groups, 225, 239
+manorial evidence, 94-96, 305
+manumission formula, 92
+Manx custom, 160, 162
+Maori myths, 143, 144
+marriage ceremony, 90-91, 162
+marriage customs in folk-tales, 65
+materials and methods, 123-79
+McLennan (J. F.), quoted, 61, 65, 225, 293
+midsummer festivals, 328
+migratory movements of man, 214-17, 221, 222, 223, 224, 237, 251, 264,
+    266
+monogenists, 213
+Morgan (L. H.), quoted, 225, 275
+mother influence in totemism, 257, 267
+mother kinship, 231
+Moytura monuments, 101, 102
+Murray (Dr.), quoted, 98
+myth, 127, 129, 130-48
+mythology, 9, 100-10, 128, 146-8, 303
+
+names (totem), origin of, 260
+natural objects, interpretation of, 193
+neglect of observation, 231
+neolithic burial custom, 339
+New Guinea evidence, 345
+New Zealand myths, 131, 132-3, 190, 217, 346
+Nicholson (Dr.), quoted, 172, 173
+Nod, Celtic god, 105
+Nonconformist appeal to church, 200
+Norfolk evidence, 14-19, 42, 163
+Norse custom, 174, 175
+Norse tradition, 22-23, 32
+Northamptonshire evidence, 198, 288
+Northumberland evidence, 162, 324, 325
+_Notes and Queries_, quoted, 6
+Nottinghamshire evidence, 96, 162
+nursery rhymes, growth of, 13
+Nutt (A.), quoted, 6, 222, 339
+
+oath-taking customs, 200
+O'Curry (Eugene), quoted, 113
+offertory money, 197
+oral tradition, force of, 87, 125
+outlawry, 311
+oxen, slaughter of, 329
+
+palæolithic implements, 217, 218
+Palgrave (Sir F.), quoted, 88, 113
+parallel practices as evidence of common origin, 109, 171-6, 227
+pastoral stage of society, 220, 358
+Pearson (Dr. Karl), quoted, 47, 78, 201
+Pearson (C. H.), quoted, 115
+Pedlar of Swaffham legend, 14-19
+personal traditions, 33-46
+Petrie (Flinders), quoted, 222
+Pictish marriage custom, 344
+political races, 209, 219, 221
+polygenists, 213
+pottery, 218
+Powell (York), quoted, 3, 8, 104
+practice and rule, 227
+pre-Celtic remains, 101, 118-20, 209, 275, 318, 350
+priest's grave superstition, 199
+priests of old religion regarded as magicians, 200
+promiscuity, 224
+Protestants appeal to Roman Catholicism, 200
+psychological conditions, 180-207
+purpose of custom, 159
+pygmy peoples, 238, 241-5, 248, 348
+
+Ramsay (Sir James), quoted, 115
+record of custom, 156, 165
+religion and folklore, 140
+religion and myth, 138
+religion and science, 138-9, 206
+result in custom, 159
+retrogression in human society, 249
+Rhodopis tradition, 53
+rhyming tenures, 94-95
+Rhys (Sir John), quoted, 29, 33, 34, 105, 114, 115, 161, 163, 209,
+    342, 345, 350
+Ridgeway (Prof.), quoted, 308
+right and left superstition, 166
+rites explained by myth, 146
+Rivers (Dr. W. H. R.), quoted, 150, 174, 229
+Robertson-Smith (W.), quoted, 147, 174, 282, 303, 304
+Rollright stones, 209
+Roman Britain, 25, 30, 105, 360-2
+romances, 124
+Rome, ancient customs of, 26, 34, 151, 332, 349
+
+sacrifice (human), 174-6
+savage customs in Britain, 112-16
+savage incidents in folk-tales, 78-82
+Scandinavian custom, 71, 223, 323, 328
+Scarborough warning, 93-94
+science, primitive, 130, 131
+Scottish evidence, 20, 48, 49, 50, 56, 65, 67-78, 92, 149, 162, 181,
+    182, 198, 288, 289, 290
+seal totem in Connaught, 280-2
+Semangs of Malay peninsula, 218, 242-5, 267, 269, 270, 278, 297-302,
+    348
+sermon quoted, 189
+sex cleavage in human evolution, 251, 260
+Shrewsbury Abbey Church, tradition, 43
+Shropshire evidence, 43, 95, 162, 292
+Sids, Irish, 341
+Skene (W. F.), quoted, 114, 115, 344
+sky-god, 106
+Slavonian tradition, 54
+snake stones of Whitby, 194
+sociological conditions, 303-19
+Somersetshire evidence, 45, 95, 162, 205
+soul resident in backbone, 189, 190
+Southampton custom, 96
+specialisation of culture, 227, 233, 364
+Spencer (Herbert), quoted, 117, 214
+Spencer and Gillen, quoted, 143, 265
+Spenser (Edmund), quoted, 4, 11, 177
+Squire (Mr.), quoted, 33, 34, 101-3, 117
+stationary conditions of life, 223, 224
+state religion, 103-5
+Stevenson (W. H.), quoted, 5
+Stewart (J. A.), quoted, 145
+stone circles, 107, 193, 194
+Stonehenge, 107, 209
+Suffolk evidence, 161, 162, 192
+Sullivan (W. R.), quoted, 113, 120
+Surrey evidence, 20, 162
+survivals, 154-5, 319, 336
+Sussex evidence, 41, 162
+
+tappie, tappie, tousie, 92
+telling tales, 149
+Teutonic religion, 104
+Teutonic tribes, 310
+Thomas (N. W.), quoted, 214, 226, 232, 236, 265
+threshold custom, 159, 334
+toad in witchcraft, 203
+Todas, loss of myth by, 150
+totemism, 209-10, 252, 253-61, 274-96
+transfer of superstition to different objects, 163, 325
+treasure legends, 13-24, 30
+trees, marriage of, India, 258
+tribal life in tradition, 51-59, 103-5
+tribal institutions, 307-18, 356, 364
+tribe, the term, 234, 308
+Tuatha de Danann, 101
+Turner (Sharon), quoted, 113
+Tylor (E. B.), quoted, 9, 133, 154, 200, 233, 239
+
+Upsall, Yorks, legend from, 19
+
+ver sacrum, 223
+Vortigern, 62
+
+water god, 105
+well worship, 163, 164, 323, 326
+Welsh evidence, 20, 26, 34, 162, 194, 200, 202
+Westermarck (Dr.), quoted, 225, 239
+Westmoreland evidence, 184
+Wilde (Sir W.), quoted, 45, 101
+William the Conqueror, Sussex tradition, 41
+Wiltshire evidence, 44, 45, 95, 162, 287, 288, 354
+witchcraft, 194, 201-6
+wolf totem in Ossory, 276-8
+women in early industrialism, 257
+Worcestershire evidence, 162
+
+Yorkshire evidence, 19, 20, 30, 78, 93, 162, 184, 194, 324, 325
+Yule-tide, 328
+
+Zulu folk-tales, 51, 64
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes:
+
+This book contains some archaic and variant spelling, which has been
+retained as printed. Hyphenation has been made consistent where
+appropriate, without note. Minor printer errors (missing or transposed
+letters or punctuation, etc.) have been amended. The list of amendments
+is included below.
+
+There are a few instances of oe ligatures; these have been rendered
+simply as oe. There are also a few Greek words, which have been
+transliterated in this version, in the form [Greek: word].
+
+Illustrations have been shifted slightly, so that they are not in the
+middle of paragraphs. The frontispiece illustration has been moved to
+follow the title page.
+
+
+Transcriber's List of Amendments:
+
+Page 42--ryhme amended to rhyme--"... the old rhyme is still
+remembered ..."
+
+Page 76--missing accent added to "vice versâ".
+
+Page 92--signifiance amended to significance--"... rhythmical formulæ
+which have legal significance."
+
+Page 118--missing accent added to "primâ facie".
+
+Page 184--preceeding amended to preceding--"... those immediately
+preceding the reign ..."
+
+Page 198--bedesecrated amended to be desecrated--"must not be
+desecrated"
+
+Page 271--missing apostrophe added--"do not go to the wives' region of
+abode."
+
+Page 368--Firbolgs amended to Fir-Bolgs, in line with other
+occurrences.
+
+Footnote 358--missing period added at end of footnote.
+
+Footnote 416--Ser. made consistent with other occurrences--amended to
+"ser."
+
+Footnote 469--comma added--"Myth, Ritual and Religion".
+
+Footnote 473--precedessors amended to predecessors--"... apparently
+dependent upon their predecessors."
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Folklore as an Historical Science, by 
+George Laurence Gomme
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+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of Folklore as an Historical Science, by George Laurence Gomme.
+    </title>
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Folklore as an Historical Science, by 
+George Laurence Gomme
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Folklore as an Historical Science
+
+Author: George Laurence Gomme
+
+Release Date: June 18, 2007 [EBook #21852]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FOLKLORE AS AN HISTORICAL SCIENCE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Clare Boothby, Sam W. and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
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+</pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+<h1>FOLKLORE AS AN<br />
+HISTORICAL SCIENCE</h1>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+<br />
+</p>
+
+
+<h4>BY</h4>
+<h2>GEORGE LAURENCE GOMME</h2>
+
+<p class="padding">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h4>WITH TWENTY-EIGHT ILLUSTRATIONS</h4>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<h3>METHUEN &amp; CO.<br />
+36 ESSEX STREET W.C.<br />
+LONDON</h3>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+</p>
+
+
+<p class="center"><i>First Published in 1908</i></p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+
+<p><a name="Illus01" id="Illus01"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 272px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_01.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_01th.jpg" width="272" height="400"
+alt="Pedlar&#39;'s Seat, Swaffham Church, Norfolk."
+title="&quot;PEDLAR&#39;S SEAT,&quot; SWAFFHAM CHURCH" /></a>
+<span class="caption">"PEDLAR'S SEAT," SWAFFHAM CHURCH</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" width="80%" summary="Table of Contents">
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr"><span class="smcap lowercase">CHAPTER</span></td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">I.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">History and Folklore</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><i>pages</i>&nbsp;<a href="#Page_1">1-122</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">Introductory</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><i>pages</i>&nbsp;<a href="#Page_1">1&#8209;13</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">History and Local and Personal Traditions</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_13">13-46</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">History and Folk-tales</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_46">46-84</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">Traditional Law</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_84">84-100</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">Mythology and Tradition</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_100">100-110</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">Historians and Tradition</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_110">110-120</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdrp">&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">II.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">Materials and Methods</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_123">123-179</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">Traditional Material</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_123">123-129</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">Myth, Folk-tale, and Legend</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_129">129-153</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">Custom, Belief, and Rite</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_154">154-179</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdrp">&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">III.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">Psychological Conditions</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_180">180-207</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdrp">&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">IV.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">Anthropological Conditions</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_208">208-302</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">Primitive Influences</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_211">211-238</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">Earliest Types of Social Existence</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_238">238-261</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">Australian Totem Society tested by the Evidence</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_262">262-274</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">Totem Survivals in Britain</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_274">274-296</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">Synopsis of Culture-structure of Semangs of Malay Peninsula</td>
+    <td class="tdrp"><a href="#Page_297">297-302</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdrp">&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">V.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">Sociological Conditions</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_303">303-319</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdrp">&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">VI.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">European Conditions</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_320">320-337</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdrp">&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">VII.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">Ethnological Conditions</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_338">338-366</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlscp">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdrp">&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">Index</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_367">367-371</a></td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg&nbsp;vii]</a></span></p>
+<h2>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2>
+
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" width="80%" summary="List of Illustrations">
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><span class="smcap lowercase">PAGE</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">1.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">Pedlar's Seat, Swaffham Church, Norfolk</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><i><a href="#Illus01">Frontispiece</a></i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">2.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">Carved Wooden Figure of the Pedlar in Swaffham Church</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus02">8</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">3.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">Carved Wooden Figure of the Pedlar's Dog in Swaffham Church</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus03">8</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">Nos. 1-3 are taken from photographs, and show how the
+story of the Pedlar of Swaffham has been interpreted in
+carving. The costume of the Pedlar is noticeable.</p></td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">4.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Pedlar of Lambeth and his Dog,
+figured in the window (now destroyed) of Lambeth Church</span> (from
+Allen's <i>History of Lambeth</i>)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus04">20</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">5.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Pedlar of Lambeth and his Dog as
+drawn in 1786 for Ducarel's</span> <i>History of Lambeth</i></td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus05">22</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">Nos. 4 and 5 illustrate the
+traces of the Pedlar legend in Lambeth, and the costume of the Pedlar, though
+later than that shown in the Swaffham carving, exhibits analogous features
+which are of interest to the argument.</p></td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">6.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Plan of the Site of the "Heaven's Walls"
+at Litlington, near Royston, Cambridgeshire</span> (reprinted from
+<i>Arch&aelig;ologia</i>)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus06">43</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">7.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Sketch of Litlington Field</span>
+(reprinted from <i>Arch&aelig;ologia</i>)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus07">44</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">Nos. 6 and 7 show the site
+and general appearance of this interesting relic of the Roman occupation of
+Britain.</p></td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">8.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Stone Monuments Erected as Memorials
+in a Kasya Village</span> (reprinted from <i>Asiatic Researches</i>)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus08">55</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">9.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Stone Seats at a Kasya Village</span>
+(reprinted from <i>Asiatic Researches</i>)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus09">55</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Pg&nbsp;viii]</a></span>10.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">View in the Kasya Hills, showing Stone Memorials</span>
+(reprinted from <i>Asiatic Researches</i>)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus10">56</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">No. 8 shows the practice
+among the primitive hill-tribes of India of erecting memorials in stone to
+tribal heroes, and No. 9 is a curious illustration of the stones used as
+seats by tribesmen at their tribal assemblies. No. 10 is a general view of
+the site occupied by these stone monuments.</p></td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">11.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Auld Ca-knowe: Calling the
+Burgess Roll at Hawick</span> (reprinted from Craig and Laing's <i>Hawick
+Tradition</i>)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus11">98</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">12.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Hawick Moat at Sunrise</span>
+(reprinted from Craig and Laing)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus12">99</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">The tribal gathering is
+well illustrated by No. 11, and the moat hill is shown in No. 12.</p></td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">13.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">One of Five Stone Circles in the
+Fields Opposite the Glebe of Nymphsfield</span> (reprinted from Sir William
+Wilde's <i>Lough Corrib</i>)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus13">101</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">14.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Carn-an-Chluithe To Commemorate the
+Defeat and Death of the Youths of the Dananns</span> (reprinted from Wilde)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus14">102</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">15.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Cairn of Ballymagibbon, near the
+road passing from Cong To Cross</span> (reprinted from Wilde)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus15">102</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">Nos. 13-15 are selected
+from Sir William Wilde's admirable account of the great conflict on the field
+of Moytura. They serve to show that the fight was an historical event.</p></td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">16.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">Altar dedicated to the Field Deities of Britain, found
+at Castle Hill on the wall of Antoninus Pius</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus16">105</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">It is important to remember
+that the Romans recognised the gods of the conquered people, and this is one
+of the most important arch&aelig;ological proofs of the fact.</p></td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">17.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">Roman Sculptured Stone found at Arniebog, Cumbernauld,
+Dumbartonshire, showing a naked Briton as a captive</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus17">112</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">To the evidence derived
+from classical writers as to the nakedness of some of the inhabitants of
+early Britain, it is possible to add the evidence of the memorial stone.
+This example is reproduced from Sir Arthur Mitchell's <i>Past in the
+Present</i>, and there is at least one other example.</p></td>
+     <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg&nbsp;ix]</a></span>18.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Representation of an Irish Chieftain
+seated at Dinner</span> (from Derrick's <i>The Image of Ireland</i>, by kind
+permission of Messrs. A. &amp; E. Black)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus18">183</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">This is reproduced from
+the very excellent reprint (1883) of this remarkable book, published
+originally in 1581. The whole book is historically valuable as showing
+the undeveloped nature of Irish culture. The flesh was boiled in the
+hide, the fire is lighted in the open camp, and the entire rudeness of
+the scene depicts the people "whose usages I behelde after the fashion
+there sette downe."</p></td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">19.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Long Meg and her Daughters</span>
+(from a photograph by Messrs. Frith)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus19">193</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">20.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Stone Circles on Stanton Moor</span>
+(from <i>Arch&aelig;ologia</i>)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus20">193</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">Nos. 19 and 20 are
+illustrations of two of the lesser-known circles about which the people
+hold such curious beliefs.</p></td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">21.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Chinese representation of Pygmies
+going about arm-in-arm for mutual protection</span> (from Moseley's
+<i>Notes by a Naturalist on H.M.S. Challenger</i>, by permission of
+Mr. John Murray)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus21">242</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">22.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Semang of Kuala Kenering, Ulu
+Perak</span> (from Skeat and Blagden's <i>Pagan Races of the Malay
+Peninsula</i>, by permission of Messrs. Macmillan)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus22">242</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">23.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Negrito Type: Semang of Perak</span>
+(from the same)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus23">243</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">24.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Semang of Kedah having a meal</span>
+(from the same)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus24">244</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">25.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Tree Hut, Ulu Batu, about twelve
+miles from Kuala Lumpur, Selangor</span> (from the same)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus25">298</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">The old-world traditions
+and the scientific observation of pygmy people are illustrated in No. 21
+and Nos. 22-25 respectively. Though much has been written about the
+Pygmies, Messrs. Skeat and Blagden's account of the Semang people is by
+far the most thorough and important.</p></td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr">26.</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Rite of Baptism on the Font at
+Darenth, Kent</span> (from Romilly Allen's <i>Early Christian Symbolism</i>)</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus26">324</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">The crude paganism on the
+sculptured stone is confirmatory of the pagan elements preserved in custom,
+and this illustration from Kent, one of the earliest centres of Christianity
+in Britain, is singularly interesting from this point of view.</p></td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdr"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg&nbsp;x]</a></span>
+27&nbsp;and&nbsp;28.</td>
+    <td class="tdlsc">Two Scenes from the Anglo-Saxon Life of St. Guthlac by
+Felix of Crowland, depicting the attack of the Demons</td>
+    <td class="tdr"><a href="#Illus27">351</a>, <a href="#Illus28">352</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><p style="text-indent: 1em;">These two plates belong to
+a series of eight which illustrate the life of the saint. They are less
+primitive in form than the story which they illustrate. By contrast with
+the remaining six, however, which are purely ecclesiastical in character,
+they show how this early episode kept its place among the events of the
+saint's life.</p></td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Pg&nbsp;xi]</a></span></p>
+<h2>PREFACE</h2>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">I</span>f I have essayed to do in this book what should
+have been done by one of the masters of the science
+of folklore&mdash;Mr. Frazer, Mr. Lang, Mr. Hartland,
+Mr. Clodd, Sir John Rhys, and others&mdash;I hope it will
+not be put down to any feelings of self-sufficiency on
+my part. I have greatly dared because no one of them
+has accomplished, and I have so acted because I feel
+the necessity of some guidance in these matters, and
+more particularly at the present stage of inquiry into
+the early history of man.</p>
+
+<p>I have thought I could give somewhat of that
+guidance because of my comprehension of its need, for
+the comprehension of a need is sometimes half-way
+towards supplying the need. My profound belief in
+the value of folklore as perhaps the only means of
+discovering the earliest stages of the psychological,
+religious, social, and political history of modern man
+has also entered into my reason for the attempt.</p>
+
+<p>Many years ago I suggested the necessity for guidance,
+and I sketched out a few of the points involved
+(<i>Folklore Journal</i>, ii. 285, 347; iii. 1-16) in what was
+afterwards called by a friendly critic a sort of grammar
+of folklore. The science of folklore has advanced far
+since 1885 however, and not only new problems but
+new ranges of thought have gathered round it. Still,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Pg&nbsp;xii]</a></span>
+the claims of folklore as a definite section of historical
+material remain not only unrecognised but unstated,
+and as long as this is so the lesser writers on folklore will
+go on working in wrong directions and producing much
+mischief, and the historian will judge of folklore by the
+criteria presented by these writers&mdash;will judge wrongly
+and will neglect folklore accordingly.</p>
+
+<p>I hope this book may tend to correct this state of
+things to some extent. It is not easy to write on such
+a subject in a limited space, and it is difficult to avoid
+being somewhat severely technical at points. These
+demerits will, I am sure, be forgiven when considered
+by the light of the human interest involved.</p>
+
+<p>All studies of this kind must begin from the standpoint
+of a definite culture area, and I have chosen our
+own country for the purpose of this inquiry. This
+will make the illustrations more interesting to the
+English reader; but it must be borne in mind that
+the same process could be repeated for other areas
+if my estimate of the position is even tolerably accurate.
+For the purpose of this estimate it was necessary,
+in the first place, to show how pure history was
+intimately related to folklore at many stages, and
+yet how this relationship had been ignored by both
+historian and folklorist. The research for this purpose
+had necessarily to deal with much detail, and to
+introduce fresh elements of research. There is thus
+produced a somewhat unequal treatment; for when
+illustrations have to be worked out at length, because
+they appear for the first time, the mind is apt to wander
+from the main point at issue and to become lost in the
+subordinate issue arising from the working out of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[Pg&nbsp;xiii]</a></span>
+chosen illustration. This, I fear, is inevitable in
+folklore research, and I can only hope I have overcome
+some of the difficulties caused thereby in a fairly satisfactory
+manner.</p>
+
+<p>The next stage takes us to a consideration of
+materials and methods, in order to show the means and
+definitions which are necessary if folklore research is
+to be conducted on scientific lines. Not only is it
+necessary to ascertain the proper position of each
+item of folklore in the culture area in which it is found,
+but it is also necessary to ascertain its scientific
+relationship to other items found in the same area;
+and I have protested against the too easy attempt to
+proceed upon the comparative method. Before we
+can compare we must be certain that we are comparing
+like quantities.</p>
+
+<p>These chapters are preliminary. After this stage we
+proceed to the principal issues, and the first of these
+deals with the psychological conditions. It was only
+necessary to treat of this subject shortly, because the
+illustrations of it do not need analysis. They are
+self-contained, and supply their own evidence as to the
+place they occupy.</p>
+
+<p>The anthropological conditions involve very different
+treatment. The great fact necessary to bear in
+mind is that the people of a modern culture area have
+an anthropological as well as a national or political
+history, and that it is only the anthropological history
+which can explain the meaning and existence of
+folklore. This subject found me compelled to go
+rather more deeply than I had thought would be
+necessary into first principles, but I hope I have not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[Pg&nbsp;xiv]</a></span>
+altogether failed to prove that to properly understand
+the province of folklore it is necessary to know
+something of anthropological research and its results.
+In point of fact, without this consideration of folklore,
+there is not much value to be obtained from it. It is
+not because it consists of traditions, superstitions,
+customs, beliefs, observances, and what not, that
+folklore is of value to science. It is because the
+various constituents are survivals of something much
+more essential to mankind than fragments of life which
+for all practical purposes of progress might well
+disappear from the world. As survivals, folklore
+belongs to anthropological data, and if, as I contend, we
+can go so far back into survivals as totemism, we must
+understand generally what position totemism occupies
+among human institutions, and to understand this we
+must fall back to human origins.</p>
+
+<p>The next divisions are more subordinate. Sociological
+conditions must be studied apart from their
+anthropological aspect, because in the higher races the
+social group is knit together far more strongly and
+with far greater purpose than among the lower races.
+The social force takes the foremost place among the
+influences towards the higher development, and it is
+necessary not only to study this but to be sure of the
+terms we use. Tribe, clan, family, and other terms
+have been loosely used in anthropology, just as state,
+city, village, and now village-community, are loosely
+used in history. The great fact to understand is that
+the social group of the higher races was based on
+blood kinship at the time when they set out to take
+their place in modern civilisation, and that we cannot<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[Pg&nbsp;xv]</a></span>
+understand survivals in folklore unless we test them by
+their position as part of a tribal organisation. The
+point has never been taken before, and yet I do not see
+how it can be dismissed.</p>
+
+<p>The consideration of European conditions is chiefly
+concerned with the all-important fact of an intrusive
+religion, that of Christianity, from without, destroying
+the native religions with which it came into contact,
+conditions which would of course apply only to the
+folklore of European countries.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, I have discussed ethnological conditions in
+order to show that certain fundamental differences in
+folklore can be and ought to be explained as the results
+of different race origins. We are now getting rid of
+the notion that all Europe is peopled by the descendants
+of the so-called Aryans. There is too much evidence
+to show that the still older races lived on after they were
+conquered by Celt, Teuton, Scandinavian, or Slav, and
+there is no reason why folklore should not share with
+language, arch&aelig;ology, and physical type the inheritance
+from this earliest race.</p>
+
+<p>In this manner I have surveyed the several conditions
+attachable to the study of folklore and the
+various departments of science with which it is inseparably
+associated. Folklore cannot be studied
+alone. Alone it is of little worth. As part of the
+inheritance from bygone ages it cannot separate itself
+from the conditions of bygone ages. Those who
+would study it carefully, and with purpose, must consider
+it in the light which is shed by it and upon it
+from all that is contributory to the history of man.</p>
+
+<p>During my exposition I have ventured upon many<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[Pg&nbsp;xvi]</a></span>
+criticisms of masters in the various departments of
+knowledge into which I have penetrated; but in all
+cases with great respect. Criticism, such as I have
+indulged in, is nothing more than a respectful difference
+of opinion on the particular points under discussion,
+and which need every light which can be thrown upon
+them, even by the humblest student.</p>
+
+<p>I am particularly obliged to Mr. Lang, Mr. Hartland,
+Dr. Haddon, and Dr. Rivers, for kindly reading my
+chapter on Anthropological Conditions, and for much
+valuable and kind help therein; and especially I owe
+Mr. Lang most grateful thanks, for he took an immense
+deal of trouble and gave me the advantage of his
+searching criticism, always in the direction of an endeavour
+to perfect my faulty evidence. I shall not
+readily part with his letters and MS. on this subject,
+for they show alike his generosity and his brilliance.</p>
+
+<p>To my old friend Mr. Fairman Ordish I am once
+more indebted for help in reading my sheets, and I am
+also glad to acknowledge the fact that two of my sons,
+Allan Gomme and Wycombe Gomme, have read my
+proofs and helped me much, not only by their criticism,
+but by their knowledge.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">24 Dorset Square, N.W.</span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg&nbsp;1]</a></span></p>
+<h2>FOLKLORE AS AN HISTORICAL SCIENCE</h2>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+</p>
+
+
+
+<h2>CHAPTER I</h2>
+
+<h3>HISTORY AND FOLKLORE</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">I</span>t may be stated as a general rule that history and
+folklore are not considered as complementary
+studies. Historians deny the validity of folklore
+as evidence of history, and folklorists ignore the essence
+of history which exists in folklore. Of late years it is
+true that Dr. Frazer, Prof. Ridgeway, Mr. Warde
+Fowler, Miss Harrison, Mr. Lang, and others have
+broken through this antagonism and shown that the
+two studies stand together; but this is only in certain
+special directions, and no movement is apparent that
+the brilliant results of special inquiries are to bring
+about a general consideration of the mutual help which
+the two studies afford, if in their respective spheres the
+evidence is treated with caution and knowledge, and if
+the evidence from each is brought to bear upon the
+necessities of each.</p>
+
+<p>The necessities of history are obvious. There are considerable
+gaps in historical knowledge, and the further<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg&nbsp;2]</a></span>
+back we desire to penetrate the scantier must be the
+material at the historian's disposal. In any case there
+can be only two considerable sources of historical knowledge,
+namely, foreign and native. Looking at the subject
+from the points presented by the early history of
+our own country, there are the Greek and Latin writers
+to whom Britain was a source of interest as the most
+distant part of the then known world, and the native
+historians, who, witnessing the terribly changing events
+which followed the break-up of the Roman dominion
+over Britain, recorded their views of the changes and
+their causes, and in course of time recorded also some of
+the events of Celtic history and of Anglo-Saxon history.
+Then for later periods, no country of the Western
+world possesses such magnificent materials for history
+as our own. In the vast quantity of public and private
+documents which are gradually being made accessible
+to the student there exists material for the illustration
+and elucidation of almost every side and every period
+of national life, and no branch of historical research is
+more fruitful of results than the comparison of the
+records of the professed historian with the documents
+which have not come from the historian's hands.</p>
+
+<p>All this, however, does not give us the complete
+story. Necessarily there are great and important gaps.
+Contemporary writers make themselves the judges of
+what is important to record; documents preserved in
+public or private archives relate only to such events as
+need or command the written record or instrument, or
+to those which have interested some of the actors and
+their families. Hence in both departments of history,
+the historical narrative and the original record, it will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg&nbsp;3]</a></span>
+be found on careful examination that much is needed to
+make the picture of life complete. It is the detail of
+everyday thought and action that is missing&mdash;all that
+is so well known, the obvious as it passes before every
+chronicler, the ceremony, the faith, and the action
+which do not apparently affect the movements of civilisation,
+but which make up the personal, religious and
+political life of the people. It is always well to bear in
+mind that the historical records preserved from the past
+must necessarily be incomplete. An accident preserves
+one, and an accident destroys another. An incident
+strikes one historian, and is of no interest to another.
+And it may well be that the lost document, the unrecorded
+incident, is of far more value to later ages
+than what has been preserved. This condition of historical
+research is always present to the scientific
+student, though it is not always brought to bear upon
+the results of historical scholarship.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> But the scope of
+the historian is gradually but surely widening. It is
+no longer possible to shut the door to geography,
+ethnography, economics, sociology, arch&aelig;ology, and
+the attendant studies if the historian desires to work his
+subject out to the full.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> It is even getting to be
+admitted that an appeal must be made to folklore,
+though the extent and the method are not understood.
+After all that can be obtained from other realms of
+knowledge, it is seen that there is a large gap left still&mdash;a
+gap in the heart of things, a gap waiting to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg&nbsp;4]</a></span>
+filled by all that can be learned about the thought,
+ideas, beliefs, conceptions, and aspirations of the
+people which have been translated for them, but not
+by them, in the laws, institutions, and religion which
+find their way so easily into history.</p>
+
+<p>The necessities of folklore are far greater than and
+of a different kind from those of history. Edmund
+Spenser wrote three centuries ago "by these old
+customs the descent of nations can only be proved
+where other monuments of writings are not remayning,"<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+and yet the descent of nations is still being
+proved without the aid of folklore. It is certain that
+the appeal will not be made to its fullest extent unless
+the folklorist makes it clear that it will be answered in
+a fashion which commands attention. It appears to
+me that the preliminary conditions for such an appeal
+must be ascertained from the folklore side. History
+has not only justified its existence, but during the long
+period of years during which it has been a specific
+branch of learning it has shown its capacity for proceeding
+on strictly scientific and ever-widening lines. Folklore
+has neither had a long period for its study nor a
+completely satisfactory record of scientific work. It is,
+therefore, essential that folklore should establish its
+right to a place among the historical sciences. At
+present that right is not admitted. It is objected to by
+scholars who will not admit that history can proceed
+from anything but a dated and certified document, and
+by a few who do not admit that history has anything
+to do with affairs that do not emanate from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg&nbsp;5]</a></span>
+prominent political or military personages of each period.
+It is silently, if not contemptuously ignored by almost
+every historical inquirer whose attention has not been
+specially directed to the evidence contained in traditional
+material. Thus between the difficulties arising
+from the interpretation of texts which, originating in
+oral tradition, have by reason of their early record
+become literature, and the difficulties arising from the
+objections of historians to accept any evidence that is
+not strictly historical in the form they assume to be
+historical, traditional material has not been extensively
+used as history. It has also been wrongly defined by
+historians. Thus, to give a pertinent example, so good
+a scholar as Mr. W.&nbsp;H. Stevenson, in his admirable
+edition of Asser's <i>Life of King Alfred</i>, lays to the
+crimes of tradition an error which is due to other
+causes. Indeed, he states the cause of the error
+correctly, but does not see that he is contradicting
+himself in so doing. It is worth quoting this case.
+It has to do with the identification of "Cynuit," a place
+where the Danes obtained a victory over the English
+forces, and Kenwith Castle in Devonshire has been
+claimed as the site of the struggle and "a place known
+as Bloody Corner in Northam is traditionally regarded
+as the scene of a duel between two of the chieftains in
+877, and a monument recording the battle has been
+erected."<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Mr. Stevenson's comment upon this is:
+"We have in this an instructive example of the worthlessness
+of 'tradition' which is here, as so frequently
+happens elsewhere, the outcome of the dreams of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg&nbsp;6]</a></span>
+local antiquaries, whose identifications become gradually
+impressed upon the memory of the inhabitants;"
+and he then proceeds to show that this particular tradition
+was produced by the suggestion of Mr. R.&nbsp;S.
+Vidal in 1804. Of course, the answer of the folklorist
+to this charge against the value of tradition is that the
+example is not a case of tradition<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> at all. On the contrary,
+it is a case of false history, started by the local
+antiquary, adopted by the scholars of the day, perpetuated
+by the government in its ordnance survey of
+the district, and kept alive in the minds of the people
+not by tradition but by a duly certified monument
+erected for the express purpose of commemorating the
+invented incident. There is then no tradition in any
+one of the stages through which the episode has
+passed. It is all history and false history. Historians
+cannot shake off their responsibilities by looking upon
+the local antiquary as the responsible author of tradition.
+They cannot but admit that the local antiquary belongs
+to the historical school, even though he is not a fully
+equipped member of his craft, and because he blunders
+they must not class him as a folklorist. They must bring
+better evidence than this to show the worthlessness of
+tradition. In the meantime it is the constant definition
+of tradition as worthless, the relegation of worthless
+history "to the realms of folklore,"<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> which does so<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg&nbsp;7]</a></span>
+much harm to the study of folklore as a science.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>
+Because the historian misnames an historical error as
+tradition, or fails to discover, at the moment he
+requires it, the fact which lies hidden in tradition, he
+must not dismiss the whole realm of tradition as useless
+for historical purposes.</p>
+
+<p>Let us freely admit that the historian is not altogether
+to blame for his neglect and for his ignorance of tradition
+as historical material. He has nothing very definite
+to work upon. Even the great work of Grimm is
+open to the criticism that it does not <i>prove</i> the antiquity
+of popular custom and belief&mdash;it merely states the
+proposition, and then relies for proof upon the accumulation
+of an enormous number of examples and the
+almost entire impossibility of suggesting any other
+origin than that of antiquity for such a mass of non-Christian
+material. Then the great work of Grimm,
+ethnographical in its methods, has never been followed
+up by similar work for other countries. The philosophy
+of folklore has taken up almost all the time of our
+scholars and students, and the contribution it makes to
+the history of the civilised races has not been made out
+by folklorists themselves. It does not appear to me
+to be difficult to make out such a claim if only scientific
+methods are adopted, and the solution of definite problems<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg&nbsp;8]</a></span>
+is attempted;<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and if too the difficulties in the
+way of proof are freely admitted, and where they
+become insuperable, the attempt at proof is frankly
+abandoned. I believe that every single item of folklore,
+every folk-tale, every tradition, every custom and superstition,
+has its origin in some definite fact in the
+history of man; but I am ready to concede that the
+definite fact is not always traceable, that it sometimes
+goes so far back as to defy recognition, that it sometimes
+relates to events which have no place in the
+after-history of peoples who have taken a position
+on the earth's surface, and which, in the prehistory
+stage, belong to humanity rather than to peoples.
+Folklore, too, is governed by its own laws and rules
+which are not the laws and rules of history. These
+concessions, however, do not mean the introduction
+of the term "impossible" to our studies. They
+mean rather a plea for the steady and systematic
+study of our material, on the ground that it has
+much to yield to the historian of man, and to
+the historians of races, of peoples, of nations, and of
+countries.</p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus02" id="Illus02"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 232px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_02.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_02th.jpg" width="232" height="400"
+alt="Carved wooden figure of the pedlar in Swaffham Church."
+title="CARVED WOODEN FIGURE OF THE PEDLAR IN SWAFFHAM CHURCH" /></a>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus03" id="Illus03"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 281px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_03.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_03th.jpg" width="281" height="400"
+alt="Carved wooden figure of the pedlar&#39;s dog in Swaffham Church."
+title="CARVED WOODEN FIGURE OF THE PEDLAR&#39;S DOG IN SWAFFHAM CHURCH" /></a>
+<span class="caption">CARVED WOODEN FIGURES IN SWAFFHAM CHURCH, NORFOLK</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>We cannot, however, show that this is so without
+facing many difficulties created for the most
+part by folklorists themselves. In the first place
+it is necessary to overtake some of the earlier conclusions
+of the great masters of our science. The
+first rush, after the discovery of the mine, led to
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg&nbsp;9]</a></span>the vortex created by the school of comparative mythologists,
+who limited their comparison to the myths
+of Aryan-speaking people, who absolutely ignored the
+evidence of custom, rite, and belief, and who could see
+nothing beyond interpretations of the sun, dawn,
+and sky gods in the parallel stories they were the
+first to discover and value. We need not ignore all
+this work, nor need we be ungrateful to the pioneers
+who executed it. It was necessary that their view
+should be stated, and it is satisfactory that it was
+stated at a time early in the existence of our science,
+because it is possible to clear it all away, or as much of
+it as is necessary, without undue interference with the
+material of which it is composed.</p>
+
+<p>The school of comparative mythologists did not,
+however, entirely control the early progress of the
+study of folklore. There was always a school who
+believed in the foundation of myth being derived from
+the facts of life. Thus Dr. Tylor, in a remarkable
+study of historical traditions and myths of observation,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>
+long ago noted that many of the traditions current
+among mankind were historical in origin. Writing
+nearly forty years ago, he had to submit to the influence,
+then at its height, of Adalbert Kuhn and Max
+M&uuml;ller, and he conceded that there were many traditions
+which were fictional myths. I think this concession
+must now be much more narrowly scrutinised, and
+preparation made for the conclusion that every genuine
+myth is a myth of observation, the observation by men
+in a primitive state of culture, of a fact which had
+struck home to their minds. The question is, to what<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg&nbsp;10]</a></span>
+part of human history does the central fact appertain?
+Here is undoubtedly a most difficult problem. What
+the student has to do is to admit the difficulty, and to
+state, if necessary, that the fact preserved by tradition
+is not in all cases possible to discover with our present
+knowledge. This is a perfectly tenable position.
+Human imagination cannot invent anything that is
+outside of fact. It may, and of course too frequently
+does, misinterpret facts. In attempting to explain and
+account for such facts with insufficient knowledge, it
+gets far away from the truth, but this misinterpretation
+of fact must not be confused with the fact itself. In a
+word, it must be borne in mind by the student of tradition
+that every tradition which has assumed the form
+of saga, myth, or story contains two perfectly independent
+elements&mdash;the fact upon which it is founded, and
+the interpretation of the fact which its founders have
+attempted.</p>
+
+<p>There is further than this. The other branch of
+traditional material, namely that relating to custom,
+belief, and rite, rests upon a solid basis of historic fact;
+customs which are strange and irrational to this age are
+not in consequence to be considered the mere worthless
+following of practices which owe their origin to accident
+or freak; beliefs which do not belong to the established
+religion are not in consequence to be considered as
+mere superstition; rites which were not established
+by authority are not in consequence to be classed as
+mere specimens of popular ignorance. But the difficulties
+in the way of getting all this accepted by the
+historian are many, and, again, not a few of them are the
+creation of the folklorist himself. Not only has he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg&nbsp;11]</a></span>
+neglected to classify and arrange the scattered items of
+custom, belief, and rite, and to ascertain the degree of
+association which the scattered items have with each
+other, but he has set about the far more difficult and
+complex task of comparative study without having
+previously prepared his material.</p>
+
+<p>The historian and the folklorist are thus brought
+face to face with what is expected from both, in order
+that each may work alongside of the other, using each
+other's materials and conclusions at the right moment
+and in the right places. The folklorist has the most to
+do to get his results ready, and to explain and secure
+his position. He has been wandering about in a
+somewhat inconsequential fashion, bent upon finding
+a <i>mythos</i> where he should have sought for a <i>persona</i>
+or a <i>locus</i>, engaged in an extensive quest after parallels
+when he should have been preparing his own material
+for the process of comparative science, seeking for
+origins amidst human error when he should have
+turned to human experience. He has to change all
+this waywardness for systematic study, and this will
+lead him in the first place to disengage from the results
+hitherto obtained those which may be accepted and
+which may form the starting-point for future work.
+But his greatest task will be the reconsideration of
+former results and the rewriting of much that has
+been written on the wrong lines, and when this is
+done we shall have the historian and folklorist meeting
+together in the spirit which Edmund Spenser
+so finely and truly described three centuries ago in
+his treatment of Irish history: "I do herein rely
+upon those bards or Irish chronicles ... but unto<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg&nbsp;12]</a></span>
+them besides I add mine own reading and out of them
+both together with comparison of times likewise of
+manners and customs, affinity of words and manner,
+properties of natures and uses, resemblances of rites
+and ceremonies, monuments of churches and tombs
+and many other like circumstances I do gather a likelihood
+of truth, not certainly affirming anything, but by
+conferring of times language monuments and such like
+I do hunt out a probability of things which I leave to
+your judgment to believe or refuse."<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p>
+
+<p>I shall of course not be able to undertake either
+of these tasks. I shall attempt, however, to indicate
+their scope and importance; and as a preliminary to
+the consideration of the definite departments into which
+the subject falls, it is advisable, I think, to test the
+relationship of tradition to history by means of one
+or two illustrations. It may be that the illustrations I
+shall give are not accepted by all students, that some
+better illustration is forthcoming by further research.
+This is one of the drawbacks from which tradition
+suffers, and must suffer, until our studies are much
+further advanced than they are at present. But I am
+glad to accept this possibility of error as part of the
+case for the study of tradition, because the error of one
+student cannot be held to disqualify the whole subject.
+It only amounts to saying that the particular fact which
+seems to me to be discoverable in the examples dealt
+with has to be surrendered in favour of another particular
+fact. My conclusions may be dismissed, but
+that which is not dismissible is the discoverable fact,
+and it is only when the true fact is discovered in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg&nbsp;13]</a></span>
+each traditional item that previous inferences may be
+neglected or ignored and inquiry cease.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p>
+
+
+<h4>I</h4>
+
+<p>The evidence of historic events which enter into
+tradition relates principally to the earliest periods, but
+much of it relates to periods well within the domain
+of history and yet reveals facts which history has either
+hopelessly neglected or misinterpreted. We shall find
+that these facts, though frequently relating to minor
+events, often have reference to matters of the highest
+national importance, and perhaps nowhere more
+definitely is this the case than in the legends connected
+with particular localities. Of one such tradition
+I will state what a somewhat detailed examination
+tells in this direction. It will, I think, serve as a
+good example of the kind of research that is required
+in each case, and it will illustrate in a rather special
+manner the value of these traditions to history.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>locus</i> of the legend centres round London
+Bridge. The earliest written version of this legend is
+quoted from the MSS. of Sir Roger Twysden, who
+obtained it from "Sir William Dugdale, of Blyth Hall,
+in Warwickshire, in a letter dated 29th January,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg&nbsp;14]</a></span>
+1652-3." Sir William says of it that "it was the
+tradition of the inhabitants as it was told me there,"
+and Sir Roger Twysden adds of it that: "I have since
+learnt from others to be most true." This, therefore, is
+a very respectable origin for the legend, and I will
+transcribe it from Sir William Dugdale's letter which
+begins "the story of the Pedlar of Swaffham-market is
+in substance this":&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"That dreaming one night if he went to London he
+should certainly meet with a man on London Bridge which
+would tell him good news he was so perplext in his mind
+that till he set upon his journey he could have no rest; to
+London therefore he hasts and walk'd upon the Bridge for
+some hours where being espyed by a shopkeeper and asked
+what he wanted he answered you may well ask me that question
+for truly (quoth he) I am come hither upon a very vain
+errand and so told the story of his dream which occasioned
+the journey. Whereupon the shopkeeper reply'd alas good
+friend should I have heeded dreams I might have proved
+myself as very a fool as thou hast, for 'tis not long since that
+I dreamt that at a place called Swaffham Market in Norfolk
+dwells one John Chapman a pedlar who hath a tree in his
+backside under which is buried a pot of money. Now therefore
+if I should have made a journey thither to day for such
+hidden treasure judge you whether I should not have been
+counted a fool. To whom the pedlar cunningly said yes verily
+I will therefore return home and follow my business not heeding
+such dreams hence forward. But when he came home
+being satisfied that his dream was fulfilled he took occasion to
+dig in that place and accordingly found a large pot of money
+which he prudently conceal'd putting the pot amongst the
+rest of his brass. After a time it happen'd that one who
+came to his house and beholding the pot observed an inscription
+upon it which being in Latin he interpreted it that under
+that there was an other twice as good. Of this inscription the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg&nbsp;15]</a></span>
+Pedlar was before ignorant or at least minded it not but when
+he heard the meaning of it he said 'tis very true in the shop
+where I bought this pot stood another under it which was
+twice as big; but considering that it might tend to his further
+profit to dig deeper in the same place where he found that he
+fell again to work and discover'd such a pot as was intimated
+by the inscription full of old coins: notwithstanding all which
+he so conceal'd his wealth that the neighbours took no notice
+of it."<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>Blomefield thought it "somewhat surprising to find
+such considerable persons as Sir William Dugdale
+and Sir Roger Twysden to patronise or credit such a
+monkish legend and tradition savouring so much of
+the cloister, and that the townsmen and neighbourhood
+should also believe it," but I think we shall have
+reason to congratulate ourselves that so good a folk-tale
+was preserved for us of this age.</p>
+
+<p>The next and, it appears, an independent version, is
+given in the <i>Diary of Abraham de la Pryme</i>, under the
+date November 10th, 1699:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"Constant tradition says that there lived in former times,
+in Soffham (Swaffham), <i>alias</i> Sopham, in Norfolk, a certain
+pedlar, who dreamed that if he went to London bridge, and
+stood there, he should hear very joyfull newse, which he at
+first sleighted, but afterwards, his dream being dubled and
+trebled upon him, he resolv'd to try the issue of it, and
+accordingly went to London, and stood on the bridge there
+two or three days, looking about him, but heard nothing
+that might yield him any comfort. At last it happen'd that
+a shopkeeper there, hard by, haveing noted his fruitless<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg&nbsp;16]</a></span>
+standing, seeing that he neither sold any wares nor asked
+any almes, went to him and most earnestly begged to know
+what he wanted there, or what his business was; to which
+the pedlar honestly answer'd, that he had dream'd that if he
+came to London and stood there upon the bridg, he should
+hear good newse; at which the shopkeeper laught heartily,
+asking him if he was such a fool as to take a journey on
+such a silly errand, adding, 'I'll tell thee, country fellow,
+last night I dream'd that I was at Sopham, in Norfolk, a
+place utterly unknown to me, where methought behind a
+pedlar's house in a certain orchard, and under a great oak
+tree, if I digged I should find a vast treasure! Now think
+you,' says he, 'that I am such a fool to take such a long
+jorney upon me upon the instigation of a silly dream? No,
+no, I'm wiser. Therefore, good fellow, learn witt of me,
+and get you home, and mind your business.' The pedlar,
+observeing his words, what he had sayd he had dream'd and
+knowing they concenterd in him, glad of such joyfull newse
+went speedily home, and digged and found a prodigious
+great treasure, with which he grew exceeding rich, and
+Soffham church being for the most part fal'n down he set
+on workmen and reedifyd it most sumptuously, at his own
+charges; and to this day there is his statue therein, cut in
+stone, with his pack at his back, and his dogg at his heels;
+and his memory is also preserved by the same form or
+picture in most of the old glass windows, taverns, and ale-houses
+of that town unto this day."<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>Now this version from Abraham de la Pryme was
+certainly obtained from local sources, and it shows the
+general popularity of the legend, together with the
+faithfulness of the traditional version.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> But other<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg&nbsp;17]</a></span>
+evidence of the traditional force of the story is to be
+found. Observing that De la Pryme's <i>Diary</i> was not
+printed until 1870, though certainly the MS. had been
+lent to antiquaries, it is curious that the following
+almost identical account is told in the <i>St. James's
+Chronicle</i> of November 28th, 1786:&mdash;<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"A Pedlar who lived many Years ago at Swaffham, in
+Norfolk, dreamt, that if he came up to London, and stood
+upon the Bridge, he should hear very joyful News; which he
+at first slighted, but afterwards his Dream being doubled
+and trebled unto him, he resolved to try the Issue of it; and
+accordingly to London he came, and stood on the Bridge for
+two or three Days, but heard nothing which might give him
+Comfort that the Profits of his Journey would be equal to
+his Pains. At last it so happened, that a Shopkeeper there,
+having noted his fruitless standing, seeing that he neither
+sold any Wares, or asked any Alms, went to him, and
+enquired his Business; to which the Pedlar made Answer,
+that being a Countryman, he had dreamt a Dream, that if he
+came up to London, he should hear good News: 'And art
+thou (said the Shopkeeper) such a Fool, to take a Journey
+on such a foolish Errand? Why I tell thee this&mdash;last Night
+I dreamt, that I was at Swaffham, in Norfolk, a Place
+utterly unknown to me, where, methought, behind a Pedlar's
+House, in a certain Orchard, under a great Oak Tree, if I
+digged there, I should find a mighty Mass of Treasure.
+Now think you, that I am so unwise, as to take so long a
+Journey upon me, only by the Instigation of a foolish Dream!
+No, no, far be such Folly from me; therefore, honest
+Countryman, I advise thee to make haste Home again, and
+do not spend thy precious Time in the Expectation of the
+Event of an idle Dream.' The Pedlar, who noted well his
+Words, glad of such joyful News, went speedily Home, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg&nbsp;18]</a></span>
+digged under the Oak, where he found a very large Heap of
+Money; with Part of which, the Church being then lately
+fallen down, he very sumptuously rebuilt it; having his
+Statue cut therein, in Stone, with his Pack on his Back and
+his Dog at his Heels, which is to be seen at this Day. And
+his Memory is also preserved by the same Form, or Picture,
+on most of the Glass Windows of the Taverns and Ale-houses
+in that Town."</p></div>
+
+<p>The differences in these versions are sufficient to
+show independent origin. The identities are sufficient
+to illustrate, in a rather remarkable manner, how closely
+the words of the tradition were always followed. It
+appears from the last words of the contributor to the
+<i>St. James's Chronicle</i>, who signed himself "Z," that
+he heard it by word of mouth about the time of his
+writing it down,<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> so that there is more than a hundred
+years between him and the Dugdale version, which was
+also recorded from "constant tradition."</p>
+
+<p>In Glyde's <i>Norfolk Garland</i> (p. 69), is an account of
+this legend, but with a variant of one incident. The
+box containing the treasure had a Latin inscription on
+the lid, which John Chapman could not decipher. He
+put the lid in his window, and very soon he heard
+some youths turn the Latin sentence into English:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Under me doth lie<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Another much richer than I."<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>And he went to work digging deeper than before,
+and found a much richer treasure than the former.
+Another version of this rhyme is found in <i>Transactions</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg&nbsp;19]</a></span>
+<i>of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society</i> (iii. 318) as
+follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Where this stood<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Is another as good."<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>And both these versions are given by Blomefield.</p>
+
+<p>Now if there were no other places besides Swaffham in
+Norfolk to which this legend is applied the interest in it
+would, of course, not be very great. But there are many
+other places, and we will first note those in Britain.
+The best is from Upsall, in Yorkshire, as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"Many years ago there resided, in the village of Upsall,
+a man who dreamed three nights successively that if he went
+to London Bridge he would hear of something greatly to his
+advantage. He went, travelling the whole distance from
+Upsall to London on foot; arrived there, he took his station
+on the bridge, where he waited until his patience was nearly
+exhausted, and the idea that he had acted a very foolish part
+began to rise in his mind. At length he was accosted by a
+Quaker, who kindly inquired what he was waiting there so
+long for? After some hesitation, he told his dreams. The
+Quaker laughed at his simplicity, and told him that <i>he</i> had
+had last night a very curious dream himself, which was, that
+if he went and dug under a certain bush in Upsall Castle, in
+Yorkshire, he would find a pot of gold; but he did not know
+where Upsall was, and inquired of the countryman if he knew,
+who, seeing some advantage in secrecy, pleaded ignorance
+of the locality, and then, thinking his business in London
+was completed, returned immediately home, dug beneath the
+bush, and there he found a pot filled with gold, and on the
+cover an inscription in a language which he did not understand.
+The pot and cover were, however, preserved at the
+village inn, where one day a bearded stranger like a Jew,
+made his appearance, saw the pot, and read the inscription on
+the cover, the plain English of which was&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0bq">"'Look lower, where this stood<br /></span>
+<span class="i0bq">Is another twice as good.'<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg&nbsp;20]</a></span>
+The man of Upsall hearing this resumed his spade, returned
+to the bush, dug deeper, and found another pot filled with
+gold, far more valuable than the first. Encouraged by this
+discovery, he dug deeper still, and found another yet more
+valuable.</p>
+
+<p>"This is the constant tradition of the neighbourhood, and
+the identical bush yet exists (or did in 1860) beneath which
+the treasure was found; a burtree, or elder, <i>Sambucus nigra</i>,
+near the north-west corner of the ruins of the old castle."<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>It would be tedious to go through other English
+versions,<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> but I must point out that it is connected
+with a London district. This is shown not by the
+actual presence of the legend, which has died out in
+London, but by its representation in the parish church
+of Lambeth. The legend so strongly current at Swaffham,
+in Norfolk, is represented in the church in the
+shape of a carving in wood of a figure to represent the
+pedlar, and below him the figure of what is locally
+called a dog.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> A comparison of this carving with the
+representation of the pedlar's window formerly existing
+in Lambeth Church, but which was sacrilegiously removed
+in 1884 by the late vicar of the parish, shows much
+the same general characteristics, and search among the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg&nbsp;21]</a></span>parish books shows it to relate to a pedlar known by the
+name of Dog Smith, who left property still known by the
+name of the "Pedlar's Acre" to the parish.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> All this
+suggests that we have here the last relics of the pedlar
+legend located in London.</p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus04" id="Illus04"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 338px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_04.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_04th.jpg" width="338" height="400"
+alt="The Pedlar of Lambeth and his dog, figured in the window (now destroyed)
+of Lambeth Church (from Allen&#39;s &quot;History of Lambeth&quot;)."
+title="THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH AND HIS DOG" /></a>
+<span class="caption">THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH AND HIS DOG<br />
+FIGURED IN THE WINDOW (NOW DESTROYED) OF LAMBETH CHURCH</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>The next stage in the history of this legend shows it
+to belong to the world's collection of folk-tales. There
+is, however, a preliminary fact of great significance to
+note, namely that two non-British versions refer to
+London Bridge. Thus a Breton tale refers to London
+Bridge, and the interest of this story is sufficiently
+great to quote it here from its recorder straight from
+the Breton folk:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"Long ago, when the timbers of the most ancient of the
+vessels of Brest were not yet acorns, there were two men in
+a farmhouse in the C&ocirc;tes du Nord disputing, and they were
+disputing about London Bridge. One said it was the most
+beautiful sight in the world, while the other very truly said,
+'No! the grace of the good God was more beautiful still.'
+And as the dispute went on, 'Let us,' said one of them,
+'settle it once and for all, and in this way: let us now this
+moment go out along the high-road and let us ask the first
+three men we meet as to which is the most beautiful&mdash;London
+Bridge or the grace of the good God? And which ever way
+they decide, he who holds the beaten opinion shall lose to
+the other all his possessions, farm and cattle and horses,
+everything.' So each being confident he was right, they
+went out: and the first man they met declared that though
+the grace of the good God was beautiful, London Bridge was
+more beautiful still; and the second the same, and the third.
+And the man whose opinion was beaten, a rich farmer, gave
+up all he had and was a beggar.</p>
+
+<p>"'Now,' said he to himself when the other, taking his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg&nbsp;22]</a></span>
+horse by the bridle, had left him&mdash;'now let me go and see this
+London Bridge which is so wonderfully beautiful;' and,
+being very manful and stout, he set out at once to walk, and
+walking on and on was there by nightfall. But, good
+Christian that he was, he could see in it nothing to shake his
+belief that the grace of the good God was more beautiful
+still.</p>
+
+<p>"Soon the bridge was silent, and the last to cross it had
+gone home; and he, notwithstanding his losses, tired out
+and sleepy, lay down and fell into a doze there; and, while
+he was dozing, there came by two men, and one of them, standing
+quite close by him, said to the other, 'The night is fine,
+the wind gentle, the stars clear! On such a night whoever
+were to collect the dew would be able to heal the blind.'
+'It is true,' answered the other; 'but none know of it.' And
+they passed on, quietly as they had come. Thereupon up
+rose the beggared farmer, and with basin and cup set about
+collecting the dew; and in a very short time performed with
+it the most wonderful cures; finally curing the daughter of a
+neighbouring Emperor who had been blind from her birth,
+and whom her grateful father gave to him at once in
+marriage, since directly she set eyes on him she loved
+him."<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus05" id="Illus05"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 314px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_05.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_05th.jpg" width="314" height="400"
+alt="The pedlar of Lambeth and his dog as drawn in 1786 for Ducarel&#39;s
+&quot;History of Lambeth&quot;."
+title="THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH" /></a>
+<span class="caption">THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH<br />
+FROM DUCAREL'S "HISTORY OF LAMBETH," 1786</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>The second non-British variant, which also attaches
+to London Bridge, is to be found in the <i>Heimskringla</i>,<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>
+and I will quote William Morris's translation:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"West in Valland was a man infirm so that he was a
+cripple and went on knees and knuckles. On a day he was
+abroad on the way and was asleep there. That dreamed he
+that a man came to him glorious of aspect and asked
+whither he was bound and the man named some town or
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg&nbsp;23]</a></span>other. So the glorious man spoke to him: Fare then to
+Olaf's church the one that is in London and thou wilt be whole.
+Thereafter he awoke, and fared to seek Olaf's church and at
+last he came to London bridge and there asked the folk of
+the city if they knew to tell him where was Olaf's church.
+But they answered and said that there were many more
+churches there than they might wot to what man they were
+hallowed. But a little thereafter came a man to him who
+asked whither he was bound and the cripple told him. And
+sithence said that man: We twain shall fare both to the
+church of Olaf for I know the way thither. Therewith they
+fared over the bridge and went along the street which led to
+Olaf's church. But when they came to the lich gate then
+strode that one over the threshold of the gate but the cripple
+rolled in over it and straightway rose up a whole man.
+But when he looked around him his fellow farer was
+vanished."</p></div>
+
+<p>I shall have to refer again to these Breton and Norse
+versions, because of their retention of London Bridge
+as the locale of the story, in common with all the versions
+which have been found in Britain. In the meantime
+it is to be noted that the remaining non-British
+variants are told of other bridges and other places.
+Holland, Denmark, Italy, Cairo, have their representative
+variants;<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> and it thus presents to the student of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg&nbsp;24]</a></span>
+tradition an excellent example for inquiry as to the
+value to history of legends world-wide in their distribution
+attaching themselves to historical localities.</p>
+
+<p>There are some obvious features about this group of
+traditions, which at once lead to interesting questions.
+There is first the fact that all the British variants of the
+treasure stories centre round London Bridge; secondly,
+there is the extension beyond Britain to the Breton
+variant and the Norse variant, both non-British
+legends, of which the <i>locus</i> is London Bridge. From
+these two facts it is clear that London Bridge had
+some special influence at a period of its history which
+dates before the separation of the Breton folk from
+their Celtic brethren in Britain, for the Bretons would
+not after their separation acquire a London Bridge
+tradition; and again at a period of its history when
+Norse legend and saga were fashioning. In the one
+case the myth-makers must have been Celts of the
+fourth century, and the only bridge known to these
+Celts must have been that belonging to Roman Lundinium;
+in the other case the myth-makers were
+Norsemen, and the bridge known to them was the
+later bridge so frequently referred to in the chronicle
+accounts of the Danish and Norse invasions of
+England.</p>
+
+<p>It is not difficult, by a joint appeal to history
+and folklore, to trace out from this very definite
+starting-point the events which brought about this
+particular specialisation of the world-spread treasure
+myths.</p>
+
+<p>Obviously the first point to note is that London
+Bridge loomed out greatly in the minds and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg&nbsp;25]</a></span>
+understanding of people at two distinct periods of its history.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>
+That the first period relates to its building is suggested
+by the date supplied by the evidence of the Breton
+version. The people who wondered at its building,
+or the results of its building, were certainly not the
+builders themselves, and we thus see a distinction in
+culture between the bridge builders and the wonder
+builders. This condition is exactly provided for by
+the building of the earliest London Bridge. It was a
+work of the Romans of Lundinium,<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> and the people
+who stood in wonder at this great enterprise were not
+the Roman engineers and builders, accustomed to such
+undertakings all over the then known world, and they
+must therefore have been the surrounding non-Roman
+people, who were the Celtic tribesmen. Now the culture-antagonism
+between the Romans of Lundinium and
+the Celts of Britain is, I believe, a factor of great importance,<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>
+though almost universally neglected by our
+historians, because they do not study the facts of early
+history on anthropological lines. Not only is it discoverable,
+as I think, from the facts of history, but the
+facts of tradition confirm the facts of history at all
+points. Thus I think it is important, if we can, to
+obtain independent testimony of the attitude of the
+surrounding people to the builders of London Bridge.
+We can do this by reference to the peasant beliefs<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg&nbsp;26]</a></span>
+concerning bridges, as, for instance, in Ireland, where
+on passing over a bridge they invariably pulled off
+their hats and prayed for the soul of the builder of the
+bridge,<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> and to the fact that the Romans themselves
+looked upon bridge-building as a sacred function, and
+would no doubt use this part of their work to the
+fullest extent, in order to impress the barbarism opposed
+to them.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> The extent of this impression may probably
+be contained in the old and widely spread nursery
+rhyme of "London Bridge is Broken Down," an
+examination of which has led Mrs. Gomme to conclude
+that it contains reference to an ancient belief that the
+building of the bridge was accompanied by human
+sacrifice.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> This conclusion is confirmed by the preservation
+in Wales of a bridge-sacrifice tradition. It
+relates to the "Devil's Bridge" near Beddgelert.
+"Many of the ignorant people of the neighbourhood
+believe that this structure was formed by supernatural
+agency. The devil proposed to the neighbouring inhabitants
+that he would build them a bridge across the
+pass, on condition that he should have the first who
+went over it for his trouble. The bargain was made,
+and the bridge appeared in its place, but the people
+cheated the devil by dragging a dog to the spot and
+whipping him over the bridge."<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> This is a distinct
+trace of a substituted animal sacrifice for an original
+human sacrifice. But this is a practice which sends
+us back to the most primitive times, and in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg&nbsp;27]</a></span>
+particular we are referred to an exact parallel in India,
+where, on the governing English determining to build
+a bridge of engineering proportions and strength
+over the Hoogley River at Calcutta, the native Hindu
+tribesmen immediately believed that the first requirement
+would be a human sacrifice for the foundation.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>
+The traditions attaching to London Bridge are therefore
+identical with the current beliefs concerning the
+Hoogley Bridge, and the culture-relationship of the
+bridge-builders to the surrounding people in both cases
+is that of an advanced civilisation to tribesmen. Now
+if these conditions of modern India are repetitions
+of the conditions of ancient Britain in the days of
+Lundinium, and of this there can be but little doubt,
+there is no difficulty in understanding to what part of
+history these traditions have led us. We are again in
+the days when London Bridge was a marvel&mdash;a marvel
+which sent travelling through the Celtic homes of
+Britain a new application of the treasure myth which they
+had inherited from remote ancestors. The marvel lived
+on through the ages when London was in the unique
+position of being an undestroyed city in Saxon times,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg&nbsp;28]</a></span>
+times which witnessed the destruction of all other cities
+of Roman foundation,<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> and the sending forth of the
+Celtic refugees to Brittany.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> The accumulation during
+a long-continuing period of conceptions of treasure being
+found by way of the bridge leading to London, would
+become the direct force for keeping the tradition alive;
+and while the facts of history show us the important
+position of London during the period which witnessed
+the departure of the Celtic Bretons to their continental
+home,<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> the facts of tradition show us the Celtic tribesmen
+deeming it a way to wealth through the magic
+potency of dreamland. The Celtic tribesmen stood
+outside Roman Lundinium. Its life was not their life,
+and their conversion of its position into a mythic
+treasure house or a mythic road to treasure, and their
+association of it with the bloody rites of the foundation
+sacrifice, are in strict accord with the historical relationship
+of the tribal life of Celtic Britain to the city life of
+Roman Lundinium.</p>
+
+<p>I may be permitted perhaps to emphasise this significant
+accordance of history and tradition when working
+together. I have already alluded to the fact that I
+have worked out the history of London independently,
+and upon lines quite different from the present study.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg&nbsp;29]</a></span>
+I have therefore a wider grasp of the two currents of
+history and folklore in this particular case than could
+in the ordinary way fall either to the historian or to the
+folklorist. That I can find in both just the complementary
+facts which help to realise the whole situation,
+to fill in the gaps of history which nowhere directly
+tells of the relationship of Roman Lundinium to the
+British Celts, to extend the outlook of folklore which
+nowhere recognises that there was a great Roman city
+of Lundinium which would dominate the minds of
+those not trained to city life, is a fortunate circumstance
+which neither historian nor folklorist is likely to repeat
+frequently, and I am entitled, I think, to claim the
+utmost from it. I can at least claim that it answers all
+the facts in a way that has not yet been accomplished.
+Thus Sir John Rhys has discussed the treasure legend
+and he can only account for it as part of the mythical
+trappings of Arthur into which "London Bridge is
+introduced," because London Bridge "formerly loomed
+very large in the popular imagination as one of the
+chief wonders of London." Sir John Rhys refers for
+confirmation of this to the "notion cherished as to
+London and London Bridge by the country people of
+Wales even within my own memory," and then goes on
+to say that "the fashion of selecting London Bridge as
+the opening scene of a treasure legend had been set
+perhaps by a widely spread English story," that of the
+Pedlar of Swaffham.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> All this is very unsatisfactory.
+Modern notions of this sort would not set the fashion<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg&nbsp;30]</a></span>
+two centuries ago, nor extend it to Brittany. Nor is
+the suggestion in accord with other evidence as to the
+extension of tradition. What has happened is that the
+Arthur cycle has appropriated two London Bridge
+traditions and has worked them up into the Arthur
+form, the traditions themselves belonging to the far
+older period to which I have here referred them&mdash;a
+period when the burial of treasure was a necessary
+corollary to the events which were happening.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> Buried
+treasure legends are found all over the country. They
+belong to the period of conquest and fighting. They
+are the evidence which tradition yields of the unrest of
+the times which caused them to arise. They are the
+fragments of history which tradition has preserved,
+while history has coldly passed them by.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg&nbsp;31]</a></span>
+With this in the background as the <i>corpus</i> of a
+legend-covered London Bridge, we come to the second
+period.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg&nbsp;32]</a></span>
+London Bridge to the Norsemen of the tenth and
+eleventh centuries was a place of fierce fighting and
+struggle, a place of victory and death. The saga
+takes pains to describe this wondrous bridge<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> before
+it describes the great fight there and its capture by
+King Olaf, a fight which produced a war-rhyme which,
+in Laing's version, begins with the same words as the
+English nursery rhyme, "London Bridge is broken
+down!"<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> and which Morris renders as a tribute to
+King Olaf, "thou brakest down London Bridge."
+There is little wonder, then, that the men of King Olaf
+took back with them to saga-land a great memory of
+this bridge and this fight, transferred to it their own
+variant of the world-wide treasure legend, and made
+a legend not of money treasure, but of regained health
+to a crippled warrior. The corresponding non-British
+version of Brittany helps us to understand that the
+cure of disease was originally associated with the gains
+of treasure, and in the Norse version the treasure incident
+is altogether dropped, but in its place is the
+recovery of health, a treasure more in accord with the
+sterner needs and recollections of a great fight. The
+Norse story is helpful to us as showing how London
+Bridge could enter into the legends of a people, and
+remain with them even after that people was no longer
+living in Britain, and it becomes therefore a valuable
+addition to the evidence for the more ancient transference
+from Britain to Brittany of the original legend.</p>
+
+<p>Altogether the piecing together of the items of historical
+value in this legend is most complete. We have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg&nbsp;33]</a></span>
+not only recovered for history hitherto lost conceptions
+of the place held by Roman Lundinium among the Celtic
+tribesmen, but we have recovered also evidence of
+the true culture-position of the Celtic tribesmen towards
+their Roman conquerors. The examination of this
+legend may have been long and tedious, but the result
+is, I think, commensurate. It illustrates the power of
+tradition to set historical data in their proper environment,
+to restore the proportion which they bear to unrecorded
+history, and if the student will but follow the
+evidence carefully, I think he will find these results.</p>
+
+<p>We will take a step forward, and turn from local to
+personal attachments of tradition. There is a whole
+class of traditions attached to personages about whose
+historical existence there can be but little doubt, and
+just because of the accretion of tradition round them
+their historical existence has oftentimes been denied.
+The most famous example in our history is of course
+King Arthur, and so great an authority as Sir John
+Rhys is obliged to resort to a special argument to account
+for the problems he is faced with. He argues, and
+argues strongly, for an historic Arthur&mdash;an Arthur who
+was the British successor of the Roman emperor after
+Britain had ceased to be a part of the Roman Empire.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>
+But because of the myths which have grown round
+him, he suggests that there must also have been "a
+Brythonic divinity named Arthur," and we are thus
+introduced to a dual study of history and myth which
+does not appear to me to take us very far, and which,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg&nbsp;34]</a></span>
+in fact, just separates history from myth, instead of
+showing where they join hands. This dual conception
+of myth is indeed a rather favourite resort of those
+scholars who cannot appreciate the evidence that
+proves a character in a mythic tradition to be an actual
+historical personage. It is the basis of the famous
+Sigfried-Arminius controversy. It does duty in many
+less important cases,<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> and most frequently in connection
+with northern mythology, where the line between
+mythic and historical events gathering round a hero is
+generally so finely drawn as to be almost imperceptible.
+But it is so obviously a piece of special pleading on
+self-created lines that other explanation is needed. And
+another explanation is to be obtained if only students
+will rely upon the evidence of tradition itself instead
+of appealing to every fancy derived from sources which
+have nothing to do with tradition.</p>
+
+<p>The history of King Arthur has been the subject of
+inquiry too frequently for it to be possible in these
+pages to discuss the dual theory as it has been applied
+to him, but I will attempt to show that it is quite
+unnecessary thus to explain the history of King Arthur
+by turning to the history of another of our great heroic
+figures, one of the greatest to my mind, who, like
+Arthur, has secured not only a fair share of special
+tradition belonging to himself personally, but a larger<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg&nbsp;35]</a></span>
+share than others of that corpus of tradition which has
+descended from our earliest unknown ancestors, and
+become attached to the historical hero of later times&mdash;I
+mean, Hereward, the last of the Saxon defenders of his
+land against William the Norman.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> The analysis of the
+Hereward legend affords a good example of the process
+by which tradition is preserved by historical fact, and in
+its turn helps to unravel the real history which lies at
+the source. Instead, therefore, of attempting to travel
+over the voluminous literature which is the outcome of
+the King Arthur story, I will use for the same purpose
+the shorter story of Hereward the Englishman.</p>
+
+<p>We start with the fact that Hereward is unknown to
+history until his great stand in the Island of Ely
+against the might of William, the conqueror of England.
+And yet to the banners of this "unknown"
+chieftain there flocked the discontented heroism of
+England, men ranking from the noble to the peasant,
+and including such great figures as Morcar, Edwine,
+and Waltheof. I always think, too, that the little band
+of Berkshire men, who started across the country to
+join Hereward in the fens, and were intercepted and
+cut to pieces by a Norman troop,<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> give us more than
+a passing glimpse at the estimation in which Hereward
+was held by his countrymen. Such a man commanding
+so much, in face of so much, could not have been
+the unknown person which history makes him.</p>
+
+<p>How then can we ascertain why he was held in such<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg&nbsp;36]</a></span>
+estimation? History being quite silent, tradition
+steps into the gap. It is the tradition recorded in post-Herewardian
+times, be it noted. In this great body of
+tradition, contained in a Latin MS. of the twelfth
+century, he journeys to Scotland, where he slew a bear
+and saved the people whom it had oppressed; from
+thence to Cornwall, where he fought and slew a great
+champion, the lover of the princess; from thence to
+Ireland, where he assisted the King in war, and back
+again to Cornwall to rescue again the princess from
+a distasteful wooer, and, finally, to Flanders. Even in
+the camp of the Norman, which he visits in traditional
+fashion, he has an adventure with witches which takes
+us to the worship of wells. Much of his adventure
+is but the application of well-known traditional events,<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>
+and it is important to note that the geography of
+the supposed travels belongs to the very home of
+tradition, the unknown territories of the Celts, Ireland,
+Cornwall, and Scotland.</p>
+
+<p>Now all this tradition is certainly not true of Hereward.
+But what it does is to certify to his greatness in
+the eyes of his countrymen, to show that his countrymen
+were anxious to explain why he was so great in
+<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 1070, and why before that date he was unknown
+to them. This is an important point to have gained.
+It shows the vacuum which was occupied by tradition
+because contemporary, or nearly contemporary,
+thought required it to be filled up. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg&nbsp;37]</a></span>
+popular mind abhors a vacuum as much as the
+material world of nature does. It will fill it with its
+own conceptions, if it cannot fill it with recognised
+facts. Hereward must have been a famous man when
+he took his stand in the fens of Ely. That his biographers
+explain his fame by the application of ancient
+traditions is only saying that his countrymen reckoned
+his fame as of the very highest; ordinary current events
+of the day would not suit their ideas of the fitness of
+things. Hereward was as Alfred had been, as Arthur
+had been, and so he must have his share of the national
+tradition, even as these heroes had. To say less of
+him was to have put him below the others. And
+history in this case could not help, for it was in the
+hands of Hereward's enemies, and they were careful to
+say nothing or very little of English heroes at this
+period. The great battle of Hastings had been lost,
+but of all the English men who had fought and died
+there we only know of three names beyond those of the
+king and his house. Leofric the abbot of Peterborough,
+Godric the sheriff of Berkshire, and Asgar
+the sheriff of London, have become known by accident,
+as it were. All others are unnamed and unhonoured.
+Therefore, when the great deeds of Hereward came to
+be chronicled, it was not enough to say he was at
+Hastings; the deeds of old must be chronicled of him
+as they had been chronicled of others.</p>
+
+<p>This accretion of popular tradition to account for the
+fame of Hereward when he took command at Ely,
+though it proclaims in the strongest terms that Hereward
+was famous in the eyes of his countrymen, displaces
+history therefore. Putting the case in this way,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg&nbsp;38]</a></span>
+we may proceed to examine what recorded history
+exactly has to say of Hereward, and then by noting
+what it has left unsaid, we may perhaps be able to fill
+the gap by a reasonable deduction from the facts. In
+Domesday there are clearly two Herewards, one having
+lands in Lincolnshire in the time of King Edward and
+<i>not</i> at the date of the survey, the other having lands in
+Warwickshire in the time of King Edward and <i>also</i>
+at the date of the survey. Here we have two widely
+different counties and two widely different conditions,
+and it is right with all the evidence to conclude that
+they relate to different personages. The Lincolnshire
+Hereward is the hero of the fens. He held of the
+abbot of Peterborough, and Ulfcytil, who was appointed
+in 1062, was the abbot in question. This
+brings us to only four years before the battle of Hastings,
+and another entry in Domesday, thanks to the
+scholarship of Mr. Round, proves that Hereward
+was deprived of his Lincolnshire lands not before but
+after the great fights at Hastings and in the fens.
+Therefore the story shapes itself somewhat in this
+fashion. Hereward was in England in 1062. He was
+then a man of the abbot of Peterborough; that is to
+say, a tenant bound to perform military service to his
+lord. His lord, the abbot, was at Hastings with his
+tenants, and fought there. That Hereward of all the
+abbot's tenants should have followed his lord to
+Hastings is more than likely; the strange thing would
+be that he should not have done so. That going
+thither nameless among the many, he should gain
+experience under Harold, though no fame has come to
+him through the historians from a field where Saxon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg&nbsp;39]</a></span>
+fame was buried; that his own genius should make
+him use his experience when need arose; that among
+the English all survivors from that field who were still
+unwilling to bow the knee to William would be
+reckoned as heroes by their depressed countrymen;
+that on this account alone he would be given rank
+above Morcar, who had kept away from Hastings&mdash;are
+the conclusions to be drawn legitimately from the
+silence as well as the actual records of history, compared
+with the story told by tradition. History and
+tradition are in accord, not in conflict; the gaps of
+history are filled by tradition&mdash;that tradition which was
+suitable and worthy of so great a hero, namely the
+ancient tradition told of all heroes. Reopening these
+gaps and putting in its right place the tradition which
+had hitherto prevented them from being seen, we are
+able to appeal to history to yield up the true story of
+one of the greatest of English heroes, a story which
+shows him to have been at Hastings by the side of
+Harold, to have won fame there, to have continued the
+fight for English liberty as leader of the English
+patriots, and to have earned a place in the unsung
+English epic.</p>
+
+<p>But his place in English tradition helps us to understand
+the value and position of tradition in such cases.
+The traditions clustering round the name of Hereward
+do not compel us to interpret them as Hereward facts.
+The historian, however, need not on this account fear
+for Hereward. He should rather value the traditions
+as evidence of the greatness of the English hero among
+the conquered English. They applied to him the
+legends of their oldest heroes. All that was delightful<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg&nbsp;40]</a></span>
+to them in tradition was attached to their present hero.
+He was worthy of a place among their greatest. And
+thus the fact of added tradition brings out the estimate
+of the worth of the hero to those among whom he lived
+and for whom he fought.</p>
+
+<p>The traditions themselves belong to far other times,
+and the facts contained in them must be interpreted from
+the oldest ideas of our race. It is only by thus disengaging
+the traditions which have grown round the
+historical person that the correct interpretation of the
+position can be attempted, and when that is done we
+are left, not with a mass of uncertain and misleading
+testimony about a national hero, but with certain definite
+historical facts belonging to Hereward, and certain
+traditions attached to Hereward, certifying to his
+great place in the popular estimation, telling of facts
+which do not, it is true, belong to Hereward, but which,
+in a special sense, belong to the people who were
+reverencing Hereward.</p>
+
+<p>If I have made it clear from these examples that the
+explanation of historic fact and mythic tradition in
+combination does not lead either to the discrediting of
+history or to the creation of new mythic realms, I
+need not dwell much longer on this class of illustrations
+of the relationship between history and tradition. Over
+and over again, in the local records, are examples to be
+found where history is in close contact with tradition,
+and I am far more inclined to question the evidence
+which proves the falseness of any authenticated tradition
+than I am to trust all the statements which do duty
+for history. It is not only the traditions looming largely
+in popular interest, but some of the smallest local<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg&nbsp;41]</a></span>
+traditions which throw light on great historical events.
+They may tell us not merely of the great historical
+event, but of the peculiar relationship of parts of the
+kingdom to that event, which no purely historical evidence
+could by any possibility explain. One of the most
+striking examples is, perhaps, the Sussex tradition of
+"Duke" William as a conqueror.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> The title Duke is
+here faithfully recorded of the great conqueror, who
+everywhere else in England, both in historical documents
+and in the popular language, is referred to as
+king. The explanation is, if the identification of this
+tradition with the great Norman king is correct, that
+Sussex being more or less separated from the rest of
+the country by its great weald, carried its own tradition
+of the bloody field at Hastings sufficiently long and
+uninterrupted for it to be stamped upon the minds of
+the people in its original form, and thus to remain. No
+better evidence could be found for the relationship of
+Sussex to this great event. All the chapters in Mr.
+Freeman's great history do not impress the imagination
+so strongly as this one fact, that William the Conqueror
+has always been Duke William to the Sussex folk. He
+was Duke William to the fen folk, too. They fought
+for their belief and were compelled to accept his kingship.
+The Sussex folk fought, too, and they handed
+down their conception of the great fight to their children.</p>
+
+<p>A good example of a slightly different kind occurs
+in connection with Kett's rebellion in Norfolk. It
+was associated with a prophecy that said, "there
+shulde lande at Walborne hope the proudest prince of
+Christendome, and so shall come to Moshold heethe,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg&nbsp;42]</a></span>
+and there shuld mete with other ij kinges, and shall
+fyght and shalbe put down: and the whyte lyon shuld
+optayne" the mastery. And yet this prophecy goes
+much further back, for the Danes are said to have
+landed at Weybourne Hope in their invasions, and the
+old <ins class="correction" title="'ryhme' in original">rhyme</ins>
+is still remembered in the county:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"He that would England win<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Must at Weybourn Hope begin."<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a><br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>This is an example of the forcible revival of an ancient
+tradition to suit a later fact, and is evidence of the
+enormous impression which the event to which it refers
+had upon the locality. Kett's rebellion was one thing
+to the nation at large and quite another thing to this
+district of Norfolk, and the great events of the tenth
+century preserved in legend were equated with the
+minor events of the sixteenth century, thus enabling
+us to understand better the depth of the local feeling
+which produced these events.</p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus06" id="Illus06"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_06.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_06th.jpg" width="400" height="269"
+alt="Plan of the site of the &quot;Heaven Walls&quot; at Litlington,
+near Royston, Cambridgeshire (reprinted from &quot;Arch&aelig;ologia&quot;)."
+title="PLAN OF THE SITE OF THE &quot;HEAVEN WALLS&quot; AT LITLINGTON,
+ROYSTON, CAMBRIDGESHIRE" /></a>
+<span class="caption">PLAN OF THE SITE OF THE "HEAVEN WALLS" AT LITLINGTON,
+ROYSTON, CAMBRIDGESHIRE</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>Both local and personal traditions are of interest in
+the unravelling of the meaning of historical events, and
+the forces at the back of them, and I will add a note of
+one or two examples of those humbler traditions which
+confirm or enhance the value of the historical record.
+They are of the greatest importance if correctly understood.
+They include such examples, for instance, as
+Mr. Kemble notes when he says, "I have more than
+once walked, ridden, or rowed, as land and stream
+required, round the bounds of Anglo-Saxon estates, and
+have learned with astonishment that the names recorded
+in my charter were those still used by the woodcutter or
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg&nbsp;43]</a></span>the shepherd of the neighbourhood."<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> This is remarkable
+testimony to the persistence of tradition. It is the
+commencing point of a whole series of examples which
+go to show that embedded in the memories of the
+people, and supported by no other force but tradition,
+there are innumerable traces of historic fact.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p>
+
+<p>A stage forward, in the same class of tradition, are
+those examples of special names which indicate an
+important or impressive event, the real nature of
+which is only revealed by modern discovery. Thus
+perhaps the "White Horse Stone" at Aylesford, in
+Kent, the legend of which is that one who rode a
+beast of this description was killed on or about this
+spot,<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> may take us back to the great battle at Crayford,
+where Horsa was killed. Another kind of local tradition
+is perhaps more instructive. Immediately contiguous
+to the north side of the Roman road at
+Litlington, near Royston, were some strips of unenclosed,
+but cultivated, land, which in ancient deeds
+from time immemorial had been called "Heaven's<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg&nbsp;44]</a></span>
+Walls." Traditional awe attached to this spot, and
+the village children were afraid to traverse it after dark,
+when it was said to be frequented by supernatural
+beings. Here is subject for inquiry. Both words
+in the name are significant. Why the allusion to
+Heaven; why is a field called walls? The problem
+was solved in 1821, for in that year some labourers
+were digging for gravel on this spot, and they struck
+upon an old wall composed of flint and Roman brick.
+This accidental discovery was followed up by Dr.
+Webb, and the wall was found to enclose a rectangular
+space measuring about thirty-eight yards by twenty-seven,
+and containing numerous deposits of sepulchral
+urns containing ashes of the dead. It was clear
+from the results of the excavations that here was
+one of those large plots of ground environed by
+walls to which the name of <i>ustrinum</i> was given
+by the Romans,<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> a fact which was preserved in the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg&nbsp;45]</a></span>name long after the site had lost every trace of its
+origin.</p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus07" id="Illus07"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_07.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_07th.jpg" width="400" height="240"
+alt="Sketch of Litlington Field, (reprinted from &quot;Arch&aelig;ologia&quot;)."
+title="LITLINGTON FIELD" /></a>
+<span class="caption">LITLINGTON FIELD</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>I will refer to one more local example. In Dorsetshire
+and Wiltshire fairs are held upon sites which
+are often marked by the remains of ancient works, or
+distinguished by some dim tradition of vanished importance.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>
+One has only to refer to the history of the
+market as "a contribution to the early history of
+human intercourse" as Mr. Grierson puts it,<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> and to
+the extremely important and archaic constitution of the
+market, a glimpse of which has been afforded by Sir
+Henry Maine, alone among scholars who have investigated
+earliest English institutions, to know how
+valuable such a note as this must be if it can be confirmed
+by extended research. Local investigation of
+these places and their traditions would, no doubt, lead
+to many points in the tribal settlement of the district,
+an important fact of history nowhere found in history.</p>
+
+<p>No one, I think, taking into consideration this view<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg&nbsp;46]</a></span>
+of the relationship of local and personal traditions to
+history will deny that history is likely to gain much by
+the proper interpretation of such traditions. Every
+yard of British territory has its historic interest, and
+there are innumerable peaks above the general level
+which should be worth much to national history. Every
+epoch of British history has its great personage, who
+in popular opinion stands out from among his fellows.
+When once it is understood that traditions attaching to
+places and persons yield facts of a kind worth searching
+for, there will arise the desire to obtain all that is now
+obtainable from this source, and to add thereto the
+deductions to be drawn from their geographical distribution.</p>
+
+
+<h4>II</h4>
+
+<p>If the accretion of myth around the lives of great
+historic personages, and the persistence of tradition
+in historic localities, may be accepted as one phase
+of the necessary relationship of tradition to history,
+we may proceed to inquire how far the unattached
+traditions, the folk-tales pure and simple, contain
+or are based upon historic details. These details
+will not tell us of any one historic personage, or relate
+to any one historic locality, but will relate to
+the peoples before personages and localities figured
+in their history, and will explain facts in culture-history
+rather than in political history. We shall be
+approaching the period before written history had
+begun, and for which, so far as written history is
+concerned, we are dependent upon foreign or outside
+authority. I think, perhaps, Dr. Karl Pearson has<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg&nbsp;47]</a></span>
+put the case for this view in the best form. "As we
+read fairy stories to our children," he says,</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"we may study history for ourselves. No longer oppressed
+with the unreal and the <i>baroque</i>, we may see primitive human
+customs and the life of primitive man and woman cropping
+out at almost every sentence of the nursery tale.
+Written history tells us little of these things, they must
+be learnt, so to speak, from the mouths of babes. But
+there they are in the <i>M&auml;rchen</i>, as invaluable fossils for those
+who will stoop to pick them up and study them. Back in
+the far past we can build up the life of our ancestry&mdash;the
+little kingdom, the queen or her daughter as king maker,
+the simple life of the royal household, and the humble candidate
+for the kingship, the priestess with her control of the
+weather and her power over youth and maid. In the dimmest
+distance we can see traces of the earlier kindred group
+marriage, and in the near foreground the beginnings of that
+fight with patriarchal institutions which led the priestess to
+be branded by the new Christian civilization as the evil-working
+witch of the Middle Ages."<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>I should not have ventured to quote this long passage
+if my own studies, before Dr. Pearson's book
+was published in 1897, had not led me to much the
+same conclusions.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> But Dr. Pearson assists me in
+a special way. His methods are scientific. He is
+not a folklorist because he loves folklore, but because<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg&nbsp;48]</a></span>
+he sees in it the materials for elucidating the early life
+of man. He is not, so to speak, prejudiced in its
+favour. He brings to his aid the practical mind of
+the statistician and the psychologist, and his conclusions
+may not, therefore, be put on one side as easily
+as those of myself and other students of folklore.</p>
+
+<p>It is due to the folklorist, however, to say that
+this aspect of the folk-tale had already been discovered
+by one of the greatest of the earlier collectors of
+traditional lore, the late Mr. J.&nbsp;F. Campbell. Thus,
+writing, in 1860, of his grand collection of "Highland
+Tales," Mr. Campbell very truly says: "The
+tales represent the actual everyday life of those who
+tell them, with great fidelity. They have done the
+same, in all likelihood, time out of mind, and that which
+is not true of the present is, in all probability, true of
+the past; and therefore something may be learned of
+forgotten ways of life."<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> Readers of Mr. Campbell's
+books well know how he has traced out from these traditions
+from the nursery, identical customs with Highland
+everyday life, and relics also of a long-forgotten past
+state of things; how he points to the records of the
+stone age and the iron age in these representatives of
+the scientific memoirs of the past; how very significantly
+he answers his own supposition, that if these
+tales "are dim recollections of savage times and savage
+people, then other magic gear, the property of giants,
+fairies, and bogles, should resemble things which are
+precious now amongst savage or half-civilized tribes, or
+which really have been prized amongst the old inhabitants
+of these islands or of other parts of the world."<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg&nbsp;49]</a></span>
+This is an extremely important conclusion on the
+relationship of history and tradition, and it will be well
+to illustrate it by turning to some obvious details of
+primitive life, which are to be seen with more or less
+clearness enshrined in the folk-tales which have been
+preserved in our own country.</p>
+
+<p>In Kennedy's <i>Fireside Stories of Ireland</i>, it is related
+in one of the tales that there was no window to the mud-wall
+cabin, and the door was turned to the north;<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>
+and then, again, we have this picture given to us in
+another story: on a common that had in the middle of
+it a rock or great pile of stones overgrown with furze
+bushes, there was a dwelling-house, and a cow-house,
+and a goat's-house, and a pigsty all scooped out
+of the rock; and the cows were going into the byre,
+and the goats into their house, but the pigs were grunting
+and bawling before the door.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> This takes us to the
+surroundings of the cave-dwelling people.</p>
+
+<p>Then in other places we come across relics of ancient
+agricultural life preserved in these stories. In the Irish
+story of "Hairy Rouchy" the heroine is fastened by
+her wicked sisters in a pound,<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> an incident not mentioned
+in the parallel Highland tale related by Campbell.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>
+Many Irish stories contain details of primitive life that
+the Scottish variants do not contain. The field that
+was partly cultivated with corn and partly pasture for
+the cow,<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> the grassy ridge upon which the princess
+sat, and the furrows wherein her two brothers were
+lying,<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> are instances.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg&nbsp;50]</a></span>
+A great question arises here. If the Scotch story does
+not mention the primitive incident mentioned in the Irish
+story, does it mean that the Irish story has retained for
+a longer time the details of its primitive original? Or
+does it mean that it has absorbed more of surrounding
+Irish life into it than the Scotch story has of surrounding
+Scottish life?</p>
+
+<p>These details must have a place in the elucidation
+of Irish folk-tales, because they have a very distinct
+place indeed in primitive institutions; and it hence
+becomes a question to folklorists as to how they have
+entered into, or escaped from, the narrative of traditional
+story. It appears to me that the appearance
+or non-appearance of these phases of early life are
+typical of what has been going on with the plot
+and structure of folk-tales as long as they have remained
+the traditional treasures of the people. A
+story identical in all the main outlines of plot will be
+varied in matters of detail, according to the people who
+are using it in their daily routine of story-telling. But
+this variation is always from the primitive to the
+cultured, from the simple to the complex. The mud-cabin
+or cave-dwelling in Irish story would have developed
+into the palace in stories of a richer country like
+England; the old woman, young girl, master and servant,
+would become perhaps the queen, princess, king
+and vassal; just as in Spanish and Portuguese stories
+the giant of other European tales is represented by
+"the Moor." If this process of change is a factor
+in the life of the folk-tale, it follows that those folk-tales
+which contain the greatest number of primitive
+details are the most ancient, and come to us more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg&nbsp;51]</a></span>
+directly from the prehistoric times which they represent.</p>
+
+<p>We may gather warrant for such a conclusion if we
+pass from small details to a distinct institution. The
+institution which stands out most clearly in early history
+is the tribe, and I will therefore turn to an element
+of ancient tribal life, and an element which has to do
+with the practical organisation of that life, namely, the
+tribal assembly. We find that the folk-tale records
+under its fairy or non-historic guise many important
+recollections of the assembly of the tribe. One very
+natural feature of this assembly in early times was its
+custom of meeting in the open air&mdash;a custom which
+in later times still obtained, for reasons which were
+the outcome of the prejudices existing in favour of
+keeping up old customs. These reasons are recorded
+in the formula of Anglo-Saxon times, that meetings
+should not be held in any building, lest magic might
+have power over the members of the assembly.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></p>
+
+<p>Before turning to the tales of our own country, I will
+first see whether savage and barbaric tales have recorded
+anything on the subject, for their picture of the
+tribal assembly, when revealed in the folk-tale, belongs
+to the period which might have witnessed the making
+of the story, and which certainly witnessed the tribal
+organisation of the people as a living institution.
+Dr. Callaway, in his <i>Nursery Tales and Traditions
+of the Zulus</i>, relates a story of "the Girl-King."
+"Where there are many young women," says the
+story, "they assemble on the river where they live,
+and appoint a chief over the young women, that no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg&nbsp;52]</a></span>
+young woman may assume to act for herself. Well,
+then they assemble and ask each other, 'Which among
+the damsels is fit to be chief and reign well?' They
+make many inquiries; one after another is nominated
+and rejected, until at length they agree together to
+appoint one, saying, 'Yes, so and so shall reign.'"<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>
+However far this may be actually separated from the
+political assembly of the Zulus, there is no doubt we
+have here a folk-tale adaptation of events which were
+happening around the relators of the tale. This is
+all I am anxious to state, indeed. What in the folk-tale
+was related of the girl-king, was a reflex only of
+what happened when the political chieftain himself was
+concerned.</p>
+
+<p>This, perhaps, is still better illustrated if we turn to
+India. In the story of "How the Three Clever Men
+outwitted the Demons," told by Miss Frere in her <i>Old
+Deccan Days</i>, it is related how "a demon was compelled
+to bring treasure to the pundit's house, and on
+being asked why he had been so long away, answered,
+'All my fellow-demons detained me, and would hardly
+let me go, they were so angry at my bringing you so
+much treasury; and though I told them how great and
+powerful you are, they would not believe me, but will,
+as soon as I return, judge me in solemn council for
+serving you.' 'Where is your council held?' asked
+the pundit. 'Oh! very far, far away,' answered the
+demon, 'in the depths of the jungle, where our rajah
+daily holds his court.' The three men, the pundit, the
+wrestler, and the pearl-shooter, are taken by the demon
+to witness the trial.... They reached the great jungle<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg&nbsp;53]</a></span>
+where the durbar (council) was to be held, and there he
+(the demon) placed them on the top of a high tree just
+over the demon rajah's throne. In a few minutes they
+heard a rustling noise, and thousands and thousands of
+demons filled the place, covering the ground as far as
+the eye could reach, and thronging chiefly round the
+rajah's throne."<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p>
+
+<p>A classical story told by &AElig;lian gives us another interesting
+example of this feature of early political life.
+It is said of the Lady Rhodopis, who was alike fair and
+frail, that of all the beautiful women in Egypt, she was
+by far the most beautiful; and the story goes that one
+time when she was bathing, Fortune, which always was
+a lover of whatever may be the most unlikely and unexpected,
+bestowed upon her rank and dignity that
+were alone suitable for her transcendent charms; and
+this was the way what I am now going to tell came to
+pass. Rhodopis, before taking a bath, had given her
+robes in charge to her attendants; but at the same time
+there was an eagle flying over the bath, and it darted
+down and flew away with one of her slippers. The
+eagle flew away, and away, and away, until it got
+to the city of Memphis, where the Prince Psammetichus
+was sitting in the open air, and administering
+justice to those subject to his sway; and as the eagle
+flew over him it let the slipper fall from its beak, and it
+fell down into the lap of Psammetichus. The prince
+looked at the slipper, and the more he looked at it, the
+more he marvelled at the beauty of the material and the
+dainty minuteness of its size; and then he cogitated
+upon the wondrous way in which such a thing was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg&nbsp;54]</a></span>
+conveyed to him through the air by a bird; and then it was
+he sent forth a proclamation to all parts of Egypt to try
+to discover the woman to whom the slipper belonged,
+and solemnly promised that whoever she might be he
+would make her his bride.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p>
+
+<p>A very beautiful legend, which has been preserved
+by the Rev. W.&nbsp;S. Lach-Szyrma,<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> carries into its fairy
+narrative more of the realities of tribal life. Mr. Lach-Szyrma
+obtained it from a peasant's chap-book, but it
+professes to be an ancient Slovac folk-tale:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"An orphan girl is left with a cruel stepmother, who
+has a daughter who is bad-tempered and disagreeable,
+and extremely jealous of her. She becomes the
+Cinderella of the house, is ill-treated and beaten, but
+submits patiently. At last the harsh stepmother is
+urged by her daughter to get rid of her. It is winter,
+in the month of January; the snow has fallen, and the
+ground is frozen. The cruel stepmother in this dreadful
+weather bids the poor girl to go out in the forest,
+and not to come back till she brings some violets with
+her. After many entreaties for mercy the orphan is
+driven out, and goes out in the snow on the hopeless
+errand. As she enters the forest she sees a little way
+on in the deep glade, under the leafless trees, a large
+fire burning. As she draws near she perceives around
+the fire are twelve stones, and on the stones sit twelve
+men. The chief of them, sitting on the largest stone,
+is an old man with a long snowy beard, and a great
+staff in his hand. As she comes up to the fire the old
+man asks her what she wants. She respectfully replies
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg&nbsp;55]</a></span>by telling them, with many tears, her sad story. The
+old man comforts her. 'I am January; I cannot give
+you any violets, but brother March can.' So he turns
+to a fine young man near him and says, 'Brother
+March, sit in my place.' Presently the air around
+grows softer. The snows around the fire melt. The
+green grass appears, the flower-buds are to be seen.
+At the orphan girl's feet a bed of violets appear. She
+stoops and plucks a beautiful bouquet, which she brings
+home to her astounded stepmother."</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus08" id="Illus08"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_08.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_08th.jpg" width="400" height="327"
+alt="Stone monuments erected as memorials in a Kasya village (reprinted from
+&quot;Asiatic Researches&quot;)."
+title="STONE MONUMENTS AS MEMORIALS (KASYA)" /></a>
+<span class="caption">STONE MONUMENTS AS MEMORIALS (KASYA)</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus09" id="Illus09"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_09.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_09th.jpg" width="400" height="138"
+alt="Stone seats at a Kasya village (reprinted from &quot;Asiatic Researches&quot;)."
+title="STONE SEATS AT A KASYA VILLAGE" /></a>
+<span class="caption">STONE SEATS AT A KASYA VILLAGE<br />
+(2 FEET TO 6 FEET IN DIAMETER)</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>How clearly this is a representation of the tribal
+assembly worked into the folk-tale, where January
+and the months are the tribal chiefs, may be illustrated
+by a comparison with the actual events of Indian tribal
+life. Within the stockaded village of Supar-Punji, in
+Bengal, are two or three hundred monuments, large
+and small, all formed of circular, solid stone slabs, supported
+by upright stones, set on end, which enclose the
+space below. On these the villagers sit on occasions
+of state, each on his own stool, large or small, according
+to his rank in the commonwealth.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now evidence such as this, showing how the folk-tale
+among primitive people gets framed according to the
+social conditions within which it originates, will help
+us to realise the peculiar value of similar features
+which may be found in the folk-tales of our own country.
+English tales are nearly destitute of such illustrations
+of primitive tribal life as this. Some of the giant
+stories of Cornwall, such as that relating to the loose,
+uncut stones in the district of Lanyon Quoit, on whose
+tors "they do say the giants sit,"<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> may refer to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg&nbsp;56]</a></span>
+tribal assembly place, but it is shorn of all its necessary
+details, and we do not get many examples even in this
+shortened form.</p>
+
+<p>Curiously enough, too, we find but little mention in
+the Scotch tales of the open-air gatherings of the tribe.
+The following quotation may refer to the custom perhaps,
+but it is not conclusive: "On the day when
+O'Donull came out to hold right and justice...."
+(there were twelve men with him).<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> Another story
+is more exact. Mr. Campbell took it down from a
+fisherman in Barra (ii. 137). The hero-child Conall
+tends the sheep of a widow with whom he lodged.
+"To feed these sheep he broke down the dykes which
+guarded the neighbours' fields. The neighbours made
+complaint to the king, and asked for justice. The king
+gave foolish judgment, whereat his neck was turned
+awry, and the judgment-seat kicked. Conall gave a
+correct decision and released the king. He did this a
+second time, and the people said he must have king's
+blood in him." This allusion to the kicking of the
+judgment-seat is a very instructive illustration of tribal
+chieftainship and comes within that branch of the
+subject with which we are now dealing.</p>
+
+<p>But when we pass from Britain to Ireland, there is
+at once a great storehouse of examples to be given.
+In Dr. Joyce's <i>Old Celtic Romances</i> there are some
+remarkable passages, which give us a good picture of
+the assemblies of primitive times. These passages, it
+should be noted, occur quite incidentally during the
+course of the story&mdash;they belong to the same era as the
+fairy-legend, the giant, and the witch, and taken as
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg&nbsp;57]</a></span>types of what was going on everywhere in prehistoric
+times, they tell us much that is very valuable.</p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus10" id ="Illus10"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_10.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_10th.jpg" width="400" height="310"
+alt="View in the Kasya Hills, showing stone memorials (reprinted from
+&quot;Asiatic Researches&quot;)."
+title="VIEW IN THE KASYA HILLS SHOWING STONE MEMORIALS" /></a>
+<span class="caption">VIEW IN THE KASYA HILLS SHOWING STONE MEMORIALS</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>A great fair-meeting was held by the King of Ireland,
+Nuada of the Silver Hand, on the Hill of Usna.
+Not long had the people been assembled, when they
+beheld a stately band of warriors, all mounted on white
+steeds, coming towards them from the east, and at
+their head rode a young champion, tall and comely.
+"This young warrior was Luga of the Long Arms....
+This troop came forward to where the King of Erin
+sat surrounded by the Dedannans, and both parties
+exchanged friendly greetings. A short time after this
+they saw another company approaching, quite unlike
+the first, for they were grim and surly-looking; namely,
+the tax-gatherers of the Fomorians, to the number of
+nine nines, who were coming to demand their yearly
+tribute from the men of Erin. When they reached the
+place where the king sat, the entire assembly&mdash;the
+king himself among the rest&mdash;rose up before them."
+Here, without following the story further, the assembling
+in arms, the payment of the tributes at the council-hill,
+the sitting of the king and his assembly, are all
+significant elements of the primitive assembly. In a
+later part of the same story we have "the Great Plain
+of the Assembly" mentioned (p. 48). Another graphic
+picture is given a little later on, when the warrior Luga,
+above mentioned, demands justice upon the slayers of
+his father, at the great council on Tara hill. Luga
+asked the king that the chain of silence should be
+shaken; and when it was shaken, when all were
+listening in silence, he stood up and made his plea,
+which ended in the eric-fine being imposed upon the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg&nbsp;58]</a></span>
+three children of Turenn, the accomplishment of which
+forms the basis of the fairy-tale which follows (p. 54).
+Then, in another place in the same tale, when the
+brothers are on their adventurous journey, fulfilling
+their eric-fine, they come to the house of the King of
+Sigar; and it "happened that the king was holding
+a fair-meeting on the broad, level green before the
+palace."</p>
+
+<p>In another story the hero Maildun asks the island
+queen how she passes her life, and the reply is,
+"The good king who formerly ruled over this
+island was my husband. He died after a long reign,
+and as he left no son, I now reign, the sole ruler
+of the island. And every day I go to the Great
+Plain, to administer justice and to decide causes
+among my people."</p>
+
+<p>The beginning of another story is&mdash;"Once upon
+a time, a noble, warlike king ruled over Lochlann,
+whose name was Colga of the Hard Weapons. On
+a certain occasion, this king held a meeting of his chief
+people, on the broad, green plain before his palace of
+Berva. And when they were all gathered together,
+he spoke to them in a loud, clear voice, from where he
+sat high on his throne; and he asked them whether
+they found any fault with the manner in which he ruled
+them, and whether they knew of anything deserving
+of blame in him as their sovereign lord and king.
+They replied, as if with the voice of one man, that they
+found no fault of any kind."</p>
+
+<p>The last example is also a valuable one. A dispute
+has occurred respecting the enchanted horse, the Gilla
+Dacker, and "a meeting was called on the green to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg&nbsp;59]</a></span>
+hear the award." Speeches are made and the awards
+are given.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p>
+
+<p>I think it will be admitted that the folk-tales of Britain
+refer back in such cases to the organisation of the tribe
+in early times, and the only possible conclusion to be
+drawn from this fact is that they too belong to early
+times and that they have brought with them to modern
+days these valuable fragments of history which are
+hardly to be discovered in any other historical document.</p>
+
+<p>We have thus shown that the folk-tale contains many
+fragmentary details of ancient social conditions, and
+further that it contains more than mere details in the
+larger place it assigns to important features of tribal
+institutions. It now remains to see whether apart from
+incident the very structure and heart of the folk-tale
+is founded upon conceptions of life. I will take as an
+example the well-known story of Catskin. This story
+contains one remarkable feature running through many
+of the variants, and a second which is found in practically
+all of them. Both these features are perfectly
+impossible to modern creative fancy, and I venture to
+think we shall find their true origin in the actual facts
+of primitive life, not in the wondrous flight of primitive
+fancy.</p>
+
+<p>The opening incidents of "Catskin" are thus related:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"A certain king, having lost his wife, and mourned
+for her even more than other men do, suddenly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg&nbsp;60]</a></span>
+determines, by way of relieving his sorrows, to marry his
+own daughter. The princess obtains a suspension of
+this odious purpose by requiring from him three beautiful
+dresses, which take a long time to prepare. These
+dresses are a robe of the colour of the sky, a robe of
+the colour of the moon, a third robe of the colour of
+the sun, the latter being embroidered with the rubies
+and diamonds of his crown. The three dresses being
+made and presented to her, the princess is checkmated,
+and accordingly asks for something even more valuable
+in its way. The king has an ass that produces gold coins
+in profusion every day of his life. This ass the princess
+asked might be sacrificed, in order that she might have
+his skin. This desire even was granted. The princess,
+thus defeated altogether, puts on the ass's skin, rubs
+her face over with soot, and runs away. She takes a
+situation with a farmer's wife to tend the sheep and
+turkeys of the farm."</p>
+
+<p>The remainder of the story much resembles Cinderella's
+famous adventures, and I need not repeat it
+here. The pith of the story turns upon the fact that a
+father purposes to marry his own daughter, or, in some
+versions, his daughter-in-law; and the daughter,
+naturally, as we say, objecting to this arrangement,
+runs away, and hence her many adventures. This
+famous story, told by English nurses to English
+children, long before literature stepped across the
+sacred precincts of the nursery, is also told in Ireland
+and Scotland. It is also current in France,
+Italy, Germany, Russia, Lithuania, and many other
+nations; and throughout all these versions, differing,
+of course, in some matters of detail, the selfsame<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg&nbsp;61]</a></span>
+incident is observable&mdash;the father wishing to
+marry his own daughter, and the daughter running
+away.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> This incident, therefore, must be older than the
+several nations who have preserved it from their
+common home, where the tale was originally told with
+a special value that is now lost. It must then belong
+to primitive man, and not to civilised man, and must be
+judged by the standard of morals belonging to primitive
+man. It is not sufficient, or, indeed, in any way to
+the point, to say that the idea of marrying one's own
+daughter is horrible and detestable to modern ideas;
+we must place ourselves in a position to judge of
+such a state of affairs from an altogether different
+standpoint. And what do we find in primitive society?
+We find that women were the property, not the help-mates,
+of their husbands. And the question hence
+arises, in what relation did the children stand in respect
+to their parents? The answer comes from almost all
+parts of the primitive world that, in certain stages of
+society, the children were related to their mother only.
+It is worth while pausing one moment to give evidence
+upon the fact. Thus McLennan says of the Australians,
+"it is not in quarrels uncommon to find children of the
+same father arrayed against one another, or indeed,
+against their father himself; for by their peculiar law
+<i>the father can never be a relative of his children</i>."<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> This
+is not the language, though it is the evidence, of the
+latest research, and another phase of it is represented<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg&nbsp;62]</a></span>
+by the custom, as among the Ahts of Vancouver Island,
+that in case of separation while the children are
+young, the children go always with the mother to their
+own tribe.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p>
+
+<p>Here we see that the relationship between father and
+daughter was in no way considered in ancient society
+of the type to which Australians and Ahts belonged,
+and it is now one of the accepted facts of anthropology
+that at certain stages of savage life fatherhood
+was not recognised. That this non-relationship
+of the father very often resulted in the further stage
+of the father marrying his daughter, is exemplified by
+many examples. The story of Lot and his daughters,
+for instance, will at once occur to the reader, and
+upon this Mr. Fenton has some observations, to
+which I may refer the student who wishes to pursue
+this curious subject further,<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> while Mr. Frazer, in
+his recent study of Adonis, has discussed the practice
+with his usual extent of knowledge.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> Again, it should
+be remembered that in our own chronicle histories
+Vortigern is said to have married his own daughter,
+though the legend and the supposed consequences of
+the marriage have been twisted from their original
+primitive surroundings by the monkish chroniclers,
+through whom we obtain the story.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> Turning next to the
+daughter-in-law, supposing that the difference between
+"daughter" and "daughter-in-law" (query stepdaughter)
+in the story variants is a vital difference, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg&nbsp;63]</a></span>
+not an accidental difference, there is curious and important
+evidence from India. The following custom prevails
+among certain classes of Sudras, particularly the
+Vella-lahs in Koimbator: "A father marries a grown-up
+girl eighteen or twenty years old to his son, a boy of
+seven or eight, after which he publicly lives with his
+daughter-in-law, until the youth attains his majority,
+when his wife is made over to him, generally with half
+a dozen children. These children are taught to address
+him as their father. In several cases this woman
+becomes the common wife of the father and son. She
+pays every respect due to her wedded husband, and
+takes great care of him from the time of her marriage.
+The son, in his turn, hastens to celebrate the marriage
+of his acquired son, with the usual pomps, ceremonies,
+and tumasha, and keeps the bride for himself as his
+father had done."<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> But even further than this, ancient
+Hindu law allowed the father, who had no prospect of
+having legitimate sons, to "appoint" or nominate a
+daughter who should bear a son to himself, and not to
+her own husband.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> Sir Henry Maine gives the formula
+for this remarkable appointment, and then goes on to
+say that some customs akin to the Hindu usage of appointing
+a daughter appear to have been very widely
+diffused over the ancient world, and traces of them are
+found far down in history.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></p>
+
+<p>What we have before us, therefore, to guide us
+in the view we take of the story incident of a father<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg&nbsp;64]</a></span>
+marrying his own daughter, may be summarised as
+follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>1. The father is not related to his daughter, and hence
+examples occur of fathers marrying daughters.</p>
+
+<p>2. The custom of marrying a daughter-in-law.</p>
+
+<p>3. The custom of nominating a daughter to bear a
+son.</p>
+
+<p>From any one of these facts of primitive life we
+arrive at the central incident in the story of Catskin:
+the father could marry his daughter without specially
+shocking the society of the primitive world, simply because,
+according to primitive ideas, father and daughter,
+as we call her, were not related.</p>
+
+<p>We now arrive at the second incident&mdash;the running
+away of Catskin. This again is a very early form of
+marriage custom. Women of primitive times often
+objected to the forced marriages, and they expressed
+their objection very often by running away. In the instance
+of Catskin the running away was successful,
+as we all know; but in most instances the unwilling
+bride was captured and forced to surrender. Mr.
+Farrer, in his <i>Primitive Manners and Customs</i>, quite
+clears the ground for the refutation of an argument
+that might be applied if we did not know the customs
+of primitive society. It might be asked, why did Catskin
+run away if the custom was a usual one? For the
+same reason, we answer, that the women of savage
+society often do run away&mdash;objection to the marriage.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg&nbsp;65]</a></span>
+Thus we have to note that the two principal features
+of our ordinary Catskin story are explainable by a
+reference to primitive manners and customs; and it
+seems to me much easier and much more reasonable to
+thus explain the origin of the Catskin story, than first
+of all to create a "lovely myth," as the mythologists
+would undoubtedly have a right to call it, of the Sun
+pursuing the Dawn, and then to say that the Catskin
+story is simply a relation of this myth.</p>
+
+<p>The opening incident of the Catskin story, as thus
+interpreted, is not an isolated case of the survival of
+primitive marriage customs in popular stories. If it
+were so, there would be considerable difficulty in
+the way of supporting this interpretation. But it is
+only saying of Catskin what can be said of other
+stories. "There are traces," says Mr. Campbell,
+speaking of his Highland stories, "of foreign or
+forgotten laws and customs. A man buys a wife as
+he would a cow, and acquires a right to shoot her,
+which is acknowledged as good law."<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> Yes, this is
+good savage law and custom there is no doubt, and
+Lord Avebury and Mr. McLennan have illustrated
+it by examples. But in the Highland story of the
+"Battle of the Birds" the wife is sought to be purchased
+for a hundred pounds (Campbell, i. 36), and in
+the Irish story of the "Lazy Beauty and her Aunts"
+we find something like bride-capture and purchase as
+well.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> So, again, if we turn to India the same kind of
+evidence is forthcoming of another part of the primitive
+ceremony. "Do not think," retorted the Malee<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg&nbsp;66]</a></span>
+in a story collected by Miss Frere, "that I'll make
+a fool of myself because I'm only a Malee, and
+believe what you've got to say because you're a great
+Rajah. If you mean what you say, if you care for my
+daughter and wish to be married to her, come and be
+married; but I'll have none of your new-fangled forms
+and court ceremonies hard to be understood; let the
+girl be married by her father's hearth, and under her
+father's roof."<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> And in another story of the "Chundun
+Rajah" we have "the scattering rice and flowers
+upon their heads;"<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> the significance of both of which
+customs are fully known.</p>
+
+<p>These illustrations of the contact, the necessary contact,
+of tradition and history show that contact to be
+equally true of the folk-tale as it is of the local or
+personal legend. They all point to the substratum
+of fact underlying tradition, to the absorption by
+tradition of many features of the life by which it
+is surrounded, or to the absorption by some great
+historic person or event of the living tradition of
+his time or place. This contact is a fact equally
+important to history and to folklore. It cannot be
+neglected by either. It stands for something in the
+analysis which every student must give of the material
+with which he is working, and that something has a
+value, sometimes great and sometimes small, which
+must influence the estimate of the material which both
+history and folklore supply in the unravelling of man's
+past.</p>
+
+<p>I will now finally give a more complicated example
+of the folk-tale as illustrative of the connection<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg&nbsp;67]</a></span>
+between history and tradition. Mr. J.&nbsp;F. Campbell
+printed a tale in the second volume of the <i>Transactions
+of the Ethnological Society</i> (p. 336), which
+had been sent to him in Gaelic by John Davan, in
+December, 1862&mdash;that is, after the publication of the
+fourth volume of his <i>Highland Tales</i>. The tale is
+only in outline, but in quite sufficient fulness for my
+present purpose, as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>There was a man at some time or other who was well
+off, and had many children. When the family grew
+up the man gave a well-stocked farm to each of his
+children. When the man was old his wife died, and he
+divided all that he had amongst his children, and lived
+with them, turn about, in their houses. The sons and
+daughters got tired of him and ungrateful, and tried to
+get rid of him when he came to stay with them. At
+last an old friend found him sitting tearful by the wayside,
+and learning the cause of his distress, took him
+home; there he gave him a bowl of gold and a lesson
+which the old man learned and acted. When all the
+ungrateful sons and daughters had gone to a preaching,
+the old man went to a green knoll where his
+grandchildren were at play, and pretending to hide, he
+turned up a flat hearthstone in an old stance,<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> and
+went out of sight. He spread out his gold on a big
+stone in the sunlight, and he muttered, "Ye are
+mouldy, ye are hoary, ye will be better for the sun."
+The grandchildren came sneaking over the knoll, and
+when they had seen and heard all that they were intended
+to see and hear, they came running up with,
+"Grandfather, what have you got there?" "That which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg&nbsp;68]</a></span>
+concerns you not; touch it not," said the grandfather;
+and he swept his gold into a bag and took it home to
+his old friend. The grandchildren told what they had
+seen, and henceforth the children strove who should
+be kindest to the old grandfather. Still acting on the
+counsel of his sagacious old chum, he got a stout little
+black chest made, and carried it always with him.
+When any one questioned him as to its contents, his
+answer was, "That will be known when the chest is
+opened." When he died he was buried with great
+honour and ceremony, and then the chest was opened
+by the expectant heirs. In it were found broken potsherds
+and bits of slate, and a long-handled, white
+wooden mallet with this legend on its head:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"So am favioche fiorum,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Thabhavit gnoc annsa cheann,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Do n'fhear nach gleidh maoin da' fein,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Ach bheir a chuid go leir d'a chlann."<br /></span>
+</div>
+
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Here is the fair mall<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">To give a knock on the skull<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">To the man who keeps no gear for himself,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">But gives all to his bairns."<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Wright, in his collection of Latin stories, published
+by the Percy Society in 1842 (pp. 28-29), gives a
+variant of this tale under the title of "De divite qui
+dedit omnia filio suo," and, so far as can be judged
+by the abstract, the parallel between the two narratives,
+separated by at least five centuries of time, is remarkably
+close. The latter part is apparently different, for
+the Latin version tells how the man pretended that the
+chest contained a sum of money, part of which was to
+be applied for the good of his soul, and the rest to
+dispose of as he pleased. But at the point of death<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg&nbsp;69]</a></span>
+his children opened the chest. "Antequam totaliter
+expiraret, ad cistam currentes nihil invenerunt nisi
+malleum, in quo Anglic&egrave; scriptum est:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"'Wyht suylc a betel be he smyten,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">That al the werld hyt mote wyten,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">That gyfht his sone al his thing,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And goht hym self a beggyn.'"<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Here, then, is a case whereby to test the problem of
+the position of folk-tales as historical material. Did the
+people adopt this tale from literature into tradition and
+keep it alive for five centuries; or did some early and
+unconscious folklorist adapt it into literature? The
+literary version has the flavour of its priestly influence,
+which does not appear in the traditional version; and I
+make the preliminary observation that if literature could
+have so stamped itself upon the memory of the folk as
+to have preserved all the essentials of such a story as
+this, it must have been due to some academic influence
+(of which, however, there is no evidence), and this
+influence would have preserved a nearer likeness to
+literary forms than the peasant's tale presents to us.
+But the objection to this theory is best shown by an
+analysis of the tale, and by some research into the
+possible sources of its origin.</p>
+
+<p>The story presents us with the following essential
+incidents:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>1. The gift of a well-stocked farm by a father to each
+of his children.</p>
+
+<p>2. The surrender of all property during the owner's
+lifetime.</p>
+
+<p>3. The living of the old father with each of his
+children.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg&nbsp;70]</a></span>
+4. The attempted killing of the old man.</p>
+
+<p>5. The mallet bearing the inscription.</p>
+
+<p>6. The rhyming formula of the inscription.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Campbell notes the first and third of these incidents
+in his original abstract of the story,<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> but of the
+remaining second, fourth, fifth, and sixth no note has
+hitherto been taken.</p>
+
+<p>Of the first incident, the gift of a well-stocked farm
+by a father to each of his children, Mr. Campbell says:
+"This subdivision of land by tenants is the dress and
+declaration put on by a class who now tell this tale."
+But it also represents an ancient system of swarming
+off from the parent household when society was in a
+tribal stage. The incident of the tale is exactly reproduced
+in local custom. In the island of Skye the
+possessor of a few acres of land cut them up only a few
+years ago into shreds and patches to afford a separate
+dwelling for each son and daughter who married.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> In
+Kinross, in 1797, the same practice prevailed. "Among
+the feuars the parents are in many instances disposed
+to relinquish and give up to their children their landed
+possessions or the principal part of them, retaining
+only for themselves some paltry pendicle or patch of
+ground."<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> In Ireland and in Cornwall much the
+same evidence is forthcoming, and elsewhere I have
+taken some pains to show that these local customs are
+the isolated survivals in late times of early tribal practices.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p>
+
+<p>We next turn to the second essential incident of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg&nbsp;71]</a></span>
+tale&mdash;the surrender of the estate during the owner's
+lifetime. This is a well-marked feature of early
+custom, and Du Chaillu has preserved something
+like the survival of the ritual observances connected
+with it in his account of the Scandinavian practice.
+On a visit to Husum he witnessed the ceremonial
+which attended the immemorial custom of the farm
+coming into possession of the eldest son, the father
+still being alive. The following is Mr. Du Chaillu's
+description, and the details are important: "The
+dinner being ready, all the members of the family came
+in and seated themselves around the board, the father
+taking, as is customary, the head of the table. All at
+once, Roar, who was not seated, came to his father and
+said, 'Father, you are getting old; let me take your
+place.' 'Oh, no, my son,' was the answer, 'I am not
+too old to work; it is not yet time: wait awhile.'
+Then, with an entreating look, Roar said, 'Oh, father,
+all your children and myself are often sorry to see you
+look so tired when the day's labour is over: the work
+of the farm is too much for you; it is time for you to
+rest and do nothing. Rest in your old age. Oh, let
+me take your place at the head of the table.' All the
+faces were now extremely sober, and tears were seen in
+many eyes. 'Not yet, my son.' 'Oh, yes, father.'
+Then said the whole family, 'Now it is time for you to
+rest.' He rose, and Roar took his place, and was then
+the master. His father, henceforth, would have nothing
+to do, was to live in a comfortable house, and to
+receive yearly a stipulated amount of grain or flour,
+potatoes, milk, cheese, butter, meat, etc."<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> Without<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg&nbsp;72]</a></span>
+stopping to analyse this singular ceremony in detail, it
+is important to note that old age is the assigned cause
+of resignation by the father of his estate; that the
+ceremony is evidently based upon traditional forms,
+the meaning of which is not distinctly comprehended
+by the present performers; that the father is supported
+by his successor. As a proof that we have
+here a survival of very ancient practice, it may be
+noticed that in Spiti, a part of the Punjab, an exact
+parallel occurs. There the father retires from the headship
+of the family when his eldest son is of full age,
+and has taken unto himself a wife; on each estate there
+is a kind of dower-house with a plot of land attached,
+to which the father in these cases retires.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> In Bavaria
+and in W&uuml;rtemberg the same custom obtains,<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> and the
+sagas of the North also confirm it as an ancient
+custom.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p>
+
+<p>Of the third incident in the tale, the living of the
+father with his children, Mr. Campbell says this points
+to the old Highland cluster of houses and to the farm
+worked by several families in common,<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> and I think we
+have here the explanation why the father in Scotland
+did not have his "dower-house," as he did in Scandinavia
+and in Spiti.</p>
+
+<p>We next come to the fourth incident, the attempted
+killing of the old father. Now, from some of the
+earliest accounts of travels in Britain, we know that
+the death of the aged by violence was a signal element
+of the native customs. "They die only when they have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg&nbsp;73]</a></span>
+lived long enough; for when the aged men have made
+good cheere and anoynted their bodies with sweet ointments
+they leape off a certain rocke into the sea."
+That we have in this episode of the story, remains of
+customs which once existed in the North, Mr. Elton
+affords proof, both from saga-history and from the
+practice of later times, when "the Swedes and Pomeranians
+killed their old people in the way which was
+indicated by the passage quoted above."<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> It is the
+custom of many savage tribes, and the observances
+made use of are sometimes suggestive of the facts of
+the tale we are now analysing. Thus, among the
+Todas of the Nilgiri Hills, they place the old people in
+large earthen jars with some food, and leave them to
+perish;<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> while among the Hottentots, Kolben says,
+"when persons become unable to perform the least
+office for themselves they are then placed in a solitary
+hut at a considerable distance, with a small
+stock of provisions within their reach, where they
+are left to die of hunger, or be devoured by the wild
+beasts."<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p>
+
+<p>The important bearing of these incidents of barbarous
+and savage life upon our subject will be seen when
+we pass on to our fifth incident, namely, the significant
+use of the mallet. Some curious explanations have
+been given of this. Mr. Thorns once thought it might
+be identified with Malleus, the name of the Devil.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>
+Nork has attempted with more reason to identify it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg&nbsp;74]</a></span>
+with the hammer of Thor.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> But the real identification
+is closer than this. Thus, it is connected with the
+Valhalla practices, already noted, by the fact that if an
+old Norseman becomes too frail to travel to the cliff, in
+order to throw himself over, his kinsman would save
+him the disgrace of dying "like a cow in the straw,"
+and would beat him to death with the family club.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>
+Mr. Elton, who quotes this passage, adds in a note
+that one of the family clubs is still preserved at a farm
+in East Gothland.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> Aubrey has preserved an old English
+"countrie story" of "the holy mawle, which (they
+fancy) hung behind the church dore, which, when the
+father was seaventie, the sonne might fetch to knock
+his father in the head, as eff&oelig;te, &amp; of no more use."<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>
+That Aubrey preserved a true tradition is proved by
+what we learn of similar practices elsewhere. Thus, in
+fifteenth-century MSS. of prose romances found in
+English and also in Welsh, Sir Perceval, in his adventures
+in quest of the Holy Grail, being at one time ill
+at ease, congratulates himself that he is not like those
+men of Wales, where sons pull their fathers out of bed
+and kill them to save the disgrace of their dying in
+bed.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> Keysler cites several instances of this savage
+custom in Prussia, and a Count Schulenberg rescued
+an old man who was being beaten to death by his sons
+at a place called Jammerholz, or "Woful Wood;"
+while a Countess of Nansfield, in the fourteenth
+century, is said to have saved the life of an old<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg&nbsp;75]</a></span>
+man on the L&uuml;neberg Heath under similar circumstances.</p>
+
+<p>Our investigation of barbarous and savage customs,
+which connect themselves with the essential incidents of
+this Highland tale, has at this point taken us outside the
+framework of the story. The old father in the tale was
+not killed by the mallet, but he is said to have used it
+as a warning to others to stop the practice of giving up
+their property during lifetime. We have already seen
+that this practice was an actual custom in early times,
+appearing in local survivals both in England and
+Scotland. Therefore the story must have arisen at a
+time when this practice was undergoing a change. We
+must note, too, that the whole story leads up to the
+finding of a mallet with the rhyming inscription written
+thereon, connecting it with the instrument of death to
+the aged, but only on certain conditions. If, then, we
+can find that the rhyming inscription on the mallet has
+an existence quite apart from the story, and if we can
+find that mallets bearing such an inscription do actually
+exist, we may fairly conclude that the story, which, in
+Scotland, is the vehicle of transmission of the rhyme,
+is of later origin than the rhyme itself.</p>
+
+<p>First of all, it is to be noted under this head that
+Wright, in a note to the Latin story we have already
+quoted, gives from John of Bromyard's <i>Summa Predicantium</i>
+another English version of the verse&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Wit this betel the smieth<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And alle the worle thit wite<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">That thevt the ungunde alle thing,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And goht him selve a beggyng,"<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>which shows, I think, the popularity of the verse in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg&nbsp;76]</a></span>
+vernacular. Clearly, then, the Latin version is a translation
+of this, and not <i>vice <ins class="correction" title="'versa' in original">vers&acirc;</ins></i>.
+It must have been a rhyming formula in the vernacular, which had a
+life of its own quite outside its adoption into literature.</p>
+
+<p>This inferential proof of the actual life of the English
+rhyming formula is confirmed by actual facts in the case
+of the corresponding German formula. Nork, in the
+volume I have already quoted, collects evidence from
+Grimm, Haupt, and others, which proves that sometimes
+in front of a house, as at Osnabr&uuml;ck, and sometimes at
+the city gate, as in several of the cities of Silesia and
+Saxony, there hangs a mallet with this inscription:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Wer den kindern gibt das Brod<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Und selber dabei leidet Noth<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Den schlagt mit dieser keule todt"&mdash;<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>which Mr. Thoms has Englished thus:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Who to his children gives his bread<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And thereby himself suffers need,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">With this mallet strike him dead."<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a><br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>These rhymes are the same as those in the Scottish
+tale and its Latin analogue, and that they are preserved
+on the selfsame instrument which is mentioned in the
+story as bearing the inscription is proof enough, I
+think, that the mallets and their rhyming formul&aelig; are
+far older than the story. They are not mythical, the
+story is; their history is contained in the facts we have
+above detailed; the life of the folk-tale commences
+when the use or formula of the mallet ceases to be part
+of the social institutions.</p>
+
+<p>To the rhyming formul&aelig;, then, I would trace the rise
+of the mythic tale told by the Highland peasant in 1862<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg&nbsp;77]</a></span>
+to Mr. J.&nbsp;F. Campbell. The old customs which we
+have detailed as the true origin of the mallet, and its
+hideous use in killing the aged and infirm, had died out,
+but the symbol of them remained. To explain the
+symbol a myth was created, which kept sufficiently
+near to the original idea as to retain evidence of its
+close connection with the descent of property; and thus
+was launched the dateless, impersonal, unlocalised story
+which Mr. Campbell has given as a specimen of vagrant
+traditions, which "must have been invented after
+agriculture and fixed habitations, after laws of property
+and inheritance; but it may be as old as the lake-dwellings
+of Switzerland, or Egyptian civilisation, or
+Adam, whose sons tilled the earth."<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> I would venture
+to rewrite the last clause of this dictum of the great
+master of folk-tales, and I would suggest that the
+story, whatever its age as a story, tells us of facts in
+the life of its earliest narrators which do not belong to
+Teutonic or Celtic history. The Teuton and the Celt,
+with their traditional reverence for parental authority,
+at once patriarchal and priestly, would retain, with
+singular clearness, the memory of traditions, or it may
+be observations, of an altogether different set of ideas
+which belonged to the race with which they first came
+into contact. But whether the story is a mythic interpretation
+by Celts of pre-Celtic practices, or a pre-Celtic
+tradition, varied as soon as it became the
+property of the Celt to suit Celtic ideas, it clearly takes
+us back to practices very remote, to use Mr. Elton's
+forcible words, from the reverence for the parents'
+authority which might have perhaps been expected<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg&nbsp;78]</a></span>
+from descendants of "the Aryan household."<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> These
+practices lead us back to a period of savagery, of which
+we have to speak in terms of race distinction if we
+would get at its root.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> The importance of such a conclusion
+cannot be overrated, for it leads directly to the
+issue which must be raised whenever an investigation
+of tradition leaves us with materials, which are promptly
+rejected as fragments of Celtic history because they are
+too savage, but which need not therefore be rejected as
+history, because they may be referred further back than
+Celtic history.</p>
+
+<p>If we proceed by more drastic methods, by the methods
+of statistics, we shall arrive at much the same conclusion.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>
+Taking the first twelve stories in Grimm's
+great collection, we find that seven of them yield
+elements which we are entitled to call savage, because<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg&nbsp;79]</a></span>
+they are so far removed from the European culture
+amidst which the folk-tales have lived, and because these
+elements belong not to the accidentals of the stories but
+to the essentials. Thus, if we divide the folk-tale into
+its components, we shall find that it consists of three
+features:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>1. The story radicals, or essential plot;</p>
+
+<p>2. The story accidentals, or illustrative points;</p>
+
+<p>3. Modern gloss upon the events in the story&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>and if we go on to allocate the various incidents of
+the stories to these three heads, we get the following
+common results with regard to seven out of the twelve
+first stories of Grimm's great collection:&mdash;</p>
+
+<h4>I.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Frog Prince</span></h4>
+
+<table border="1" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" width="100%" summary="Table of common results">
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story radicals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story accidentals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Added features</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Modern gloss</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">1. Savage elements</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Youngest daughter<br />
+<br />
+Fountain or well the locality of leading incident<br />
+<br />
+Frog prince&mdash;totem<br />
+<br />
+Frog prince stays at the house of his future wife<br />
+<br />
+Exogamous marriage, the prince coming from a foreign country</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">2. Fantastic element</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Faithful servant whose heart is bound by iron bands</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">3. Rank and splendour</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Kingly state and its trappings&mdash;the princess wears
+a crown on ordinary occasions, and yet opens the door to a visitor while
+at dinner</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg&nbsp;80]</a></span></p>
+<h4>III.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Our Lady's Child</span></h4>
+
+<table border="1" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" width="100%" summary="Table of common results">
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story radicals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story accidentals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Added features</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Modern gloss</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">1. Savage elements</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Naked forest woman captured for wife<br />
+<br />
+Suspicion that she is a cannibal</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">3. Rank and splendour</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Virgin Mary and heaven the central features of the
+heroine's adventures</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">4. Moral characteristics</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Punishment for curiosity</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<h4>IV.&mdash;<span class="smcap">The Youth who Wants to Learn to Shudder</span></h4>
+
+<table border="1" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" width="100%" summary="Table of common results">
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story radicals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story accidentals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Added features</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Modern gloss</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">1. Savage elements</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Winning of wife by service<br />
+<br />
+Succession to kingship through wife&mdash;female kinship<br />
+<br />
+Treasure guarded by spirits</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">2. Fantastic element</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdl">The adventures in the haunted castle</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">3. Rank and splendour</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Kingly state</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">4. Moral characteristics</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Bravery</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<h4>V.&mdash;<span class="smcap">The Wolf and Seven Little Kids</span></h4>
+
+<table border="1" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" width="100%" summary="Table of common results">
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story radicals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story accidentals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Added features</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Modern gloss</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">1. Savage elements</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Talking animals<br />
+<br />
+Cutting open of the animal to free the swallowed kids, and refilling the
+stomach with stones</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Criticism upon men as compared with animals, 'truly men
+are like that'</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg&nbsp;81]</a></span></p>
+<h4>VI.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Faithful John</span></h4>
+
+<table border="1" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" width="100%" summary="Table of common results">
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story radicals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story accidentals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Added features</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Modern gloss</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">1. Savage elements</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Capture of bride<br />
+<br />
+Talking of animals<br />
+<br />
+Three taboos&mdash;<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Horse<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Garment<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Sucking of breasts<br />
+<br />
+Sacrifice of children and sprinkling of their blood on a stone<br />
+<br />
+Human origin of stone pillar</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">3. Rank and splendour</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Kingly state and great wealth in gold and riches</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">4. Moral characteristics</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Punishment for curiosity</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<h4>IX.&mdash;<span class="smcap">The Twelve Brothers</span></h4>
+
+<table border="1" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" width="100%" summary="Table of common results">
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story radicals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story accidentals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Added features</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Modern gloss</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">1. Savage elements</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Going [causing to go] away of sons, so that the
+inheritance should fall to the daughter<br />
+<br />
+Change of brothers into ravens<br />
+<br />
+Life dependent on an outside object</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Forest life</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">3. Rank and splendour</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Kingly state</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">4. Moral characteristics</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<h4>XI.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Brother and Sister</span></h4>
+
+<table border="1" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" width="100%" summary="Table of common results">
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story radicals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Story accidentals</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Added features</td>
+    <td class="tdc" style="width: 20%">Modern gloss</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">1. Savage elements</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Transformation of hero into roebuck after drinking at stream</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="tdc">&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg&nbsp;82]</a></span>
+There are thus savage elements in seven out of
+twelve stories, and the question becomes an important
+one as to how this is. They are the stories of the
+nursery, told by mothers to children, stories kept alive
+by tradition, and the only possible answer to our
+question is that they contain fragments of the early
+culture-history of the ancestors, or at all events the
+predecessors, of those who have preserved them for our
+use. An occasional savage incident might have been
+considered a freak of the original narrator, or a borrowing
+by one of the countless late narrators of these
+stories brought home from savage countries; but
+statistics disprove both of these suppositions. It is not
+accidental but persistent savagery we meet with in
+the folk-tale. It is also the savagery to be found
+amongst modern peoples still in the savage stage of
+culture.</p>
+
+<p>This is proved in a very complete manner by Mr.
+MacCulloch, whose study provides the material for a
+statistical survey of story incidents founded on primitive
+custom and belief.<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> They are the most ancient
+history to which we have access. That this history is
+contained in the folk-tales of modern peasantry shows
+it to have come from that far-off period which saw the
+earliest condition of these people. It is still history, if
+it tells us of a life which preceded the written record.
+It is history of the most valuable description, for it
+is to be found nowhere else as relating to the remotest
+period of European civilisation. The modern savage<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg&nbsp;83]</a></span>
+is better off in this respect. He has an outside historian
+in the traveller and the anthropologist of modern days.
+The savage who was ancestor to our own people had
+no such means of becoming known to history, or had
+but very limited means, and it is only in the deathless
+tradition that we can trace him out.</p>
+
+<p>These conclusions have been drawn from that great
+class of tradition preserved by historic peoples in
+historic times, and yet unmistakably pointing to prehistoric
+culture. We have been able to show the
+methods to be adopted for, and the results of, disengaging
+the myth which has gravitated to the
+historic person or place from the historic facts which
+have become part of the legend, and to trace out in the
+folk-tale facts which belong to a culture far removed
+from civilised life. There are thus revealed two
+distinct centres of influence, the traditional centre and
+the historic centre, and it is obvious that the question
+must be asked&mdash;which is the more important? It seems
+to me equally obvious that the answer must be given in
+favour of the historic. History is indebted to tradition
+for preserving some of the most remote facts of racial
+or national life, which but for tradition would have
+been lost, and if we are content to use this tradition
+as a storehouse from which we may provide ourselves
+with ancient historical documents, we can trace out
+therefrom points in the history of any given country
+wherever the traditions have been preserved.</p>
+
+<p>The folk-tale, in point of fact, equally with the personal
+and local legend, comes into close contact with history.
+The periods of history in the folk-tales are different from
+those in the legends, but together these periods reach<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg&nbsp;84]</a></span>
+from prehistoric culture to historic event. We cannot,
+however, call this extent of time a continuous period,
+and we cannot point to definite stages within the
+detached periods. Much more research must be accomplished
+before it will be possible to claim such results
+as these. I have indicated some points of difficulty,
+some methods of treatment which appear to me to be
+wrong, and to which I shall have again to refer later on;
+but in the meantime, from the necessarily incomplete
+evidence which I have been able to produce, it is, I
+think, abundantly clear that folklore has to be studied
+from its historical surroundings if we would draw from
+it all that it is capable of telling.</p>
+
+
+<h4>III</h4>
+
+<p>In the meantime it is well to bear in mind that there
+is one important department of history which has
+always been frankly and unhesitatingly accepted as
+history and yet which has no stronger foundation than
+tradition, and tradition of the most formal kind. I
+allude to the early laws of most of the peoples who
+have become possessed of an historic civilisation.
+These laws have all been preserved by tradition, are in
+rhyme or rhythm in order to assist the memory, have
+become the sacred repository of a school or class of
+priests, and have finally been reduced to writing by a
+great lawgiver, who by the act of giving the people
+written laws has had attributed to him supernatural
+origin and powers. That history should have accepted
+from tradition such an important section of its material
+is worth consideration by itself, apart from its bearing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg&nbsp;85]</a></span>
+on the present study, and I shall proceed, therefore, to
+set out some of the chief facts in this connection.</p>
+
+<p>There can be no doubt that in the tribal society of
+Indo-European peoples the laws and rules which
+governed the various members of the tribe were deemed
+to be sacred and were preserved by tradition. The
+opening clauses of the celebrated Laws of Manu illustrate
+this position. "The great sages approached
+Manu, who was seated with a collected mind, and
+having worshipped him spoke as follows: Deign, divine
+one, to declare to us precisely and in due order the
+sacred laws of each of the four chief castes and of the
+intermediate ones. For thou, O Lord, alone knowest
+the purport, the rites, and the knowledge of the soul
+taught in this whole ordinance of the self-existent
+which is unknowable and unfathomable."<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> They were
+not only sacred in origin but they dealt with sacred
+things, and Sir Henry Maine has drawn the broad
+conclusion that "there is no system of recorded law,
+literally from China to Peru, which, when it first
+emerges into notice, is not seen to be entangled with
+religious ritual and observance."<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> In Greece the lawgivers
+were supposed to be divinely inspired, Min&ocirc;s
+from Jupiter, Lykurgos from the Delphic god,
+Zaleukos from Pallas.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> The earliest notions of law
+are connected with Themis the Goddess of Justice.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> In<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg&nbsp;86]</a></span>
+Rome it is to Romulus himself that is attributed the
+first positive law, and it is by a college of priests that
+the laws were preserved.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> In Scandinavia the laws
+were in the custody and charge of the temple priests,
+and the accumulated evidence for the sacred origin
+and connection of the laws is to be found in the sagas.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>
+Among the Celtic peoples it is well known that the
+laws were preserved and administered by the Brehons,
+who are compared with the Hindu Brahmins by Sir
+Henry Maine, "with many of their characteristics
+altered, and indeed, their whole sacerdotal authority
+abstracted by the influence of Christianity."<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> In the
+Isle of Man the laws were deemed sacred and known
+only to the Deemsters.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a></p>
+
+<p>In all cases laws were preserved by tradition and not
+by writing and evidence, and the superior value
+attached to the traditional record appears everywhere.
+The oldest record of Hindu law agrees with the best
+authority that it was not founded on writing but
+"upon immemorial customs which existed prior to and
+independent of Brahminism."<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> In Greece the very
+nature of the <i>themistes</i> shows that they were judgments
+dependent upon traditional custom. In Rome it is the
+subject of definite research that the "greater part of
+Roman law was founded on the <i>mores majorum</i>."<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> In
+Scandinavia the law speaker was obliged to recite the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg&nbsp;87]</a></span>
+whole law within the period to which the tenure of his
+office was limited.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> The Celtic laws are based upon
+customs handed down from remote antiquity,<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> and late
+down in English law it was admitted as a principle
+that if oral declarations came into conflict with
+written instruments the former had the more binding
+authority.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p>
+
+<p>One of the means by which this sacred tradition was
+preserved was through the medium of rhythm and
+verse. Thus, as Sir Henry Maine explains,</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"The law book of Manu is in verse, and verse is one of
+the expedients for lessening the burden which the memory
+has to bear when writing is unknown or very little used. But
+there is another expedient which serves the same object.
+This is Aphorism or Proverb. Even now in our own country
+much of popular wisdom is preserved either in old rhymes or
+in old proverbs, and it is well ascertained that during the
+middle ages much of law, and not a little of medicine, was preserved
+among professions, not necessarily clerkly, by these
+two agencies."<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg&nbsp;88]</a></span>
+In Greece the same word, <ins class="greek" title="nomos">&#957;&#8057;&#956;&#959;&#962;</ins>, was used for custom
+and law as for song. The <ins class="greek" title="rh&ecirc;tra">&#8165;&#8053;&#964;&#961;&#945;</ins> (declared law) of
+Sparta and Taras was in verse; the laws of Charondas
+were sung as <ins class="greek" title="skolia">&#963;&#954;&#8057;&#955;&#953;&#945;</ins> at Athens,<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> and Strabo refers to the
+Mazacenes of Cappadocia as using the laws of Charondas
+and appointing some person to be their law-singer
+(<ins class="greek" title="nom&ocirc;dos">&#957;&#959;&#956;&#969;&#948;&#8057;&#962;</ins>), who is among them the declarer of the laws.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></p>
+
+<p>Sir Francis Palgrave, noticing the same characteristic
+of Teutonic law, says:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"It cannot be ascertained that any of the Teutonic nations
+reduced their customs into writing, until the influence of increasing
+civilisation rendered it expedient to depart from their
+primeval usages; but an aid to the recollection was often
+afforded as amongst the Britons, by poetry or by the condensation
+of the maxim or principle in proverbial or antithetical
+sentences like the Cymric triads. The marked alliteration of
+the Anglo-Saxon laws is to be referred to the same cause,
+and in the Frisic laws several passages are evidently written
+in verse. From hence, also, may originate those quaint and
+pithy rhymes in which the doctrines of the law of the old
+time are not unfrequently recorded."<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>Again, the editors of the Brehon Law Tracts point
+out that early laws are handed down "in a rhythmical
+form; always in language condensed and antiquated
+they assume the character of abrupt and sententious proverbs.
+Collections of such sayings are found scattered
+throughout the Brehon Law Tracts."<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> The sagas<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg&nbsp;89]</a></span>
+contain many verses which partake of the character of
+legal formul&aelig;, and in Beowulf there seems to be a
+definite example. It occurs in the passage describing
+Beowulf engaged in his fatal combat with the fiery
+dragon, when his "companions," stricken with terror,
+deserted him, on which Wiglaf pronounced the following
+malediction:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Now shall the service of treasure,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">and the gifts of swords,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">all joy of paternal inheritance,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">all support<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">of all your kin depart;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">every one of your family<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">must go about<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">deprived of his rights<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">of citizenship;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">when far and wide<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">the nobles shall learn<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">your flight,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">your dishonourable deed.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Death is better<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">to every warrior<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">than disgraced life."<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Mr. Kemble remarks on this passage, that it is not
+improbable that the whole denunciation is a judicial
+formula, such as we know early existed, and in regular
+rhythmical measure.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a></p>
+
+<p>These early examples may be followed up by others
+preserved to modern times. The most significant of
+these occurs in the Church ceremony of marriage, which
+preserves in the vernacular the ancient rhythmical
+formula of the marriage laws, and the antiquity of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg&nbsp;90]</a></span>
+the Church ritual is proved from the fact that it is accompanied
+and enforced by the old rhythmical verse,
+which is indicative of early legal or ceremonious usage.</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"With this rynge I the wed<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And this gold and silver I the geve,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">and with my body I the worshipe,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">and with all my worldely cathel I the endowe."<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a><br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Sir Francis Palgrave has noticed the subject, and
+points out that the wife is taken</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"to have and to hold<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a><br /></span>
+<span class="i0">from this day forward<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">for better, for worse,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">for richer, for poorer,<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a><br /></span>
+<span class="i0">in sickness and in health,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">to love and to cherish,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">till death us do part<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">and thereto I plight thee my troth."<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>These words are inserted in our service according to
+the ancient canon of England, and even when the Latin
+mass was sung by the tonsured priest, the promises
+which accompany the delivery of the symbolical pledge
+of union were repeated by the blushing bride in a more
+intelligible tongue.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> This is a curious and significant
+fact, and as we trace out these rhythmical lines farther
+back in their original vernacular, the more clearly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg&nbsp;91]</a></span>
+distinct is their archaic nature. According to the usage
+of Salisbury the bride answered:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"I take thee, John,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">to be my wedded husband,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">to have and to hold<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">fro' this day forward<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">for better, for worse,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">for richer, for poorer,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">in sycknesse, in hele,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">to be bonere and buxom [obedient]<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">in bedde and at borde<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">till death do us part<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">and thereto I plight thee my trothe."<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a><br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The Welsh manual in the library of the Dean and
+Chapter of Hereford has a slight variation in the form,
+and an older spelling:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Ich N. take thee N.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">to my weddid wyf,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">for fayroure for foulore,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">for ricchere for porer,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">for betere for wers,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">in sicknesse and in helthe,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">forte deth us departe,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">and only to the holde<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">and tharto ich plygtte my treuthe."<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a><br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>To this may be added the many local examples of
+the preservation of laws or legal formul&aelig; by means of
+their form in verse. The most interesting of these,
+perhaps, is that by which the Kentishman redeemed his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg&nbsp;92]</a></span>
+land from the lord by repeating, as it was said, in the
+language of his ancestors:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Nighon sithe yeld<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And nighon sithe geld,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And vif pund for the were,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Ere he become healdere."<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The first verse,</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Dog draw<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Stable stand<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Back berend<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And bloody hand"<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>justified the verderer in his punishment of the offender.
+In King Athelstane's grant to the good
+men of Beverley, and inscribed beneath his effigy
+in the Minster,</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Als fre<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Mak I the<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">As heart may think<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Or eigh may see,"<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>we have perhaps the ancient form of manumission or
+enfranchisement,<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> just as we have the surrender by a
+freeman who gave up his liberty by putting himself
+under the protection of a master, and becoming his
+man, still preserved among children, when one of them
+takes hold of the foretop of another and says:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Tappie, tappie, tousie, will ye be my man?"<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a><br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>All over the country we meet with these rhyming or
+rhythmical formul&aelig; which have legal
+<ins class="correction" title="'signifiance' in original">significance</ins>. In
+the north the chief of the Macdonalds gave grants in
+the following form:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"I, Donald, chief of the Macdonalds, give here, in my
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg&nbsp;93]</a></span>
+castle, a right to Mackay, to Kilmahumag, from this day till
+to-morrow and so on for ever."</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0bq">"Mise Donull nau Donull,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0bq">Am shuidh air Dun Donuill,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0bq">Toirt c&ograve;ir do Mhac-aigh air Kilmahumaig,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0bq">O'n diugh gus a m&agrave;ireach<br /></span>
+<span class="i0bq">'S gu la bhr&agrave;th mar sin."<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a><br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>At Scarborough there is an old proverbial saying
+as to "Scarborough Warning," which has had various
+accounts given of its origin,<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> but the true explanation
+of which is that it is the fragment of an ancient legal
+formula of the kind we are investigating. Abraham
+De la Pryme describes it in his seventeenth-century
+diary as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"Scarburg Warning is a proverb in many places of the
+north, signifying any sudden warning given upon any
+account. Some think it arose from the sudden comeing
+of an enemy against the castle there, and haveing dischargd
+a broad side, then commands them to surrender.
+Others think that the proverb had it's original from other
+things, but all varys. However, this is the true origin
+thereof.</p>
+
+<p>"The town is a corporation town, and tho' it is very poor
+now to what it was formerly, yet it has a ... who is
+commonly some poor man, they haveing no rich ones amongst
+them. About two days before Michilmass day the sayd
+... being arrayed in his gown of state he mounts
+upon horseback, and has his attendants with him, and the
+macebear[er] carrying the mace before him, with two fidlers
+and a base viol. Thus marching in state (as bigg as the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg&nbsp;94]</a></span>
+lord mare of London) all along the shore side, they make
+many halts, and the cryer crys thus with a strange sort of a
+singing voyce, high and low:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0bq">"'Whay! Whay! Whay!<br /></span>
+<span class="i0bq">Pay your gavelage, ha!<br /></span>
+<span class="i0bq">Between this and Michaelmas Day,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0bq">Or you'll be fined I, say!'<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>"Then the fiddlers begins to dance, and caper and plays,
+fit to make one burst with laughter that sees and hears
+them. Then they go on again and crys as before, with the
+greatest majesty and gravity immaginable, none of this
+comical crew being seen so much as to smile all the time,
+when as spectators are almost bursten with laughing. This
+is the true origin of the proverb, for this custome of gavelage
+is a certain tribute that every house pays to the
+... when he is pleased to call for it, and he gives
+not above one day warning, and may call for it when he
+pleases."<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>Rhyming tenures have been frequently noted but
+never understood. They occur in many parts of the
+country. The tithingman of Combe Keynes, in
+Dorsetshire, is obliged to do suit at Winforth Court,
+and after repeating the following incoherent lines,
+pays threepence and goes away without saying another
+word:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"With my white rod<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And I am a fourth post<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">That three pence makes three<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">God bless the King, and the lord of the franchise<br /></span>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg&nbsp;95]</a></span>
+<span class="i0">Our weights and our measures are lawful and true<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Good morrow Mr. Steward I have no more to say to you."<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a><br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>It is hardly necessary to quote more examples.
+They are not unknown to the historian, but because
+they are in rhyme they have been hastily assumed to
+be spurious or even burlesque.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> But the evidence of a
+rhyming formula is the opposite to this. It is evidence
+of their genuineness, and if some of the words appear
+to be nonsensical it is due to the fact that the sense of
+the old formula has been misunderstood, and has then
+become gradually altered.</p>
+
+<p>All these rhyming tenures, indeed, find their place
+among the traditional examples of legal formul&aelig;.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg&nbsp;96]</a></span>
+They are the local offshoots preserved because of their
+legal significance, preserved by those interested from
+their legal side. Because they are not preserved in the
+formal codes they need not be neglected, and they
+must not be misunderstood. They are not to be put
+on one side by the historian as freaks of local landowners.
+They are real descendants by traditional
+lines from the times when laws were not written, but
+kept alive in the memory by means of such assistance
+as rhyme could supply, and from the tribesmen who
+thus treasured the law they obeyed.<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p>
+
+<p>That this branch of recorded law is not only early
+but tribal is undoubted, but perhaps it will be well to
+refer to tribal rhyming formul&aelig; of an independent
+kind in order to show by parallel evidence the tribal
+characteristics. In 1884 Mr. Posnett drew attention to
+this important subject, and noted that</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"Dr. Brown, in an attempt to sketch the origin of poetry&mdash;an
+attempt which attracted the attention of Bishop Percy in
+his remarks introductory to the <i>Reliques</i>&mdash;proposed more
+than one hundred years ago to discover the source of the
+combined dance, song, melody, and mimetic action of
+primitive compositions in the common festivals of clan life.
+The student of comparative literature will probably regard<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg&nbsp;97]</a></span>
+Dr. Brown's theory as a curious anticipation of the historical
+method in a study which, in spite of M. Taine's efforts, has
+made so little progress as yet. The clan ethic of inherited
+guilt and vicarious punishment has attracted considerable
+attention. But the clan poetry of the ancient Arabs and of
+the bard-clans, surviving in the Hebrew sons of Asaph or the
+Greek Homerid&aelig;, has not received that light from comparative
+inquiry which the closely connected problems of primitive
+music and metre would alone amply deserve."<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>Not much has been done since this was penned. Max
+M&uuml;ller had previously, in 1847, declared that the Rig
+Veda consisted of the clan songs of the Hindu people,<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>
+but the importance of such a conclusion has been
+entirely neglected. In the meantime evidence is accumulating
+that in Britain there are still preserved many
+examples of clan songs. Thus Lord Archibald Campbell
+has published, in the first volume of his <i>Waifs and
+Strays of Celtic Tradition</i>, some sixteen or seventeen
+sagas. Some of these are clan-traditions; and the
+editor notes as evidence of their antiquity the fact
+that none of them makes any mention of firearms.
+These clan-traditions all relate to feuds and vendettas;
+and in one case it is expressly recorded that the descendants
+of one of the foes of the clan, in their account
+of the incident narrated, "altered this tradition and
+reversed the main facts." This has been followed by a
+volume definitely devoted to "clan-traditions,"<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> while
+in the <i>Carmina Gadelica</i> and many of the Highland
+incantations there are preserved specimens of ancient
+clan songs.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg&nbsp;98]</a></span>
+The most interesting of the tribal songs is that preserved
+at the Hawick Common riding. The burgh
+officers form the van of a pageant which insensibly
+carries us back to ancient times, and in some verses
+sung on the occasion there is a refrain which has been
+known for ages as the slogan of Hawick. It is "Teribus
+ye teri Odin," which is probably a corruption of
+the Anglo-Saxon, "Tyr habbe us, ye Tyr ye Odin"&mdash;May
+Tyr uphold us, both Tyr and Odin.</p>
+
+<p>Fortunately Dr. Murray has investigated this formula,
+and I will quote what he says:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"A relic of North Anglian heathendom seems to be preserved
+in a phrase which forms the local slogan of the town
+of Hawick, and which, as the name of a peculiar local air, and
+the refrain, or 'owerword' of associated ballads, has been
+connected with the history of the town back to 'fable-shaded
+eras.' Different words have been sung to the tune from
+time to time, and none of those now extant can lay claim to
+any antiquity; but associated with all, and yet identified with
+none, the refrain '<i>Tyr-ibus ye Tyr ye Odin</i>,' Tyr h&aelig;b us, ye
+Tyr ye Odin! Tyr keep us, both Tyr and Odin! (by which
+name the tune also is known) appears to have come down,
+scarcely mutilated, from the time when it was the burthen of
+the song of the gle&oacute;-mann or scald, or the invocation of a
+heathen Angle warrior, before the northern Hercules and the
+blood-red lord of battles had yielded to the 'pale god' of the
+Christians."</p></div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus11" id="Illus11"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_11.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_11th.jpg" width="400" height="253"
+alt="The Auld Ca-knowe: calling the Burgess Roll at Hawick (reprinted from
+Craig and Laing&#39;s &quot;Hawick Tradition&quot;)."
+title="THE AULD CA-KNOWE: CALLING THE BURGESS ROLL" /></a>
+<span class="caption">THE AULD CA-KNOWE: CALLING THE BURGESS ROLL</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus12" id ="Illus12"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_12.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_12th.jpg" width="400" height="252"
+alt="The Hawick Moat at sunrise (reprinted from Craig and Laing)"
+title="HAWICK MOAT AT SUNRISE" /></a>
+<span class="caption">HAWICK MOAT AT SUNRISE</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>And in a note Dr. Murray adds:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"The ballad now connected with the air of 'Tyribus' commemorates
+the laurels gained by the Hawick youth at and
+after the disastrous battle, when, in the words of the writer,</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0bq">"'Our sires roused by "Tyr ye Odin,"<br /></span>
+<span class="i0bq">Marched and joined their king at Flodden.'<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg&nbsp;99]</a></span>
+Annually since that event the 'Common-Riding' has been
+held, on which occasion a flag or 'colour' captured from a
+party of the English has been with great ceremony borne by
+mounted riders round the bounds of the common land, granted
+after Flodden to the burgh; part of the ceremony consisting
+in a mock capture of the 'colour' and hot pursuit by a large
+party of horsemen accoutred for the occasion. At the conclusion
+'Tyribus' is sung, with all the honours, by the actors
+in the ceremony, from the roof of the oldest house in the
+burgh, the general population filling the street below, and
+joining in the song with immense enthusiasm. The influence
+of modern ideas is gradually doing away with much of the
+parade and renown of the Common-Riding. But 'Tyr-ibus
+ye Tyr ye Odin' retains all its local power to fire the lieges,
+and the accredited method of arousing the burghers to any
+political or civil struggle is still to send round the drums and
+fifes, 'to play Tyribus' through the town, a summons analogous
+to that of the Fiery Cross in olden times. Apart from
+the words of the slogan, the air itself bears in its wild fire all
+the tokens of a remote origin."<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>We could not get better evidence than this of the survival
+of tribal custom, custom that is distinctly connected
+with tribes rather than with places or individuals, with
+groups of people who, now bound together by local
+considerations and influences, have only recently passed
+away from the far more ancient influences of the tribe.
+Alike in the forms of historical codes and in traditional
+local remains, we have found evidence of the use of
+rhyme for the preservation of unwritten rules and
+forms; and this use restores to tradition an important
+branch of its material.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg&nbsp;100]</a></span>
+We have thus ascertained that there is direct and acknowledged
+indebtedness of history to tradition. Its
+extent covers a wide area of culture progress, and of
+unbroken continuity from tribal to historic times. The
+legal codes of the barbaric tribes of Western Europe
+are the direct successors of the traditional originals;
+and because these legal codes, equally with their unwritten
+predecessors, cannot be dispensed with by the
+historian, they find their place unquestioned among
+genuine historical material. They are no more, and
+no less, historical than other traditional material. They
+are part of the life of the people rescued from prehistoric
+days, and they tell us of these days by the same sanction
+and the same methods as the rest of the traditional
+material which has been so strangely and so persistently
+neglected by the historian. The whole of tradition, and
+not selected parts of it, must be brought into use if we
+would follow scientific method, and I claim this for the
+study of folklore on the strength of the results which
+have now been brought together.</p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus13" id="Illus13"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_13.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_13th.jpg" width="400" height="204"
+alt="One of five stone circles in the fields opposite the Glebe of
+Nymphsfield (reprinted from Sir William Wilde&#39;s &quot;Lough Corrib&quot;)"
+title="ONE OF FIVE STONE CIRCLES IN THE FIELDS OPPOSITE THE GLEBE OF
+NYMPHSFIELD" /></a>
+<span class="caption">ONE OF FIVE STONE CIRCLES IN THE FIELDS OPPOSITE THE
+GLEBE OF NYMPHSFIELD</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus14" id="Illus14"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_14.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_14th.jpg" width="400" height="174"
+alt="Carn-an-Chluithe to commemorate the defeat and death of the youths of
+the Dananns (reprinted from Wilde)"
+title="CARN-AN-CHLUITHE" /></a>
+<span class="caption">CARN-AN-CHLUITHE<br />
+TO COMMEMORATE THE DEFEAT AND DEATH OF THE YOUTHS OF THE DANANNS</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus15" id="Illus15"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_15.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_15th.jpg" width="400" height="213"
+alt="The cairn of Ballymagibbon, near the road passing from Cong to Cross
+(reprinted from Wilde)"
+title="THE CAIRN OF BALLYMAGIBBON NEAR THE ROAD PASSING FROM CONG TO
+CROSS" /></a>
+<span class="caption">THE CAIRN OF BALLYMAGIBBON NEAR THE ROAD PASSING FROM
+CONG TO CROSS</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+
+<h4>IV</h4>
+
+<p>Here, however, we are close up to an important
+point of controversy. The mythologists claim tradition
+as theirs. It does not, they assert, give us the
+history but the mythology of our race. It tells us not
+of the men but of the gods. In explaining how this
+comes about, however, they have fallen into errors
+which it is not only necessary to correct but which
+are fundamental in their effects. We shall be better
+able later on to discuss the extremely important
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg&nbsp;101]</a></span>question of the position of the prehistoric tradition
+amidst historic life and surroundings, if we try to
+understand what the mythologists have done and not
+done in their attempts to claim exclusive property in
+the folk-tale. They have entirely denied or ignored all
+history contained in the folk-tale, and they have
+proceeded upon the assumption, the bald assumption
+not accompanied by any kind of proof, that the folk-tale
+contains nothing but the remnants of a once
+prevalent system of mythology. They ignore all the
+proofs brought forward by folklorists to the contrary,
+such proofs, for instance, as Mr. Knowles, Sir Richard
+Temple and others have produced concerning the
+Hindu folk-tale. What is not true of the Hindu folk-tale
+cannot be true of its Celtic or Teutonic or Scandinavian
+parallel, and yet in the most recent study of
+Celtic tradition, Mr. Squire takes its mythic origin
+for granted, and works through his ingenious statement
+without let or hindrance from other points of
+view. But even his thorough-going methods compel
+him to stop short at certain points, and to admit that he
+has come across historic fact. Thus he agrees that the
+Fir-Bolgs "were not really gods but the pre-Aryan race
+which the Gaels, when they landed in Ireland, found
+already in occupation,"<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> and yet when he treats
+of the fight of the Fir-Bolgs with the Tuatha d&eacute;
+Danann, and is confronted with Sir William Wilde's
+proofs that the monuments on the plain of Moytura
+are in agreement with the traditions concerning
+them, and point to the account of the battle being<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg&nbsp;102]</a></span>
+historical,<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> all that Mr. Squire can admit is that "certainly
+the coincidences are curious." He disposes of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg&nbsp;103]</a></span>
+them on the ground that the "people of the goddess
+Danu are too obviously mythical to make it worth while
+to seek any standing ground for them in the world of
+reality." That standing ground might be found connected
+with the Tuatha d&eacute; Danann in many places, but
+Mr. Squire will have it that it is impossible, because "it
+was about this period that the mythology of Ireland
+was being rewoven into spurious history."<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> It is not,
+however, upon the mistakes of other inquirers<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> that
+the mythologists may rest a good claim for their own
+view. The <i>Historia Britonum</i> of Geoffrey of Monmouth
+disposes of neither the myths nor the history of
+the Celts. It shows myth in its secondary position, in
+the handling of those who would make it all history,
+just as now there are scholars who would make it all
+myth. In front of the legends attaching to persons
+and places is the history of these persons and places.
+Behind these legends lies the domain of the unattached
+and primitive folk-tale, Mr. Campbell's <i>Highland Tales</i>,
+Kennedy's <i>Fireside Stories of Ireland</i>, and those English
+tales which have been rescued by Mr. Clodd and
+others. This makes it impossible to see in the hero-legends
+naught else than the intangible realm of Celtic
+gods and goddesses.</p>
+
+<p>Equally impossible is it to create for them a home in
+a system of "state religion," and yet a state religion
+is a necessary part of the evidence for mythological
+origins.<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> There was no Celtic state. Emphatically this
+was so. Everything we know about the Celts of
+Britain, both before and after the Roman conquest, both<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg&nbsp;104]</a></span>
+in Britain, where the Roman power was upheld for four
+centuries, and in Ireland, where the Roman power never
+penetrated, the Celts were possessed of a tribal, not a
+state polity; lived in tribal strongholds, not in Celtic
+cities; occupied tribal territories, not countries formed
+into states; elected tribal chiefs in primitive fashion,
+and not kings with state ceremonial; and when they
+come under the dominion of an incipient state policy
+after the conquest of the English and the Northmen,
+their laws are promulgated and codified, and show that
+both Welsh and Irish codes are tribal, not state law.</p>
+
+<p>Not only do I fail to discover a state religion of the
+Celts, but I do not find it among the Teutons. There is
+greater evidence of discrepancies than of agreement in
+all the European religions, but these have not been
+dwelt upon by scholars. Professor York Powell, in
+one of his illuminating studies on Teutonic heathendom,
+is the only authority I know of who argues
+against the idea of a systematised religion. "It is
+important that we should at once throw aside the
+idea that there was any <i>system</i>, any organized pantheon
+in the religion of these peoples. Their tribes
+were small and isolated, and each had its own peculiar
+gods and observances, although the mould of each
+faith was somewhat similar. Hence there were varieties
+of religious customs among the Goths, Swedes, Saxons,
+and Angles."<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a></p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus16" id="Illus16"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 244px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_16.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_16th.jpg" width="244" height="400"
+alt="Altar dedicated to the field deities of Britain, found at Castle Hill
+on the wall of Antoninus Pius"
+title="ALTAR DEDICATED TO THE FIELD DEITIES OF BRITAIN" /></a>
+<span class="caption">ALTAR DEDICATED TO THE FIELD DEITIES OF BRITAIN<br />
+FOUND AT CASTLE HILL ON THE WALL OF ANTONINUS PIUS</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>Now if there was no state there could be no state
+religion. What existed of worship and religion
+was tribal. These are the historical facts, which
+have been neglected by students of myth and saga.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg&nbsp;105]</a></span>I shall have to point out in greater detail presently
+what these tribal conditions mean to studies in folklore,
+but the word of warning and protest must come here,
+for it is unconsciously the conception of a Celtic state
+religion which gives even the semblance of possibility
+for Celtic mythology to be found in every hero-legend.
+It is, in short, the neglect of this among other historical
+facts which has led the folklorist into error of a somewhat
+magnificent kind. He attempts to create out of
+the myths of a people a mythology which provides
+gods to be worshipped, faiths to be organised, and beliefs
+to be the standards of life and conduct. Thus, as I
+have pointed out elsewhere,<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> Sir John Rhys has, in his
+acute identification of the worship of the water-god
+Lud on the Thames and of Nod on the Severn,<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> introduced
+the idea of a great Celtic worship established on
+these two great rivers as parts of a definite system of
+Celtic religion, whereas examination proves that the
+parallel faiths of two perfectly distinct Celtic tribes, the
+Silures on the Severn and the Trinovantes on the
+Thames, were welded into a common worship of the
+god of the waters by the masters of Celtic Britain, the
+Romans. There was no Celtic organisation which
+commanded both Severn and Thames until the Romans
+occupied the country, and occupying the country they
+adopted into their own religion the native gods and,
+fortunately for us, recorded their adoption in the pavements
+of their houses or their temples.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg&nbsp;106]</a></span>
+Mr. A.&nbsp;B. Cook goes much further than Sir John
+Rhys. He attempts to dig out the European sky-god
+from all sorts of queer places, all sorts of forgotten
+records, thereby producing a wealth of folklore parallels
+for which every student must be profoundly thankful.
+But he does not make it anywhere clear that this
+universal god was gloriously apparent to his worshippers.
+There is no established connection between
+the sky-god and those who worshipped the sky-god,
+and we seek in vain amidst all the brilliant researches,
+which have been held to produce evidence of the sky-god,
+for evidence that he was worshipped by the Aryan-speaking
+Celt and Teuton. In point of fact, we never
+get at the worshippers at all. There is the assumption
+of a state mythology without any evidence for the
+existence of the state.</p>
+
+<p>In place of this obvious necessity we get an immense
+abstraction, worked out with all the subtle ingenuity
+and learning of the Cambridge professor. Mr. Cook
+has, in fact, used the materials he has collected with
+such amazing care to project therefrom just those
+mythological conceptions which Celt and Teuton would
+have worked out for themselves if they, like the Hindu
+and the Greek, had developed the state while they
+were still free to develop their own native beliefs.
+This they never did, and so their fire worship did not
+advance beyond its early stages. It was separated
+from nature worship to become the servant of the
+European tribes. It helped them to develop tribal and
+family institutions. It produced for them a tribal and
+family worship. It did not get beyond this, because
+Roman institutions and Christianity stood in the way<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg&nbsp;107]</a></span>
+and prevented tribal fire worship from becoming
+anthropomorphised into a mythology. This need not
+cause us to doubt that the analogies claimed by these
+scholars are true analogies. There were among the
+Celtic peoples, as among other branches of the race to
+which Celt, Greek, Teuton, Scandinavian, and Hindu
+belonged, the incipient elements which would go to
+make up a national or state mythology, when the nation
+or the state emerged, as it did emerge in the case of
+Greece and of Rome, from its tribal originals. But the
+Celtic state did not emerge from tribalism in Britain;
+the Celtic heroes were always tribal heroes. They
+were, as Hereward and Arthur were, real human flesh
+and blood, fighting and raiding and loving and feasting
+in their tribal fashion as the later heroes did in their
+national fashion; because of their success as tribal
+heroes they had attached to them the tribal myths;
+because they died as nobly as Cuchulain died they
+left imperishable records among those for whom they
+died. They were more than gods to the Celtic tribesman&mdash;they
+were kinsmen.</p>
+
+<p>The false conception of a state religion before there
+was a state, appears in other studies not primarily based
+upon folklore research, and not having in view anthropological
+results. It is the basis of the remarkable
+researches of Sir Norman Lockyer as to the astrological
+and solar origin of Stonehenge and other circles, and
+in his chapter which deals with the question, "Where
+did the British worship originate?" he finds himself
+bound to the theory of a borrowed civilisation which
+established the solar system.<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> This borrowed civilisation<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg&nbsp;108]</a></span>
+is Egyptian, but it is too much to ask mythology
+to supply not only a complete system of belief but
+a civilisation which belongs to it. What is needed is
+independent evidence of the civilisation. Without
+such independent evidence it is impossible to accept
+the deduction drawn only from one sphere of information.</p>
+
+<p>The error of transferring to the domain of mythology
+events and occurrences which belong to history, is
+followed by an error of another sort, namely, the transferring
+to some general department of human belief the
+particular beliefs of a people, or of tribes of people. It
+is wrong to continue to label particular cults as nature
+myths, when they have already been transferred from
+that position to a more definite position among the beliefs
+of a people. Thus even so good a scholar as Mr.
+A.&nbsp;B. Cook, rightly interpreting Greek evidence of the
+hill-top fires and of the house fire, yet denies to the
+exactly corresponding Irish evidence the same interpretation,
+and argues that "the ritual of Samain, at which
+all the hearths in Ireland were supplied with fresh fire
+from a common centre at Tlachtga [is] almost certainly
+solar," and that "we shall not be far wrong if we suppose
+that the solar fires of Beltaine were the ritual of
+the sky god connected with the Ash of Uisnech."<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> Mr.
+Frazer, too, has interpreted these bonfires as mainly
+sun charms, and he sees in the Balder myth, and in the
+peasant customs all over Europe, which he asserts
+illustrate this myth, an ancient ritual which originally
+marked the beginning of the new year, when the tree<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg&nbsp;109]</a></span>
+spirit, or spirit of vegetation, was burned, the special
+reasons why the deity of vegetation should die by fire
+being that as "light and heat are necessary to vegetable
+growth, on the principle of sympathetic magic, by
+subjecting the personal representative of vegetation to
+their influence you secure a supply of these necessaries
+for trees and crops."<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> Mr. Frazer goes far afield for evidence.
+He does not see that the fire ceremonies which
+he collects from all Europe have a specialised significance,
+even in their last stages of existence as survivals,
+which is not found among the Incas, the African tribes,
+the hill tribes of India, and the Chinese, whom he cites
+as providing the required parallels. Parallel practices
+are not necessarily evidence of parallels in culture, and
+it is the failure to locate properly the several examples
+in relationship to each other which produces a loose and
+inadequate conception of the relics of fire worship in
+European countries, and the refusal to recognise its
+special place as the cult of a tribal people.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> Another
+example of this fundamental error takes us in the very
+opposite direction to that of Dr. Frazer. Thus Dr.
+Gummere, in a recent study dealing with Germanic
+origins,<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> sees nothing in the fire cult of the Indo-European
+people but a branch, and apparently an
+undeveloped branch, of general nature worship, not
+specially Germanic or Indo-European, not specialised
+by the tribes and clans of these people into a cult far<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg&nbsp;110]</a></span>
+more closely connected with their doings and their life
+than mere participation in the general primitive nature
+worship could have afforded.</p>
+
+<p>The danger of searching for a general system of
+belief and worship from the beliefs and rites of peoples
+not ethnically, geographically, or politically connected
+is very great, and I venture to think that even Mr.
+Frazer's remarkable researches into the agricultural
+rites of European peoples do not take count of one
+important consideration. I think his constructive hypothesis
+is too complex in process and too systematic in
+form to have been the actual living faith of the varied
+paganism of the European peoples. It would have
+meant as organised an institution as the Christian
+Church itself, and of this there is no evidence whatever.
+It would have meant an exclusive agricultural
+ceremony, and of this there is strong evidence to the
+contrary. It would have meant a deep system of
+philosophy, penetrating from the highest to the lowest
+of the people, and of this there is no evidence. The
+plain fact is that the historical conditions have been
+altogether left out of consideration in these matters,
+and we consequently do not get a complete study. We
+get the advocate's position. The case for the mythological
+interpretation of folklore has been put with full
+strength, but it is not the entire case.</p>
+
+
+<h4>V</h4>
+
+<p>This short survey of the relationship of tradition to
+history would not answer its purpose if we did not
+consider the complementary position which history<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg&nbsp;111]</a></span>
+bears to tradition. This may best be done by reference
+to the period before that occupied by contemporary
+native record. The history here alluded to is, properly
+speaking, only derived from one source, namely, the
+works of foreign or outside authorities. It is written
+by observers from a civilised country, travelling among
+the more primitive peoples of another land, and the
+Greek and Latin authors who relate particulars of
+early Britain were of this class. Their narratives have
+to be compared with the traditions written down as
+history by professed historians, who lived long after the
+events happened to which the traditions are said to
+relate, but who recorded the traditions of the people
+preserved in the monasteries by devotees who were of
+the people, or by the songs and rhymes which, as
+Henry of Huntingdon states explicitly, were used for
+the purpose.</p>
+
+<p>Both the observations of the foreign historians and
+travellers and the recorded traditions from native
+sources have been treated with scant courtesy whenever
+they cannot be explained according to the views of
+each particular inquirer into the period to which they
+refer. They have been alternatively the subject of dispute
+or neglect by students for a long series of years.
+They consist of items which do not fit in with Celtic
+or Teutonic institutions as we know them from other
+and more detailed sources. They offend against the
+national pride because they tell of a condition of
+savagery. They do not appeal to the historian, because
+the historian knows little and cares nothing at all about
+the condition of savagery. If, therefore, they are not
+rejected as true history, they are purposely neglected.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg&nbsp;112]</a></span>
+They are in any event never taken into consideration
+by the right method, and they stand over for examination
+by any one who will take the trouble to deal with
+them by the light and test of modern research.</p>
+
+<p>It is not my purpose to deal with these matters now,
+but it is advisable that we should try to understand two
+things&mdash;first, how they have been dealt with by the
+historian; secondly, their true place in history.</p>
+
+<p>The Greek and Latin authors who have stated of
+peoples living in Britain many characteristics which
+do not belong to civilisation or even to the borders of
+civilisation, range from Pytheas the Greek in the
+middle of the fourth century before our era down to
+the Latin poets of the early fifth century anno Domini.
+They all refer to the British savage. He is cannibalistic,
+incestuous, naked, possesses his wives in common,
+lives on wild fruits and not cultivated cereals, indulges
+in head-hunting, has no settled living-place which can
+be called a house, and generally betrays the characteristics
+of pure savagery.<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> Altogether there is a fairly
+substantial range of material for the formation of a
+reasonable conception of the condition of savagery in
+Britain.</p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus17" id="Illus17"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 221px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_17.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_17th.jpg" width="221" height="400"
+alt="Roman sculptured stone found at Arniebog, Cumbernauld, Dumbartonshire,
+showing a naked Briton as a captive"
+title="ROMAN SCULPTURED STONE FOUND AT ARNIEBOG, CUMBERNAULD, DUMBARTONSHIRE,
+SHOWING A NAKED BRITON AS A CAPTIVE" /></a>
+<span class="caption">ROMAN SCULPTURED STONE FOUND AT ARNIEBOG, CUMBERNAULD,
+DUMBARTONSHIRE, SHOWING A NAKED BRITON AS A CAPTIVE</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg&nbsp;113]</a></span>
+We need not dwell long upon the earlier of our
+historians who have neglected or contested the statements
+of the authorities they use. They hardly possessed
+the material for scientific treatment, and personal
+predilections were the governing factors of any opinion
+which is expressed. John Milton, in his brave attempt
+to tell the story of early England, does not so much as
+allude to these disagreeable points. Hume disdainfully
+passes by the whole subject and practically begins
+with the Norman conquest. Lappenberg says of the
+group marriage of the Britons that it "is probably a
+mere Roman fable."<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> Innes accepts the views of the
+classical authorities and argues from them in his own
+peculiar way,<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> but Sullivan will have it that the
+materials afforded from classical sources are worthless:
+"they consist of mere hearsay reports without any
+sure foundation, and in many cases not in harmony
+with the results of modern linguistic and arch&aelig;ological
+investigations."<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> Neither Turner nor Palgrave has
+any doubt as to the authority of these early accounts,<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>
+and Dr. Giles accepts the accounts which he so usefully
+collected from the original authorities.<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a></p>
+
+<p>The modern historian cannot, however, be so incidentally
+treated. He lives in the age of the comparative<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg&nbsp;114]</a></span>
+sciences and of anthropological research. He
+sometimes uses, though in a half-hearted and incomplete
+fashion, the results of inquirers in these fields of
+research, but he nowhere deals with the problem fully.
+His sins are not general, but special. He agrees with
+one statement of his original authority and disagrees
+with another, and we are left with a chaos of opinion
+founded upon no accepted principle. If the earlier
+historians accepted or rejected historical records without
+much reason for either course, the later historians have
+no right to follow them. The terms "savage" and
+"barbarian," indulged in by the Greek and Roman
+writers, cannot be rejected by modern authorities simply
+because they are too harsh. They cannot be considered
+merely in the nature of accusations against the standing
+and position of our ancestors, made by advocates
+anxious to blacken the national character. Even
+scholars like Mr. Skene, Mr. Elton, and Sir John
+Rhys, though inclined to weigh these passages by the
+light of ethnographic research, throw something like
+doubt upon the exact extent to which they may be
+taken as evidence. Mr. Elton, though admitting that
+the early "romances of travel" afford some evidence
+as to the habits of our barbarian ancestors, cannot
+quite get as far in his belief as to think that the account
+of "the Irish tribes who thought it right to devour
+their parents" is much more than a traveller's tale.<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>
+Sir John Rhys is not quite sure that the account by
+C&aelig;sar of the communal marriages of the British is
+"not a passage from some Greek book of imaginary
+travels among imaginary barbarians which C&aelig;sar had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg&nbsp;115]</a></span>
+in his mind,"<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> though he notes elsewhere that "the
+vocabulary of the Celts will be searched in vain for
+a word for son or daughter as distinguished from boy
+or girl" as a fact of no little negative importance in
+relation to C&aelig;sar's "ugly account;"<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> and he has
+similar doubts to express, noteworthy among them
+being the passage from Pliny which illustrates the
+Godiva story.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> Mr. Skene lays stress upon the fact
+that Tacitus "neither alludes to the practice of their
+staining their bodies with woad nor to the supposed
+community of women among them;" and he offers
+some kind of excuse for the Roman evidence as to the
+tattooing with representations of animals,<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> evidence
+which Sir John Rhys, too, is chary of accepting in its
+full sense. Mr. Pearson reluctantly accepts C&aelig;sar's account
+of the group marriage and the human sacrifice of
+the Druids, but he ignores all else, including the attested
+cannibalism of the Atticotti, though he mentions
+that tribe in another connection.<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> Sir James Ramsay
+agrees that the Britons tattooed their bodies with woad,
+recognises the fact that their matrimonial customs were
+polyandric, and that brother-and-sister marriage obtained,
+and generally accepts the prevalent ideas as to
+Celtic Druidism with its sacrificial rites and the system
+of "state worship." He rests his views for much of
+this upon the anthropological evidence in support of it.<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg&nbsp;116]</a></span>
+Mr. Lang on behalf of Scotland, and Dr. Joyce on
+behalf of Ireland, have their say on the evidence.
+Mr. Lang seems to accept C&aelig;sar's evidence "if
+correctly reported," throws doubts upon the ethnological
+value of such customs, and declares roundly
+that to found theories upon such evidence as arch&aelig;ology
+provides "is the province of another science, not
+of history."<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> Dr. Joyce says that in early Greek
+and Roman writers there is not much reliable information
+about Ireland, though he believes them
+when they talk of students from Britain residing in
+Ireland and of books existing in Ireland in the fourth
+century.<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a></p>
+
+<p>This meagre result from the historians seems to me
+to be most unfortunate. Even when the testimony of
+early writers is accepted, it is accepted without the
+necessary filling in which such an acceptance warrants.
+Bare acceptance does not tell us much. Each recorded
+fact has a relationship to surrounding facts, should
+lead us to associated facts which, escaping observation
+by early writers, can nevertheless be restored. In
+history they are isolated and unconnected, because of
+the faults of the historian who records them. Anthropologically
+they belong to a wider grouping, reveal a
+connection with each other which is otherwise unsuspected,
+and prepare themselves for treatment on a
+larger platform. The historian has used them for the
+unprofitable controversy ranging round the question
+of early Celtic civilisation, whereas they clearly belong
+to the history of early man, and even the folklorist does<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg&nbsp;117]</a></span>
+not disdain to cast them on one side when they do not
+suit his purpose.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is still more unfortunate that Sir Henry Maine
+should have sought to enhance the value of his Indian
+evidence by contrasting it with what he calls "the
+slippery testimony concerning savages which is
+gathered from travellers' tales,"<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> and that Mr. Herbert
+Spencer should have replied to this in an angry note,
+declaring that he was aware "that in the eyes of most,
+antiquity gives sacredness to testimony, and that so
+what were travellers' tales when they were written in
+Roman days have come in our days to be regarded as
+of higher authority than like tales written by recent or
+living travellers."<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> The scorn passed upon "travellers'
+tales," the application of the term "romance" to the
+early descriptions of voyages, have done the same
+amount of mischief to these early chapters of history
+as the constant disbelief in the value of tradition has
+done to the testimony of folklore.</p>
+
+<p>Now I do not recall these controversies, or lay stress
+upon what appear to me to be the shortcomings of the
+historian and folklorist in their relationship to each
+other, for the purpose of reawakening old antagonisms.
+I have merely selected a few illustrations of the present
+position of the subject in order that it may be seen how
+essential it is to proceed on other lines. All the items<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg&nbsp;118]</a></span>
+which have formed the subject of dispute, together
+with others which have escaped attention&mdash;items which
+have found their way into history by accident, which
+are by nature fragmentary and isolated, which do not
+connect up with anything that is distinctively Celtic or
+Teutonic, and which do not apparently fit in with any
+standard common to themselves&mdash;must command attention
+if only because they alone cannot be cut out of
+history when items standing side by side with them are
+allowed to remain, and in the end it can, I think, be
+shown that they command attention because of their
+inherent value.</p>
+
+<p>The method of investigation as to the importance
+and significance of these earliest historical records
+must be anthropological. They are in point of fact so
+much anthropological data relating to Britain. It is
+no use calling them history, and then defining that
+history as bad history simply because as history the
+recorded facts do not appear to be credible. As a
+matter of fact they belong to the prehistory period of
+Britain, and to test their value scientific methods are
+required.</p>
+
+<p>In the first place, anthropology shows that there is no
+<i><ins class="correction" title="'prima' in original">prim&acirc;</ins> facie</i>
+necessity for calling them Celtic, thus
+identifying them with that portion of our ancestry
+which is Celtic in race; for there is evidence of a non-Celtic
+race existing in prehistoric times, and existing
+down to within historic times, if not to modern times.
+Mr. Willis Bund has recently summarised the evidence
+from arch&aelig;ology, philology, and tradition as it appears
+in a particularly valuable local study of ancient
+Cardiganshire, stating it "to be agreed that there was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg&nbsp;119]</a></span>
+more than one race of early inhabitants, and two of
+the sources say that there was an original race and at
+least two distinct races of invaders," and further, "that
+whoever the original inhabitants were they were not
+Celts."<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> These original inhabitants, who were not Celts,
+have left their remains in the barrows and megalithic
+monuments which still exist in various parts of the
+country, and anthropologists show that they have not
+entirely disappeared from among the race distinctions
+observable among the people of these islands. If it is
+possible to proceed from this to another stage, and to
+show from the British evidence what Mr. Risley has so
+well illustrated from the Indian evidence, namely, that
+gradations of race types as shown by anthropometrical
+indices correspond with gradations of social precedence
+and social organisation,<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> it may yet be possible
+to prove that the people who were not Celts
+were the people with whom originated those recorded
+customs and beliefs which are rejected as too savage
+for the Celt. Unfortunately, we know nothing about
+them, except the isolated scraps which are to be picked
+up from the early historians. This compels us to turn
+to other sources of information, and when we do this
+we find that British folklore preserves in traditional
+custom, rite, belief, and folk-tale, parallels to each
+and every item of savagery mentioned by the early
+historians of Britain; and further, that anthropology
+shows clearly enough that among the customs and
+beliefs of primitive races there are to be found parallels
+to every item of custom and belief recorded of early<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg&nbsp;120]</a></span>
+Britain. This gets rid of one of our greatest difficulties,
+and disposes of Dr. Sullivan's unwarranted
+assertion to the contrary (<i>ante</i>, p. 113). The recorded
+customs and beliefs of early Britain are proved by this
+means not to be impossible or improbable factors in
+the elements of the British prehistoric race. It will
+not be possible to term them inventions of romance or
+of false testimony, simply on the ground that they are
+not found elsewhere. On the contrary it will, I think,
+be difficult to resist the conclusion that inventions such
+as these, covering a wide and ascertained area of
+sociological and early religious development, could
+hardly have been made by historians having the
+limited range of knowledge possessed by the native
+and classical writers who are responsible for the facts.
+It is an easy, but not a satisfactory method of criticism
+to declare what is not to one's liking to be invention
+and romance, and it has until late years been difficult
+to combat such an argument. The battle has raged
+round wordy disputes, the merits of which are governed
+by the abilities of the respective disputants; that
+this is no longer possible is due to the fact that there
+have entered into the fray the methods and results of
+folklore which prevent the terms invention and romance
+from being applied, except where there is good independent
+reason for their use.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>I have now dealt with all the points which appear to
+be necessary in order to show the inherent relationship
+of folklore to history, and I have shown causes for
+resisting the claims of mythology to appropriate what<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg&nbsp;121]</a></span>
+it chooses of folklore, and then to reject all the rest
+from consideration. I have dealt (1) with examples of
+local traditions and hero-traditions, in their relation to
+history and historical conditions; (2) with the folk-tale
+in its retention of details of early historic conditions, and
+of the picture of early tribal organisation, and in that
+its structure is based upon the events of savage social
+conceptions; (3) with the early laws and rules of tribal
+society preserved by tradition and accepted in historical
+times; (4) with the claims of mythology to interpret the
+meaning of folk-tales, and the reasons for rejecting
+this claim; and (5) with the treatment by historians of
+statements by classical writers as to the condition of the
+peoples inhabiting Britain before the dawn of civilisation.
+I think it will be admitted that, without pretending
+in any way to have exhausted the evidence, or
+even to have thoroughly comprehended and satisfactorily
+stated it under each of these heads, a very
+considerable claim has been made out for the historical
+value of folklore. If so much has been gained
+it will rest with folklorists to pursue investigations on
+these lines, and it will remain with the historian to
+consider the results wherever his research leads him
+into domains where the evidence of folklore is obtainable.</p>
+
+<p>It will be seen that the problems which the two
+sciences, history and folklore, have to solve in conjunction
+are not a few and that they are extremely complex.
+They cannot be solved if history and folklore are separated;
+they may be solved if the professors in each work
+together, both recognising what there is of value in the
+other. History in its earliest stages is either entirely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg&nbsp;122]</a></span>
+dependent upon foreign authorities, or it has to follow
+the practice of the earlier and unscientific historian and
+to deny that there is any history, or at all events any
+history worth recording, before the advent, perhaps
+the accidental advent, of an historian on native ground.
+History in its later stages is dependent upon the personal
+tastes or ability of each historian for the record
+of events and facts. Folklore in its earliest stages has
+brought down from the most ancient times memories
+of ancient polity, faith, custom, rite, and thought. In
+its later stages it has preserved custom, rite, and belief
+amid the attacks of the progressive civilisation which has
+been developed, and it has clothed heroes of later times
+with the well-worn trappings of those of old. Combined
+history and folklore can restore much of the picture of
+early times, and can work through the fulness of later
+times with some degree of success. There is needed for
+this work, however, a clear conception of the position
+properly held by both sciences, together with established
+rules of research. This is more particularly
+needed in the department of folklore. I do not pretend
+to be able to formulate these rules. In the subjects
+dealt with in this chapter I have indicated a few of the
+points which must be raised, and my object will be in
+the remaining chapters to set forth some of the conditions
+which it appears to me necessary to consider in
+connection with the problems with which folklore is
+concerned as one of the historical sciences.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mr. Kemble gives an important illustration of this proposition in his
+<i>Saxons in England</i>, i. 331.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I would refer the reader to Prof. York Powell's brilliant lecture on
+"A Survey of Modern History," printed in his biography by Mr. Oliver
+Elton, ii. 1-13, for an admirable summary of this view.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>View of the State of Ireland</i>, 1595, p. 478.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Asser's <i>Life of Alfred</i>, by W.&nbsp;H. Stevenson, 262.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> It is not worth while unduly emphasising this point, but the peculiar
+habit of classing fictional literature as folklore and thereupon condemning
+the value of tradition is very prevalent. Mr. Nutt, in dealing with
+the Troy stories in British history, adopts this method, and denies
+the existence of historic tradition on the strength of it, <i>Folklore</i>, xii.
+336-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> This expression was recently allowed in our old friend <i>Notes and
+Queries</i> in a singularly unsuitable case, 10th ser. vii. 344.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> I am not sure this is always the fault of those who are not folklorists.
+I recently came across a dictum of one of the most distinguished folklorists,
+Mr. Andrew Lang, which is certainly much in the same direction.
+"As a rule tradition is the noxious ivy that creeps about historical truth,
+and needs to be stripped off with a ruthless hand. Tradition is a collection
+of venerable and romantic blunders. But a tradition which clings
+to a permanent object in the landscape, a tall stone, a grassy, artificial
+tumulus, or even an old tree, may be unexpectedly correct."&mdash;<i>Morning
+Post</i>, 2 November, 1906.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> It is worth while referring to Mr. MacRitchie's article in <i>Trans.
+International Folklore Congress</i> on the historical aspect of Folklore;
+but Professor York Powell has said the strongest word in its favour in
+his all too short address as President of the Folklore Society, see
+<i>Folklore</i>, xv. 12-23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Chapter xi. of Tylor's <i>Early History of Mankind</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Spenser, <i>View of the State of Ireland</i>, 1595 (Morley reprint), 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Perhaps the most remarkable testimony to the foundation of the
+folk-tale and ballad in the events of history is to be found in a statement
+made to the <i>Tribune</i>, 14 September, 1906, by Mr. Mitra, once proprietor
+and editor of the <i>Deccan Post</i>, with regard to the agitation
+against the partition of Bengal into two provinces. Mr. Mitra deliberately
+states that "the best test of finding out Hindu feeling towards the
+British Government is to see whether there are any ballads or nursery
+rhymes in the Bengali language against the British. You can have
+it from me, and I challenge contradiction, that there is no single ballad
+or nursery rhyme in the Bengali language which is against the British."
+This is where the soul of the people speaks out.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> It is printed, and I have used this print, in Blomefield's <i>History of
+Norfolk</i> (1769), iii. 506, from which source I quote the facts concerning it.
+Sir William Dugdale's account goes on to connect it with a monument in
+the church, but this part of the local version is to be considered presently.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> See the <i>Diary</i> printed by the Surtees Society, p. 220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> The legend was also printed in that popular folk-book, <i>New Help to
+Discourse</i>, so often printed between 1619 and 1656, and Mr. Axon transcribed
+this version for the <i>Antiquary</i>, xi. 167-168; and see my notes in
+<i>Gent. Mag. Lib. English Traditions</i>, 332-336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> I happen to possess the original cutting of this version preserved
+among my great-grandfather's papers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> These words are, "I am not a Bigot in Dreams, yet I cannot help
+acknowledging the Relation of the above made a strong Impression
+on me."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> <i>Leeds Mercury</i>, January 3rd, 1885, communicated by Mr. Wm.
+Grainge of Harrogate.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Mr. Axon says it is current in Lancashire and in Cornwall, <i>Antiquary</i>,
+xi. 168; Sir John Rhys gives two Welsh versions in his <i>Celtic
+Folklore</i>, ii. 458-462, 464-466; a Yorkshire version in ballad form is to
+be found in Castillo's <i>Poems in the North Yorkshire Dialect</i> (1878), under
+the title of "T' Lealholm Chap's lucky dreeam," <i>Antiquary</i>, xii. 121;
+an Ayrshire variant relates to the building of Dundonald Castle, and is
+given in Chambers's <i>Pop. Rhymes of Scotland</i>, 236.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Blomefield, <i>Hist. of Norfolk</i>, iii. 507, suggests that the animal
+carving represents a bear. There is nothing to confirm this and readers
+may judge for themselves by reference to the illustrations, which are
+from photographs taken in Swaffham Church.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> I discussed the details in the <i>Antiquary</i>, vol. x. pp. 202-205.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> This story was communicated by "W.F." to the <i>St. James's Gazette</i>,
+March 15th, 1888. Its continuation, in order to point a moral, does not
+belong to the real story, which is contained in the part I have quoted.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Saga Library</i>, <i>Heimskringla</i>, iii. 126.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> These have been collected and commented upon with his usual learning
+and research, by Mr. Hartland in the <i>Antiquary</i>, xv. 45-48. Blomefield,
+in his <i>History of Norfolk</i>, iii. 507, points out that the same story is
+found in Johannes Fungerus' <i>Etymologicon Latino-Gr&aelig;cum</i>, pp. 1110-1111,
+though it is here narrated of a man at Dort in Holland, and in
+<i>Histoires admirables de nostre temps</i>, par Simon Goulart, Geneva, 1614,
+iii. p. 366. Professor Cowell, in the third volume of the <i>Cambridge Antiquarian
+Society Transactions</i>, p. 320, has printed a remarkable parallel
+of the story which is to be found in the great Persian metaphysical and
+religious poem called the Masnavi, written by Jal&aacute;luddin, who died
+about 1260. J. Grimm discussed these treasure-on-the-bridge stories in
+<i>Kleinere Schriften</i>, iii. 414-428, and did not attach much value to them.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> It is not unimportant in this connection to find that London itself
+assumes an exceptional place in tradition. Mr. Frazer notes a German
+legend about London, <i>Golden Bough</i> (2nd ed.), iii. 235; Pausanias, v. 292.
+Mr. Dale has drawn attention to the Anglo-Saxon attitude towards
+Roman buildings in his <i>National Life in Early English Literature</i>, 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> See <i>Arch&aelig;ologia</i>, xxv. 600; xxix. 147; xl. 54; <i>Arch. Journ.</i>, i. 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> I have worked this point out in my <i>Governance of London</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Bishop Kennett, quoted in <i>Notes and Queries</i>, fourth series, ix. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Mommsen's account of the Pontifex Maximus should be consulted,
+<i>Hist. Rome</i>, i. 178; and <i>cf.</i> Fowler, <i>Roman Festivals</i>, 114, 147, 214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Mrs. Gomme, <i>Traditional Games</i>, i. 347.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Bingley, <i>North Wales</i>, 1814, p. 252.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> See my <i>Folklore Relics of Early Village Life</i>, 29; Tylor, <i>Primitive
+Culture</i>, i. 97. This case was reported in the newspapers at the time of
+its occurrence. It came to England from the <i>London and China Telegraph</i>,
+from which the <i>Newcastle Chronicle</i>, 9 February, 1889, copied
+the following statement:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"The boatmen on the Ganges, near Rajmenal, somehow came to
+believe that the Government required a hundred thousand human heads
+as the foundation for a great bridge, and that the Government officers
+were going about the river in search of heads. A hunting party, consisting
+of four Europeans, happening to pass in a boat, were set upon
+by the one hundred and twenty boatmen, with the cry 'Gulla Katta,'
+or cut-throats, and only escaped with their lives after the greatest
+difficulty."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> I have worked out this fact in my <i>Governance of London</i>, 46-68,
+202-229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> See Turner, <i>Hist. of Anglo-Saxons</i>, ii. 207-222; <i>Y Cymmrodor</i>,
+xi. 61-101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> A passage in William of Malmesbury points to the fact of the Bretons
+in the time of Athelstan looking upon themselves as exiles from the land
+of their fathers. Radhod, a prefect of the church at Avranches, writes
+to King Athelstan as "Rex gloriose exultator ecclesi&aelig; ... deprecamur
+atque humiliter invocamus qui in exulatu et captivitate nostris meritis
+et peccatis, in Francia commoramur" etc., <i>De Gestis Regum Anglorum</i>
+(Rolls Ed.), i. 154.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Rhys, <i>Celtic Folklore</i>, ii. 466. Sir John Rhys acknowledges his
+indebtedness to me for lending him my Swaffham notes, but at that time
+I had not formed the views stated above and Sir John Rhys confessed
+his difficulty in classifying and characterising these stories (p. 456).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> In the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, anno 418, and in <i>Ethelward's
+Chronicle</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 418, it is recorded that "those of the Roman race who
+were left in Britain bury their treasures in pits, thinking that hereafter
+they might have better fortune, which never was the case."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Buried treasure legends are worth examining carefully, especially
+with reference to their geographical distribution, with a view of ascertaining
+how far they follow the direction of the Roman, English, Danish
+and Norman Conquests. See Henderson, <i>Folklore of Northern Counties</i>,
+320, for Yorkshire examples, and <i>Folklore Record</i>, i. 16, for an interesting
+Sussex example.</p>
+
+<p>The Danish part of Lincoln, near Sleaford, has numerous treasure
+legends, see Rev. G. Oliver, <i>Existing Remains of Ancient Britons between
+Lincoln and Sleaford</i>, pp. 29 <i>et seq.</i></p>
+
+<p>Mr. W.&nbsp;J. Andrew has proved in the <i>British Numismatic Journal</i>
+(1st ser. i. 9-59) that traditions of buried treasure may be verified a
+thousand years after the laying down of the hoard. This has reference
+to the famous Cuerdale find of coins. The people of Walton-le-Dale, on
+the Ribble, had a legend that if you stood on a certain headland and
+looked up the valley to Ribchester "you would gaze over the greatest
+treasure that England had ever seen." The farmers tried excavations,
+and the divining rod is said to have been used.</p>
+
+<p>The tradition was true. In May, 1840, the hoard was accidentally
+found, near Cuerdale Hall, within forty yards of the stream, by men
+who were repairing the southern bank. A willow tree, still in its prime,
+was planted to mark the spot. We do not know how much bullion was
+scattered by the finders, but there was recovered a mass of ingots,
+armlets, chains, rings, and so on, amounting to 1000 oz., with over
+7000 silver coins. They lay in a crumbling leaden case, within a
+decomposed chest of wood. There were about 1060 English silver
+coins, whereof 919 were of the reign of King Alfred. There were
+2020 from Northumbrian ecclesiastical mints, and 2534 of King Canute,
+with 1047 foreign coins, mainly French. The treasure had belonged to the
+Scandinavian invaders in the host of the Danish Kings of Northumbria,
+and very many bore the mark of York, the Danish capital. The chest
+was the treasure-chest of the Danes. The money had been seized in
+England, 890-897; on French coasts, 897-910; and collected among the
+Danes of Northumbria about 911. In that year, we know, the Danes
+raided Mercia, and were followed by the English King and thoroughly
+defeated. Their treasurer, Osberth, was killed, and it is argued that
+the Danes fell back by the Roman road, and were trying to cross into
+Northumbria by the ford at Cuerdale, but that, the ford being dangerous,
+they were obliged to bury their treasure-chest forty yards on the southern
+bank of the river. They were unable to cross, were cooped up in a bend
+of the stream, and were all put to the sword. Mr. Lang discussed this
+from the folklore point of view in the <i>Morning Post</i>, 2nd November, 1906,
+and concludes that "granting that none who knew the site of the deposit
+escaped, the theory marches well, and quite accounts for the presence of
+the hoard where it was found. The Danish rearguard defending the line
+of the Darwen would know that their treasure was hurried forward and
+probably concealed, but would not know the exact spot."</p>
+
+<p>Another good example is recorded in the <i>Antiquary</i>, xiv. 228. Further
+Henderson notes that the Borderers of England and Scotland entrusted
+their buried treasure to the brownie (<i>Folklore of Northern Counties</i>, 248).
+This is exactly the same idea which exists throughout India. "Hidden
+treasures are under the special guardianship of supernatural beings.
+The Singhalese, however, divide the charge between demons and cobra
+capellas. Various charms are resorted to by those who wish to gain
+the treasures. A puj&acirc; is sufficient with the cobras, but the demons
+require a sacrifice. Blood of a human being is the most important, but
+the Kappowas have hitherto confined themselves to a sacrifice of a white
+cock, combining its blood with their own, drawn by a slight puncture in
+the hand or foot. A Tamil, however, has resorted to human sacrifice as
+instanced by a case reported in the <i>Ceylon Times</i>."&mdash;<i>Indian Antiquary</i>,
+1873. ii. p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Morris, <i>Heimskringla</i>, ii. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Laing's <i>Heimskringla</i>, ii. 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Rhys, <i>The Arthurian Legend</i>, 7. Squire, in his recent <i>Mythology of
+the British Islands</i>, states the case for "the mythological coming of
+Arthur" in cap. xxi. of his book.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> As, for instance, in the case of Taliesin and Ossian, see Squire,
+<i>Mythology of the British Islands</i>, 318; Rhys, <i>Celtic Mythology</i>, 551;
+Nutt's Notes to <i>Mabinogion</i>.</p>
+
+<p>I suppose the most ancient example of the duplication process is that
+of Dion Cassius (iii. 5), who suggests an earlier Romulus and Remus in
+order to account for the early occupation of the Palatine Hill at Rome.
+Middleton's <i>Anc. Rome</i>, 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> It is interesting to find that, with independent investigation, Mr.
+Bury explains on the lines I adopt the traditional part of the life of
+St. Patrick. See his <i>Life of St. Patrick</i>, p. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Freeman, <i>Hist. Norm. Conq.</i>, iv. 467.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Wright, <i>Essays</i>, i. 244, notes this point; see also Freeman, <i>Hist.
+Norm. Conq.</i>, iv. 828, and the preface to my edition of Macfarlane's
+<i>Camp of Refuge</i> (Historical Novels Series), where I have discussed this
+subject at length.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> <i>Journ. Anthrop. Inst.</i>, iii. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Russell, <i>Kett's Rebellion</i>, p. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Kemble's <i>Hor&aelig; Ferales</i>, 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Perhaps the most interesting example in a minor way comes from
+Shrewsbury. In the Abbey Church, forming part of a font, is the upper
+stone of a cross (supposed to have been the Weeping Cross) which
+was discovered at St. Giles's churchyard. It had been immemorially
+fixed in the ditch bank, and all traces of its origin were quite lost, except
+that an old lady, who was born in 1724, remembered having seen in
+her youth, persons kneeling before this stone and praying. The transmission
+of the tradition through very nearly three centuries proved
+correct, for on its being loosened by the frosts of a severe winter, it
+fell, and its religious distinction became immediately apparent from the
+sculpture with which it was adorned.&mdash;<i>Eddowes' Shrewsbury Journal</i>, 5th
+October, 1889.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>Gent. Mag. Lib. Popular Superstitions</i>, 121. The importance of
+this tradition may be tested by reference to my book on the <i>Governance
+of London</i>, 96-98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> <i>Arch&aelig;ologia</i>, xxvi. 369-370. One could give many additional examples
+from all parts of the country, and undoubtedly they are worth collecting.
+I cannot refrain from quoting the following, as it is from an out-of-the-way
+source. At Seagry, in Wilts, is an ancient farm, one field of which
+was known as "Peter's Orchard." The author of a local history
+records the following: "It has been handed down from generation to
+generation that in a field on this farm a church was built on the
+site of an ancient heathen burial ground. In order to test the accuracy
+of this tradition, in the autumn of 1882 I had excavations made on the
+spot, which I will now describe. The field contains about ten acres,
+and presents a very singular appearance. In removing the sods, about
+two feet from the surface we discovered extensive stone foundations,
+extending for a considerable distance over the field. From the charred
+appearance of the stones they had evidently suffered from fire, thus
+supporting the tradition of some of the oldest inhabitants that the
+ancient church had been destroyed by fire. On continuing the search
+we found, about two feet below these foundations, a quantity of early
+British pottery, the remains of broken urns, some charred bones, and
+heads of small spears. The following is an extract from a letter which
+I have received from a gentleman, whose family have been connected with
+this parish for over two hundred years, and who has given me great
+assistance. He says: My father was born at Startley in 1784, and
+remained there until about 1840. Both he and my grandfather were
+deeply imbued with old folklore. I well remember them constantly
+speaking of the firm belief handed down to them of the heathen burial
+places at Seagry, and of the supposed ruins of a church and some
+religious house at Seagry. I think the discoveries made (on the very
+spot mentioned by tradition) in August, 1882, are abundant proof that
+after the lapse of more than nine centuries actual verification of the
+carefully transmitted tradition has at last been found."&mdash;<i>Bath Herald</i>,
+1st September, 1883. If references to other examples were needed I
+should like to note Sir William Wilde's illustration as to "how far the
+legend, the fairy tale, the local tradition, or the popular superstition
+may have been derived from absolute historic fact."&mdash;<i>Lough Corrib</i>,
+121, 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Echoes from the Counties</i> (1880), p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Grierson, <i>The Silent Trade</i> (1903).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Pearson's <i>Chances of Death</i>, ii. 90. The reader should consult Dr.
+Pearson's entire study on this subject, chapters ix. and x., which may
+be compared with Mr. MacCulloch's <i>Childhood of Fiction</i>, 5-15, and
+more particularly with Mr. Hartland's <i>Science of Fairy Tales</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> In 1881 I read a paper before the Folklore Society on "Some
+Incidents in the story of the Three Noodles by means of reference to
+facts," <i>Folklore Record</i>, iv. 211, and in 1883 I published in the <i>Antiquary</i>,
+two papers on "Notes on Incidents in Folk-tales," based upon
+the same idea.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Introduction, p. lxix.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Introduction, p. lxxvii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Page 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> <i>Tales of the Highlands</i>, i. p. 251.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Kennedy, <i>loc. cit.</i>, p. 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> See Beda, <i>Hist. Ecclesia</i>, lib. i. cap. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> See vol. i. p. 253.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Miss Frere's <i>Old Deccan Days</i>, p. 279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> &AElig;lian, <i>Var. Hist.</i>, lib. xiii. cap. xxxiii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> <i>Folklore Record</i>, vol. iv. p. 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, xvii. p. 502.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> <i>Folklore Record</i>, vol. iii. p. 284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Campbell's <i>Popular Tales of the West Highlands</i>, i. 308.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Joyce, <i>Old Celtic Romances</i>, 38, 75, 153, 177, 270. In the <i>Silva
+Gadelica</i>, by Mr. Standish O'Grady, the assembly is described sitting in a
+circle, vol. ii. p. 159, and Tara is also described, vol. ii. 264, 358, 360, 384.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Miss Cox's admirable study and analysis of the Cinderella group of
+stories includes the Catskin variants, which number seventy-seven.&mdash;<i>Cinderella</i>,
+pp. 53-79.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>Studies in Ancient History</i>, p. 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Sproat's <i>Scenes and Studies of Savage Life</i>, p. 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> See his <i>Early Hebrew Life</i>, p. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Frazer, <i>Adonis, Attis, and Osiris</i>, 27-28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Todd and Herbert, <i>Irish Version of Nennius</i>, p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> <i>Indian Antiq.</i>, iii. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> <i>Laws of Manu</i> (B&uuml;hler), ix. 127; <i>Apastamba Gautama</i> (B&uuml;hler),
+xxviii. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> Sir Henry Maine in his <i>Early Law and Custom</i>, p. 91.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> A most remarkable instance of an actual case of running away
+from a marriage, resulting in adventures which might easily become
+folk-tale adventures if the story were once started on its traditional life,
+is to be found in Shooter's <i>Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country</i>,
+pp. 60-71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> <i>West Highland Tales</i>, vol. i. p. lxix.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Kennedy's <i>Fireside Stories of Ireland</i>, p. 64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> <i>Old Deccan Days</i>, p. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 233.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> "Standing-place."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> <i>Journ. Ethnol. Soc.</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> <i>New Statistical Account of Scotland</i>, xiv. 273.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Ure's <i>Agriculture of Kinross</i>, 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> <i>Arch&aelig;ologia</i>, l. 195-214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Du Chaillu's <i>Land of the Midnight Sun</i>, i. 393.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Tupper, <i>Punjab Customary Law</i>, ii. 188.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> <i>Cobden Club Essays&mdash;Primogeniture.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Morris, <i>Saga Library</i>, ii. 194.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> <i>Journ. Ethnol. Soc.</i>, ii. 336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Elton, <i>Origins of English History</i>, 91; <i>cf.</i> Du Chaillu, <i>Land of the
+Midnight Sun</i>, i. 393; Morris's <i>Sagas</i>, ii. 194.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Breeks, <i>Hill Tribes of India</i>, 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Mavor's <i>Collection of Voyages</i>, iv. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> <i>Anecdotes and Traditions</i> (Camden Soc.), 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> <i>Mythologie der Volkssagen und Volksm&auml;rchen.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> Geiger, <i>Hist. Sweden</i>, 31, 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Elton, <i>Origins of English History</i>, 92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Aubrey, <i>Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme</i>, 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Nutt, <i>Legend of the Holy Grail</i>, 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> <i>Gentleman's Magazine</i>, 1850, i. 250-252.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> <i>Journ. Ethnol. Soc.</i>, ii. 337.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Elton's <i>Origins</i>, 92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Mr. Jacobs (<i>Folklore</i>, i. 405) objected to my interpretation of this
+story because&mdash;first, the Latin rhyme appearing in the Gaelic tale, the
+twelfth-century Latin story and the German inscription "tell for the
+origination of the story in one single place in historic times;" and,
+secondly, because a Kashmir story (Knowles' <i>Folk-tales of Kashmir</i>, 241),
+based on the same main incident, omits the minor incident of the mallet
+altogether. The answer to the first objection is that the Latin rhyme has
+been attached, in historic times, to the ancient folk-tale; and to the
+second objection, that the Kashmir story preserves the main incident
+of surrender of property upon reaching old age, and omits the more
+savage incident of killing, because the Kashmir people are in a stage of
+culture which still allowed of the surrender of property, but, like the
+Scandinavians, did not allow of the killing of the aged. Similarly, an
+English parallel to this form of the variant is preserved by De la Pryme
+in his <i>Diary</i> (Surtees Society), 162. It must be remembered that the
+Kashmiris occupy a land which is referred to by Herodotos (iii. 99-105)
+as in the possession of people who killed their aged (<i>cf.</i> Latham,
+<i>Ethnology of India</i>, 199); and if my reading of the evidence is correct,
+this is also the case of the Highland peasant.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Dr. Pearson advocates statistical methods in his <i>Chances of Death</i>,
+ii. 58, 75-77, and shows by examples the value of them.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> MacCulloch, <i>Childhood of Fiction</i>: "Some of the things which in
+these old-world stories form their fascination, have had their origin
+in sordid fact and reality" (p. vii).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> B&uuml;hler, <i>Laws of Manu</i>, i.: "In Vedic mythology Manu is the heros
+eponymos of the human race and by his nature belongs both to gods
+and to men" (p. 57). <i>Cf.</i> Burnell and Hopkins, <i>Ordinances of Manu</i>,
+p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> <i>Early Law and Custom</i>, 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Pausanias, iii. 2(4).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Maine, <i>Ancient Law</i>, 4; Grote, <i>Hist. of Greece</i>, iii. 101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Ortolan, <i>Hist. Roman Law</i>, 50; Maine, <i>Early Law and Custom</i>, 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Morris, <i>Saga Library</i>, i. p. xxx; Dasent, <i>Burnt Njal</i>, i. xlvi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> <i>Early Law and Custom</i>, 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Manx Society Publications, xviii. 21-22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Strabo, lib. xv. cap. 1, pp. 709, 717; J.&nbsp;D. Mayne, <i>Hindu Law and
+Usage</i>, 4, 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Mackenzie, <i>Roman Law</i>, 11; <i>cf.</i> Pais, <i>Anc. Legends of Roman
+Hist.</i>, 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Dasent, <i>Burnt Njal</i>, i. p. lvii, and Vigfusson and Powell, <i>Origines
+Islandic&aelig;</i>, i. 348.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> <i>Anc. Laws of Ireland</i>, iv. p. vii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> This appears very strongly in the famous twelfth-century law case
+which Longchamp pleaded so successfully. <i>Rotuli curia Regis</i>, i.
+p. lxii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> <i>Early Law and Custom</i>, 9; <i>cf.</i> Burnell and Hopkins, <i>Ordinances of
+Manu</i>, pp. xx, xxxi. It is worth while quoting here the following interesting
+note from a letter from the Marquis di Spineto printed in
+Clarke's <i>Travels</i>, viii. 417:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"From the most remote antiquity men joined together, and wishing
+either to amuse themselves or to celebrate the praises of their gods sang
+short poems to a fixed tune. Indeed, generally speaking, <i>the laws by
+which they were governed</i>, the events which had made the greatest
+impression on their minds, the praises which they bestowed upon their
+gods or on their heroes were all sung long before they were written, and
+I need not mention that according to Aristotle this is the reason why the
+Greeks gave the same appellation to laws and to songs."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> The references are all given in Smith's <i>Dict. of Greek and Roman
+Antiquities</i> sub <ins class="greek" title="nomos">&#957;&#8057;&#956;&#959;&#962;</ins>. Aristotle in the <i>Problems</i>, 19, 28, definitely says,
+"Before the use of letters men sang their laws that they might not forget
+them, as the custom continues yet among the Agathyrsoi."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Lib. xii. cap. ii. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> <i>Hist. English Commonwealth</i>, 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> <i>Anc. Laws of Ireland</i>, iv. pp. viii, x.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Hampson's <i>Origines Patrici&aelig;</i>, 106-107; Kemble, line 5763 <i>et seq.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Proctor's <i>History of the Book of Common Prayer</i>, p. 410.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> <i>Hist. Eng. Commonwealth</i>, ii. p. cxxxvi. Littleton points out the
+legal antiquity and importance of these words: "no conveyance can be
+made without them." See Wheatley's <i>Book of Common Prayer</i> (quoting
+Littleton), p. 406.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> The York manual had the additional clause, "for fairer for fouler."
+See Wheatley, <i>loc. cit.</i>, p. 406.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Palgrave, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> <i>Manuale et processionale ad usum insiquis ecclesi&aelig; Evoracensis</i>,
+Surtees Society, 1875. See also <i>Gentleman's Magazine</i>, 1752, p. 171;
+Proctor's <i>History of the Book of Common Prayer</i>, p. 409, for other
+examples.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> Palgrave, <i>English Commonwealth</i>, i. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Chambers, <i>Popular Rhymes of Scotland</i>, 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> Sinclair's <i>Stat. Acc. of Scotland</i>, x. 534.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> Chambers, <i>Book of Days</i>, January 19; Nichols, <i>Fuller's Worthies</i>,
+494.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> <i>Diary of De la Pryme</i> (Surtees Society), 126. It may be noted here
+that Kelly, <i>Curiosities of Indo-European Traditions</i>, 179, notes the preservation
+of an ancient law for the preservation of the oak and the hazel
+in a traditional proverbial rhyme.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> Hazlitt, <i>Tenures of Land</i>, 80; other examples refer to the Hundred
+of Cholmer and Dancing, in Essex, 75; to Kilmersdon, in Somersetshire,
+182; to Hopton, in Salop, 165. John of Gaunt is responsible for
+many of these curious and interesting remains of tribal antiquity.
+Bisley's <i>Handbook of North Devon</i>, 28, refers to one relating to the
+manor of Umberleigh, near Barnstaple, and I have a note from Mr.
+Edmund Wrigglesworth, of Hull, of a parallel to this being preserved
+by tradition only. There is a tradition respecting the estate of Sutton
+Park, near Biggleswade, Bedfordshire, which states that it formerly
+belonged to John of Gaunt, who gave it to an ancestor of the present
+proprietor, one Roger Burgoyne, by the following grant:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"I, John of Gaunt,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Do give and do grant,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">To Roger Burgoyne<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And the heirs of his loin<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Both Sutton and Potton<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Until the world's rotten."<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Potton was a neighbouring village to Sutton. There is a moated site
+in the park called "John o' Gaunt's Castle," see <i>Notes and Queries</i>,
+tenth series, vi. 466. <i>Cf.</i> Aubrey, <i>Collections for Wilts</i>, 185, for an example
+at Midgehall; Cowell's <i>Law Interpreter</i>, 1607, and the <i>Dictionarum
+Rusticum</i>, 1704, for the custom of East and West Enborn, in
+Berks, which was made famous by Addison's <i>Spectator</i> in 1714.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Sometimes these are called "burlesque conveyances." See an
+example quoted in <i>Hist. MSS. Commission</i>, v. 459.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> It is well to bear in mind the great force of ancient tribal law, which
+was personal, upon localities. Nottingham is divided into two parts,
+one having primogeniture and the other junior right as the rule of
+descent. Southampton and Exeter have also local divisions. But
+perhaps the most striking example is at Breslau, where there co-existed,
+until 1st January, 1840, five different particular laws and observances
+in regard to succession, the property of spouses, etc., the application of
+which was limited to certain territorial jurisdictions; not unfrequently
+the law varied from house to house, and it even happened that one house
+was situated on the borders of different laws, to each of which, therefore,
+it belonged in part; Savigny, <i>Private Int. Law</i>, cap. i. sect. iv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> <i>Academy</i>, February, 1884; <i>Percy Reliques</i>, edit. Wheatley, i. 384.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> <i>Trans. British. Association</i>, 1847, p. 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Series No. V., published in 1895.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> <i>Philological Society Papers</i>, 1870-2, pp. 18, 248; Dr. Murray gives the
+air in an appendix. See also a note by Mr. Danby Fry in the <i>Antiquary</i>,
+viii. 164-6, 269-70; and <i>The Hawick Tradition</i>, by R.&nbsp;S. Craig and
+Adam Laing, published at Hawick in 1898.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Squire, <i>Mythology of the British Islands</i>, 69.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Wilde, <i>Lough Corrib</i>, 210-248. Sir William Wilde has studied the
+details of this great fight with great care, and it is impossible to ignore
+his evidence as to the monuments of it being extant to this day among
+the recorded antiquities of Ireland. The battle lasted four days. The
+first day the Fir-Bolg had the best of the fighting, and pillar-stones
+erected to the heroes who fell are still in situ. Clogh-Fadha-Cunga, or
+long stone of Cong, which stood on the old road to the east of that
+village and a portion of which, six feet long, is still in an adjoining wall,
+being erected to Adleo of the Dananians, and Clogh-Fadha-Neal, or
+long stone of the Neale, at the junction of the roads passing northwards
+from Cross and Cong, commemorating the place where the king stood
+during the battle. After the battle each Fir-Bolg carried with him a
+stone and the head of a Danann to their king who erected a great cairn
+to commemorate the event, and this must be the cairn of Ballymagibbon
+which stands on the road passing from Cong to Cross. The well of
+Mean Uisge is identified as that mentioned in the MS. accounts of the
+battle, connected with a striking incident. After a careful examination
+of the locality, says Sir William Wilde, with a transcript of the ancient
+MS. in his hand, he was convinced of the identity of a stone heap
+standing within a circle as the place where the body of the loyal Fir-Bolg
+youth was burned. The second day's battle surged northwards,
+and at the western shores of Lough Mask, Slainge Finn, the king's
+son, pursuing the two sons of Cailchu and their followers, slew them
+there, and "seventeen flag stones were stuck in the ground in commemoration
+of their death," and by the margin of the lake in the island
+of Inish-Eogan there stands this remarkable monument to this hour.
+The line of the Fir-Bolg camp can still be traced with wonderful accuracy.
+Caher-Speenan, the thorny fort, was a part of this camp, and still
+exists. More to the south-east, on the hill of Tongegee, are the remains
+of Caher-na-gree, the pleasant fort, and still further to the east are
+Lisheen, or little earthen fort, and Caher-Ph&aelig;tre, pewter fort. Other
+forts also exist to give evidence both of the Fir-Bolg and the Danann
+lines. The Danann monuments are situate in the fields opposite the
+glebes of Nymphsfield. Five remarkable stone circles still remain
+within the compass of a square mile, and there are traces of others.
+The Fir-Bolgs were defeated on the fourth day and their king Eochy
+fell fighting to the last. "A lofty cairn was raised over his body,
+and called Carn Eathach, from his name." On the grassy hill of
+Killower, or Carn, overlooking Lough Mask, stands to this hour the
+most remarkable cairn in the west of Ireland, and there is little doubt
+this is the one referred to in the ancient tradition as commemorating the
+death of the last Fir-Bolg king in Erin.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Squire, <i>op. cit.</i>, 76, 138.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> Squire, <i>op. cit.</i>, 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Squire, <i>Mythology</i>, 399.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> See <i>Life and Writings</i> by Oliver Elton, ii. 224.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> <i>Governance of London</i>, 110-113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> <i>Celtic Heathendom</i>, 125-133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> See Bathurst, <i>Roman Antiquities of Lydney Park</i>, plates viii., xiii., for
+the famous example dealt with by Sir John Rhys; and Stuart, <i>Caledonia
+Romana</i>, 309, plate ix. fig. 2, for a dedication to the "Deities of Britain."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> See his <i>Stonehenge and Other British Stone Monuments</i>, chap. xxii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> See <i>Folklore</i>, xv. 306-311, for the Greek evidence; and xvii. 30, 164,
+for the Irish evidence.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> Frazer, <i>Golden Bough</i> (2nd ed.), iii. 236-316. Mr. Frazer, however, is
+inclined to review his explanation of bonfires as sun-charms; see his
+<i>Adonis, Attis and Osiris</i>, 151, note 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> The specialisation of the fire cult is illustrated by the Hindu myth
+of the Angiras, see Wilson, <i>Rig Veda Sanhita</i>, i. p. xxix.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> Gummere, <i>Germanic Origins</i>, 400-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> It will be convenient to give the references for the various details of
+savage life in Britain. The original extracts are all given in <i>Monumenta
+Historica Britannica</i> and in Giles' <i>History of Ancient Britons</i>, vol. ii.
+Ireland&mdash;cannibalism: Strabo, iv. cap. 5, 4, p. 201, Diodoros, v. 32;
+promiscuous intercourse: Strabo; birth ceremony: Solinus, xxii.
+Scotland&mdash;human sacrifice: Solinus, xxii.; promiscuous intercourse,
+Solinus, cap. xxii., Xiphilinus from Dio in <i>Mon. Brit. Hist.</i>, p. lx.,
+and St. Jerome adv. Jovin., v. ii. 201; nakedness, Herodian in <i>Mon.
+Brit. Hist.</i>, p. lxiv, and Xiphilinus, <i>ibid.</i>, p. lx. Britain&mdash;head-hunting,
+Strabo, iv. 1-4, pp. 199-201, Diodoros, v. 29; tattooing, C&aelig;sar,
+<i>De bello Gallico</i>, v. 12, Pliny, <i>Nat. Hist.</i>, xxii. i. (2); promiscuous intercourse,
+C&aelig;sar, <i>ibid.</i>, v. 14, Xiphilinus in <i>Mon. Brit. Hist.</i>, p. lvii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> <i>History of England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings</i>, i. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Innes' <i>Critical Essay</i>, 45, 51, 56, 240.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> O'Curry's <i>Manners and Customs of Ancient Irish</i>, i. p. vi. Dr.
+Whitley Stokes has criticised O'Curry's translations as bad, "not from
+ignorance, but to a desire to conceal a fact militating against theories
+of early Irish civilisation."&mdash;<i>Revue Celtique</i>, iii. 90-101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> Turner, <i>Hist. of Anglo-Saxons</i>, i. 64-74; Palgrave, <i>Eng. Com.</i>,
+i. 467-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> Giles' <i>History of Anc. Britons</i>, i. 231, referring to parallel customs
+among the Chinese.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Elton, <i>Origins of English History</i>, 82.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Rhys, <i>Celtic Britain</i>, 55.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> <i>Celtic Heathendom</i>, 320, note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> I have dealt with this in my <i>Ethnology in Folklore</i>, 36-40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Skene, <i>Celtic Scotland</i>, i. 59, 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> Pearson, <i>Hist. of England during the Early and Middle Ages</i>, i. 15,
+21, 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Ramsay, <i>Foundations of England</i>, i. 9, 11, 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> Lang, <i>Hist. of Scotland</i>, i. 3-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Joyce, <i>Social Hist. of Ireland</i>, i. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> In addition to Mr. Lang and Dr. Joyce, who are folklorists as well
+as historians, and who as we have seen do deal with these records
+scientifically, the folklorist goes out of his way to reject these records.
+Thus Mr. Squire says that "the imputation" which C&aelig;sar makes as to
+polyandrous customs "cannot be said to have been proved," <i>Mythology
+of the British Islands</i>, 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> <i>Village Communities</i>, 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> <i>Principles of Sociology</i>, i. 714.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> <i>Arch. Cambrensis</i>, 6th ser. v. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> <i>Journ. Anthrop. Inst.</i>, xx. 259.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg&nbsp;123]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER II</h2>
+
+<h3>MATERIALS AND METHODS</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">T</span>he materials of folklore consist of traditional
+tales (so called) and traditional customs and
+superstitions (so called), the feature of both
+groups being that at the time of first being recorded
+and reduced to writing they existed only by the force
+of tradition. There is no fixed time for the record. It
+is sometimes quite early, as, for instance, the examples
+which come to us from historians; it is generally quite
+late, namely, the great mass of examples which, during
+the past century or so, have been collected directly
+from the lips or observances of the people, sometimes
+by the curious traveller or antiquary, lately by the professed
+folklorist.</p>
+
+<p>The consideration of the relationship of history and
+folklore has cleared the ground for definitions and
+method. Before the material of which folklore consists
+can be considered by the light of method, we
+must get rid of definitions which are often applied to
+folklore in its attributed sense. Folk-tales are not
+fiction or art, were not invented for amusement, are not
+myth in the sense of being imaginative only.<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> Customs
+and superstitions are not the result of ignorance<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg&nbsp;124]</a></span>
+and stupidity. These attributes are true only if folk-tales,
+customs, and superstitions are compared with
+the literary productions and with the science and the
+culture of advanced civilisation; and this comparison is
+exactly that which should never be undertaken, though
+unfortunately it is that which is most generally adopted.
+The folk-tale may be lent on occasion to the artist&mdash;to
+Mr. Lang, to Mr. Jacobs, and their many copyists; and
+these artists may rejoice at the wonderful results of the
+unconscious art that resides in these products of tradition,
+but the folk-tale must not be wholly surrendered.
+It does not belong to them. It does not belong to art
+at all, but to science. That it is artistic in form is an
+addition to its characteristics, but has nothing whatever
+to do with its fundamental features. Similarly
+with legend. It may be lent to Malory, to Tennyson,
+to Longfellow, to the literary bards of the romance
+period, for the purpose of weaving together their story
+of the wonderful; but it must not be surrendered to the
+romancist, and, above all things, the romances must
+never be allowed to enter the domain of folklore.
+Romances may be stripped of their legends so that the
+source of legendary material may be fully utilised, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg&nbsp;125]</a></span>
+the romances themselves belong to literature, and must
+remain within their own portals. And so with customs.
+They may be pleasing and reveal some of the
+beauties of the older joyousness of life which has passed
+away, it is to be regretted, from modern civilisation;
+they may be revived in May-day celebrations, in
+pageants, in providing our schools with games which
+tell of the romance of living. But they do not belong
+to the lover of the beautiful or to the revivalists.
+Equally with the folk-tale they belong to science. And
+so also with superstitions. The Psychical Research
+Society, the spiritualists, the professional successors of
+the medi&aelig;val witch and wizard, may turn their attention
+to traditional superstitions; but the folklorist refuses
+to hand them over, and claims them for science.</p>
+
+<p>This use of traditional material for modern purposes
+is not the only danger to proper definitions. There is
+also its appearance in the earlier stages of literature.
+The traditional narrative, the myth, the folk-tale or the
+legend, is not dependent upon the text in which it
+appears for the first time. That text, as we have it, was
+not written down by contemporary or nearly contemporary
+authority. Before it had become a written document
+it had lived long as oral tradition.<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> In some<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg&nbsp;126]</a></span>
+cases the written document is itself centuries old, the
+record of some early chronicler or some early writer
+who did not make the record for tradition's sake.
+In other cases the written document is quite modern,
+the record of a professed lover of tradition. This
+unequal method of recording tradition is the main source
+of the difficulty in the way of those who cannot accept
+tradition as a record of fact. In all cases the test of its
+value and the interpretation of its testimony are matters
+which need special study and examination before the
+exact value of each tradition is capable of being determined.
+The date when and the circumstances in
+which a tradition is first reduced to literary form are important
+factors in the evidence as to the credibility of
+the particular form in which the tradition is preserved;
+but they are not all the factors, nor do they of themselves
+afford better evidence when they are comparatively ancient
+than forms of much later date and of circumstances
+far different. It cannot be too often impressed upon
+the student of tradition that the tradition itself affords
+the chief if not the only sure evidence of its age, its
+origin, and its meaning; for the preservation of tradition
+is due to such varied influences that the mere fact
+of preservation, or the particular method or date of preservation,
+cannot be relied upon to give the necessary
+authority for the authenticity of the tradition. Tradition
+can never assume the position of written history,
+because it does not owe its origin, but only its preservation,
+to writing.</p>
+
+<p>Documentary material is examined as to its pal&aelig;ographical
+features, as to the testimony afforded by its
+author or assumed author, as to its credibility in dealing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg&nbsp;127]</a></span>
+with contemporary events or persons, as to its date,
+and in other ways according to the nature of the document.
+Traditional material has nothing to do with all
+this. It has no pal&aelig;ography; it has no author, and if a
+personal author is assigned to any given fragment or
+element it is generally safe to ignore the tradition as the
+product of a later age; it does not deal with persons
+nor, as a rule, with specific events; it has no date. It
+has therefore to undergo a process of its own before it
+can be accepted as historical evidence, and this process,
+if somewhat tedious, is all the more necessary because
+of the tender material of which tradition is composed.
+This will be made clearer if we understand exactly what
+the different classes of tradition are and how they stand
+to each other.</p>
+
+<p>Considering the materials of folklore in their true
+sense and not their attributed sense then, we may proceed
+to say something as to methods. Definitions and
+rules are needed. No student can attack so immense a
+subject without the aid of such necessary machinery,
+and it is because the attempt has been so often made ill-equipped
+in this respect, that the science of folklore has
+suffered so much and has remained so long unrecognised.
+Already, in dealing with the relationship of
+history and folklore, one or two necessary distinctions
+in terms have been anticipated. We have discovered
+that the impersonal folk-tale is distinguished in a fundamental
+manner from the personal or local legend, and
+that the growth of mythology is a later process than
+the growth of myth. These distinctions need, however,
+to be systematised and brought into relationship with
+other necessary distinctions. The myth and the folk-tale<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg&nbsp;128]</a></span>
+are near relations, but they are not identical, and it
+is clear that we need to know something more about
+myth. Because mythic tradition has been found to
+include many traditions, which of late years have been
+claimed to belong to a definitely historical race of
+people, it must not be identified with history. This
+claim is based upon two facts, the presence of myth in
+the shape of the folk-tale and the preservation of much
+mythic tradition beyond the stage of thought to which it
+properly belongs by becoming attached to an historical
+event, or series of events, or to an historical personage,
+and in this way carrying on its life into historic periods
+and among historic peoples. The first position has
+resulted in a wholesale appropriation of the folk-tale to
+the cause of the mythologists; the second position has
+hitherto resulted either in a disastrous appropriation of
+the entire tradition to mythology, or in a still more disastrous
+rejection both of the tradition and the historical
+event round which it clusters. Historians doubting the
+myth doubt too the history; mythologists doubting
+the history reject the myth from all consideration, and
+in this way much is lost to history which properly
+belongs to it, and something is lost to myth.</p>
+
+<p>If, therefore, I have hitherto laid undue stress
+upon the foundation of tradition in the actual facts of
+life, and upon the close association of tradition with
+historic fact, it is because this side of the question has
+been so generally neglected. Everything has been
+turned on to the mythic side. Folk-tales have been
+claimed as the exclusive property of the mythologists,
+and those who have urged their foundation on the facts
+of real life have scarcely been listened to. There is,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg&nbsp;129]</a></span>
+however, no ground for the converse process to be
+advocated. If tradition is not entirely mythology it is
+certainly not all founded on sociology, and the mythic
+tradition in the possession of a people advanced in
+culture has to be considered and accounted for. It is
+myth in contact with history, and the contact compels
+consideration of the result.</p>
+
+
+<h4>I</h4>
+
+<p>The first necessity is for definitions. Careful attention
+to what has already been said will reveal the fact
+that tradition contains three separate classes, and I
+would suggest definition of these classes by a precise
+application of terms already in use: The <i>myth</i> belongs
+to the most primitive stages of human thought, and is
+the recognisable explanation of some natural phenomenon,
+some forgotten or unknown object of human
+origin, or some event of lasting influence; the <i>folk-tale</i>
+is a survival preserved amidst culture-surroundings
+of a more advanced stage, and deals with events
+and ideas of primitive times in terms of the experience
+or of episodes in the lives of unnamed human beings;
+the <i>legend</i> belongs to an historical personage, locality,
+or event. These are new definitions, and are suggested
+in order to give some sort of exactness to the terms
+in use. All these terms&mdash;myth, folk-tale, and legend&mdash;are
+now used indiscriminately with no particular definiteness.
+The possession of three such distinct terms
+forms an asset which should be put to its full use, and
+this cannot be done until we agree upon a definite
+meaning for each.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg&nbsp;130]</a></span>
+The first place must be given to mythic tradition.
+This is not special to our own, or to any one branch
+of the human race. It belongs to all&mdash;to the Hindu,
+the Greek, the Slav, the Teuton, the Celt, the Semite,
+and the savage. It goes back to a period of human
+history which has only tradition for its authority, in
+respect of which no contemporary records exist, and
+which relates to a time when the ancestors of now
+scattered peoples lived together, and when they were
+struggling from the position of obedient slaves to all
+the fears which unknown nature inflicted on them, to
+that of observers of the forces of nature.</p>
+
+<p>Traditions which are properly classed as myth are
+those which are too ancient to be identified with historical
+personages, and too little realistic to be a
+relation of historical episodes. They are rather the
+explanations given by primitive philosophers of events
+which were beyond their ken, and yet needed and
+claimed explanation. In this class of tradition we are in
+touch with the struggles of the earliest ancestors of man
+to learn about the unknown. Our own research in the
+realms of the unknown we dignify by the name and
+glories of science. The research of our remote ancestors
+was of like kind, though the domain of the unknown
+was so different from our own. It was primitive science.</p>
+
+<p>The best type of this class of myth is, I think, the
+creation myth.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> Everywhere, almost, man has for a
+moment stood apart and asked himself the question,
+Whence am I?&mdash;stood apart from the struggle for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg&nbsp;131]</a></span>
+existence when that struggle was in its most severe
+stages. The answer he has given himself was the
+answer of the Darwin of his period. From the narrow
+observation of the natural man and his surroundings,
+governed by the enormous impressions of his own life,
+the answer has obviously not been scientific in our sense
+of the term. But it was scientific. It was the science of
+primitive man, and if we have to reject it as science not
+so good as our science, nay, as not science at all judged
+by our standard, we must not deny to primitive man
+the claim of having preceded modern man in his observation
+and interpretation of the world of nature.</p>
+
+<p>The range of the creation myth is almost world-wide.
+It includes examples from all quarters, and examples of
+great beauty as well as of singular, almost grotesque
+hideousness; the New Zealand myth is surely the best
+type of the former, and perhaps the Fijian of the latter.
+As Mr. Lang says: "all the cosmogonic myths waver
+between the theory of construction, or rather of reconstruction
+and the theory of evolution very rudely conceived."<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is not necessary to quote a large number of examples,
+because I am not concerned with their variety
+nor with their essentials. I am only anxious to point
+out their existence as evidence of the scientific character
+of primitive myth.<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> It is not to the point to say that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg&nbsp;132]</a></span>
+the science was all wrong. What is to the point is to
+say that the attempt was made to get at the origin of man
+and his destiny. Mr. Lang thinks that "the origin of
+the world and of man is naturally a problem which has
+excited the curiosity of the least developed minds," but
+in the use of the term "naturally," I think the stupendous
+nature of the effort made by the least developed minds
+is entirely neglected, and we miss the opportunity of
+measuring what this effort might mean.</p>
+
+<p>When savages ask themselves, as they certainly <i>do</i>
+ask themselves, whence the sky, whence the winds, the
+sun, moon, stars, sea, rivers, mountains and other
+natural objects, they reply in terms of good logic applied
+to deficient knowledge. All the knowledge they possess
+is that based upon their own material senses. And therefore,
+when they apply that knowledge to subjects outside
+their own personality, they deal with them in terms of
+their own personality. How did the sky get up there,
+above their heads&mdash;the sky evidently so lovingly fond
+of the earth, so intimately connected with the earth?</p>
+
+<p>The New Zealand answer to these questions is a
+great one, by whatever standard it is measured.
+Heaven and earth, they say, were husband and wife, so
+locked in close embrace that darkness everywhere prevailed.
+Their children were ever thinking amongst
+themselves what might be the difference between darkness
+and light. At last, worn out by the continued
+darkness, they consulted amongst themselves whether
+they should slay their parents, Rangi and Papa, <i>i.e.</i>
+heaven and earth, or whether they should rend them
+apart. The fiercest of their children exclaimed, "Let us
+slay them!" but the forest, another of the sons, said,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg&nbsp;133]</a></span>
+"Nay, not so. It is better to rend them apart, and to
+let heaven stand far above us and the earth to lie under
+our feet. Let the sky become as a stranger to us, but
+the earth remain close to us as our nursing-mother."
+The brothers consented to this proposal with the exception
+of Tawhiri-ma-tea, the father of winds and storms;
+thus five of the brothers consented and one would not
+agree. Then each of the brothers tries to rend his
+parents, heaven and earth, asunder. First the father
+of cultivated food tries and fails; then the father of
+fish and reptiles; then the father of uncultivated food;
+then the father of fierce human beings. Then at last
+slowly uprises Tane-mahuta, the father of forests, birds,
+and insects, and he struggles with his parents; in vain
+he strives to rend them apart with his hands and arms.
+Lo, he pauses; his head is now firmly planted on his
+mother, the earth; his feet he raises up and rests against
+his father, the skies; he strains his back and limbs with
+mighty effort, and at last are rent apart Rangi and
+Papa, who shriek aloud with cries and groans. But
+Tane-mahuta pauses not, he regards not their shrieks
+and cries; far, far beneath him he presses down the
+earth; far, far above him he thrusts up the sky. Then
+were discovered a multitude of human beings whom
+heaven and earth had begotten, and who had hitherto
+lain concealed. But Tawhiri-ma-tea, the wind and
+storm, the brother who had not consented, is angry at
+this rending apart of his parents, and he rises and
+follows his father, the sky, and fights fiercely with the
+earth and his brothers.<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg&nbsp;134]</a></span>
+The explanation of this myth is simple. Unaided
+by the facts of science, the New Zealand savages could
+only think of the facts of their own experience. Only
+two personalities could produce the various products of
+the world; therefore the earth was the mother and the
+sky the father. But they are now separated and apart.
+Only a personality could have separated, and the forest,
+root-sown in the earth, branch-up in the sky, is evidently
+the means of this separation. And so, satisfactorily to
+their own minds, these rude savages settled the question
+of the origin of heaven and earth.</p>
+
+<p>The close similarity of this to the story of Kronos
+has frequently been pointed out; but a Greek story is
+always worth repeating. Near the beginning of things
+Earth gave birth to Heaven. Later, Heaven became the
+husband of Earth, and they had many children. Some
+of these became the gods of the various elements,
+among whom were Okeanos, and Hyperion, the sun.
+The youngest child was Kronos of crooked counsel,
+who ever hated his mighty sire. Now the children of
+Heaven and Earth were concealed in the hollows of
+Earth, and both the Earth and her children resented this.
+At last they conspired against their father, Heaven, and,
+taking their mother into the counsels, she produced Iron
+and bade her children avenge her wrongs. Fear fell
+upon all of them except Kronos, and he determined to
+separate his parents, and with his iron weapon he
+effected his object. All the brothers rejoiced except one,
+Okeanos, and he remained faithful to his father.<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg&nbsp;135]</a></span>
+It would be well for the sake of the story itself to
+give a creation myth from India, but I shall have other
+use for it than its particular charm.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"'In the beginning, when Twashtri came to the creation
+of woman, he found that he had exhausted his materials in
+the making of man, and that no solid elements were left.
+In this dilemma, after profound meditation, he did as follows.
+He took the rotundity of the moon, and the curves of
+creepers, and the clinging of tendrils, and the trembling of
+grass, and the slenderness of the reed, and the bloom
+of flowers, and the lightness of leaves, and the tapering
+of the elephant's trunk, and the glances of deer, and the
+clustering of rows of bees, and the joyous gaiety of sunbeams,
+and the weeping of clouds, and the fickleness of the
+winds, and the timidity of the hare, and the vanity of the
+peacock, and the softness of the parrot's bosom, and the
+hardness of adamant, and the sweetness of honey, and
+the cruelty of the tiger, and the warm glow of fire, and the
+coldness of snow, and the chattering of jays, and the cooing
+of the <i>k&oacute;kila</i>, and the hypocrisy of the crane, and the fidelity
+of the <i>chakraw&aacute;ka</i>, and compounding all these together, he
+made woman and gave her to man. But after one week,
+man came to him and said: Lord, this creature that you
+have given me makes my life miserable. She chatters incessantly
+and teases me beyond endurance, never leaving me
+alone; and she requires incessant attention, and takes all
+my time up, and cries about nothing, and is always idle;
+and so I have come to give her back again, as I cannot live
+with her. So Twashtri said: Very well; and he took her
+back. Then after another week, man came again to him
+and said: "Lord, I find that my life is very lonely, since I
+gave you back that creature. I remember how she used to
+dance and sing to me, and look at me out of the corner of
+her eye, and play with me, and cling to me; and her laughter
+was music, and she was beautiful to look at, and soft to
+touch; so give her back to me again. So Twashtri said:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg&nbsp;136]</a></span>
+Very well; and gave her back again. Then after only
+three days, man came back to him again and said: Lord, I
+know not how it is; but after all I have come to the conclusion
+that she is more of a trouble than a pleasure to me;
+so please take her back again. But Twashtri said: Out on
+you! Be off! I will have no more of this. You must
+manage how you can. Then man said: But I cannot live
+with her. And Twashtri replied: Neither could you live
+without her. And he turned his back on man, and went on
+with his work. Then man said: What is to be done? for I
+cannot live either with her or without her.'"<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>Now this myth has, so far as its central fact is concerned,
+its counterpart in Celtic folklore. In the
+Welsh Mabinogi of Math, son of Mathonwy, it is related
+how Arianrod laid a destiny upon her son, whom
+she would not recognise, that he should never have
+a wife of the race that now inhabits the earth, and how
+Gwydion declared that he should have a wife notwithstanding.
+"They went thereupon unto Math, the son
+of Mathonwy, and complained unto him most bitterly
+of Arianrod. Well, said Math, we will seek, I and
+thou, by charms and magic, to form a wife for him out
+of flowers. So they took the blossoms of the oak, and
+the blossoms of the broom, and the blossoms of the
+meadow-sweet, and produced from them a maiden, the
+fairest and most graceful that man ever saw." No one
+can doubt that this interesting fragment of Welsh
+tradition takes us back to a creation legend of the same
+order as the Indian legend, and that the two widely
+separated parallels belong to the period when men were
+carving out for themselves theories as to the origin of
+women in relation to men.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg&nbsp;137]</a></span>
+It is impossible to deny a place among these myths
+of creation to the Hebrew tradition of Adam and Eve
+in the Garden of Eden. The first chapter of Genesis
+is the answer which the early Hebrews gave to the
+scientific question as to the origin of man. How much
+it cost them to arrive at this conclusion one cannot
+guess, one only knows that it has become a glory to
+the ages of Hebrew history, as well as to the civilisation
+of Christianity. Unfortunately it has become much
+more. The science of the primitive Hebrew has been
+adopted as the God-given revelation to all mankind.
+It is the function of folklore to correct this error, to
+restore the Hebrew tradition to its proper place among
+the myths of the world which have answered the cry of
+early man for the knowledge of his origin. There is
+no degradation here. Science is no longer in doubt
+as to the origin of man within the evolutionary process
+of the natural world, and it rightly rejects the first
+chapter of Genesis as of value to modern research. But
+science should accept it as a chapter in the history of
+anthropology, a chapter which has only proved not to
+be true, because of the limited range of early man in
+the facts about man, but a chapter, nevertheless, which
+has the inherent value of a faithful record of man's
+search after truth. This is a great position. This is
+the revelation which is made to us from the first
+chapter of Genesis, and when the theologian is bold
+and able enough to step outside the formularies of his
+ancient faith, and reach the magnificent world of
+thought which lies in front of him by the revelations of
+scientific discovery, he will consider the anthropological
+interpretation of the Hebrew Bible as one of the necessary<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg&nbsp;138]</a></span>
+elements of his equipment. There is on present
+lines a whole world of thought between science and
+religion, although they both have the same object.
+They both seek the great unknown. Science, however,
+gives up all efforts in the past which have proved futile
+and erroneous, cheerfully surrenders all errors of
+research and interpretation, starts investigation afresh,
+begins new discoveries, and rewrites the story they
+have to tell. Religion, on the other hand, comes to
+a full stop when once she has made or accepted a discovery,
+when once she has pronounced that the great
+unknown has become known to her votaries and supporters.
+She is skilful to use the results of science up
+to the point where they serve her purpose, and to use
+the terms of science in order to build up her shattering
+position. But she does not advance. She does not
+accept the first chapter of Genesis as a wonderful
+revelation of the early stages of human investigation
+into the realms of the unknown, but still keeps to her
+old formula of a revelation of the deity as to the origin
+of man, and she does not see that by this attitude she
+is lessening every day her capacity for teaching truth.</p>
+
+<p>I think the attitude of science to the Hebrew tradition
+is only a little less unfortunate than that of religion.
+Professor Huxley employed all the resources of his
+great knowledge to disprove the scientific accuracy of
+the tradition, and when one rereads his chapters on this
+subject<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> one wonders at the absence of the sense of
+proportion. Perhaps it was necessary, considering the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg&nbsp;139]</a></span>
+place which the Hebrew tradition occupies in civilised
+thought, to show its utter inconsistency with the facts
+of nature, but it was equally necessary to show that it
+has its place in the history of human thought. The
+folklorist replaces it among the myths of creation, and
+then proceeds to analyse and value it. The Hebrew is
+shown by the myth he adopted to have frankly acknowledged
+that the origin of man and of the world was undiscoverable
+by him. Whatever older myths he once
+possessed, he discarded them in favour of a mythic
+God-creator, and this is only another way of stating
+that the mystery of man's origin could not, to the
+Hebrew mind, be met by such a myth as the New
+Zealander believed in, or as the Kumis believed in, but
+could only be met by the larger conception of a special
+creation. The Hebrew could not find his answer in
+nature, so he appealed to super-nature. His God was
+the unknown God, and the realm of the unknown God
+was the unknowable. Though in terms this may not
+be the interpretation of the Hebrew creation myth, its
+ultimate resolve is this; and because modern science
+has penetrated beyond this confession of the unknown
+origin of man to the evolution of man, it should not
+therefore treat contemptuously the effort of early
+Hebrew science. Because it is not possible to admit
+this effort as part of modern science, it must not be
+rejected from the entire region of science. It must be
+respected as one of the many efforts which have made
+possible the last effort of all which proclaims that man
+has kinship with all the animal world.</p>
+
+<p>These points illustrate the unsatisfactory attitude of
+science and religion to myth. There is still to notice<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg&nbsp;140]</a></span>
+the unsatisfactory attitude of the folklorist. Wrong
+interpretation of special classes of myth is, of course,
+to be anticipated in the commencement of a great study
+such as folklore; but there are also wrong interpretations
+of the fundamental basis of myth. Thus even
+Mr. Frazer, with all his vast research into savage
+thought and action, doubts the possession of good
+logical faculty by mankind. If mankind, he says, had
+always been logical and wise, history would not be a
+long chronicle of folly and crime.<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> But surely we cannot
+doubt man's logical powers. They have been too
+strong for his facts. He has applied mercilessly all the
+powers of his logical faculties upon isolated observations
+of phenomena, and it is this limited application
+which has produced the folly and crime. I venture to
+think that civilised man shares with the savage of to-day,
+and with the primitive ancestors of all mankind, the
+charge of applying perfectly good logic to an insufficiency
+of facts, and producing therefrom fresh chapters
+of folly and crime.</p>
+
+<p>If myth is correctly defined as primitive science, as
+I have ventured to suggest, it is important to know
+how it assumes a place among the traditions of a
+people. Primitive science was also primitive belief.
+If it accounted for the origin of mankind, of the sun,
+moon, and stars, of the earth and the trees, it accounted
+for them as creations of a higher power than man, or,
+at all events, of a great and specially endowed man,
+and higher powers than man were of the unknown<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg&nbsp;141]</a></span>
+realm. The unknown was the awful. Primitive science
+and primitive belief were therefore on one and the
+same plane.<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> They were subjects to be treated with
+reverence and with awe. The story into which the
+myth was so frequently woven is not a story to those
+who believe in the truth of the myth. It assumes the
+personal shape, because the personal is the only
+machinery by which primitive man is capable of expressing
+himself. It was held only by tradition,
+because tradition was the only means of transmitting
+it, and it was of a sacred character, because sacred things
+and beliefs were the only forces which influenced primitive
+thought. When it was repeated to new generations
+of learners, it was not a case of story-telling&mdash;it
+was a matter of the profoundest importance. Everywhere
+among the lowest savagery we find the secrets of
+the group kept from all but the initiated, and these
+secrets are the traditions which have become sacred,
+traditions expressed sometimes in ceremonial, sometimes
+in rites, sometimes in narratives. Thus the
+mythological and religious knowledge of the Bushmen
+is imparted in dances, and when a man is ignorant of
+some myth, he will say, "I do not dance that dance,"
+meaning that he does not belong to the group which
+preserves that particular sacred chapter.<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> The Ashantees
+have an interesting creation myth which is stated to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg&nbsp;142]</a></span>
+the foundation of all their religious opinions.<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> Mr.
+Howitt, in his important chapter on "Beliefs and Burial
+Practices,"<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> seems to me to exactly interpret the savage
+mind. The first thing he notes is the belief&mdash;a belief
+that "the earth is flat, surmounted by the solid vault
+of the sky," that "there is water all round the flat
+earth," that the sun is a woman, and that the moon
+was once a man who lived on earth, and so on. Then,
+secondly, he notes the manner in which these beliefs
+are translated to and held by the people, the myth in
+point of fact&mdash;unfortunately, Mr. Howitt calls it a
+legend&mdash;wherein it is perfectly obvious that the
+Australian is interpreting the facts of nature in the
+only language known to him to be applicable, namely,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg&nbsp;143]</a></span>
+that of his own personality. Messrs. Spencer and
+Gillen produce much the same kind of evidence,<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> and
+describe a ceremony among the northern tribes connected
+with the myth of the sun, which ends in a
+newly initiated youth being brought up, "shown the
+decorations, and had everything explained to him."<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>
+Among the central tribes the same authorities describe
+minutely the initiation ceremonies, during which the
+initiate boy "is instructed for the first time in any of
+the sacred matters referring to totems, and it is by
+means of the performances which are concerned with
+certain animals, or rather, apparently with the animals,
+but in reality with Alcheringa individuals who were
+the direct transformations of such animals, that the
+traditions dealing with this subject, which is of the
+greatest importance in the eyes of the natives, are
+firmly impressed upon the mind of the novice, to
+whom everything which he sees and hears is new and
+surrounded with an air of mystery."<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> Sir George
+Grey, speaking of the traditions of the Maori which
+he collected, says his reader will be in "the position of
+one who listens to a heathen and savage high priest,
+explaining to him in his own words and in his own
+energetic manner, the traditions in which he earnestly
+believes, and unfolding the religious opinions upon
+which the faith and hopes of his race rest."<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> This<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg&nbsp;144]</a></span>
+"school of mythology and history," as it is significantly
+termed in John White's <i>Ancient History of the
+Maori</i>, was "Whare-Kura, the sacred school in which
+the sons of high priests were taught our mythology and
+history," and it "stood facing the east in the precincts
+of the sacred place of Mua." The school was opened by
+the priests in the autumn, and continued from sunset to
+midnight every night for four or five months in succession.
+The chief priest sat next to the door. It was
+his duty to commence the proceedings by repeating a
+portion of history; the other priests followed in succession,
+according to rank. On the south side sat the
+old and most accomplished priests, "whose duty it
+was to insist on a critical and verbatim rehearsal of
+all the ancient lore."<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> The American-Indian account,
+by the Iroquois, of how myths were told to an ancient
+chief and an assembly of the people on a circular open
+space in a deep forest, wherein was a large wheel-shaped
+stone, from beneath which came a voice which
+told the tale of the former world, and how the first
+people became what they are at present,<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> is in exact
+accord with this evidence. The priestly novice among
+the Indians of British Guiana is taught the traditions
+of the tribe, while the medicine man of the Boror&oacute;
+in Brazil has to learn certain ritual songs and the
+languages of birds, beasts, and trees.<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a></p>
+
+<p>I do not want to press the point too far, because
+evidence is not easy to get on account of the incomplete<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg&nbsp;145]</a></span>
+fashion in which it has been collected and presented to
+the student. The records of native life are divided off
+into chapters arranged, not on the basis of native ideas,
+but on the basis of civilised ideas, and from this cause
+we get myth and belief in different chapters as if they
+had no connection with each other; we get myths treated
+as if they were but the fancy-begotten amusements of
+the individual, instead of the serious ideas of the collective
+people about the elements of nature to which they
+have directed their attention. Mr. J.&nbsp;A. Farrer comes
+practically to this correct conclusion,<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> while Mr. Jevons
+seems to me to have arrived at the same result in spite
+of some false intermediate steps, due to his failure to
+discriminate between myth and mythology.<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> Failures
+of this kind are of almost infinite loss to scientific
+research. They stop the results which might flow from
+the stages correctly reached, and hide the full significance
+which arises from the fact that man's aspirations
+are always so much in excess of his accomplished acts.
+Poetry, philosophy, prayer, worship, are all short of the
+ideal; and the question may surely arise whether the
+actual accomplishments of man in civilisation, as compared
+with those of man in savagery, afford any sort of
+indication of the distance between man's accomplishment
+and his aspiration at any age. If man has never
+travelled at one moment of time, or at one definite
+period of life, all this distance in thought, it may still<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg&nbsp;146]</a></span>
+be possible to use this distance between savage and
+cultured accomplishment as a standard of measurement
+between accomplishment and ideal, wherever the
+material for such a purpose is available. If folklorists
+will keep such a possibility in mind, whenever
+they are called upon to investigate myth, it will at
+all events save them from proceeding upon lines which
+cannot lead to progress in the investigation of human
+history.</p>
+
+<p>The primitive myth does not include all that properly
+comes within the definition of myth. There must be
+included the myth formed to explain a rite or ceremony,
+which originating in most ancient times has been
+kept up at the instance of a particular religion or cult,
+but the meaning and intent of which has been forgotten
+amidst the progress of a later civilisation.
+Pausanias is the great storehouse of such myths as
+this, and Mr. Lang has, more than any other scholar,
+examined and explained the process which has
+gone on.</p>
+
+<p>There is also included in this secondary class of
+myth, the myths upon which are founded the great
+systems of mythology. The Hindu mythology, in spite
+of all that has been done to place it on the pedestal of
+primitive original thought, is definitely relegated to the
+secondary position by its best exponents. The Vedic
+religion is tribal in form, and in the pre-mythological
+stage.<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> In the R&aacute;m&aacute;yan&aacute; and Mah&aacute;bh&aacute;rata, on the
+contrary, "we trace unequivocal indications of a departure
+from the elemental worship of the Vedas, and
+the origin or elaboration of legends which form the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg&nbsp;147]</a></span>
+great body of the mythological religion of the Hindus."<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a>
+The pre-mythological and the mythological stages of
+Hindu religion, therefore, are both discoverable from
+the traditional literature which has descended from
+both ages, and this fact is important in the classification
+of the various phases of tradition. When once
+it is admitted that the beginnings of mythology are to
+be traced in one section of the people who are supposed
+to derive a common system of mythology from a common
+home, future research will hesitate to interpret,
+as Kuhn and Max M&uuml;ller and their school have done,
+the traditions of Celts, Teutons, and Scandinavians as
+the detritus of ancient mythologies instead of the
+beginnings of what, under favourable conditions, might
+have grown into mythologies. Mythological tradition
+is essentially a secondary not a primary stage. This
+fact is overlooked by many authorities, and I have
+noted some of the unfortunate results. It is not overlooked
+by those who study the principles of their subject
+as well as the details. Thus, as Robertson-Smith has
+so well explained, "mythology was no essential part
+of ancient religion, for it had no sacred sanction and
+no binding force on the worshippers.... Belief in
+a certain series of myths was neither obligatory as
+a part of true religion, nor was it supposed that by
+believing a man acquired religious merit and conciliated
+the favour of the gods. What was obligatory
+or meritorious was the exact performance of certain
+sacred acts prescribed by religious tradition. This
+being so, it follows that mythology ought not to take<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg&nbsp;148]</a></span>
+the prominent place that is too often assigned to it
+in the scientific study of ancient faiths."<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> This is
+exactly the position, and all that I have advanced for
+the purpose of aiming at a classification of the various
+kinds of tradition is in accord with this view.</p>
+
+<p>All that I am anxious to prove, all that it is possible to
+prove, from these considerations of the position occupied
+by myth, is that myths constitute a part of the serious life
+of the people. They belong to the men and women, perhaps
+some of them to the men only and others to the
+women only, but essentially to the life of the people.</p>
+
+<p>I do not think that even Mr. Hartland in his special
+study of the subject has quite understood this. He
+begins at a later period in the history of tradition, the
+period of story-telling proper, when myths have become
+folk-tales,<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> and he treats this period as the earliest
+instead of the secondary stage of myth. In this stage
+something has happened to push myth back from the
+centre of the people's life to a lesser position&mdash;a new
+religious influence, a new civilisation, a new home, any
+one of the many influences, or any combination of influences,
+which have affected peoples and sent them
+along the paths of evolution and progress.</p>
+
+<p>It is in this way that we come upon the folk-tale.
+The folk-tale is secondary to the myth. It is the primitive
+myth dislodged from its primitive place. It has
+become a part of the life of the people, independently<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg&nbsp;149]</a></span>
+of its primary form and object and in a different sense.
+The mythic or historic fact has been obscured, or has
+been displaced from the life of the people. But the
+myth lives on through the affections of the people for the
+traditions of their older life. They love to tell the story
+which their ancestors revered as myth even though it has
+lost its oldest and most impressive significance. The
+artistic setting of it, born of the years through which it
+has lived, fashioned by the minds which have handed
+it down and embellished it through the generations,
+has helped its life. It has become the fairy tale or the
+nursery tale. It is told to grown-up people, not as
+belief but as what was once believed; it is told to
+children, not to men; to lovers of romance, not to worshippers
+of the unknown; it is told by mothers and
+nurses, not by philosophers or priestesses; in the
+gathering ground of home life, or in the nursery, not
+in the hushed sanctity of a great wonder.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg&nbsp;150]</a></span>
+The influence of changing conditions upon the
+position of mythic tradition is well illustrated by
+Dr. Rivers in his account of the Todas. This people,
+he says, "are rapidly forgetting their folk-tales and the
+legends of their gods [that is, their myths], while their
+ceremonial remains to a large extent intact and seems
+likely to continue so for some time." Dr. Rivers attributes
+this to the effect of intercourse with other
+people. This intercourse has had no missionary results
+and has not therefore affected their religious rites and
+ceremonies, but has shown itself largely in the form of
+loss of interest in the stories of the past.<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> In other
+words, and in accordance with the definitions I am
+suggesting, the primitive myths of the Todas have
+definitely assumed a secondary position as folk-tale, and
+not a strong position at that, while religion has clung
+to rite and formula.</p>
+
+<p>Primitive myth dislodged in this fashion is sometimes
+preserved in a special manner and for religious
+purposes in its ancient setting as a belief, or as a
+tradition belonging to sacred places and appertaining
+to sacred things. This is what has happened to the
+Genesis myth of the Hebrews; it has also happened to
+some of the sacred myths of the Hindus, and perhaps
+to some of the sacred myths of the Greeks. In this
+position the myth may even be reduced to writing, and
+where this happens all the sacredness appertaining to
+tradition is transferred to the written instrument.</p>
+
+<p>Thus in Arkadia, Pausanias tells us, was a temple of
+Demeter, and every second year, when they were celebrating
+what they called the greater mysteries, they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg&nbsp;151]</a></span>
+took out certain writings which bore on the mysteries,
+and having read them in the hearing of the initiated,
+put them back in their place that same night.<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> In India
+examples occur of land being held for telling stories
+at the Uch&aacute;os or festivals of the goddess D&eacute;vi.<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> The
+colleges of Rome, composed of men specially skilled
+in religious lore, and charged with the preservation of
+traditional rules regarding the more general religious
+observances, the proper fulfilment of which implied a
+certain amount of information, and rendered it necessary
+for the state in its own interest to provide the
+faithful transmission of that information, have been
+described by Mommsen.<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></p>
+
+<p>I pass to the third class of tradition, namely, the
+legend, and this need not detain us long. We have
+already illustrated it by the notes on history and folklore,
+and by its very nature it belongs essentially to
+the historic age. In dealing with legend, there is first
+to determine whether its characters are historical, or
+are unknown to history. If the former, there is next
+to disengage those parts of the tradition which, by their
+parallels to other traditions, or by their nature, may
+be safely certified as not belonging to the historical
+hero or to the period of the historical hero. If the
+latter, the details must be analysed to see what elements
+of culture are contained therein. In both cases tradition
+will have served a purpose, and that purpose
+must be sought. Tradition does not attach itself to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg&nbsp;152]</a></span>
+an historical personage without cause. There is
+necessity for it, and in the case of Hereward the
+necessity was proved to have been the great gap in
+the history of a national hero. Tradition does not preserve
+details of primitive culture-history without cause,
+and in the examples already quoted it has been shown
+that this cause rests upon the indissoluble links which
+the uncultured peasant of to-day has with the pre-cultured
+past of his race. He will have forgotten all
+about his tribal life and its consequences, but will
+retain legends which are founded upon tribal life. He
+will have lost touch with ideas which proclaim that man
+or woman not of his tribe is an enemy to be feared or
+attacked, but will gladly relate legends which deal
+with events growing out of a state of perpetual strife
+among the ancestors of people now in friendship. He
+will not understand the personal tie of ancient times,
+but will listen to the legends attached to places in such
+strange fashion as to make places seem to possess a
+personal life full of events and happenings. He will
+know nothing of giants and ogres, but will love the
+legends which tell of heroes meeting and conquering
+such beings. The history of the school books is
+nothing to him, but the history unknowingly contained
+in the legends is very real, and is applied over and over
+again to such later events as by force of circumstances
+become stamped upon the popular mind and thus
+succeed in displacing the original. It would be an
+important contribution to history to have these legends
+collected and examined by a competent authority. They
+would be beacon lights of national history preserved in
+legend.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg&nbsp;153]</a></span>
+It will be readily conceded, I think, that in attempting
+these definitions of the various classes of tradition, and
+in illustrating them from the records of man's life in
+various parts of the world, it has been impossible for
+me to deal with certain points in the problem before
+us. In particular I have not considered the favourite
+subject of the diffusion of folk-tales. I do not believe
+in a general system of diffusion, such a system, I mean,
+as would suffice to account for the parallels to be found
+in almost all countries.<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> I think diffusion occupies a
+very small part indeed of the problem, and that it only
+takes place in late historical times. It is a large subject,
+and I have virtually stated my answer to the theory of
+diffusion in the definitions and classifications which I
+have ventured to put forward. It may be considered by
+some that other facts in the conditions of myth, folk-tale,
+and legend would not confirm the general outline I
+have given of the three classes of tradition to which
+I have applied these terms; and of course there are
+many side issues in so great a problem. I would not
+urge the correctness of the views I have put forward
+as applicable to every part of the world, or to every
+phase in the history of tradition; but I would urge
+that in the great centres of traditional life they are
+practically the only means of arriving at the position
+occupied by tradition, and that in all cases they form
+a working hypothesis upon which future inquirers may
+well base their researches.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg&nbsp;154]</a></span></p>
+<h4>II</h4>
+
+<p>Of late years there have been placed alongside of
+the traditional myth, folk-tale, and legend many other
+products of tradition&mdash;customs, ceremonies, practices,
+and beliefs, and it has been argued, and argued
+strongly and convincingly, that the tradition which
+has brought down the saga and song as far-off echoes
+of an otherwise unrecorded past has also brought down
+these other elements which must also belong to the
+same distant past. This argument is now no longer
+seriously disputed. But there still remains open for
+discussion the exact kind of evidence which these
+elements of tradition supply, the particular period or
+people from which they have descended, the particular
+department of history to which they relate. All this is
+highly disputed.</p>
+
+<p>Folklore has in this department been greatly aided
+by Dr. Tylor's impressive terminology, whereby the
+custom, ceremony, practice, and belief which have come
+down by tradition are classed as "survivals." This
+term implies an ancient origin, and the necessary
+work of the student is to get back to the original.
+Until very lately the fact of survival has carried with it
+the presumption of ancient origin, but Mr. Crawley
+has raised an objection which I think it is well to meet.
+He urges that "the history of religious phenomena
+exemplifies in the most striking manner the continuity
+of modern and primitive culture; but there is a tendency
+on the part of students to underestimate this
+continuity, and, by explaining it away on a theory of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg&nbsp;155]</a></span>
+survivals, to lose the only opportunity we have of deducing
+the permanent elements of human nature."</p>
+
+<p>This sentence at once prepares us for much that
+follows; but Mr. Crawley leaves the point itself untouched,
+except by implication, until he is in the
+middle of his book, and then we have his dictum that
+"it may be finally asserted that nothing which has to
+do with human needs ever survives as a mere survival."<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>
+It will at once be seen that we have here a new estimate
+of the force which survivals play in the evidence of
+human progress. They prove the continuity of modern
+and primitive culture. They are part and parcel of
+modern life, filling a vacuum which has not been filled
+by modern thought, carrying on, therefore, the standard
+of religious belief and religious ideal from point to
+point until they can be replaced by newer ideas and
+concepts. This definition of survivals is very bold.
+It answers Mr. Crawley's purpose and argument in a
+way which no other fact in human history, so far as we
+can judge, could answer it. It is the basis upon which
+his whole argument is founded. Occupying such an
+important place, it should have received explicit investigation,
+instead of being treated as a sort of side
+issue of incidental importance.</p>
+
+<p>When explicit investigation is undertaken, Mr.
+Crawley's case must, I think, break down. Survivals
+are carried along the stream of time by people whose
+culture-status is on a level with the culture in which
+the survivals originated. It matters not that these
+people are placed in the midst of a higher civilisation
+or alongside of a higher civilisation. When once the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg&nbsp;156]</a></span>
+higher civilisation penetrates to them, the survival is
+lost. There is not continuity between modern and
+primitive thought here, but, on the contrary, there is
+strong antagonism, ending with the defeat and death
+of the primitive survival. This is the evidence wherever
+survivals can be studied, whether in the midst of
+our own civilisation, or even of primitive civilisations,
+which constantly exhibit traces of older beliefs and
+ideas being pushed out of existence by newer. It is,
+indeed, a mistake to suppose, as some authorities
+apparently do, that survivals can only be studied when
+they are embedded in a high civilisation. It is almost
+a more fruitful method to study them when they appear
+in the lower strata; and even in such a case as the
+Australian aborigines I think that it is the neglect
+of observing survivals that has led to some of the
+erroneous theories which have recently been advanced
+against Messrs. Spencer and Gillen's conclusions.</p>
+
+<p>For the purpose of examining survivals in custom,
+rite, and belief, we have nothing more than a series of
+notes of customs and beliefs obtaining among the
+lower and lowest classes of the people, and not being
+the direct teaching of any religious or academic body.
+These notes are very unequal in value, owing to the
+manner in which they have been made. They are often
+accidental, they are seldom if ever the result of trained
+observation, and they are often mixed up with theories
+as to their origin and relationship to modern society
+and modern religious beliefs. To a great extent the
+two first of these apparent defects are real safeguards,
+for they certify to the genuineness of the record, a certificate
+which is more needed in this branch of inquiry than<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg&nbsp;157]</a></span>
+perhaps in any other. But with regard to the third
+defect there is considerable danger. An inquirer with
+an object is so apt to find what he wishes to find, either
+by the exercise of his own credulity or the ingenuous
+extension of inquiry into answer; whereas the inquirer
+who is content to note with the simplicity of those who
+occupy themselves by collecting what others have not
+collected, may be deficient in the details he gives, but
+is seldom wrong or violently wrong in what he has
+recorded. In every direction, however, great caution
+is needed, and especially where any section of custom
+and belief has already been the subject of inquiry.
+It is indeed almost safe to say that all research into
+custom and belief, even that of such masters as Tylor,
+Lang, Hartland, Frazer, and others, needs re-examination
+before we can finally and unreservedly accept the
+conclusions which have been arrived at.</p>
+
+<p>Such an examination must be directed towards
+obtaining some necessary points in the life-history of
+each custom, rite, and belief. We have to approach
+this part of our work guided by the fact that folklore
+cannot by any possibility develop. The doctrine of
+evolution is so strong upon us that we are apt to apply
+its leading idea insensibly to almost every branch of
+human history. But folklore being what it is, namely
+the survival of traditional ideas or practices among a
+people whose principal members have passed beyond
+the stage of civilisation which those ideas and practices
+once represented, it is impossible for it to have
+any development. When the original ideas and practices
+which it represents were current as the standard
+form of culture, their future history was then to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg&nbsp;158]</a></span>
+looked for along the lines of development. But so soon
+as they dropped back behind the standard of culture,
+whatever the cause and whenever the event happened,
+then their future history could only be traced along the
+lines of decay and disintegration. We are acquainted
+with some of the laws which mark the development of
+primitive culture, but we have paid no attention to the
+influences which mark the existence of survivals in
+culture. For this purpose we must first ascertain what
+are the component parts of each custom or superstition;
+secondly, we must classify the various elements in
+each example; and thirdly, we must group the various
+examples into classes which associate with each other
+in motif and character.</p>
+
+<p>By this treble process we shall have before us examples
+of the changes in folklore, and demonstrably
+they are changes of decay, not of development. By
+grouping and arranging these changes it may be
+possible to ascertain and set down the laws of change&mdash;for
+that there are laws I am nearly certain. It is
+these laws which must be discovered before we can
+go very far forward in our studies. Every item of
+custom and superstition must be tested by analysis to
+find out under which power it lives on in survival, and
+according to the result in each case, so may we hope
+to find out something about the original from which
+the survival has descended.</p>
+
+<p>Each folklore item, in point of fact, has a life history
+of its own, and a place in relationship to other
+items. Just as the biography of each separate word
+in our language has been investigated in order to
+get at Aryan speech as the interpretation of Aryan<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg&nbsp;159]</a></span>
+thought, so must the biography of each custom, superstition,
+or story be investigated in order to get at Aryan
+belief or something older than Aryan belief. We must
+try to ascertain whether each item represents primitive
+belief by direct descent, by symbolisation, or by
+changes which may be discovered by some law
+equivalent to Grimm's law in the study of language.</p>
+
+<p>Analysis of each custom, rite, or belief will show it
+to consist of three distinct parts, which I would distinguish
+by the following names:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>1. The formula.</p>
+
+<p>2. The purpose.</p>
+
+<p>3. The penalty or result.</p>
+
+<p>It will be found that these three component parts
+are not equally tenacious of their original form in
+all examples. In one example we may find the
+formula either actually or symbolically perfect, while
+the purpose and penalty may not be easily distinguishable.
+Or it may happen that the formula remains
+fairly perfect; the purpose may be set down to the
+desire of doing what has always been done, and the
+penalty may be given as luck or ill-luck. Of course,
+further variations are possible, but these are usually the
+more general forms.</p>
+
+<p>I will give an example or two of these phases of
+change or degradation in folklore. First, then, where
+the formula is complete, or nearly so, and the purpose
+and penalty have both disappeared. At Carrickfergus
+it was formerly the custom for mothers, when giving
+their child the breast for the last time, to put an egg in
+its hand and sit on the threshold of the outer door with
+a leg on each side, and this ceremony was usually done<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg&nbsp;160]</a></span>
+on a Sunday. Undoubtedly I think we have here a
+very nearly perfect formula; but what is its purpose,
+and what is the penalty for non-observance? Upon
+both these latter points the example is silent, and
+before they can be restored we must search among the
+other fragments of threshold customs and see whether
+they exist either separately from the formula or with a
+less perfect example. Secondly, where the formula
+has disappeared and the purpose and penalty remain,
+nearly the whole range of those floating beliefs and
+superstitions which occupy so largely the collections
+of folklore would supply examples. But I will select
+one example which will be to the point. When the
+Manx cottager looks for the traces of a foot in the
+ashes of his firegrate for the purpose of seeing in what
+direction the toes point, the penalty being that, if they
+point to the door, a death will occur, if to the fireplace,
+a birth,<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> there is no trace of the ancient formula. It is
+true we may find the missing formula in other lands;
+for instance, among some of the Indian tribes of
+Bombay. There the formula is elaborate and complete,
+while the purpose and the penalty are exactly the same
+as in the Isle of Man. But this hasty travelling to
+other lands is not, I contend, legitimate in the first
+place. We must begin by seeing whether there is not
+some other item of folklore, perhaps now not even connected
+with the house-fire group of customs and superstitions,
+whose true place is that of the lost formula of
+this interesting Manx custom. And when once we
+have taught ourselves the way to restore these lost
+formul&aelig; to their rightful places, the explanation of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg&nbsp;161]</a></span>
+mere waifs and strays of folklore will be attended with
+some approach to scientific accuracy, and we shall then
+be in a position to get rid of that shibboleth so dear to
+the non-folklore critic, that all these things we deal
+with are "mere superstitions."</p>
+
+<p>Thirdly, when the formula is complete, or nearly so,
+and the purpose and penalty become generalised. At
+St. Edmundsbury a white bull, which enjoyed full ease
+and plenty in the fields, and was never yoked to the
+plough or employed in any service, was led in procession
+in the chief streets of the town to the principal
+gate of the monastery, attended by all the monks singing
+and a shouting crowd. Knowing what Grimm has
+collected concerning the worship of the white bull,
+knowing what is performed in India to this day, there
+is no doubt that this formula of the white bull at
+St. Edmundsbury has been preserved in very good
+condition. The purpose of it was, however, not so
+satisfactory. It is said to have taken place whenever a
+married woman wished to have a child; and the penalty
+is lost in the obvious generalisation that not to perform
+the ceremony is not to obtain the desired end.<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></p>
+
+<p>The second process, that of classification of the
+various elements in each example, will reveal some
+characteristics of folklore, which, so far as I know,
+have never yet been taken count of. One very important
+characteristic is the prevalence of a particular
+belief attached to different objects in different places.
+Thus Sir John Rhys in his examination of Manx<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg&nbsp;162]</a></span>
+folklore stopped short in his explanation of the
+superstition of the first-foot, because he had heard
+that, while in the Isle of Man it was attached to
+a dark man, elsewhere it was attached to a fair
+man. Of the examples where, on New Year's morning,
+it is held to be unlucky to meet a dark person,
+I may mention Lincolnshire, Durham, Yorkshire, and
+Northumberland. It is, on the contrary, <i>lucky</i> to meet,
+as first-foot, a dark-haired man in Lancashire, the Isle
+of Man, and Aberdeenshire.<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> In these cases we get the
+element of "dark" or "fair" as the varying factor of
+the superstition; but instances occur in Sutherlandshire,
+the West of Scotland, and in Durham, where the varying
+factor rests upon sex&mdash;a man being lucky and a
+woman being unlucky.</p>
+
+<p>Similarly of the well-known superstition about telling
+the bees of the death of their owner, in Berkshire,
+Bucks, Cheshire, Cornwall, Cumberland, Lincolnshire,
+Lancashire, Monmouthshire, Notts, Northumberland,
+Shropshire, Somersetshire, Suffolk, Surrey, Sussex,
+Wilts, Worcestershire, it appears that a relative may perform
+the ceremony, or sometimes a servant merely, while
+in Derbyshire, Hants, Northants, Rutland, and Yorkshire
+it must be the heir or successor of the deceased
+owner. Again, while in the above places the death of
+the owner is told to the bees, in other places it is told to
+the cattle, and in Cornwall to the trees;<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> and, in other
+places, marriages as well as death are told to the bees.<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a></p>
+
+<p>In some cases the transfer from one object to another<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg&nbsp;163]</a></span>
+of a particular superstition is a matter of absolute
+observation. Thus, the labourers in Norfolk considered
+it a presage of death to miss a "bout" in corn
+or seed sowing. The superstition is now transferred to
+the drill, which has only been invented for a century.
+Again, in Ireland, it is now considered unlucky to
+give any one a light for his pipe on May-day&mdash;a very
+modern superstition, apparently. But the pipe in this
+case has been the means of preserving the old superstition
+found in many places of not giving a light from
+the homestead fire.</p>
+
+<p>I will just refer to one other example, the well-known
+custom of offering rags at sacred wells. Sir
+John Rhys thought that the object of these scraps
+of clothing being placed at the well was for transferring
+the disease from the sick person to some one
+else. But I ventured to oppose this idea, and considered
+that they were offerings, pure and simple, to
+the spirit of the well, and referred to examples in
+confirmation. Among other items, I have come across
+an account of an Irish "station," as it is called,
+at a sacred well, the details of which fully bear
+out my view as to the nature of the rags deposited
+at the shrine being offerings to the local deity. One
+of the devotees, in true Irish fashion, made his offering
+accompanied by the following words: "To St. Columbkill&mdash;I
+offer up this button, a bit o' the waistband o'
+my own breeches, an' a taste o' my wife's petticoat, in
+remimbrance of us havin' made this holy station; an'
+may they rise up in glory to prove it for us in the last
+day."<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> I shall not attempt to account for the presence<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg&nbsp;164]</a></span>
+of the usual Irish humour in this, to the devotee, most
+solemn offering; but I point out the undoubted nature
+of the offerings and their service in the identification
+of their owners&mdash;a service which implies their power
+to bear witness in spirit-land to the pilgrimage of those
+who deposited them during lifetime at the sacred
+well.<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now, in all these cases there is an original and
+a secondary, or derivative, form of the superstition,
+and it is our object to trace out which is which. Do
+the rags deposited at wells symbolise offerings to the
+local deity? If so, they bring us within measurable
+distance of a cult which rests upon faith in the power
+of natural objects to harm or render aid to human
+beings. Does the question of first-foot rest upon the
+colour of the hair or upon the sex of the person? I
+think, looking at all the examples I have been able to
+examine, that colour is really the older basis of the
+superstition, and, if so, ethnological considerations are
+doubtless the root of it. Again, if the eldest son of
+the deceased owner of bees appears in the earliest form
+of the death-telling ceremony, we have an interesting
+fragment of the primitive house-ritual of our ancestors.</p>
+
+<p>When, however, we come upon the worship of
+local deities, when we can suggest ethnological
+elements in folklore, and when we can speak of the
+house-father, and can see that duties are imposed upon
+him by traditional custom, unknown to any rules of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg&nbsp;165]</a></span>
+civilised society, we are in the presence of facts older
+than those of historic times. It is thus that folklore
+so frequently points back to the past before the age of
+history. Over and over again we pause before the
+facts of folklore, which, however explained, always
+lead us back to some unexplored epoch of history,
+some undated period, which has not revealed its
+heroes, but which has left us a heritage of its mental
+strivings.</p>
+
+<p>The method of using these notes of custom, rite,
+and belief for scientific purposes is therefore a very
+important matter. It is essential that each single item
+should be treated definitely and separately from all
+other items, and, further, that the exact wording of the
+original note upon each separate item should be kept
+intact. There must be no juggling with the record, no
+emendations such as students of early literary work
+are so fond of attempting. Whatever the record, it
+must be accepted. The original account of every
+custom and belief is a corpus, not to be tampered
+with except for the purpose of scientific analysis, and
+then after that purpose has been effected all the parts
+must be put together again, and the original restored
+to its form.</p>
+
+<p>The handling of each custom or belief and of its
+separate parts in this way enables us, in the first place,
+to disentangle it from the particular personal or social
+stratum in which it happens to have been preserved.
+It may have become attached to a place, an object, a
+season, a class of persons, a rule of life, and may have
+been preserved by means of this attachment. But
+because every item of folklore of the same nature is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg&nbsp;166]</a></span>
+not attached to the same agent wherever that particular
+item has been preserved, it is important not to stereotype
+an accidental association as a permanent one.
+Moreover, the modern association is not necessarily the
+ancient association, and there is the further difficulty
+created by writers on folklore classifying into chapters
+of their own creation the items they collect or
+discuss.<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> In the second place, we are enabled to
+prepare each item of folklore for the place to which it
+may ultimately be found to belong. The first step in
+this preparation is to get together all the examples of
+any one custom, rite, or belief which have been preserved,
+and to compare these examples with each other,
+first as to common features of likeness, secondly as
+to features of unlikeness. By this process we are
+able to restore what may be deficient from the insufficiency
+of any particular record&mdash;and such a restoration
+is above all things essential&mdash;and to present for
+examination not an isolated specimen but a series of
+specimens, each of which helps to bring back to
+observation some portion of the original. The reconstruction
+of the original is thus brought within sight.</p>
+
+<p>Generally, it may be stated that the points of likeness
+determine and classify all the examples of one
+custom or belief; the points of unlikeness indicate the
+line of decay inherent in survivals.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg&nbsp;167]</a></span>
+This partial equation and partial divergence between
+different examples of the same custom or belief allows a
+very important point to be made in the study of survivals.
+We can estimate the value of the elements
+which equate in any number of examples, and the value
+of the elements which diverge; and by noting how
+these values differ in the various examples we shall
+discover the extent of the overlapping of example with
+example, which is of the utmost importance. A given
+custom consists, say, of six elements, which by their
+constancy among all the examples and by their special
+characteristics may be considered as primary elements,
+in the form in which the custom has survived. Let us
+call these primary elements by algebraical signs, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>,
+<i>d</i>, <i>e</i>, <i>f</i>. A second example of the same custom has four
+of these elements, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>, and two divergences, which
+may be considered as secondary elements, and which
+we will call by the signs <i>g</i>, <i>h</i>. A third example has
+elements <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, and divergences <i>g</i>, <i>h</i>, <i>i</i>, <i>k</i>. A further
+example has none of the primary elements, but only
+divergences <i>g</i>, <i>h</i>, <i>i</i>, <i>l</i>, <i>m</i>. Then the statement of the
+case is reduced to the following:&mdash;</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" width="40%" summary="Table of elements">
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdl">1&nbsp;=</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>a</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>b</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>c</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>d</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>e</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>f</i>.</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdl">2&nbsp;=</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>a</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>b</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>c</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>d</i></td>
+    <td class="tdl">+</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>g</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>h</i>.</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdl">3&nbsp;=</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>a</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>b</i></td>
+    <td class="tdl">+</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>g</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>h</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>i</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>k</i>.</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdl">4&nbsp;=</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl">+</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>g</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>h</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>i</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>l</i>,</td>
+    <td class="tdl"><i>m</i>.</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>The first conclusion to be drawn from this is that the
+overlapping of the several examples (No. 1 overlapping
+No. 2 at <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>, No. 2 overlapping No. 3 at <i>a</i>, <i>b</i> + <i>g</i>, <i>h</i>,
+No. 3 overlapping No. 4 at + <i>g</i>, <i>h</i>, <i>i</i>) shows all these
+several examples to be but variations of one original<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg&nbsp;168]</a></span>
+custom, example No. 4, though possessing none of the
+elements of example No. 1, being the same custom as
+example No. 1. Secondly, the divergences <i>g</i> to <i>m</i>
+mark the line of decay which this particular custom has
+undergone since it ceased to belong to the dominant
+culture of the people, and dropped back into the position
+of a survival from a former culture preserved only
+by a fragment of the people.<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a></p>
+
+<p>The first of these conclusions is not affected by the
+order in which the examples are arranged; whether we
+begin with No. 4 or with No. 1, the relationship of
+each example to the others, thus proved to be in intimate
+association, is the same. The second conclusion
+is necessarily dependent upon what we take to be "primary
+elements" and "secondary elements;" and the
+question is how can these be determined? As a rule it
+will be found that the primary elements are the most
+constant parts of the whole group of examples, appearing
+more frequently, possessing greater adherence to a
+common form, changing (when they do change) with
+slighter variations; while the secondary elements, on
+the other hand, assume many different varieties of form,
+are by no means of constant occurrence, and do not
+even amongst themselves tend to a common form. The
+primary elements, therefore, constitute the form of the
+custom which represents the oldest part of the survival.
+They alone will help us to determine the origin of the
+custom, whether by features represented in the elements
+thus brought together or by comparison with ancient<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg&nbsp;169]</a></span>
+custom elsewhere or with survivals elsewhere similarly
+reconstituted. Altogether these elements, thus linked
+together by the tie of common attributes, are parts of
+one organic whole, and it is on this reconstructed
+organism we have to rely for the evidence from tradition.</p>
+
+<p>When any given custom or belief has undergone
+this double process of analysis of its component parts
+and classification of its several elements, another process
+has to be undertaken, namely, to ascertain its association
+with other customs or beliefs, in the same
+country or among the same people, each of which customs
+or beliefs, being treated in exactly the same manner,
+is found to exhibit some degree of relationship in
+origin, condition, or purpose to the whole group under
+examination. In this way classification, analysis, and
+association go hand in hand as the necessary methods
+of studying survivals. Without analysis we cannot
+properly arrive at a classification; without classification
+we cannot work out the association of survivals.</p>
+
+<p>The process is perhaps highly technical and complicated.
+It may not be of interest to all to discuss the
+process by which results are attained when what is
+most desired are the results themselves. But in truth
+the two parts of this study cannot well be separated.
+To judge of the validity of the results one must know
+what the process has been, and too often results are
+jumped at without warrant; items of custom and usage
+or of belief and myth are docketed as belonging to a
+given phase of culture, a given group of people, when
+they have no right to such a place in the history of
+man. It is not only distasteful to the inquirer, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg&nbsp;170]</a></span>
+almost impossible to dislodge any item of folklore once
+so placed, and thus much of the value of the material
+supplied by folklore is lost or discounted.</p>
+
+<p>Custom, rite, and belief treated in this fashion become
+veritable monuments of history&mdash;a history too
+ancient to have been recorded in script, too much an
+essential part of the folk-life to have been lost to tradition.
+We may hope to restore therefrom the surviving
+mosaic of ancient institutions, ancient law, and
+ancient religion, and we may further hope, with this
+mosaic to work upon, to restore much of the entire
+fabric which has been lying so many centuries beneath
+the accumulated and accumulating mass of new developments
+representing the civilisation of the Western
+world.</p>
+
+
+<h4>III</h4>
+
+<p>It is only here that we can discover the point where
+we may properly commence the work of comparative
+folklore. An item of folklore which stands isolated is
+practically of no use for scientific investigation. It
+may be, as we have seen, that the myth is in its
+primary stage as a sacred belief among primitive
+people, in its secondary or folk-tale stage as a sacred
+memory of what was once believed, in its final or
+legendary stage when it does duty in preserving the
+memory of a hero or a place of abiding interest. It
+may be, as we have seen, that the custom, rite, or
+belief is a mere formula without purpose or result,
+a mere traditional expression of a purpose without
+formula or result, a mere statement of result without
+formula or purpose. We must know the exact position<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg&nbsp;171]</a></span>
+of each item before we begin to compare, or we may
+be comparing absolutely unlike things. The exact
+position of each item of folklore is not to be found
+from one isolated example. It has first to be restored
+to its association with all the known examples of its
+kind, so that the earliest and most complete form may
+be recorded. That is the true position to which it has
+been reduced as a survival. This restored and complete
+example is then in a position to be compared
+either with similar survivals in other countries on the
+same level of culture, or within the same ethnological
+or political sphere of influence, or with living customs,
+rites, or beliefs of peoples of a more backward state
+of culture or in a savage state of culture. Comparison
+of this kind is of value. Comparison of a less technical
+or comprehensive kind may be of value in the hands
+of a great master; but it is often not only valueless
+but mischievous in the hands of less experienced writers,
+who think that comparison is justified wherever similarity
+is discovered.</p>
+
+<p>Similarity in form, however, does not necessarily
+mean similarity in origin. It does not mean similarity
+in motive. Customs and rites which are alike in
+practice can be shown to have originated from quite
+different causes, to express quite different motifs, and
+cannot therefore be held to belong to a common class,
+the elements of which are comparable. Thus to take
+a very considerable custom, to be found both in folk-tales
+and in usage, the succession of the youngest son,
+it is pretty clear that among European peoples it
+originated in the tribal practice of the elder sons going
+out of the tribal household to found tribal households<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg&nbsp;172]</a></span>
+of their own, thus leaving the youngest to inherit the
+original homestead. But among savage peoples where
+the youngest son inherits the homestead, he does not
+do so because of a tribal custom such as that to be
+found in the European evidence. It is because of the
+conditions of the marriage rites. Thus among the
+Kafir peoples of South Africa</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"the young man of the commonality, who being a young
+man has had but little or no means of displaying his sagacity&mdash;a
+quality with them most frequently synonymous with
+cunning&mdash;commences for himself in a small way. Hence,
+too, being polygamous, and his wives being bought with
+cattle, his first wife is taken from a position accordant with
+that of a young, untried, and poor or comparatively poor
+man. Hence also it happens that his wives increase in
+number, and in&mdash;so to speak&mdash;position, in accordance with
+his wealth, and with his reputation for wisdom and sagacity,
+which may have raised him to the rank of headman of a
+district, and one of the Chief's counsellors. It is, therefore,
+only when old in years that he takes to himself his 'great
+wife,' one of greater social and racial position than were his
+previous wives, and her son, that is, her eldest son, who is
+consequently the father's youngest or nearly his youngest,
+becomes his 'great son,' and par excellence the heir. If
+the father be a Chief, this son becomes the Chief at his
+father's death.</p>
+
+<p>"As, however, subordinate heirs, the father after some
+consultation and ceremony chooses out of his other sons,
+secondly 'the son of his right hand,' and thirdly, 'the son
+of his grandfather.' If the father be a Chief, these two
+are after his death accounted as Chiefs in the tribe, subordinate
+to the 'great son,' and even if through their
+superior energy, the size of the tribe requiring emigration
+to pastures new, or other causes, one or both of them break
+off, and with their respective inheritance or following form a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg&nbsp;173]</a></span>
+separate tribe or tribes, yet they are federally bound to their
+great brother, and their successors to his successors, and
+recognise him as their supreme or national Chief. Thus
+Krili, the Chief of the Amagcaleka tribe across the Kei, was
+also paramount Chief of all the Amaxosas, including his
+own tribe, and those this side the Kei, who are divided into
+the two great divisions&mdash;each of which includes several
+tribes&mdash;of the Amangquika and Amandhlambi, which latter
+has among it the Amagqunukwebi, a tribe of Caffre intermingled
+with Hottentot blood, and therefore rather looked
+down upon."<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>Dr. Nicholson, from whom I quote this evidence,
+goes on to say that the</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"custom then of the heirship of the youngest, appears to me
+to have not unlikely grown up among a polygamous race,
+and to have arisen both from considerations of self security
+and from those of race and rank."</p></div>
+
+<p>Quite independently of Dr. Nicholson I had come to
+the same conclusion;<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> and Dr. Nicholson, after handsomely
+acknowledging my priority in the "discovery,"
+very properly alludes to the not unimportant fact of
+two workers in the same field coming to like conclusions.
+It is remarkable that the same distinction between
+the succession of the youngest son and of the
+son of the youngest wife appears in folk-tales.<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> Now
+clearly it would be quite wrong to suggest a parallel
+between the heirship of the youngest among the Kafir
+peoples of Africa and heirship of the youngest among<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg&nbsp;174]</a></span>
+the tribal people of early Europe. They are not comparable
+at all points, and it is just where the point
+of comparison fails that it becomes so important to
+science.<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a></p>
+
+<p>I will take one other example, and this is the important
+practice of human sacrifice which looms so
+largely in anthropological research, and which is considered
+by so good an authority as Schrader to have
+taken a prominent place among the Aryans,<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> though he
+takes his examples, not from language, but from the
+unexamined customs of the Greeks, Romans, northerns,
+Indians, and Persians. We know more about the development
+of sacrifice now that Professor Robertson
+Smith has dealt with the Semitic part of the evidence.
+Without resting on the fact that the occurrence of human
+sacrifice in a country occupied by Aryan-speaking
+people does not, of itself alone, imply that the rite
+was Aryan, it is far more important to point out that
+among the higher races "the feeling that the slaying
+involves a grave responsibility and must be justified by
+divine permission" appears, and "care was taken to
+slay the victim without bloodshed, or to make believe
+that it had killed itself."<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> This feeling marks distinctly
+the Greek sacrifice as at Thargelia and in the
+Leukadian ceremony, the Roman sacrifice at the
+Tarpeian Rock, the sacrifice at the Valhalla rock of the
+northerns, while among the Hindus there is much to
+show that the idea of human sacrifice in some of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg&nbsp;175]</a></span>
+the early writings is a literary borrowing from the
+Hebrews; and that if it ever prevailed among the
+Aryas of India it was very early superseded by
+the sacrifice of animals.<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> Colonel Dalton has given
+good reasons for his views "that the Hindus derived
+from the aboriginal races the practice of human
+sacrifices."<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> Although, then, Greek ritual and Greek
+myth are full of legends which tell of sacrifices
+once human, but afterwards commuted into sacrifices
+where some other victim is slain or the dummy of
+a man is destroyed;<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> although the significant Hindu
+ceremonial of so throwing the limbs of an animal
+slaughtered to be burnt with the dead that every
+limb lies upon a corresponding part of the corpse;<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a>
+although Teuton, Celt, and Norse<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> are credited
+with the practice by authorities not to be questioned,
+it appears by the evidence that the European
+form of human sacrifice has little in common with
+the savage form except in the nature of the victim. It
+occurred, as Grimm states, when some great disaster,
+some heinous crime, had to be retrieved or purged, a
+kind of sacrifice, says Mr. Lang, not necessarily<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg&nbsp;176]</a></span>
+savage except in its cruelty; and the victims were not
+tribesmen, but captive enemies, purchased slaves, or
+great criminals.</p>
+
+<p>These two examples will serve as warning against the
+too general acceptance of the custom and belief of savage
+and barbaric races, as identical with the custom and
+belief of early or primitive man. Such identification is
+in the main correct; but it is correct not because it has
+been proved by the best methods to be so, but because,
+of all possible explanations, this is the only one that
+meets the general position in a satisfactory manner.
+In many cases, however, it is monstrously incorrect,
+and it is the incorrect conclusion which weighs far more
+against the acceptance of the results of folklore than
+do the correct conclusions in its favour.</p>
+
+<p>The work which has to be accomplished by the comparative
+method of research is of such magnitude that
+it needs to be considered. The labour and research
+might in point of volume be out of proportion to the
+results, and it may be questioned, as it has already been
+questioned by inference, whether it is worth the while.
+The first answer to this objection is that all historical
+investigation is justified, however much the labour,
+however extensive the research. Secondly, considering
+the very few results which the study of folklore has
+hitherto produced upon the investigations into prehistoric
+Europe, it must be worth while for the student
+of custom and belief to conduct his experiments upon
+a recognised plan in order to get at the secret of
+man's place in the struggle for existence, which is determined
+more by psychological than by physical
+phenomena. Thirdly, if the psychical anthropology<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg&nbsp;177]</a></span>
+of prehistoric times is to be sought for in the customs
+and beliefs of modern savages, it is of vital importance
+to anthropological science that this should be established
+by methods exactly defined. Whatever of traditional
+custom and belief is capable of bearing the test and of
+being definitely labelled as belonging to prehistoric
+man, becomes thereafter the data for the psychical
+anthropology of civilised man. Edmund Spenser understood
+this when his official duties took him among the
+"wild" Irish. "All the customs of the Irish," he says,
+"which I have often noted and compared with that I
+have read, would minister occasion of a most ample
+discourse of the original of them, and the antiquity of
+that people, which in truth I think to be more ancient
+than most that I know in this end of the world; so as if
+it were in the handling of some man of sound judgment
+and plentiful reading, it would be most pleasant and
+profitable."<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a></p>
+
+<p>Comparative folklore, then, to be of value must be
+based upon scientific principles. The unmeaning custom
+or belief of the peasantry of the Western world of civilisation
+must not be taken into the domains of savagery
+or barbarism for an explanation without any thought as
+to what this action really signifies to the history of the
+custom or belief in question. No doubt the explanation
+thus afforded is correct in most cases, and perhaps it
+was necessary to begin with the comparative method in
+order to understand the importance and scope of the
+study of apparently worthless material. A new stage in
+comparative folklore must now be entered upon. It
+must be understood what the effective comparison of a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg&nbsp;178]</a></span>
+traditional peasant custom or belief with a savage
+custom or belief really amounts to. The process
+includes the comparison of an isolated custom or belief
+belonging, perhaps secretly, to a particular place, a
+particular class of persons, or perhaps a particular
+family or person, with a custom or belief which is part
+of a whole system belonging to a savage race or tribe;
+of a custom or belief whose only sanction is tradition,
+the conservative instinct to do what has been done by
+one's ancestors, with a custom or belief whose sanction
+is the professed and established polity or religion of a
+people; of a custom or belief which is embedded in a
+civilisation, of which it is not a part and to which it is
+antagonistic, with a custom or belief which helps to
+make up the civilisation of which it is part. In carrying
+out such a comparison, therefore, a very long journey
+back into the past of the civilised race has been performed.
+For unless it be admitted that civilised people
+consciously borrow from savages and barbaric peoples
+or constantly revert to a savage original type of mental
+and social condition, the effect of such a comparison is
+to take back the custom or belief of the modern peasant
+to a date when a people of savage or barbaric culture
+occupied the country now occupied by their descendants,
+the peasants in question, and to equate the custom or
+belief of this ancient savage or barbaric culture with
+the custom or belief of modern savage or barbaric
+culture. The line of comparison is not therefore simply
+drawn level from civilisation to savagery; but it consists,
+first, of two vertical lines from civilisation and savagery
+respectively, drawn to a height scaled to represent the
+antiquity of savage culture in modern Europe, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg&nbsp;179]</a></span>
+then the level horizontal line drawn to join the two
+vertical lines. Thus the line of comparison is</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" width="50%" summary="Savagery">
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" style="text-align: center; padding-bottom: .5em;">Ancient savagery</td>
+    <td colspan="2" style="text-align: center; padding-bottom: .5em;">Ancient savagery</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td style="width: 25%;">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td style="border-top: 1pt black solid; border-left: 1pt black solid; width: 25%;">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td style="border-top: 1pt black solid; border-right: 1pt black solid; width: 25%;">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td style="width: 25%;">&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td style="border-left: 1pt black solid;">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td style="border-right: 1pt black solid;">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+    <td style="border-left: 1pt black solid;">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td style="border-right: 1pt black solid;">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" style="text-align: center;">Savagery</td>
+    <td colspan="2" style="text-align: center;">Civilisation</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>We thus arrive at some conception of the work to be
+accomplished by and involved in comparative folklore.
+The results are worth the work. They relate to stages
+of culture in the countries of civilisation which are
+recoverable by no other means. The stages of culture
+are practically lost to history. In ancient Greek and
+Roman history, and in ancient Scandinavian history,
+there are priceless fragments of information which tell
+us much. But these fragments are not the complete
+story, and they belong to relatively small areas of
+European history. Every nation has the right to go
+back as far in its history as it is possible to reach. It
+can only do this by the help of comparative folklore.
+In our own country we have seen how history breaks
+down, and yet historical records in Britain are perhaps
+the richest in Europe. The traditional materials known
+to us as folklore are the only means left to us, and we
+can only properly avail ourselves of these when we have
+mastered the methods of science which it is necessary
+to use in their investigation.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> Mr. MacCulloch, in the title of his interesting book, the <i>Childhood of
+Fiction</i>, has emphasised this mischievous idea. I am not convinced to
+the contrary by the evidence he gives as to the popularity of the folk-tale
+among all peoples (p. 2). Indeed, the book itself is an emphatic testimony
+against its title. Mr. MacCulloch evidently began with the idea
+that the folk-tale belonged to the domain of fiction. Thus the opening
+words of his book are: "Folk-tales are the earliest form of romantic
+and imaginative literature&mdash;the unwritten fiction of early man and of
+primitive people in all parts of the world;" whereas as he nears the end
+of his study he observes: "Thus, in their origin, folk-tales may have
+had some other purpose than mere amusement; they may have embodied
+the traditions, histories, beliefs, ideas, and customs of men at an early
+stage of civilisation" (p. 451). Mr. MacCulloch himself proves this to
+be the case, and it is therefore all the more unfortunate that he should
+have stamped his very important study with the word "fiction."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> A folk-tale of the Veys, a North African people, explains this view
+most graphically in its opening sentences. The narrator begins his tale
+by saying: "I speak of the long time past; hear! It is written in our old-time-palaver-books&mdash;I
+do not say <i>then</i>; in old time the Vey people had
+no books, but the old men told it to their children and they kept it;
+afterwards it was written" (<i>Journ. Ethnol. Soc.</i>, N.S., vi. 354). A parallel
+to this comes from Ireland: "What I have told your honour is true; and
+if it stands otherwise in books, it's the books which are wrong. Sure
+we've better authority than books, for we have it all handed down from
+generation to generation" (Kohl's <i>Travels in Ireland</i>, 140).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> I am the more willing to take this as my illustration of myth
+because, strangely enough, Mr. MacCulloch has omitted it from the
+examples he uses in his <i>Childhood of Fiction</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> <i>Myth, Ritual, and Religion</i>, i. 166.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Mr. Jeremiah Curtin has collected and published the <i>Creation Myths
+of Primitive America</i> (London, 1899), and his introduction is a specially
+valuable study of the subject. I printed the Fijian myth from Williams'
+<i>Fiji and Fijians</i>, i. 204, and the Kumis myth from Lewin's <i>Wild Races of
+South-east India</i>, 225-6, in my <i>Handbook of Folklore</i>, 137-139, and Mr.
+Lang, in cap. vi. of his <i>Myth, Ritual, and Religion</i> deals with a sufficient
+number of examples. <i>Cf.</i> also Tylor, <i>Primitive Culture</i>, cap. ix.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> Grey, <i>Polynesian Mythology</i>, 1-15. I have only summarised the full
+legend on the lines adopted by Dr. Tylor.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> On the Kronos myth consult Farnell, <i>Cults of the Greek States</i>,
+i. 23-31, who gives an admirable summary of the evidence as it at present
+stands; Harrison and Verrall, <i>Mythology and Monuments of Anc. Athens</i>,
+192; Lang, <i>Myth, Ritual, and Religion</i>, i. 295-323.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Mr. Crawley discovered this story in Mr. Bain's <i>A Digit of the
+Moon</i>, 13-15, and printed it in his <i>Mystic Rose</i>, 33-34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> "The Interpreters of Genesis and the Interpreters of Nature," and
+"Mr. Gladstone and Genesis," in <i>Science and Hebrew Tradition</i>, cap.
+iv. and v.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> <i>Adonis, Attis and Osiris</i>, 4, 25. Mr. Jevons, too, lays stress upon
+"the source of errors in religion" as human reason gone astray,
+<i>Introd. to Hist. of Religion</i>, 463.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> Mr. Jevons practically arrives at this conclusion from a different
+standpoint. "Beliefs," he says, "are about facts, are statements
+about facts, statements that certain facts will be found to occur in a
+certain way or be of a certain kind" (<i>Introd. to Hist. of Religion</i>, 402).
+Mr. Curtin, <i>Creation Myths of Primitive America</i> (p. xx), confirms the
+view I take.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> Orpen, <i>Cape Monthly Magazine</i>. Quoted in Lang's <i>Myth, Ritual,
+and Religion</i>, i. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> This myth is, I think, worth giving, because of its obvious object
+to account for the difference between white and black races. It is as
+follows: "In the beginning of the world God created three white men
+and three white women, and three black men and three black women.
+In order that these twelve human souls might not thenceforth complain
+of Divine partiality and of their separate conditions, God elected that
+they should determine their own fates by their own choice of good and
+evil. A large calabash or gourd was placed by God upon the ground,
+and close to the side of the calabash was also placed a small folded
+piece of paper. God ruled that the black man should have the first
+choice. He chose the calabash, because he expected that the calabash,
+being so large, could not but contain everything needful for himself.
+He opened the calabash, and found a scrap of gold, a scrap of iron, and
+several other metals of which he did not understand the use. The
+white man had no option. He took, of course, the small folded piece of
+paper, and discovered that, on being unfolded, it revealed a boundless
+stock of knowledge. God then left the black men and women in the
+bush, and led the white men and women to the seashore. He did not
+forsake the white men and women, but communicated with them every
+night, and taught them how to construct a ship, and how to sail from
+Africa to another country. After a while they returned to Africa with
+various kinds of merchandise, which they bartered to the black men and
+women, who had the opportunity of being greater and wiser than the
+white men and women, but who, out of sheer avidity, had thrown away
+their chance."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> <i>Native Tribes of South-east Australia</i>, cap. viii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> <i>Northern Tribes of Central Australia</i>, cap. xxii.; <i>Native Tribes of
+Central Australia</i>, cap. xviii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> Spencer and Gillen, <i>Northern Tribes</i>, 624; <i>cf. Native Tribes of
+Central Australia</i>, 564.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Spencer and Gillen, <i>Native Tribes of Central Australia</i>, 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> Grey, <i>Polynesian Mythology</i>, p. xi. <i>Cf.</i> Taylor, <i>Te Ika a Maui</i>,
+where myths told by the priests are given in cap. vi. and vii., and <i>Trans.
+Ethnological Soc.</i>, new series, i. 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> White's <i>Anc. Hist. of the Maori</i>, i. 8-13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> Curtin, <i>Creation Myths of Primitive America</i>, p. xxi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> Im Thurn, <i>Indians of Guiana</i>, 335; Landtman, <i>Origin of Priesthood</i>,
+117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> <i>Primitive Manners and Customs</i>, cap. i. "Some Savage Myths and
+Beliefs," and cap. viii., "Fairy Lore of Savages."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> <i>Introd. to Hist. of Religion</i>, 263. Of course I do not accept Mr.
+J.&nbsp;A. Stewart's "general remarks on the <ins class="greek" title="mythologia">&#956;&#965;&#952;&#959;&#955;&#959;&#947;&#8055;&#945;</ins> or story-telling myth"
+in his <i>Myths of Plato</i>, 4-17. All Mr. Stewart's research is literary in
+object and result, though he uses the materials of anthropology.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> H.&nbsp;H. Wilson, <i>Rig Veda Sanhita</i>, i. p. xvii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> H.&nbsp;H. Wilson, <i>Vishnu Purana</i>, i. p. iv; <i>Rig Veda Sanhita</i>,
+i. p. xlv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> <i>Religion of the Semites</i>, 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> Mr. Hartland passes rapidly in his opening chapter from the myth
+as primitive science to the myth as fairy tale, from the savage to the
+Celt (<i>Science of Fairy Tales</i>, pp. 1-5), and I do not think it is possible to
+make this leap without using the bridge which is to be constructed out
+of the differing positions occupied by the myth and the fairy tale.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> It will be interesting, I think, to preserve here one or two instances
+of the actual practice of telling traditional tales in our own country.
+Mr. Hartland has referred to the subject in his <i>Science of Fairy Tales</i>,
+but the following instances are additional to those he has noted, and
+they refer directly back to the living custom. They are all from Scotland,
+and refer to the early part of last century. "In former times,
+when families, owing to distance and other circumstances, held little
+intercourse with each other through the day, numbers were in the habit
+of assembling together in the evening in one house, and spending the
+time in relating the tales of wonder which had been handed down to
+them by tradition" (Kiltearn in Ross and Cromarty; Sinclair, <i>Statistical
+Account of Scotland</i>, xiv. 323). "In the last generation every farm and
+hamlet possessed its oral recorder of tale and song. The pastoral
+habits of the people led them to seek recreation in listening to, and in
+rehearsing the tales of other times; and the senachie and the bard were
+held in high esteem" (Inverness-shire, <i>ibid.</i>, xiv. 168). "In the winter
+months, many of them are in the habit of visiting and spending the
+evenings in each other's houses in the different hamlets, repeating the
+songs of their native bard or listening to the legendary tales of some
+venerable senachie" (Durness in Sutherlandshire, <i>ibid.</i>, xv. 95).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> W.&nbsp;H.&nbsp;R. Rivers, <i>The Todas</i>, 3-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> Pausanias, viii. cap. xv. &sect; 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> <i>Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc.</i>, ii. p. 218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> <i>Hist. of Rome</i>, i. pp. 177-179. <i>Cf.</i> Gunnar Landtman, <i>Origin of
+Priesthood</i>, p. 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> Perhaps Mr. Lang's study of "Cinderella and the Diffusion of Tales"
+in <i>Folklore</i>, iv. 413 <i>et seq.</i>, contains the best summary of the position.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> Crawley, <i>Tree of Life</i>, 5, 144.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> Train, <i>Hist. of Isle of Man</i>, ii. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> The ceremony is fully described in <i>Relics for the Curious</i>, i. 31;
+<i>Gentleman's Magazine</i>, 1784 (see <i>Gent. Mag. Library</i>, xxiii. 209), quoting
+from a tract first published in 1634; and see <i>Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot.</i>,
+x. 669.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> See <i>Folklore</i>, iii. 253-264; Rhys, <i>Celtic Folklore</i>, i. 337-341.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> Couch, <i>Hist. of Polperro</i>, 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> I have investigated the bee cult at some length, and it will form part
+of my study on <i>Tribal Custom</i> which I am now preparing for publication.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> Carleton, <i>Traits and Stories of the Irish Peasantry</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Mr. Eden Phillpotts mentions in one of his Cornish stories exactly
+this conception. Rags were offered. "Just a rag tored off a petticoat
+or some such thing. They hanged 'em up around about on the thorn
+bushes, to shaw as they'd 'a' done more for the good saint if they'd had
+the power."&mdash;<i>Lying Prophets</i>, 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> I gave an example of this false classification of folklore in accord
+with its apparent modern association in my preface to <i>Denham Tracts</i>,
+ii. p. ix. The left-leg stocking divination is not associated with dress,
+but with the left-hand as opposed to the right-hand augury, and I
+pointed out that the district of the Roman wall, the <i>locus</i> of the Denham
+tracts, thus preserves the luck of the left, believed in by the Romans,
+in opposition to the luck of the right believed in by the Teutons. See
+Schrader, <i>Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples</i>, 253-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> I elaborated this plan of comparative analysis in a report to the
+British Association at Liverpool, in 1896 (see pp. 626-656), illustrating it
+from the fire customs of Britain.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> <i>Arch&aelig;ological Review</i>, ii. 163-166; <i>cf.</i> the Rev. J. Macdonald in
+<i>Folklore</i>, iii. 338.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> <i>Athen&aelig;um</i>, 29th December, 1883; <i>Arch&aelig;ologia</i>, vol. l. p. 213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> See MacCulloch's <i>Childhood of Fiction</i>, chap. xiii., where this distinction
+is noted, though its significance is not pointed out.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> Dr. Rivers has dealt with a very similar case of dual origin in connection
+with bride capture, see <i>Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc.</i>, 1907, p. 624.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Schrader's <i>Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples</i>, 422.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> Robertson Smith's <i>Religion of the Semites</i>, 397.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> Monier Williams, <i>Indian Wisdom</i>, pp. 29-31. The word-equations
+for sacrifice are given by Schrader, <i>op. cit.</i>, 130, 415.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> <i>Journ. Asiatic Soc. Bengal</i>, xxxiv. p. 7. On the influence of the
+aboriginal races <i>cf.</i> Monier Williams, <i>Indian Wisdom</i>, 312-313; Steel
+and Temple's <i>Wide Awake Stories</i>, 395; Campbell, <i>Tales of West
+Highlands</i>, l. p. xcviii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> Lang, <i>Myth, Ritual, and Religion</i>, i. p. 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> H.&nbsp;H. Wilson, <i>Religion of the Hindus</i>, ii. 289. I compare this with
+the custom of the cow following the coffin mentioned by Mannhardt, <i>Die
+Gotterwelt</i>, 320, and the soul shot or gift of a cow at death recorded by
+Brand, ii. 248.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Olaus Magnus, pp. 168, 169, for the significant Norse ceremony.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> Spenser, <i>View of the State of Ireland</i>, 1595 (Morley reprint), 73.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg&nbsp;180]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER III</h2>
+
+<h3>PSYCHOLOGICAL CONDITIONS</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">A</span>lthough the great mass of folklore rests upon
+tradition and tradition alone, an important aid
+to tradition comes from certain psychological
+conditions which we must now consider. At an early
+stage all students of folklore will have discovered that
+it is not entirely to tradition that folklore is indebted
+for its material. There are still people capable of
+thinking, capable of believing, in the primitive way
+and in the primitive degree. Such people are of
+course the descendants of long ancestors of such
+people&mdash;people whose minds are not attuned to the
+civilisation around them; people, perhaps, whose
+minds have been to an extent stunted and kept back
+by the civilisation around them. There can be no
+doubt that civilisation and all it demands of mankind
+acts as a deterrent upon the minds of some living
+within the civilisation zone, and belonging apparently
+to the civilised society. This is the root cause of
+some of the lunacy and much of the crime which apparently
+exists as a necessary adjunct of civilisation,
+and it leads to various forms of thought inconsistent
+with the knowledge and ideas of the age.
+When these forms of thought are not concentrated into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg&nbsp;181]</a></span>
+a new religious sect by the operation of social laws,
+they become what is sometimes called mere superstition,
+that kind of superstition which consists of using the
+same power of logic to a narrow set of facts which primitive
+man was in the habit of using, and thus repeating
+in this age the methods of primitive science. We
+cannot quite understand this in the age of railways
+and schools and inventions, but it will be understood
+better if we go back for only a generation or two to
+those parts of our country which are most remote from
+civilising influences, and obtain some information as to
+their condition.</p>
+
+<p>This cannot be better accomplished than by referring
+to a Scottish author writing, in 1835, of the superstitions
+then prevailing in Scotland. "Our whole
+genuine records," says Dalyell,</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"teem with the most repulsive pictures of the weakness,
+bigotry, turbulence, and fierce and treacherous cruelty of the
+populace. False and corrupt innovations of literature, a compound
+of facts and fiction, intermingling the old and the new
+in heterogeneous assemblage, would persuade us to think
+much more of our forefathers than they thought of themselves.
+Scotland, until the most modern date, was an utter stranger
+to civilisation, presenting a sterile country with a famished
+people, wasted by hordes of mendicants readier to seize than
+to solicit&mdash;void of ingenious arts and useful manufactures,
+possessed of little skill and learning, plunged in constant
+war and rapine, full of insubordination, disturbing public
+rule and private peace. For waving pendants, flowing
+draperies, brilliant colours, eagles' feathers, herons' plumes,
+feasts or festivals so splendid in imagination, let naked limbs,
+scanty, sombre garments to elude discovery by the foe, bits of
+heath stuck in bonnets if they had them, precarious sustenance,
+abject humility and all those hardships inseparable<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg&nbsp;182]</a></span>
+from uncultivated tribes and countries be instituted as a juster
+portrait of earlier generations."<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>This statement as to Scotland is correctly drawn from
+social conditions which have now passed away, but
+which, down to the beginning of last century, belonged
+to the ordinary life of the people. Thus it is recorded
+that</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"over all the highlands of Scotland, and in this county in
+common with others, the practice of building what are called
+head-dykes was of very remote antiquity. The head-dyke
+was drawn across the head of a farm, when nature had
+marked the boundary betwixt the green pastures and that
+portion of hill which was covered totally or partially with
+heath. Above this fence the young cattle, the horses, the
+sheep and goats were kept in the summer months. The
+milch cows were fed below, except during the time the farmer's
+family removed to the distant grazings called sheilings.
+Beyond the head-dyke little attention was paid to boundaries.
+These enclosures exhibit the most evident traces of extreme
+old age."<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus18" id="Illus18"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_18.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_18th.jpg" width="400" height="264"
+alt="Representation of an Irish chieftain seated at dinner (from
+Derrick&#39;s &quot;The Image of Ireland&quot;)"
+title="REPRESENTATION OF AN IRISH CHIEFTAIN SEATED AT DINNER, 1581" /></a>
+<span class="caption">REPRESENTATION OF AN IRISH CHIEFTAIN SEATED AT
+DINNER, 1581<br />
+FROM DERRICKE'S "IMAGE OF IRELAND"</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>In Ireland the same conditions obtained so late as the
+sixteenth century; the native Irish retained their wandering
+habits, tilling a piece of fertile land in the spring,
+then retiring with their herds to the booleys or dairy
+habitations, generally in the mountain districts in the
+summer, and moving about where the herbage afforded
+sustenance to their cattle.<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> An eighteenth-century
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg&nbsp;183]</a></span>traveller in Ireland was assured that the quarter called
+Connaught was "inhabited by a kind of savages," and
+there is record of the capture of a hairy dwarf near
+Longford, who appears hardly to belong to civilisation.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a>
+Similar conditions obtained in the northern counties of
+England, and in other parts.<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> Special circumstances
+kept the borderland outside the influences of ordinary
+civilised thought and control, and these circumstances
+have been recorded by an eighteenth-century observer,
+from whom I will quote one or two facts as to the mode
+of life of these people: "That they might be more
+invisible during their outrodes and consequently less
+liable to the effects of their enemies' vigilance, the
+colour of their cloathes resembled that of the scenes of
+their employment or of their season of action, that is,
+of a brown heath and cloudy evening. Thus examples
+of what might condemn their conduct were never
+offered to them, and immemorial custom seemed as it
+were to sanctify their wildness. Every border-man,
+almost without exception, was brought up in a state
+which we would call unhappy, and every circumstance
+of his life tended to confirm his partiality for an uncertain
+bed and unprovided diet."<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p>
+
+<p>The evidence which this acute observer collected led
+him to conclude that the "almost uniform train of
+circumstances which affected these countries from their
+border situation, and the little difference there was
+between one of the dark ages and another, strongly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg&nbsp;184]</a></span>
+induce me to believe that the Northern people were
+little altered in manners from very remote times to those
+immediately <ins class="correction" title="'preceeding' in original">preceding</ins>
+the reign of Queen Elizabeth," and this is confirmed by what we
+actually find from the report of the Commissioners appointed
+to settle the peace of the Marches by fixed and established
+ordinances, who collected "their ordinances from the
+traditional accounts of ancient usages that had been
+sanctified as laws by the length of time which they had
+endured. These laws were different from most others,
+nay, almost peculiar to the men to whom they belonged."<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg&nbsp;185]</a></span>
+I need not continue these notes as to the backwardness
+of portions of the country compared with its
+general level of culture, because I have dealt with the
+evidence elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> What I am anxious to point out
+here is that the faculty of such people as these to think,
+not in terms of modern science but in terms of their
+own psychological conditions, must have been pronounced.
+If they ever put the question to themselves
+as to the origin of things, they would answer themselves
+according to the life impressions they were then
+receiving, and according to the limited range of their
+actual knowledge. As with the creators of the traditional
+myths, the scientific inquirers of primitive times,
+so with these non-advanced people of later times, they
+would deal with the problems they did not understand
+in fashions suitable to their own understanding. It
+has always appeared to me that the impressions of the
+surrounding life are not sufficiently regarded in their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg&nbsp;186]</a></span>
+influence upon primitive thought. They press down
+upon the mind, and enclose it within barriers so that it
+can only act through these surroundings. Child-life is,
+in this respect, much the same as the life of primitive
+man. A child thinks and acts in terms of his nursery,
+his school, or his playground. Thus a memory of my
+own is to the point. When quite a child, probably
+about eight or nine years old, I was entrusted with
+the changing of a small cheque drawn by my father in
+a country town where we were staying. I had never
+seen a cheque before. I remember the ceremony of
+writing it and the care with which the necessary
+instructions were given to me, and I remember the
+amazement with which I received the golden sovereigns.
+But my mind dwelt upon this strange thing
+called a cheque, and after a time I deliberately came to
+the conclusion that my father was allowed to get money
+for these cheques on condition only that he wrote them
+without a mistake and without a blot. The conception
+is absurd until we come to analyse the cause of it. My
+young life at that time was receiving its greatest impressions,
+its all-absorbing impressions, from my
+school exercises in writing. It was a copybook life for
+the time being, and when I turned to ask my question
+as to origins, as every human being has asked himself
+in turn, I could express myself only in copybook
+terms. It is so with the primitive mind. It can only
+express itself in the terms of its greatest impressions,
+and it is in this way that primitive animism, sympathetic
+magic and other conceptions obtained from
+the results of anthropological research, are to be found
+in much the same degree wherever humanity is found<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg&nbsp;187]</a></span>
+in primitive conditions. As Mr. Hickson puts it so
+well: "Just as the little black baby of the negro, the
+brown baby of the Malay, the yellow baby of the
+Chinaman, are in face and form, in gestures and
+habits, as well as in the first articulate sound they
+mutter, very much alike, so the mind of man, whether
+he be Aryan or Malay, Mongolian or Negrito, has, in
+the course of its evolution, passed through stages
+which are practically identical. In the intellectual
+childhood of mankind natural phenomena, or some
+other causes, of which we are at present ignorant, have
+induced thoughts, stories, legends, and myths, that in
+their essentials are identical among all the races of the
+world with which we are acquainted;"<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> or to take one
+other example from the experience of travellers, Mr.
+Mitchell, speaking of the Australians, says: "I found a
+native still there, and on my advancing towards him
+with a twig he shook another twig at me, waving it
+over his head, and at the same time intimating with it
+that we must go back. He and the boy then threw up
+dust at us with their toes (<i>cf.</i> 2 Sam. xvi. 13).
+These various expressions of hostility and defiance
+were too intelligible to be mistaken. The expressive
+pantomime of the man showed the identity of the
+human mind, however distinct the races or different the
+language."<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a></p>
+
+<p>This identity is shown in many other ways to have
+been operating, perhaps to be operating still, upon
+minds not attuned to the civilisation around them.
+The resistance of agriculturists to change is well<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg&nbsp;188]</a></span>
+known.<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> The crooked ridges of the open-field system
+were believed to be necessary because they were supposed
+to deceive the devil,<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> while a superstitious dislike
+was entertained against winnowing machines, because
+they were supposed to interfere with the elements.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a>
+This is nothing but a modern example of sympathetic
+magic produced by the introduction of the new
+machine.</p>
+
+<p>I need not go through the researches of the masters
+of anthropology to explain what the psychological
+evidence exactly amounts to, and the realms of primitive
+thought and experience which it connotes.<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> It
+will, however, be useful for the purpose of our present
+study, if we can find among the peasantry of our
+country (perchance from those districts where we have
+noted conditions under which primitive thought might
+retain a continuous hold) examples of belief or superstition
+which belongs rather to psychological than to
+traditional influences. The interpretation of dreams, the
+belief in spirit apparitions, the practice of charms, all
+belong to this branch of our subject, though I shall
+illustrate the points I wish to bring out by reference to
+less common departments.</p>
+
+<p>It was only in the seventeenth century that a learned<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg&nbsp;189]</a></span>
+divine of the Church of England was shocked to hear
+one of his flock repeat the evidence of his pagan beliefs
+in language which is as explicit as it is amusing; and I
+shall not be accused of trifling with religious susceptibilities
+if I quote a passage from a sermon delivered
+and printed in 1659&mdash;a passage which shows not a
+departure from Christianity either through ignorance
+or from the result of philosophic study or contemplation,
+but a sheer non-advance to Christianity, a passage
+which shows us an English pagan of the seventeenth
+century.</p>
+
+<p>"Let me tell you a story," says the Reverend Mr.
+Pemble, "that I have heard from a reverend man out
+of the pulpit, a place where none should dare to tell a
+lye, of an old man above sixty, who lived and died in
+a parish where there had bin preaching almost all his
+time.... On his deathbed, being questioned by a
+minister touching his faith and hope in God, you would
+wonder to hear what answer he made: being demanded
+what he thought of God, he answers that he was a good
+old man; and what of Christ, that he was a towardly
+youth; and of his soule, that it was a great bone in his
+body; and what should become of his soule after he
+was dead, that if he had done well he should be put into
+a pleasant green meadow."<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a></p>
+
+<p>Of the four articles of this singular creed, the first
+two depict an absence of knowledge about the central
+features of Christian belief, the latter two denote the
+existence of knowledge about some belief not known to
+English scholars of that time. If it had so happened<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg&nbsp;190]</a></span>
+that the Reverend Mr. Pemble had thought fit to tell
+his audience only of the first two articles of this creed,
+it would have been difficult to resist the suggestion
+that they presented us merely with an example of
+stupid, or, perhaps, impudent, blasphemy caused by
+the events of the day. But the negative nature of the
+first two items of the creed is counterbalanced by the
+positive nature of the second two items; and thus this
+example shows us the importance of considering
+evidence as to all phases of non-belief in Christianity.</p>
+
+<p>Passing on to the two items of positive belief, it is
+to be noted that the soul resident in the body in the
+shape of a bone is no part of the early European belief,
+but equates rather with the savage idea which identifies
+the soul with some material part of the body, such as
+the eyes, the heart, or the liver; and it is interesting to
+note in this connection that the backbone is considered
+by some savage races, <i>e.g.</i>, the New Zealanders, as
+especially sacred because the soul or spiritual essence
+of man resides in the spinal marrow.<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> And there is a
+well-known incident in folk-tales which seems to owe
+its origin to this group of ideas. This is where the
+hero having been killed, one of his bones tells the
+secret of his death, and thus acts the part of the soul-ghost.</p>
+
+<p>In the pleasant green fields we trace the old faiths of
+the agricultural peasantry which, put into the words of
+Hesiod, tell us that "for them earth yields her<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg&nbsp;191]</a></span>
+increase; for them the oaks hold in their summits acorns,
+and in their midmost branches bees. The flocks bear
+for them their fleecy burdens ... they live in
+<i>unchanged happiness</i>, and need not fly across the sea in
+impious ships"&mdash;faiths which are in striking contrast to
+the tribal warrior's conception as set forth by the Saxon
+thane of King Eadwine of Northumbria. "This life,"
+said this poetical thane, "is like the passage of a bird
+from the darkness without into a lighted hall where you,
+O King, are seated at supper, while storms, and rain,
+and snow rage abroad. The sparrow flying in at our
+door and straightway out at another is, while within,
+safe from the storm; but soon it vanishes into the darkness
+whence it came."</p>
+
+<p>Such faiths as these, indeed, show us primitive ideas
+at their very roots. This seventeenth-century pagan
+depended upon himself for his faith. He worked out
+his own ideas as to the origin of soul and heaven and
+God and Christ. They were terms that had filtered
+down to him through the hard surroundings of his life,
+and he set to work to define them in the fashion of the
+primitive savage. We meet with other examples. Thus
+among the superstitions of Lancashire is one which
+tells us of the lingering belief in a long journey after
+death, when food is necessary to support the soul. A
+man having died of apoplexy, near Manchester, at a
+public dinner, one of the company was heard to remark:
+"Well, poor Joe, God rest his soul! He has at least
+gone to his long rest wi' a belly full o' good meat, and
+that's some consolation," and perhaps a still more remarkable
+instance is that of the woman buried in
+Cuxton Church, near Rochester, who directed by her<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg&nbsp;192]</a></span>
+will that the coffin was to have a lock and key, the key
+being placed in her dead hand, so that she might be
+able to release herself at pleasure.<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a></p>
+
+<p>These people simply did not understand civilised
+thought or civilised religion. To escape from the
+pressure of trying to understand they turned to think
+for themselves, and thinking for themselves merely
+brought them back to the standpoint of primitive
+thought. It could hardly be otherwise. The working
+of the human mind is on the same plane wherever and
+whenever it operates or has operated. The difference
+in results arises from the enlarged field of observation.
+When the Suffolk peasant set to work to account for
+the existence of stones on his field by asserting that the
+fields produced the stones, and for the origin of the so-called
+"pudding-stone" conglomerate, that it was a
+mother stone and the parent of the pebbles,<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> he was
+beginning a first treatise on geology; and when
+the Hampshire peasant attributes the origin of the
+tutsan berries to having germinated in the blood of
+slaughtered Danes,<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> other counties following the same
+thought, I am not at all sure that he is not beginning
+all over again the primitive conception of the origin
+of plants.</p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus19" id="Illus19"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_19.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_19th.jpg" width="400" height="252"
+alt="Long Meg and her Daughters (from a photograph by Messrs. Frith)"
+title="LONG MEG AND HER DAUGHTERS" /></a>
+<span class="caption">LONG MEG AND HER DAUGHTERS</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus20" id="Illus20"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 395px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_20.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_20th.jpg" width="395" height="400"
+alt="Stone circles on Stanton Moor (from Archæologia)"
+title="STONE CIRCLES ON STANTON MOOR" /></a>
+<span class="caption">STONE CIRCLES ON STANTON MOOR</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>This beginning shows the mark of the primitive
+mind, and that it was operating in a country dominated
+by scientific thought is the phenomenon which makes
+it so important to consider psychological conditions
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg&nbsp;193]</a></span>among the problems of folklore. They account for
+some beliefs which may not contain elements of pure
+tradition. When the Mishmee Hill people of India
+affirm of a high white cliff at the foot of one of the hills
+that approaches the Burhampooter that it is the remains
+of the "marriage feast of Raja Sisopal with the
+daughter of the neighbouring king, named Bhismak,
+but she being stolen away by Krishna before the ceremony
+was completed, the whole of the viands were left
+uneaten and have since become consolidated into their
+present form,"<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> we can understand that the belief is
+in strict accord with the primitive conditions of thought
+of the Mishmee people. Can we understand the same
+conditions of the parallel English belief concerning the
+stone circle known as "Long Meg and her daughters,"<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a>
+and of that at Stanton Drew;<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> or of the allied beliefs
+in Scotland that a huge upright stone, Clach Macmeas,
+in Loth, a parish of Sutherlandshire, was hurled to
+the bottom of the glen from the top of Ben Uarie by
+a giant youth when he was only one month old;<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> and
+in England that "the Hurlers," in Cornwall, were
+once men engaged in the game of hurling, and were
+turned into stone for playing on the Lord's Day; that
+the circle, known as "Nine Maidens," were maidens
+turned into stone for dancing on the Lord's Day;<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> that
+the stone circle at Stanton Drew represents serpents
+converted into stones by Keyna, a holy virgin of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg&nbsp;194]</a></span>
+fifth century;<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> and that the so-called snake stones found
+at Whitby were serpents turned into stones by the
+prayers of the Abbess Hilda.<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> These are only examples
+of the kind of beliefs entertained in all parts of the
+United Kingdom,<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> and they seem based upon psychological,
+rather than traditional conditions.</p>
+
+<p>The giant and the witch, or wizard, are terms applied
+to the unknown personal agent. "The two standing
+stones in the neighbourhood of West Skeld are said to
+be the metamorphosis of two wizards or giants, who
+were on their way to plunder and murder the inhabitants
+of West Skeld; but not having calculated
+their time with sufficient accuracy, before they could
+accomplish their purpose, or retrace their steps to their
+dark abodes, the first rays of the morning sun appeared,
+and they were immediately transformed, and remain to
+the present time in the shape of two tall moss-grown
+stones of ten feet in height."<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> This is paralleled by
+the Merionethshire example of a large drift of stones
+about midway up the Moelore in Llan Dwywe,
+which was believed to be due to a witch who "was
+carrying her apron full of stones for some purpose
+to the top of the hill, and the string of the apron
+broke, and all the stones dropped on the spot, where
+they still remain under the name of Fedogaid-y-Widdon."<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a>
+Giant and witch in these cases are generic
+terms by which the popular mind has conveyed a conception
+of the origin of these strange and remarkable<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg&nbsp;195]</a></span>
+monuments, whether natural or constructed by a long-forgotten
+people; and we cannot doubt that such beliefs
+are generated by the peasantry of civilisation from a
+mental conception not far removed from that of the
+primitive savage. Neither their religion nor their education
+was concerned with such things, so the peasants
+turned to their own realm and created a myth of origins
+suitable to their limited range of knowledge.</p>
+
+<p>It may perhaps be urged that such beliefs as these
+are on the borderland of psychological and traditional
+influences. Witches and giants certainly belong to
+tradition, but on the other hand they are the common
+factors of the natural mind which readily attributes personal
+origins to impersonal objects. I am inclined on
+the whole to attribute the beliefs attachable to the unexplained
+boulders or unknown monoliths to the eternal
+questionings in the minds of the uncultured peasants of
+uncivilised countries similar to those of the unadvanced
+savage. That the peasant of civilisation should confine
+his questionings to the by-products of his surroundings
+and not to the greater subjects which occupy
+the minds of savages, is only because the greater
+subjects have already been answered for him by the
+Christian Church.<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg&nbsp;196]</a></span>
+There is a point, however, where psychological and
+traditional conditions are in natural conjunction, and
+I will just refer to this. That matters of legal importance
+should be preserved by the agency of tradition
+has already been shown to belong to that part of history
+for which there are no contemporary records, and its
+importance in this connection has been proved. Equally
+important from the psychological side is the fact that
+law is also preserved by tradition where people are
+unaccustomed to the use of writing, or by reason of
+their occupation have little use for writing. To illustrate
+this, I will quote an excellent note preserved by
+a writer on Cornish superstitions.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"There is an old 'vulgar error'&mdash;that no man can swear
+as a witness in a court of law to any thing he has seen
+through glass. This is based upon the formerly universal
+use of blown glass for windows, in which glass the constant
+recurrence of the greenish, and barely more than semi-transparent
+bull's eyes, so much distorted the view that it
+was unsafe for a spectator through glass to pledge his oath
+to what he saw going on outside. Now, through our present
+glass, this belief is relegated to the region of forgotten things,
+but nevertheless it has hold on Westcountry people still. I
+was, some years since, investigating the case of a derelict
+ship which had been found off the Scilly Islands, and towed
+by the pilots into a safe anchorage for the night. Next
+morning the pilots going out to complete their salvage, saw
+some men on board the derelict casting off the anchor rope
+by which they had secured her, but they distinctly declined
+to swear to the truth of what they had seen, and it turned
+out that they had seen through glass, by which they meant
+a telescope. In the same case I found that when these pilots
+(men intelligent much beyond the average, as all Scillonians
+are) had, on boarding the derelict (which had, of course,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg&nbsp;197]</a></span>
+been deserted by her crew), found a living dog, they had
+deliberately thrown it overboard. They explained this act of
+cruelty to me by saying that a ship was not derelict if on
+board of her was found alive 'man, woman, child, dog, or
+cat.' And it turned out, on after-investigation, that these
+were the very words used in an obsolete Act of Parliament
+of one of the early Plantagenet kings, forgotten centuries
+ago by the English people, but borne in mind as a living fact
+by the Scillonians."<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>In some special departments elementary psychological
+conditions operate in a considerable degree&mdash;operate
+to produce not waifs and strays of primitive thought
+and belief, but whole classes. Thus in the curious
+accretion of superstition around the objects connected
+with church worship, the same agencies are at work.
+The general characteristic of popular beliefs which
+originated with, or have grown up around the consecrated
+objects of the Church, is that such objects are
+beneficent in their action when employed for any given
+purpose. Thus, as Henderson says of the North of
+England, "a belief in the efficacy of the sacred elements
+in the Eucharist for the cure of bodily disease is widely
+spread." Silver rings, made from the offertory money,
+are very generally worn for the cure of epilepsy. Water
+that had been used in baptism was believed in West
+Scotland to have virtue to cure many distempers; it
+was a preventive against witchcraft, and eyes bathed
+with it would never see a ghost. Dalyell puts the
+evidence very succinctly. "Everything relative to
+sanctity was deemed a preservative. Hence the relics
+of saints, the touch of their clothes, of their tombs, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg&nbsp;198]</a></span>
+even portions of structures consecrated to divine offices
+were a safeguard near the person. A white marble
+altar in the church of Iona, almost entire towards the
+close of the seventeenth century, had disappeared late
+in the eighteenth, from its demolition in fragments to
+avert shipwreck." And so what has been consecrated, must not
+<ins class="correction" title="'bedesecrated' in original">be desecrated</ins>.
+In Leicestershire and Northamptonshire
+there is a superstitious idea that the removal
+or exhumation of a body after interment bodes death or
+some terrible calamity to the surviving members of the
+deceased's family.<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the West of Ireland there were usually found
+upon the altars of the small missionary churches one or
+more oval stones, either natural waterwashed pebbles
+or artificially shaped and very smooth, and these were
+held in the highest veneration by the peasantry as
+having belonged to the founders of the churches, and were
+used for a variety of purposes, as the curing of diseases,
+taking oaths upon them, etc.<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> Similarly the using
+of any remains of destroyed churches for profane purposes
+was believed to bring misfortune,<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> while the land
+which once belonged to the church of St. Baramedan,
+in the parish of Kilbarrymeaden, county Waterford,
+"has long been highly venerated by the common people,
+who attribute to it many surprising virtues."<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> In 1849
+the people of Carrick were in the habit of carrying away<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg&nbsp;199]</a></span>
+from the churchyard portions of the clay of a priest's
+grave and using it as a cure for several diseases, and
+they also boiled the clay from the grave of Father
+O'Connor with milk and drank it.<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> One of the superstitious
+fancies of the Connemara folk in 1825 was
+credulity with respect to the gospels, as they are
+called, which "they wear round their neck as a
+charm against danger and disease. These are prepared
+by the priest, and sold by him at the price
+of two or three tenpennies. It is considered sacrilege
+in the purchaser to part with them at any time,
+and it is believed that the charm proves of no efficacy
+to any but the individual for whose particular
+benefit the priest has blessed it. The charm is written
+on a scrap of paper and enclosed in a small cloth bag,
+marked on one side with the letters I.&nbsp;H.&nbsp;S. On one
+side of the paper is written the Lord's Prayer, and after
+it a great number of initial letters."<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such examples could be multiplied indefinitely, but no
+folklorist has properly classified such beliefs and endeavoured
+to ascertain their place in the science of folklore.<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a>
+It is clear they have arisen not from tradition,
+but from a new force acting on minds which were not
+yet free to receive new influences without going back
+to old methods of thought.</p>
+
+<p>How completely the sanctity of the church exercises
+a constant influence upon the minds of men, thus substituting
+a new form of belief when older forms were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg&nbsp;200]</a></span>
+thrust on one side by the advance of the new religion,
+is perhaps best illustrated by a practice in early
+Christian times for giving sanctity to the oath. Among
+the Jews the altar in the Temple was resorted to by
+litigants in order that the oath might be taken in the
+presence of Yahveh himself, and "so powerful was
+the impression of this upon the Christian mind, that
+in the early ages of the Church there was a popular
+superstition that an oath taken in a Jewish synagogue
+was more binding and more efficient than anywhere
+else."<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> In exactly the same way the altar of the
+Christian Church is used in popular belief after its use
+in Church ceremonial has been discontinued. Thus, to
+get in beneath the altar of St. Hilary Church, Anglesey,
+by means of an open panel and then turn round
+and come out is to ensure life for the coming year,<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> and
+the white marble altar in Iona which has been entirely
+demolished by fragments of it being used to avert
+shipwreck has already been referred to.<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> These are
+cases where there has been a throwing back from the
+new religion to the objects connected with the old
+religion, and they are paralleled by the practice of
+Protestants appealing to the Roman Catholic priesthood
+for protection against witchcraft, and of Nonconformists
+believing that the clergy of the Episcopal
+Church possess superior powers over evil spirits.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg&nbsp;201]</a></span>
+Psychological evidence is therefore important. One
+can never be quite sure to what extent civilised man
+is free from creating fresh myths in place of acquired
+scientific result, and to what extent this influences the
+production of primitive beliefs, or allows of the acceptance
+of traditional belief on new ground. The great
+mass of traditional belief has come through the ages
+traditionally, that is, from parent to child, from neighbour
+to neighbour, from class to class, from locality to
+locality, generation after generation. Occasionally
+this main current of the traditional life of a people is
+swollen by small side streams from fresh psychological
+sources. Individual examples, such as those I have
+cited, have perhaps always been present, but their effect
+must have died away with the passing of those with
+whom they originated. There are, however, stronger
+effects than these, coming not from individuals, but
+from classes. Thus the votaries and enemies of witchcraft
+produced a more lasting effect. Witchcraft, as
+Dr. Karl Pearson, I think, conclusively proves, and as
+I have helped to prove,<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> is founded upon traditional
+belief and custom, but its remarkable revival in the
+Middle Ages was in the main a psychological phenomenon.
+Traditional practices, traditional formul&aelig;,
+and traditional beliefs are no doubt the elements of
+witchcraft, but it was not the force of tradition which
+produced the miserable doings of the Middle Ages and
+of the seventeenth century against witches. These
+were due to a psychological force, partly generated by
+the newly acquired power of the people to read the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg&nbsp;202]</a></span>
+Bible for themselves, and so to apply the witch stories
+of the Jews to neighbours of their own who possessed
+powers or peculiarities which they could not understand,
+and partly generated by the carrying on of traditional
+practices by certain families or groups of
+persons who could only acquire knowledge of such
+practices by initiation or family teaching. Lawyers,
+magistrates, judges, nobles, and monarchs are concerned
+with witchcraft. These are not minds which
+have been crushed by civilisation, but minds which
+have misunderstood it or have misused it. It is unnecessary,
+and it is of course impossible on this occasion
+to trace out the psychic issues which are contained
+in the facts of witchcraft, but it may be advisable to
+illustrate the point by one or two references.</p>
+
+<p>I will note a few modern examples of the belief in
+witchcraft:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"In 1879 extraordinary stories were current among the
+populace of Caergwrle. Mrs. Braithwaite supplied a Mrs.
+Williams with milk, but afterwards refused to serve her, and
+the cause was as follows: Mrs. Braithwaite had up to that
+time been very successful in churning her butter, but about
+a month ago the butter would not come. She tried every
+known agency; she washed and dried her bats, but all to no
+purpose. The milk would not yield an ounce of butter.
+Under the circumstances she said Mrs. Williams had witched
+her. The neighbours believed it, and Mrs. Williams was
+generally called a witch. Hearing these reports, Mrs.
+Williams went to Mrs. Braithwaite to expostulate with her,
+when Mrs. Braithwaite said, 'Out, witch! If you don't
+leave here, I'll shoot you.' Mrs. Williams thereupon applied
+to the Caergwrle bench of magistrates for a protection order
+against Mrs. Braithwaite. She assured the Bench she was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg&nbsp;203]</a></span>
+in danger, as every one believed she was a witch. The
+Clerk: What do they say is the reason? Applicant: Because
+she cannot churn the milk. Mr. Kryke: Do they see you
+riding a broomstick? Applicant (seriously): No, sir. The
+Bench instructed the police officer to caution Mrs. Braithwaite
+against repeating the threats."<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>The next example is from Lancashire:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"At the East Dereham Petty Sessions, William Bulwer,
+of Etling Green, was charged with assaulting Christiana
+Martins, a young girl, who resided near the Etling Green
+toll-bar. Complainant deposed that she was 18 years of
+age, and on Wednesday, the 2nd inst., the defendant came
+to her and abused her. The complainant, who looks scarce
+more than a child, repeated, despite the efforts of the magistrates'
+clerk to stop her, and without being in the least
+abashed, some of the worst language it was possible to
+conceive&mdash;conversation of the most gross description, alleged
+to have taken place between herself and the defendant.
+They appeared to have got from words to blows and, while
+trying to fasten the gate, the defendant hit her across the
+hand with a stick. She alleged that there was no cause
+for the abuse and the assault, so far as she knew, and in
+reply to rigid cross-examination as to the origin of the
+quarrel, adhered to this statement. Mrs. Susannah Gathercole
+also corroborated the statement as to the assault, adding
+that the defendant said the complainant's mother was a witch.
+Defendant then blazed forth in righteous indignation, and,
+when the witness said she knew no more about the origin of
+the quarrel, he said, 'Mrs. Martins is an old witch, gentlemen,
+that is what she is, and she charmed me, and I got
+no sleep for her for three nights, and one night at half-past
+eleven o'clock, I got up because I could not sleep, and went
+out and found a "walking toad" under a clod that had been
+dug up with a three-pronged fork. That is why I could not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg&nbsp;204]</a></span>
+rest; she is a bad old woman; she put this toad under
+there to charm me, and her daughter is just as bad, gentlemen.
+She would bewitch any one; she charmed me, and I
+got no rest day or night for her, till I found this "walking
+toad" under the turf. She dug a hole and put it there to
+charm me, gentlemen, that is the truth. I got the toad out
+and put it in a cloth, and took it upstairs and showed it to my
+mother, and "throwed" it into the pit in the garden. She
+went round this here "walking toad" after she had buried it,
+and I could not rest by day or sleep by night till I found
+it. The Bench: Do you go to church? Defendant: Sometimes
+I go to church, and sometimes to chapel, and sometimes
+I don't go nowhere. Her mother is bad enough to
+do anything; and to go and put the "walking toad" in the
+hole like that, for a man which never did nothing to her, she
+is not fit to live, gentlemen, to go and do such a thing; it
+is not as if I had done anything to her. She looks at
+lots of people, and I know she will do some one harm.
+The Chairman: Do you know this man, Superintendent
+Symons? Is he sane? Superintendent Symons: Yes, sir;
+perfectly."<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>In Somerset belief in witchcraft still lingers in nooks
+and corners of the west, as appears from a case brought
+before the magistrates of the Wiveliscombe division.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"Sarah Smith, the wife of a marine store dealer, residing at
+Golden Hill, was for some time ill and confined to her bed.
+Finding that the local doctor could not cure her, she sent for
+a witch doctor of Taunton. He duly arrived by train on
+St. Thomas's day. Smith inquired his charge, and was
+informed he usually charged 11<i>s.</i>, remarking that unless he
+took it from the person affected his incantation would be of
+no avail. Smith then handed it to his wife, who gave it to
+the witch doctor, and he returned 1<i>s.</i> to her. He then<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg&nbsp;205]</a></span>
+proceeded to foil the witch's power over his patient by tapping
+her several times on the palm of her hand with his
+finger, telling her that every tap was a stab on the witch's
+heart. This was followed by an incantation. He then gave
+her a parcel of herbs (which evidently consisted of dried bay
+leaves and peppermint), which she was to steep and drink.
+She was to send to a blacksmith's shop and get a donkey's
+shoe made, and nail it on her front door. He then departed."<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>Such examples as these may be added to from various
+parts of the country, but they do not compare with the
+terrible case at Clonmel, in county Tipperary, which
+occurred in 1895. The evidence showed that the
+husband, father, and mother of the victim, together with
+several other persons, were concerned in this matter,
+and one of the witnesses, Mary Simpson, stated "that
+on the night of March 14th she saw Cleary forcibly
+administer herbs to his wife, and when the woman did
+not answer when called upon in the name of the
+Trinity to say who she was, she was placed on the fire
+by Cleary and the others. Mrs. Cleary did not appear
+to be in her right senses. She was raving."<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> The
+whole record of the trial is of the most amazing description,
+pointing back to a system of belief which,
+if based upon traditional practices, has been fed by
+entirely modern influences. Such records as these
+stretch back through the ages, and almost every village,
+certainly every county in the United Kingdom, has its
+records of trials for witchcraft, in which clergy and
+layman, judge, jury, and victim play strange parts,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg&nbsp;206]</a></span>
+if we consider them as members of a civilised community.
+Superstition which has been preserved by
+the folk as sacred to their old faiths, preserved by tradition,
+has remained the cherished possession, generally
+in secret, of those who practise it. The belief in witchcraft
+is a different matter. Though it has traditional
+rites and practices it has been kept alive by a cruel and
+crude interpretation of its position among the faiths
+of the Bible, and it has thus received fresh life.</p>
+
+<p>The miserable records of witchcraft illustrate in a
+way no other subject can how the human mind, when
+untouched by the influences of advanced culture, has
+the tendency to revert to traditional culture, and they
+demonstrate how strongly embedded in human memory
+is the great mass of traditional culture. The outside
+civilisation, religious or scientific, has not penetrated
+far. Science has only just begun her great work, and
+religion has been spending most of her efforts in
+endeavouring to displace a set of beliefs which she calls
+superstition, by a set of superstitions which she calls
+revelation. Not only have the older faiths not been
+eradicated by this, but the older psychological conditions
+have not been made to disappear. The folklorist
+has to make note of this obviously significant
+fact, and must therefore deal with both sides of the
+question, the traditional and the psychological, and
+because by far the greater importance belongs to the
+former it does not do to neglect the importance, though
+the lesser importance, of the latter.</p>
+
+<p>It assists the student of tradition in many ways.
+People who will still explain for themselves in primitive
+fashion phenomena which they do not understand,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg&nbsp;207]</a></span>
+and who remain content with such primitive explanations
+instead of relying upon the discoveries of science,
+are just the people to retain with strong persistence the
+traditional beliefs and ideas which they obtained from
+their fathers, and to acquire other traditional beliefs
+and ideas which they obtain from neighbours. One
+often wonders at the "amazing toughness" of tradition,
+and in the psychological conditions which have
+been indicated will be found one of the necessary explanations.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> Dalyell, <i>Darker Superstitions of Scotland</i>, 197-198.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> Robertson, <i>Agriculture of Inverness-shire</i>. For Argyllshire see <i>New
+Stat. Account of Scotland</i>, vii. 346; Brown, <i>Early Descriptions of Scotland</i>,
+12, 49, 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> Wilde, <i>Catalogue of Museum of Royal Irish Academy</i>, 99; Joyce,
+<i>Social Hist. of Anc. Ireland</i>, ii. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> <i>Tour in Ireland</i>, 1775, p. 144; <i>Gent. Mag.</i>, v. 680.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> Hutchinson, <i>Hist. of Cumberland</i>, i. 216.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> James Clarke, <i>Survey of the Lakes</i>, 1789, p. xiii; <i>Berwickshire Nat.
+Field Club</i>, ix. 512.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> Clarke, <i>Survey of the Lakes</i>, pp. x, xv. Referring to the statutes
+enacted as a result of the Commissioners' work the facts are as follows:
+There were certain franchises in North and South Tynedale and Hexhamshire,
+by virtue of which the King's writ did not run there. [Tynedale,
+though on the English side of the border, was an ancient franchise of the
+Kings of Scotland.] In 1293 Edward I. confirmed this grant in favour of
+John of Balliol (1 Rot. Parl., 114-16), and the inhabitants took advantage
+of this immunity to make forays and commit outrages in neighbouring
+counties. In the year 1414, at the Parliament holden at Leicester,
+"grievous complaints" of these outrages were made "by the Commons
+of the County of Northumberland." It was accordingly provided
+(2 Henry V., cap. 5) that process should be taken against such offenders
+under the common law until they were outlawed; and that then, upon a
+certificate of outlawry made to lords of franchises in North and South
+Tynedale and Hexhamshire, the offender's lands and goods should be
+forfeited. In 1421 the provisions of this statute were extended to like
+offenders in Rydesdale, where also the King's writ did not run (9 Henry V.,
+cap. 7). Still these excesses continued in Tynedale. By an enactment
+of Henry VII. (2 Henry VII., cap. 9) this "lordship and bounds"
+were annexed to the county of Northumberland. "Forasmuch," the
+preamble sets forth, "as the inhabitants and dwellers within the lordships
+and bounds of North and South Tyndale, not only in their own persons,
+but also oftentimes accompanied and confedered with Scottish ancient
+enemies to this realm, have at many seasons in time past committed and
+done, and yet daily and nightly commit and do, great and heinous
+murders, robberies, felonies, depredations, riots and other great trespasses
+upon the King our Sovereign lord's true and faithful liege people
+and subjects, inhabiters and dwellers within the shires of Northumberland,
+Cumberland, and Westmoreland, Exhamshire [<i>sic</i>], the bishopric of
+Durham and in a part of Yorkshire, in which treasons, murders, robberies,
+felonies, and other the premises, have not in time past in any manner of
+form been punished after the order and course of the common law, by
+reason of such franchise as was used within the same while it was in the
+possession of any other lord or lords than our Sovereign lord, and thus
+for lack of punishment of these treasons, murders, robberies and felonies,
+the King's true and faithful liege people and subjects, inhabiters and
+dwellers within the shires and places before rehearsed, cannot be in any
+manner of surety of their bodies or goods, neither yet lie in their own
+houses, but either to be murdered or taken or carried into Scotland and
+there ransomed, to their great destruction of body and goods, and utter
+impoverishing for ever, unless due and hasty remedy be had and found,"
+it is therefore provided that North and South Tynedale shall from thenceforth
+be gildable, and part of the shire of Northumberland, that no
+franchise shall stand good there, and the King's writ shall run, and his
+officers and all their warrants be obeyed there as in every other part of
+that shire. Further, lessees of lands within the bounds are to enter into
+recognisances in two sureties to appear and answer all charges.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> See my <i>Ethnology in Folklore</i>, cap. vi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> Hickson, <i>North Celebes</i>, 240.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> Mitchell's <i>Australian Expeditions</i>, i. 246.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> See my <i>Village Community</i>, 18; Stewart's <i>Highlanders of Scotland</i>,
+i. 147, 228.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> <i>Notes and Queries</i>, second series, iv. 487.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> Wild, <i>Highlands, Orcadia and Skye</i>, 196.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> The psychology of primitive races is now receiving scientific attention,
+thanks chiefly to Dr. Haddon and the scholars who accompanied
+him upon his Torres Straits expedition in 1898. The volume of the
+memoirs of this expedition which relates to psychology has already been
+published, and students should consult it as an example of scientific
+method.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> One is reminded of the famous Shakespearian emendation whereby
+Falstaff on his death-bed "babbled o' green fields."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> Shortland, <i>New Zealanders</i>, 107. An Algonquin backbone story is
+quoted by MacCulloch, <i>Childhood of Fiction</i>, 92, and he says, "the spine
+is held by many people to be the seat of life," 93 and <i>cf.</i> III. <i>Cf.</i> Frazer,
+<i>Adonis, Attis, and Osiris</i>, 277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> <i>Gent. Mag. Lib.</i>, <i>Popular Superstitions</i>, 122.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> <i>County Folklore, Suffolk</i>, 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> <i>Hardwick's Science Gossip</i>, vi. 281; <i>cf.</i> Worsaae, <i>Danes and Norwegians</i>,
+25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> <i>Journ. Asiatic Soc., Bengal</i>, xiv. 479.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> King, <i>Munimenta Antiqua</i>, i. 195-6; <i>Gent. Mag. Lib.</i>, <i>Arch&aelig;ology</i>,
+i. 319-321; Hutchinson, <i>Hist. Cumberland</i>, i. 226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> <i>Arch. Journ.</i>, xv. 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> Sinclair, <i>Stat. Acct. of Scotland</i>, xv. 191.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> <i>Journ. Anthrop. Inst.</i>, i. 2; <i>Gent. Mag. Lib.</i>, <i>Arch&aelig;ology</i>, i. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> <i>Arch&aelig;ologia</i>, xxv. 198.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> <i>Gent. Mag.</i>, 1751, pp. 110, 182.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> Some Irish examples are collected in <i>Folklore Record</i>, v. 169-172.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> Sinclair, <i>Stat. Acct. of Scotland</i>, xv. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> <i>Trans. Cymmrodorion Soc.</i> (1822), i. 170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> It is not worth while, perhaps, to pursue this part of our subject
+into further regions. It is to be sought for in innumerable pamphlets,
+such, for instance, as those relating to the Civil War. Beesley, <i>Hist. of
+Banbury</i>, 334, mentions one, the title of which I will quote: "A great
+Wonder in Heaven shewing the late Apparitions and prodigious noyses
+of War and Battels seen on Edge Hill neere Keinton," and the contents
+are "Certified under the hands of William Wood Esq and Justice for the
+Peace in the said Countie, Samuel Marshall, Preacher of God's Word in
+Keinton, and other Persons of Qualitie." The date is exactly three
+months after the battle of Edgehill, "London, printed for Thomas
+Jackson, January 23rd, 1642-3."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> <i>West of England Magazine</i>, February, 1888.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> Henderson, <i>Folklore of the Northern Counties</i>, 146; Napier, <i>Folklore of
+West of Scotland</i>, 140; Dalyell, <i>Darker Superstitions of Scotland</i>, 142;
+<i>Choice Notes</i> (<i>Folklore</i>), 8; Brand, iii. 300; Dyer, <i>English Folklore</i>, 146,
+153 (Hereford, Lincoln, and Yorks).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> Wilde, <i>Catalogue of Royal Irish Academy</i>, 131.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> <i>Folklore Record</i>, iv. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> Rev. R.&nbsp;H. Ryland, <i>Hist. of Waterford</i>, 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> Wilde, <i>Beauties of the Boyne</i>, 45; Croker, <i>Researches in South of
+Ireland</i>, 170; <i>Revue Celtique</i>, v. 358.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> Blake, <i>Letters from the Irish Highlands</i>, 130-131.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> <i>Church Folklore</i>, by Rev. J.&nbsp;E. Vaux, is a collection of material,
+and does not attempt to give any indication of its value.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> Lea, <i>Superstition and Force</i>, 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> <i>Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc.</i>, xxv. 142; Rev. W. Bingley, <i>North Wales</i>,
+216-217.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> Sacheverell, <i>Voyage to Isle of Man</i>, 132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> Tylor, <i>Primitive Culture</i>, i. 115; Landt, <i>Origin of the Priesthood</i>,
+85; Henderson, <i>Folklore of Northern Counties</i>, 32-33; <i>Folklore Record</i>,
+i. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> Pearson's <i>Chances of Death</i>, ii. cap. ix., "Woman as Witch;"
+Gomme, <i>Ethnology in Folklore</i>, 48-62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> <i>Daily Chronicle</i>, 15th February, 1879.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> <i>Leigh Chronicle</i>, 19th April, 1879.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> <i>Somerset County Gazette</i>, 22nd January, 1881.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> <i>Standard</i>, 3rd April, 1895. The full details are reprinted in <i>Folklore</i>,
+vi. 373-384.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg&nbsp;208]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER IV</h2>
+
+<h3>ANTHROPOLOGICAL CONDITIONS</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">I</span>n dealing with the folklore of any country, it is
+important to note the general bearing of anthropological
+conditions. The earliest inhabitants, to
+whom part of the folklore belonged, and the later
+peoples, to whom part belonged, have both arrived at
+their ultimate point of settlement in the country where
+we discover their folklore after being in touch with
+many points of the world's surface. They are both
+world-people as well as national people&mdash;they belonged
+to anthropology before they came under the dominion
+of history. This important fact is often or nearly
+always neglected. We are apt to treat of Greek and
+Roman and Briton, of Cretan, Scandinavian, and
+Russian, as bounded by the few thousands of years of
+life which have fixed them with their territorial names,
+and to ignore all that lies behind this historic period.
+There is, as a matter of fact, an immense period behind
+it, reckoned according to geological time in millions
+of years, and this period, longer in duration, more
+strenuous in its influences upon character and mind,
+containing more representatives in peoples, societies,
+and races than the later period, has affected the later
+period to a far greater extent than is generally<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg&nbsp;209]</a></span>
+conceded or understood. We cannot understand the later
+period without knowing something of the earlier
+period.</p>
+
+<p>There is more than this; for the dominating political
+races occupying European countries to-day were, in
+most cases, preceded by a non-political people. Thus,
+if we turn to Britain for illustration, we find evidence
+of a people physically allied with a race which cannot
+be identified with Celt or Teuton,<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> philologically allied
+with a people which spoke a non-Aryan language,<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a>
+arch&aelig;ologically allied with the prehistoric stone-circle
+and monolith builders,<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> and we find custom, belief, and
+myth in Britain retaining traces of a culture which is
+not Celtic and not Teutonic, and which contains survivals
+of the primitive system of totemism.<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> These
+four independent classes of evidence have to be combined
+if we would ascertain the true position they
+occupy in the history of Britain, and it is perfectly clear
+that, apart from general considerations, a direct appeal
+to anthropology is necessary to help out the deficiencies
+of both history and folklore. The questions involved in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg&nbsp;210]</a></span>
+totemism alone compel us to this course. It is questionable
+whether there is any existing savage or barbaric
+people who are non-totemic in the sense of either not
+possessing the rudimentary beginnings of totemism, or
+not having once possessed a full system of totemism.
+Totemism, at one stage or another of its development,
+is, in fact, one of the universal elements of man's life,
+and all consideration of its traces in civilised countries
+must begin with some conception of its origin. Its
+origin must refer back to conditions of human life
+which are also universal. Special circumstances,
+special peoples, special areas could not have produced
+totemism unless we proceed to the somewhat violent
+conclusion that beginning in one area it has spread
+therefrom to all areas. I know of no authority who
+advocates such a theory and no evidence in its favour.
+We are left therefore with the proposition that the
+origin of totemism must be sought for in some universal
+condition of human life at one of its very early stages,
+which would have produced a state of things from
+which would inevitably arise the beliefs, customs, and
+social organisations which are included under the term
+totemism.</p>
+
+<p>There is therefore ample ground for a consideration
+of anthropological conditions as part of the necessary
+equipment of the study of folklore as an historical science.
+Unfortunately, authorities are now greatly divided on
+several important questions in anthropology, and it is
+not possible to speak with even a reasonable degree of
+certainty on many things. This compels further research
+than the mere statement of the present position,
+and I find myself obliged even for my present limited<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg&nbsp;211]</a></span>
+purpose to suggest many new points beyond the stage
+reached by present research. There is one advantage
+in this. It allows of a hypothesis by which to present
+the subject to the student, and a working hypothesis is
+always a great advantage where research is not founded
+entirely on actual observation by trained experts in the
+field. Where, therefore, I depart from the guidance of
+conclusions already arrived at by scholars in this
+department of research, it will be in order to substitute
+an opinion of my own which I think it is
+necessary to consider, and the whole study of the
+anthropological problems in their relation to folklore
+will assume the shape of a restatement of the entire
+case.</p>
+
+<p>I am aware that a subject of this magnitude is too
+weighty and far-reaching to be properly considered in
+a chapter of a book not devoted to the single purpose,
+but it is necessary to attempt a rough statement of the
+evidence, though it will take us somewhat beyond the
+ordinary domain of folklore; but, while dealing with
+the anthropological position at sufficient length to
+make a complicated subject clear, if I can do so, I
+shall limit both my arguments and the evidence in
+support of them to the narrowest limits.</p>
+
+
+<h4>I</h4>
+
+<p>Mr. Wallace, I think, supplies the dominant note of
+the anthropological position when he suggests, though
+in a strangely unsatisfactory terminology, that it is the
+conscious use by man of his experience which causes his
+superior mental endowments, and his superior range of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg&nbsp;212]</a></span>
+development.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> We must lay stress upon the important
+qualification "conscious." It is conscious use
+of experience which is the great factor in man's
+progress. It is the greatest possession of man in his
+beginning, and has remained his greatest possession
+ever since. His experience did not always lead him
+to the best paths of progress, but it has led him to
+progress.</p>
+
+<p>Even Mr. Wallace did not appreciate the full significance
+of this principle. The conscious adoption of a
+natural fact, of an observation from nature, or an
+assumed observation from nature, for social purposes,
+is an altogether different thing from the unconscious
+knowledge which man might have been possessed of,
+but which he never put to any use in his social development.
+Anthropologists must note not the natural facts
+known to later man or known to science, but the facts,
+or assumed facts, which early man consciously adopted
+for his purpose during the long period of his development
+from savage to civilised forms of life. The
+unconscious acts of mankind are of no use, or of very
+little use. It is only the conscious acts that will lead
+us along the lines of man's development. Man did
+not begin to build up his social system with the
+scientific fact of blood kinship through father and
+mother, but he evolved a theory of social relationship
+which served his purpose until the fact of blood kinship
+supplied a better basis. At almost the first point
+of origin in savage society we see man acting consciously,
+and it is amongst his conscious acts that we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg&nbsp;213]</a></span>
+must place those traces of a sort of primitive legislation
+which have been found.<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now this being the basis of anthropological observation,
+we have to apply it to the question of man's
+earliest progress. It is at its base an economic
+question. Primitive economics dominated the movements
+and condition of early man in a far more
+thorough manner than modern economics affect civilisation,
+and between the two systems lies the whole
+history of man. It reveals man adapting the social
+unit to the productive powers of its food supply, and
+developing towards the adaptation of the productive
+powers of food supply to the social unit. In the
+various stages that accompany this great change, there
+is no defined separation of peoples according to stages
+of culture, savage, barbaric, or civilised. There is
+nothing to suggest that all peoples do not come from
+one centre of human life. On the contrary, the
+evidence is strong that the primal stages in human
+evolution are traceable in all the culture stages, and,
+therefore, that they fit in with the general conclusions
+of anthropologists and naturalists as to man's origin in
+one definite centre, and his gradual spreading out from
+that centre.</p>
+
+<p>I will take the chief conclusions arrived at in respect
+of this condition of birth at one centre and subsequent
+spreading out. Darwin has summarised the problem
+between the monogenists and polygenists in a manner
+which still ranks as a sufficient statement of the case,
+and his conclusion that "all the races of man are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg&nbsp;214]</a></span>
+descended from a single primitive stock"<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> is accepted
+by the most prominent naturalists,<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> and confirmed by
+recent discoveries, which go to prove that this primitive
+stock began in miocene or pliocene times in the
+Indo-Malaysian intertropical lands.<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a></p>
+
+<p>Anthropologists, who have been deeply interested
+in the controversy ranging round the origin of man,
+have in a remarkable manner neglected to take into
+full account the most significant phenomenon of spreading
+out.<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> They either neglect it altogether, or they
+relegate it to so small a place in their argument as to
+become a practical neglect. They treat of man as if he
+were always in a stationary condition, and exclude the
+important condition of movement as an element in his
+development. Mr. Spencer's general dictum that geological
+changes and meteorological changes, as well as
+the consequent changes of flora and fauna, must have
+been causing over all parts of the earth perpetual emigrations
+and immigrations,<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> does not help much, because it
+refers to special and cataclysmic events. Lord Avebury,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg&nbsp;215]</a></span>
+though stating the true case, unfortunately contents
+himself at the end of his book on prehistoric man with
+a short summary of the evidence as to the equipment of
+primitive man in mental and social qualities when he
+began the great movement, and gives only a few lines
+to his conclusion that "there can be no doubt that he
+originally crept over the earth's surface little by little,
+year by year, just, for instance, as the weeds of Europe
+are now gradually but surely creeping over the surface
+of Australia."<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a></p>
+
+<p>Mr. Keane is the first authority who thinks it appropriate
+to commence his treatise on man with an examination
+of the facts which show that "the world was
+peopled by migration from one centre by pleistocene
+man ... who moved about like other migrating
+faunas, unconsciously, everywhere following the lines
+of least resistance, advancing or receding, and acting
+generally on blind impulse rather than of set purpose;"<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>
+and it still remains with Dr. Latham to have
+formulated some fixed principles of the migratory movement
+in his admirable though, of course, wholly inadequate
+summary of man and his migrations. I will
+quote the passage in full: "So long as any continental
+extremities of the earth's surface remained unoccupied&mdash;the
+stream (or rather the enlarging circle of migration)
+not having yet reached them&mdash;the <i>primary</i> migration
+is going on; and when all have got their complement,
+the primary migration is over. During this primary
+migration, the relations of man, thus placed in movement
+and in the full, early and guiltless exercise of his
+high function of subduing the earth, are in conflict<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg&nbsp;216]</a></span>
+with physical obstacles and with the resistance of the
+lower animals only. Unless, like Lot's wife, he turn
+back upon the peopled parts behind him, he has no
+relations with his fellow-men&mdash;at least none arising out
+of the claim of previous occupancy. In other words,
+during the primary migration, the world that lay before
+our progenitors was either brute or inanimate. But
+before many generations have passed away, all becomes
+full to overflowing, so that men must enlarge their
+boundaries at the expense of their fellows. The migrations
+that now take place are <i>secondary</i>. They differ
+from the primary in many respects. They are slower,
+because the resistance is that of humanity to humanity,
+and they are violent, because dispossession is the object.
+They are partial, abortive, followed by the fusion of
+different populations, or followed by their extermination
+as the case may be."<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> This passage, written so
+long ago as 1841, is still applicable to the facts of
+modern science, and there is only to add to it that the
+migration of man from a common centre, where life
+was easy, to all parts of the world, where life has been
+difficult, must have been undertaken in order to meet
+some great necessity, and must have become possible
+by reason of some great force which man alone possessed.
+The necessity was economic; the force was
+social development. If the movement has not been
+geographically ever forward, it has been ethnographically
+constant.<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> Movement always; sometimes the
+pressure has come from one direction, sometimes from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg&nbsp;217]</a></span>
+another; sometimes it has caused compression and at
+other times expansion; sometimes it has sent humanity
+to inhabit regions that required generations of victims
+before it could hold its own. At all times the essential
+condition of life has been that of constant movement in
+face of antagonistic forces.<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> In whatever form the
+movement has come about, movement of a very definite
+character has taken place over an immense period of
+time, and sufficient to cover practically the whole earth
+with descendants from the original human stock. This
+conclusion is enormously strengthened by the accumulating
+evidence for the world-wide area covered by the
+remains of man's earliest weapon, the worked stone
+implement. It is everywhere. It is practically co-extensive
+with man's wanderings, and the greatness of
+the territory it covers marks it off as another of the
+universal relics of man's primitive life. Of no other<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg&nbsp;218]</a></span>
+weapon or instrument or associated object can this be
+said. The bow and arrow are unknown to the Australians
+and other peoples; pottery is unknown to the
+Bushmen and other peoples; the use of fire in cookery
+is not found among the South Sea Islanders, and is
+not claimed for other peoples.<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> We can get behind
+the development of these and other arts and come upon
+the ruder people who had not arrived at the stage
+they represent. But we cannot get behind the worked
+flint. It must have been the chief material cause of
+man's success in the migratory movement, and with
+the social development accompanying it must have
+made migration not only possible, but the only true
+method of meeting the earliest economic difficulties.
+It also provides us with the elements of a chronological
+basis. Behind pal&aelig;olithic times there is an immensity
+of time when man struggled with his economic difficulties
+and spread out slowly and painfully. During
+pal&aelig;olithic times the movement was more rapid and
+more general. Obstacles were overcome by pal&aelig;olithic
+man becoming superior to his enemies by the
+use of weapons, and use of weapons caused, or at all
+events aided, the development of social institutions
+capable of bearing the new force of movement.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg&nbsp;219]</a></span>
+These two factors of economic necessity and social
+development are of equal importance in man's history,
+and they interlace at all points. They lead straight to
+the necessity for always taking count of the fact that
+man is primarily a migratory being, and that he has
+spread over the earth. Everywhere we find man.
+There is no habitable part of the world where he has
+not found a home. But we do not find him under
+equal conditions everywhere, and the different conditions
+afford evidence of the main lines of development.
+Roughly speaking, it may be put in this way.
+In the savage world the people appear as aborigines,
+that is to say, the first and only occupiers of the
+territory where they are located. In the barbaric world
+the condition of aboriginal settlement is tinged with
+the result of conquest, namely, the pushing out or
+absorption of the aboriginal folk in favour of a more
+powerful and conquering folk. In the political world,
+and in the political world only, there is not only the
+element of conquest, but the definite aim of conquest,
+which is to retain the aboriginal or conquered people
+as part of the political fabric necessary to the settlement
+of the conqueror, and at the same time to keep
+intact the superior position of the conqueror. In the
+savage world, society and religion are based upon
+locality; in the barbaric world there is the first sign
+of the element of kinship consciously used in the effort
+of conquest, which dies away gradually as successful
+settlement, by which conqueror and conquered become
+merged in one people, follows conquest; in the political
+world, and in the political world only, kinship is elevated
+into a necessary institution, is made sacred to the minds<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg&nbsp;220]</a></span>
+of tribesmen, and becomes an essential part of the
+religion of the tribe in order to keep the organisation
+of the tribal conquerors intact and free from the
+perils of dissolution when conquerors and conquered
+become members of one political unit. The savage
+and barbaric worlds are the homes of the backward
+peoples, the non-advanced or fossilised types of early
+humanity. The political world is the domain for the
+most part of the Aryan-speaking people, and of the
+Semitic people, and of those people who in Egypt
+within the Mediterranean area, and in China in the
+eastern Asian area, have built up civilisations which
+have only recently come under scientific observation.</p>
+
+<p>These distinctions are not made by anthropologists
+as a rule, yet I cannot but think they are in the main
+the true distinctions which must be made if we are to
+arrive at any general conception of the progress of man
+from savagery to civilisation. The distinctions which
+seem to hold the field against those I have suggested,
+are those of hunter, pastoral, and agricultural. I say
+seem to hold the field, because they have never been
+scientifically worked out. They are stated in textbooks
+and research work almost as an axiom of anthropology,
+but their claim to this position is singularly
+weak and unsatisfactory, and has never been
+scientifically established. They are only economical
+distinctions, not social, and they do not properly
+express related stages. Hunting, cattle keeping, and
+agriculture are found in almost all stages of social
+evolution, and I, for one, deny that in the order they
+are generally given, they express anything approaching
+to accurate indication of the line of human<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg&nbsp;221]</a></span>
+progress. The distinctions I have suggested do not, of
+course, contain everything indicative of human progress.
+They are the first broad outlines to be filled up
+by the details of special peoples, special areas, and
+special ages. They involve many sub-stages which
+need to be properly worked out, and for which a
+satisfactory terminology is required. In the meantime,
+as measuring-posts of man's line of progress, they
+express the most important fact about man, namely,
+that his present enforced stationary condition has
+followed upon an enormous period of enforced movement.
+That movement has finally resulted in the
+presence of man everywhere on the earth's surface.
+This has been followed by the continued moving of
+savage man within the limited areas to which he has
+been finally pushed; by the movement of barbaric
+man from one place of settlement to another place
+of settlement, again within limited areas; and by
+the movement of political man through countries and
+continents of vast extent, and the final overlordship
+of political man over savage and barbaric man whom
+he has subjected and used for his purpose of final
+settlement in the civilised form of settlement. It will
+be apparent from the terms I have used to express the
+three chief stages in man's progress, that I give a
+special significance to the use of blood kinship as a
+social force, and in the sequel I think this special
+significance will be justified.<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a></p>
+
+<p>No one can properly estimate the tremendous amount<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg&nbsp;222]</a></span>
+of movement which preceded these later limitations to
+movement. Savage and barbaric races are now hemmed
+in by the forces of modern civilisation. This was not
+the case even a few hundred years ago, and though we
+cannot say when constant movement all over the world
+was stayed, we can form some idea of the comparatively
+late period when this took place by a contemplation of
+the very recent growth of the political civilisations
+known to history. At the most, this can only be
+reckoned at some ten thousand years. At the back of
+this short stretch of time, or of the successive periods
+at which the new civilisations have arisen, there are
+recollections of great movements and great migrations.
+Egypt, Babylonia, India, Persia, Greece, and Rome
+have preserved these recollections by tradition, and
+tradition has been largely confirmed by arch&aelig;ology.
+Celts and Teutons have preserved parallel traditions
+which are confirmed by history observed from without.
+These traditions and memorials of the migration period
+have not been scientifically examined in each case, but
+where scholars have touched upon them, great and unexpected
+results have been produced.<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg&nbsp;223]</a></span>
+There was time enough, before these late and special
+movements which led to civilisation, for man, in the
+course of peopling the earth, to be brought at various
+stages to a standstill, and such a change in his life-history
+would have its own special results. One of the
+most momentous of these results is the fossilisation of
+social and mental conditions. Man stationary, or
+movable by custom within restricted areas, would live
+under conditions which must have produced forms of
+culture different from those under which man lived
+when he was always able to penetrate, not by custom
+but by the force of circumstances, into the unknown
+domain of unoccupied territory; and the fossilisation
+of his culture at various stages of development, in
+accord with the various periods of his being brought
+to a standstill, would be the most important result.<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg&nbsp;224]</a></span>
+Whenever man was compelled to move onward the social
+forces which were demanded of him, as he proceeded
+from point to point, must have been quite different from
+those which he could have adopted if he had been allowed
+to stay in areas which suited him, if he could have
+selected his settlement grounds and awaited events.
+The calmness of the latter methods would perhaps
+have led to the unconscious development of social
+forms; the roughness of the actual method of constant
+movement led to the conscious adoption of social forms
+which has altered man's history. These considerations
+bring us to the conclusion that it is during the period
+of migratory movement that man has developed the
+social and religious elements with which the anthropologist
+finds him endowed, when at last in modern
+days he has been brought within the ken of scientific
+observation, and that therefore it is as a migratory not
+a stationary organism that the evolution of human
+society has to be studied, aided by the fact that enforced
+stationary conditions have produced in the savage world
+examples of perhaps the most remote as well as the
+more recent types of primitive humanity.</p>
+
+<p>This last possibility, however, is not admitted by
+the best authorities. They endeavour to use biological
+methods in order to get behind existing savagery for
+the earliest period of human savagery. Darwin is not
+satisfied with the evidence as to promiscuity, strong
+as it appeared to him to be, and he pronounced it to
+be "extremely improbable" in a state of nature, and
+falls back upon the evidence of the rudimentary stages
+of human existence, there being, as among the gorillas,
+but one adult male in the band, and "when the young<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg&nbsp;225]</a></span>
+male grows up, a contest takes place for the mastery,
+and the strongest, by killing and driving out the others,
+establishes himself as the head of the community."<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a>
+Mr. McLennan nowhere states the evidence for his first
+stage of human society&mdash;the primitive horde without
+any ideas of kinship, and based upon a fellowship of
+common interests and dangers<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a>&mdash;but arrives at it by
+argument deduced from the conditions of later stages
+of development, and from the necessary suppositions
+as to the pre-existing stage which must have led to the
+later. Mr. Westermarck leads us straight to the evidence
+of the lower animals, from which he arrives at
+the small groups of humans headed by the male, and
+provides us with the theory of a human pairing
+season.<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> Mr. Morgan claims that no exemplification
+of mankind in his assumed lower status of savagery
+remained to the historical period,<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> presumably meaning
+the anthropo-historical period. And finally, Mr. Lang
+definitely claims that conjecture, and conjecture alone,
+remains as the means of getting back to the earliest
+human origins.<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a></p>
+
+<p>There is great danger in relying too closely upon
+conjecture. We shall be repeating in anthropology
+what the analytical jurists accomplished in law and
+jurisprudence, and it will then soon become necessary
+to do for anthropology what Sir Henry Maine did for
+comparative jurisprudence, namely, demonstrate that
+the analytical method does not take us back to human<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg&nbsp;226]</a></span>
+origins, but to highly developed systems of society.
+Law, in the hands of the analytical jurists, is merely
+one part of the machinery of modern government.
+Social beginnings in the hands of conjectural anthropologists
+are merely abstractions with the whole history
+of man put on one side. Mr. Lang in leading the way
+towards the analytical method in anthropology has
+avoided many of its pitfalls, but his disciples are not
+so successful. Thus, when Mr. Thomas declares that
+"custom which has among them [primitive peoples]
+far more power than law among us, determines whether
+a man is of kin to his mother and her relatives alone,
+or to his father and father's relatives, or whether both
+sets of relatives are alike of kin to them,"<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> he is neglecting
+the whole significance and range of custom.
+His statement is true analytically, but it is not true
+anthropologically until we have ascertained what this
+custom to which he refers really is, whence it is derived,
+how it has obtained its force, what is its range
+of action, how it operates in differentiating among the
+various groups of mankind&mdash;in a word, what is the
+human history associated with this custom.</p>
+
+<p>We must, however, at certain points in anthropological
+inquiry have recourse to the conjectural
+method. Its value lies in the fact that it states, and
+states clearly, the issue which is before us, and it is
+always possible to take up the conjectural position
+and endeavour to ascertain whether the neglected
+facts of human history which it expresses can be
+recovered. Its danger lies in the neglect of certain
+anthropological principles which can only be noted<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg&nbsp;227]</a></span>
+from definite examples, and the significance of which
+can only be discovered by the handling of definite
+examples. I will refer to one or two of the principles
+which I have in mind. Thus, it is necessary to distinguish
+between what is a practice and what is a rule.
+A practice precedes a rule. A practice incidental to
+one stage of society must not be confused with a rule,
+similar to the practice, obtaining in a different stage of
+society. Again, it must be borne in mind that identity
+of practice is no certain evidence of parallel stages of
+culture, and already it has been pointed out that identical
+practices do not always come from the same
+causes. Thirdly, it has to be borne in mind that
+primitive peoples specialise in certain directions to an
+extreme extent, and correspondingly cause neglect in
+other directions. The normal, therefore, has to give
+way to the special, and it is the degree of specialisation
+and the degree of neglect which are measuring
+factors of progress; in other words, it is the conscious
+adoption of certain rules of life with which we alone
+have to do.</p>
+
+<p>These principles are apt to be wholly neglected, and,
+indeed, the last-mentioned element in the evolution of
+human society does not enter into the calculations of
+analytical anthropologists. They provide for the normal
+according to scientific ideas of what the normal is.
+They either neglect or openly reject what cannot be
+called abnormal, because it appears everywhere, but
+which they are inclined to treat as abnormal because it
+does not fit into their accepted lines of development.
+That which I have ventured to term specialisation and
+neglect is a great and important feature in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg&nbsp;228]</a></span>
+anthropology. It obtains everywhere in more or less degree,
+and accounts for some of the apparently unaccountable
+facts in savage society, where we are frequently encountered
+by a comparatively high degree of culture
+associated with a cruel and debasing system of rites
+and practices which belong to the lowest savagery.
+Dr. Haddon has usefully suggested the term "differential
+evolution" for this phenomenon in the culture
+history of man,<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> and as I find myself in entire agreement
+with this distinguished anthropologist as to the
+facts<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> which call for a special terminology, I gladly
+adopt his valuable suggestion.</p>
+
+<p>It is advisable to explain this phenomenon by
+reference to examples, and I will take the point of
+specialisation first. Even where industrial arts have
+advanced far beyond the primitive stage we are considering,
+we have the case of the Ahts, with whom
+"though living only a few miles apart, the tribes
+practise different arts and have apparently distinct
+tribal characteristics. One tribe is skilful in shaping
+canoes, another in painting boards for ornamental
+work, or making ornaments for the person, or instruments
+for hunting and fishing. Individuals as a rule
+keep to the arts for which their tribe has some repute,
+and do not care to acquire those arts in which other
+tribes excel. There seems to be among all the tribes
+in the island a sort of recognised tribal monopoly in
+certain articles produced, or that have been long<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg&nbsp;229]</a></span>
+manufactured in their own district. For instance, a
+tribe that does not grow potatoes, or make a particular
+kind of mat, will go a long way year after
+year to barter for those articles, which if they liked they
+themselves could easily produce or manufacture."<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a>
+The remarkable case of the Todas specialising in
+cattle rearing and dairy farming is another example.
+Other people, both higher and lower in civilisation
+than the Todas, keep cattle and know the value of
+milk, but it is reserved for the Todas alone to have
+used this particular economic basis of their existence
+as the basis also of their social formation and their
+religious life.<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> The result is that they neglect other
+forms of social existence. They are not totemists,
+though perhaps they have the undeveloped germs of
+totemistic beliefs.<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> Their classificatory system of relationship
+makes their actual kinship scarcely recognisable;
+they "have very definite restrictions on the
+freedom of individuals to marry," and have a two-class
+endogamous division, but their marriage rite is
+merely the selection of nominal fathers for their
+children.<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> Throughout the careful study which we
+now possess, thanks to Dr. Rivers, of this people,
+there is the dominant note of dairy economy superimposing
+itself upon all else, and even religion seems
+to be in a state of decadence.<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> I do not know that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg&nbsp;230]</a></span>
+anywhere else could be found a stronger example of the
+results of extreme specialisation upon the social and
+mental condition of a people. As a rule such specialisation
+does not extend to a whole people, but rather
+to sections, as, for instance, among the Gold Coast
+tribes of Africa who "transmit the secret of their
+skill from father to son and keep the corporation to
+which they belong up to a due degree of closeness by
+avoiding intermarriage with any of the more unskilled
+labourers,"<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> and Dr. Bucher, who has worked
+out many of the earliest conditions of primitive
+economics, concludes that it may be safely claimed
+that every "tribe displays some favourite form of
+industrial activity in which its members surpass the
+other tribes."<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> This rule extends to the lowest type
+of man, as, for instance, among the Australians. Each
+tribe of the Narrinyeri, says Taplin, have been
+accustomed to make those articles which their tract
+of country enabled them to produce most easily; one
+tribe will make weapons, another mats, and a third
+nets, and then they barter them one with another.<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a></p>
+
+<p>The evidence for industrial evolution is full of cases
+such as these, and they are extremely important to
+note, because it is not the mere existence of particular
+customs or particular beliefs among different peoples
+which is the factor to take into account, but the use or
+non-use, and the extent of the use or non-use, to
+which the particular customs or beliefs are put in each<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg&nbsp;231]</a></span>
+case.<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> Let me turn from the phenomenon of over-specialisation
+to that of neglect, and for this purpose I
+will take the simple fact of blood kinship. Existing
+obviously everywhere through the mother, and not
+obviously but admittedly through the father among
+most primitive peoples, there are examples where both
+maternal kinship and paternal kinship are neglected
+factors in the construction of the social group. The
+Nahals of Khandesh, for instance, neglect kinship
+altogether, and exist perfectly wild among the mountains,
+subsisting chiefly on roots, fruits, and berries,
+though the children during infancy accompany the
+mother in her unattached freedom from male control,<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a>
+just as Herodotos describes the condition of the
+Auseans "before the Hellenes were settled near
+them."<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> Similarly, among many primitive peoples,
+kinship with the mother is recognised while kinship
+with the father is purposely neglected as a social
+factor. Thus, among the Khasia Hill people, the
+husband visits his wife occasionally in her own home,
+where "he seems merely entertained to continue the
+family to which his wife belongs."<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> This statement,
+so peculiarly appropriate to my purpose, is not merely
+an accident of language. With the people allied to
+the Khasis, namely, the Syntengs and the people of
+Maoshai, "the husband does not go and live in his
+mother-in-law's house; he only visits her there. In
+Jowai, the husband came to his mother-in-law's house
+only after dark," and the explanation of the latest<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg&nbsp;232]</a></span>
+authority is that among these people "the man is
+nobody ... if he be a husband he is looked upon
+merely as <i>u shong kha</i>, a begetter."<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a></p>
+
+<p>The neglect of maternal and paternal kinship respectively
+in these two cases is obvious. They are recognised
+physically. But they are not used as part of the
+fabric of social institutions. Physical motherhood or
+fatherhood is nothing to these people, and one must
+learn to understand that there is wide difference between
+the mere physical fact of having a mother and
+father, and the political fact of using this kinship for
+social organisation. Savages who have not learnt the
+political significance have but the scantiest appreciation
+of the physical fact. The Australians, for instance,
+have no term to express the relationship between
+mother and child. This is because the physical fact is
+of no significance, and not as Mr. Thomas thinks because
+of the meagreness of the language.<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> Our field
+anthropologists do not quite understand the savage in
+this respect. It is of no use preparing a genealogical
+tree on the basis of civilised knowledge of genealogy
+if such a document is beyond the ken of the people to
+whom it relates. The information for it may be
+correctly collected, but if the whole structure is not
+within the compass of savage thought it is a misleading
+anthropological document. It is of no use translating
+a native term as "father," if father did not mean
+to the savage what it means to us. It might mean
+something so very different. With us, fatherhood
+connotes a definite individual with all sorts of social,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg&nbsp;233]</a></span>
+economical, and political associations, but what does it
+mean to the savage? It may mean physical fatherhood
+and nothing more, and physical fatherhood may be a
+fact of the veriest insignificance. It may mean social
+fatherhood, where all men of a certain status are fathers
+to all children of the complementary status, and social
+fatherhood thus becomes much more than we can understand
+by the term father.</p>
+
+<p>We cannot ignore the evidence which over-specialisation
+in one direction and neglect in other directions
+supply to anthropology. It shows us that human
+societies cannot always be measured in the scale of
+culture by the most apparent of the social elements
+contained in them. The cannibalism of the Fijians,
+the art products of the Maori, the totemism of the
+Australian blacks, do not express all that makes up the
+culture of these people, although it too often happens
+that they are made to do duty for the several estimates
+of culture progress. It follows that a survey of the
+different human societies might reveal examples of the
+possible lowest in the scale as well as various advances
+from the lowest; or in lieu of whole societies in the
+lowest scale, there might be revealed unexceptional
+examples of the possible lowest elements of culture
+within societies not wholly in the lowest scale. It will
+be seen how valuable an asset this must be in anthropological
+research. It justifies those who assert that existing
+savagery or existing survival will supply evidence
+of man at the very earliest stages of existence. It is the
+root idea of Dr. Tylor's method of research, and it is an
+essential feature in the science of folklore.</p>
+
+<p>Evidence of this nature, however, needs to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg&nbsp;234]</a></span>
+exhaustively collected, and to be subjected to the most
+careful examination, as otherwise it may be used for
+the merest <i>a priori</i> argument of the most mischievous
+and inconclusive description. It involves consideration
+of whole human groups rather than of particular sections
+of each human group, of the whole corpus of
+social, religious, and economical elements residing in
+each human group rather than of the separated items.
+Each human group, having its specialised and dormant
+elements, must be treated as an organism and not as
+a bundle of separable items, each one of which the
+student may use or let alone as he desires. That
+which is anthropological evidence is the indivisible
+organism, and whenever, for convenience of treatment
+and considerations of space, particular elements only
+are used in evidence, they must be qualified, and the
+use to which they are provisionally put for scientific
+purposes must be checked, by the associated elements
+with which the particular elements are connected.</p>
+
+<p>The human groups thus called upon to surrender
+their contributions to the history of man are of
+various formations, and consist of various kinds
+of social units. There is no one term which can
+properly be applied to all, and it will have been noted
+that I have carefully avoided giving the human groups
+hitherto dealt with any particular name, and only
+under protest have I admitted the terms used by
+the authorities I have quoted. I think the term
+"tribe" is not applicable to savage society, for it
+is used to denote peoples in all degrees of social
+evolution, and merely stands for the group which is
+known by a given name, or roams over a given district.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg&nbsp;235]</a></span>
+But the use of this term is not so productive of harm
+as the use of the term "family," because of the
+universal application of this term to the smallest social
+unit of the civilised world, and because of the fundamental
+difference of structure of the units which
+roughly answer to the definition of family in various
+parts of the world. It is no use in scientific matters to
+use terms of inexact reference. As much as almost
+anything else it has led to false conclusions as to the
+evolution of the family, conclusions which seem to
+entangle even the best authorities in a mass of contradictions.
+I cannot think of a family group in savagery
+with father, mother, sons, and daughters, all delightfully
+known to each other, in terms which also belong
+to the civilised family, and still less can I think of these
+terms being used to take in the extended grouping of
+local kinships. One of our greatest difficulties, indeed,
+is the indiscriminate use of kinship terms by our descriptive
+authorities. We are never quite sure whether the
+physical relationships included in them convey anything
+whatever to the savage. If he knows of the physical
+fact, he does not use it politically, for blood kinship as
+a political force is late, not early, and the early tie was
+dependent upon quite other circumstances. Over and
+over again it will be found stated by established
+authorities that the family was the primal unit, the
+grouped families forming the larger clan, the grouped
+clans forming the larger tribe. This is Sir Henry
+Maine's famous formula, and it is the basis of his
+investigation into early law and custom.<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> It is founded<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg&nbsp;236]</a></span>
+upon the false conception of the family in early history,
+and upon a too narrow interpretation of the stages of
+evolution. When we are dealing with savage society,
+the terms family and tribe do not connote the same
+institution as when we are dealing with higher forms
+of civilisation. There is something roughly corresponding
+to these groupings in both systems, but they
+do not actually equate. When we pass to the Semitic
+and the Aryan-speaking peoples, both the family and
+tribe have assumed a definite place in the polity of the
+races which is not to be found outside these peoples.</p>
+
+<p>So strongly has the family impressed itself upon the
+thought of the age that students of man in his earliest
+ages are found stating that "the family is the most
+ancient and the most sacred of human institutions."<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a>
+This proposition, however, is not only denied by other
+authorities, as, for instance, Mr. Jevons, who affirms
+that "the family is a comparatively late institution in
+the history of society,"<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> but it rests upon the merely
+analytical basis of research, separated entirely from those
+facts of man's history which are discoverable by the
+means just now suggested. One is, of course, quite
+prepared to find the family among civilisations older
+than the Indo-European, and yet to find that it is a
+comparatively late institution among Indo-European
+peoples. As a matter of fact, this is the case; for the
+two kinds of family, the family as seen in savage society<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg&nbsp;237]</a></span>
+and the family as it appears among the antiquities of
+the Indo-European people, are totally distinct in origin,
+in compass, and in force; while welded between the two
+kinds of family is the whole institution of the tribe.
+It is no use introducing the theory adopted by Grote,
+Niebuhr, Mommsen, Thirlwall, Maine, and other authorities
+who have studied the legal antiquities of
+classical times, that the tribe is the aggregate of original
+family units. Later on I shall show that this cannot be
+the case. The larger kinship of the tribe is a primary
+unit of ancient society, which thrusts itself between the
+savage family and the civilised family, showing that the
+two types are separated by a long period of history
+during which the family did not exist.</p>
+
+<p>It has taken me some time to explain these points in
+anthropological science, which appear to me not to have
+received proper consideration at the hands of the
+masters of the science, but which are essential factors
+in the history of man and are necessary to a due consideration
+of the position occupied by folklore. The
+chief results obtained are:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>(1) Migratory man would deposit his most rudimentary
+social type not at the point of starting his
+migration, but at the furthest point therefrom.</p>
+
+<p>(2) Custom due to the migratory period would continue
+after real migratory movement had ceased,
+and from this body of custom would be derived
+all later forms of social custom.</p>
+
+<p>(3) Non-kinship groups are more rudimentary than
+kinship groups, and are still observable in
+savage anthropology.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg&nbsp;238]</a></span>
+(4) Anthropological evidence must be based upon the
+whole of the characteristics of human groups,
+not upon special characteristics singled out for
+the purpose of research.</p></div>
+
+<p>It is with these results we have to work. They
+will help us to see how far the facts of anthropology,
+which begin far behind the historical world, have to do
+with the problems presented by folklore as a science
+having to deal with the historical world.</p>
+
+
+<h4>II</h4>
+
+<p>We may now inquire where anthropology and folklore
+meet. It is significant in this connection that in order to
+reach back to the earliest ages of man, our first appeal
+seems to be to folklore. The appeal at present does not
+lead us far perhaps, but it certainly acts as a finger post
+in the inquiry, for Dr. Kollmann, rejecting the evidence
+of the Java <i>Pithecanthropus erectus</i> as the earliest
+pal&aelig;ontological evidence of man, advances the opinion
+that the direct antecedents of man should not be sought
+among the species of anthropoid apes of great height
+and with flat skulls, but much further back in the
+zoological scale, in the small monkeys with pointed
+skulls; from which, he believes, were developed the
+human pygmy races of prehistoric ages with pointed
+skulls, and from these pygmy races finally developed
+the human race of historic times. And he relies upon
+folklore for one part of his evidence, for it is this descent
+of man, he thinks, which explains the persistency with
+which mythology and folklore allude to the subject of
+pygmy people, as well as the relative frequency with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg&nbsp;239]</a></span>
+which recently the fossils of small human beings
+belonging to prehistoric times have been discovered.<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a>
+It must not be forgotten, too, that this remote period
+is found in another class of tradition, namely, that to
+which Dr. Tylor refers as containing the memory of
+the huge animals of the quaternary period.<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a></p>
+
+<p>It must be confessed that we do not get far with this
+evidence alone. If it proves that the true starting point
+is to be found in folklore, it also proves that folklore
+alone is not capable of working through the problem.
+Anthropology must aid here, and I will suggest the
+lines on which it appears to me it does this.</p>
+
+<p>Our first effort must be made by the evidence suggested
+by the conjectural method. This leads us to
+small human groups, each headed by a male who drives
+out all other males and himself remains with his females
+and his children. Sexual selection thus acts with primitive
+economics<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> in keeping the earliest groups small in
+numbers, and creating a spreading out from these
+groups of the males cast out. We have male supremacy
+in its crudest form accompanied by an enforced male
+celibacy, so far as the group in which the males are
+born is concerned, on the part of those who survive
+the struggle for supremacy and wander forth on their
+own account. Marking the stages from point to point,
+in order to arrive at a systematic method of stating the
+complex problem presented by the subject we are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg&nbsp;240]</a></span>
+investigating, we can project from this earliest condition
+of man's life two important elements of social evolution,
+namely&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>(<i>a</i>) Younger men are celibate within the natural groups
+of human society, or are driven out therefrom.</p>
+
+<p>(<i>b</i>) Men thus driven out will seek mates on their own
+account, and will secure them partly from the
+original group as far as they are permitted or
+are successful in their attempts, and partly by
+capture from other local groups.</p></div>
+
+<p>The first of these elements strongly emphasises the
+migratory character of the earliest human groups. The
+second shows how each group is relieved of the incubus
+of too great a number for the economic conditions by
+the double process of sending forth its young males, and
+of its younger females being captured by successful
+marauders.</p>
+
+<p>Let us take a fuller note of what the conditions of
+such a life might be. There is no tie of kinship
+operating as a social force within the groups; there is
+the unquestioned condition of hostility surrounding
+each group, and there is the enforced practice of providing
+mates by capture. Of these three conditions the
+most significant is undoubtedly the absence of the
+kinship tie. If then we use this as the basis for grouping
+the earliest examples of social organisation, we
+proceed to inquire whether there are any examples of
+kinless society in anthropological evidence.</p>
+
+<p>Following up the clue supplied by folklore, we may
+see whether the pygmy people of anthropological observation
+answer in any way to those conjectural<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg&nbsp;241]</a></span>
+conditions.<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> I think they do. Thus, we find that the
+pygmy people are in all cases on the extreme confines
+of the world's occupation ground; that they occupy
+the territory to which they have been pushed, not that
+which they have chosen. As the most primitive representatives,
+they are the last outposts of the migratory
+movements. Dr. Beke has preserved an account of
+the pygmies which even in its terminology assists in
+their identification as a type of the remotest stages of
+social existence. Dr. Beke obtained certain information
+about the countries south-west of Abyssinia, from
+which Latham quotes the following:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"The people of Doko, both men and women, are said to
+be no taller than boys nine or ten years old. They never
+exceed that height even in the most advanced age. They go
+quite naked; their principal foods are ants, snakes, mice, and
+other things which commonly are not used as food....
+They also climb trees with great skill to fetch down the
+fruits, and in doing this they stretch their hands downwards
+and their legs upwards.... They live mixed together;
+men and women unite and separate as they please.... The
+mother suckles the child only as long as she is unable to find
+ants and snakes for its food; she abandons it as soon as it
+can get its food by itself. No rank or order exists among
+the Dokos. Nobody orders, nobody obeys, nobody defends
+the country, nobody cares for the welfare of the nation."<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a></p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg&nbsp;242]</a></span>
+This evidence is confirmed in many directions. It
+coincides with the account by Herodotos of the expedition
+from Libya which met with a pygmy race,<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> and with
+a seventeenth-century account of a Dutch expedition to
+the north from the south, who "found a tribe of people
+very low in stature and very lean, entirely savage, without
+huts, cattle, or anything in the world except their
+lands and wild game."<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> Captain Burrows' account of
+the Congoland pygmies agrees in all essentials, and
+he particularly notes that they "have no ties of family
+affection such as those of mother to son or sister to
+brother, and seem to be wanting in all social qualities;"
+they have no religion and no fetich rites; no burial
+ceremony and no mourning for the dead; in short, he
+adds, "they are to my thinking the closest link with
+the original Darwinian anthropoid ape extant."<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> The
+evidence of the African pygmy people everywhere confirms
+these views, and differences of detail do not alter
+the general results.<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a></p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus21" id="Illus21"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_21.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_21th.jpg" width="400" height="173"
+alt="Chinese representation of pygmies going about arm-in-arm for mutual
+protection (from Moseley&#39;s &quot;Note by a Naturalist on H.M.S.
+Challenger&quot;)"
+title="CHINESE REPRESENTATION OF PYGMIES GOING ABOUT ARM-IN-ARM FOR MUTUAL
+PROTECTION" /></a>
+<span class="caption">CHINESE REPRESENTATION OF PYGMIES GOING ABOUT
+ARM-IN-ARM FOR MUTUAL PROTECTION</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus22" id="Illus22"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_22.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_22th.jpg" width="400" height="316"
+alt="Semang of Kuala Kenering, Ulu Perak (from Skeat and Blagden&#39;s
+&quot;Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula&quot;)"
+title="SEMANG OF KUALA KENERING, ULU PERAK" /></a>
+<span class="caption">SEMANG OF KUALA KENERING, ULU PERAK</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus23" id="Illus23"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_23.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_23th.jpg" width="400" height="345"
+alt="Negrito type: Semang of Perak (from Skeat and Blagden&#39;s
+&quot;Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula&quot;)"
+title="NEGRITO TYPE: SEMANG OF PERAK" /></a>
+<span class="caption">NEGRITO TYPE: SEMANG OF PERAK</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>Following this up we get the greatest assistance from
+Asia.<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> The Semang people of the Malay Peninsula
+are a short race, the male being four feet nine inches
+in height, with woolly and tufted hair, thick lips and
+flat nose, and their language is connected with the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg&nbsp;243]</a></span>group of which the Khasi people is a member.<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> They
+subsist upon the birds and beasts of the forest, and
+roots, eating elephants, rhinoceros, monkeys, and rats.
+They are said to have chiefs among them, but all
+property is common. Their huts or temporary dwellings,
+for they have no fixed habitations but rove
+about like the beasts of the forest, consist of two posts
+stuck in the ground with a small cross-piece and a few
+leaves or branches of trees laid over to secure them
+from the weather, and their clothing consists chiefly of
+the inner bark of trees.<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> They use stone or slate
+implements. The authority for this information does
+not directly state their social formation, but in a footnote
+he compares them to the Negritos of the Philippine
+Islands, "who are divided into very small societies very
+little connected with each other." This is confirmed
+by Mr. Hugh Clifford, who relates a story told to him
+in the camp of the Semangs, which tells how these
+people were driven to their present resting-place, "not
+for love of these poor hunting grounds," but because
+they were thrust there by the Malays who stole their
+women. One further point is interesting; they have
+a legend of a people in their old home, composed of
+women only. "These women know not men, but
+but when the moon is at the full, they dance naked in
+the grassy places near the salt-licks; the evening wind
+is their only spouse, and through him they conceive
+and bear children."<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> All this has been confirmed and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg&nbsp;244]</a></span>
+more than confirmed by the important researches of
+Messrs. Skeat and Blagden in their recently published
+work on these people. There is no necessity to do
+more than refer to the principal features brought out
+by these authorities. In the valuable notes on environment,
+we have the actual facts of the migratory movement
+drawn clearly for us;<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> their nomadic habits, rude
+nature-derived clothing, forest habitations and natural
+sources of food are described;<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> the evolution of their
+habitations from the natural shelters, rock shelters,
+caves, tree buttresses, branches, etc., is to be traced;<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a>
+they belong to the old Stone Age, if not to a previous
+Wood and Bone Age;<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> they have no organised body
+of chiefs, and there is no formal recognition of kinship;
+marital relationship is preceded by great ante-nuptial
+freedom;<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> the name of every child is taken "from
+some tree which stands near the prospective birthplace
+of the child; as soon as the child is born, this name is
+shouted aloud by the <i>sage femme</i>, who then hands over
+the child to another woman, and buries the after-birth
+underneath the birth-tree or name-tree of the child; as
+soon as this has been done, the father cuts a series of
+notches in the tree, starting from the ground and
+terminating at the height of the breast;"<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> the child
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg&nbsp;245]</a></span>must not in later life injure any tree which belongs to
+the species of his birth-tree, and must not eat of its
+fruit. There is a theory to accompany this practice,
+for birds are believed to be vehicles for the introduction
+of the soul into the newborn child, and all human souls
+grow upon a soul-tree in the other world, whence they
+are fetched by a bird which is killed and eaten by the
+expectant mother;<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> but there seems to be no evidence
+of any religious cult or rite, and what there is of mythology
+or legend is probably borrowed.<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> The details in
+this case are of special importance, as they form a complete
+set of associated culture elements, and I shall have
+to return to them later on.</p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus24" id="Illus24"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_24.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_24th.jpg" width="400" height="283"
+alt="Semang of Kedah having a meal (from Skeat and Blagden&#39;s
+&quot;Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula&quot;)"
+title="SEMANG OF KEDAH HAVING A MEAL" /></a>
+<span class="caption">SEMANG OF KEDAH HAVING A MEAL</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>I shall not attempt to exhaust the evidence to be
+derived from the pygmy people. What has been said
+of the examples I have chosen may in all essentials be
+said of the remaining examples. But it is perhaps
+advisable to be assured that the evidence of kinless
+people is not confined to the stunted and dwarfed
+races, for it has been argued that the pygmies are
+nothing but the ne'er-do-wells of the stronger races,
+and may not therefore be taken as true racial types.
+This may be true, but it does not affect my case,
+because I am not depending so much upon the
+physical characteristics of these people as upon their
+culture characteristics. These are definite and conclusive,
+and they are repeated among people of higher
+physical type. Thus the Jolas of the Gambia district
+have practically no government and no law; every
+man does as he chooses, and the most successful thief
+is considered the greatest man. There is no recognised<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg&nbsp;246]</a></span>
+punishment for murder or any other crime. Individual
+settlement is the only remedy, and the fittest
+survives. There is no formality in regard to marriage,
+or what passes for marriage, amongst them. Natural
+selection is observed on both sides, and the pair, after
+having ascertained a reciprocity of sentiment, at once
+cohabit. They do not intermarry with any other
+race.<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is possible to proceed from this to other regions
+of man's occupation ground. In America, the evidence
+of the modern savage is preceded by most interesting
+facts. If we compare Dr. Brinton's conclusions as to
+the spread of the American Indians from the north to
+the south, and as to the development of culture in the
+favoured districts being of the same origin as the undeveloped
+culture of the less favoured and of absolutely
+sterile districts, with Mr. Curtin's altogether
+independent conclusions as to the growth of the
+American creation myth with its cycle of first people
+peaceful and migratory, and its cycle of second people
+"containing accounts of conflicts which are ever recurrent,"
+we are conscious that mythic and material
+remains of great movements of people are in absolute
+accord,<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> an accord which leads us to expect
+that the peoples who were pushed ever forward
+into the most desolate and most sterile districts of
+southern America would be the most nearly savage of
+all the American peoples. This is in agreement with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg&nbsp;247]</a></span>
+Darwin's estimate of the Fuegians who wander about
+in groups of kinless society,<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a> and it is in accord with
+other evidence. Thus the Zaparos, belonging to the
+great division of unchristianised Indians of the oriental
+province of Ecuador, have the fame of being most
+expert woodsmen and hunters. To communicate with
+one another in the wood, they generally imitate the
+whistle of the toman or partridge. They believe that
+they partake of the nature of the animals they devour.
+They are very disunited, and wander about in separate
+hordes. The stealing of women is much carried on
+even amongst themselves. A man runs away with
+his neighbour's wife or one of them, and secretes himself
+in some out of the way spot until he gathers
+information that she is replaced, when he can again
+make his appearance, finding the whole difficulty
+smoothed over. In their matrimonial relations they
+are very loose&mdash;monogamy, polygamy, communism,
+and promiscuity all apparently existing amongst them.
+They allow the women great liberty and frequently
+change their mates or simply discard them when they
+are perhaps taken up by another. They believe in a
+devil or evil spirit which haunts the woods, and call
+him Zam&aacute;ro.<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a></p>
+
+<p>In all these cases, and I do not, of course, exhaust
+the evidence, there is enough to suggest that the social
+forms presented are of the most rudimentary kind.
+Conjecture has not and, I think, cannot get further
+back than such evidence as this. The social grouping
+is supported by outside influences rather than internal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg&nbsp;248]</a></span>
+organisation; neither blood kinship nor marital kinship
+is recognised; hostility to all other groups and from
+other groups is the basis of inter-groupal life. To
+these significant characteristics has to be added the
+special birth custom and belief of the Semang pygmies.
+It is clear that the soul-bird belief and the tree-naming
+custom are different phases of one conception of social
+life, a conception definitely excluding recognition of
+blood kinship, and derived from the conscious adoption
+of an experience which has not reached the stage
+of blood kinship, but which includes a close association
+with natural objects. All this makes it advisable
+to take fuller count of pygmy culture than has hitherto
+been given to it. The pygmies have in truth always
+been a problem in man's history. From the time
+of Homer, Herodotos, and Aristotle, the pygmies
+have had their place among the observable types of
+man, or among the traditions to which observers have
+given credence. In modern times they have been
+accounted for either as peoples degraded from a higher
+level of culture, or as peoples who have never advanced.
+But whether we look upon these people as the last remnants
+of the primitive condition of hostility or whether
+they are reversions to that condition by reason of like
+causes, they bring before us what conjectural research
+has prepared us for. The first supposition is neither
+impossible nor incredible. The slow spreading-out in
+hostile regions would allow of the preservation of some
+examples of preference for unrestrained licence at the
+expense of constant hostility, in place of a modified
+peacefulness at the expense of restricted freedom in
+matters so dear to the human animal as sexual choice<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg&nbsp;249]</a></span>
+and power. The second supposition contains an element
+of human history which must find a place in anthropological
+research. The possible phases of social
+formation are very limited. If any section of mankind
+cannot develop in one direction, they will stagnate at
+the stage they have reached, or they will retrograde to
+one of the stages from which in times past they have
+proceeded. There is no other course, and the very
+limitations of primitive life prevent us from considering
+the possibility of any other course. Either of these
+alternatives allows us to consider the examples of hostile
+inter-grouping as sufficient to supply us with the vantage
+ground for observation of man in his earliest
+stages of existence. Perhaps each of them may contain
+somewhat of the truth. But whatever may be considered
+as the true cause of the pygmy level of culture, there
+is an underlying factor which must count most strongly
+in its determination, namely, that these people are the
+people who in the process of migration have been pushed
+out to the last strongholds of man. Whether they could
+not or would not conform to the newer condition of
+stationary or comparatively stationary society is not
+much to the point in presence of the fact that nowhere
+have they conformed to this standard of existence. Moreover
+we are entitled to the argument, which has been
+the main point advanced in connection with the anthropological
+problems we are discussing, that the most
+primitive type of man must of necessity be sought for,
+and can only be found at the extremes of the migration
+movement wherever that is discernible.<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a></p>
+
+<p>The question now becomes, can we by means of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg&nbsp;250]</a></span>
+recognisable links proceed from the rudimentary kinless
+stage of society to the earliest stage of kinship
+society? This is a most difficult problem, but it must be
+solved. If the rudimentary kinless groups do indeed
+constitute a factor in human evolution, they are a most
+important factor. If they do not constitute such a factor,
+they can only be accidental productions, the sport of exceptional
+circumstances not in the line of evolution, and
+as such they are not of much use in anthropology. It will
+be seen, therefore, that the connection between rudimentary
+kinless society and the earliest, or representatives
+of the earliest, kinship society, is an essential part
+of an inquiry into origins.</p>
+
+<p>It may be approached first from the conjectural basis.
+On this basis it may be asserted that the victorious
+male of the primary groups would remain victorious
+only just so long as he could continue to adjust the
+conditions on the primary basis, and preserve his
+females to himself. New conditions would arise whenever
+the limitation of the food lands produced a degree
+of localisation of the hitherto movable groups. There
+would then have crept into human experience the
+necessity for something of common action among a
+wider range than the simple group. This is a new
+force, and social evolution is henceforth going to
+operate in addition to, perhaps to a limited extent in
+substitution of, the constant movement towards new
+food lands. The single male would no longer be the
+victorious male by himself; and sharing his power
+with other males meant the reduction of his power in
+his own group. Called away for something more than
+the defence of his own primary group of females, he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg&nbsp;251]</a></span>
+would leave the females with the practical governance
+of the primary groups. This tendency would develop.
+Wherever the constant movement outwards became
+stayed by geographical or other influences, the groups
+which experienced the shock of stoppage would undergo
+change. The female in the various primary groups
+would become a static element, and the male alone
+would follow out in the more restricted area the older
+force of movement which he had learned during the
+period of unrestricted scope.<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> He would have to find
+his mates during his roamings, instead of the former
+condition of fighting for them during the group movements;
+and his relationship to the primary groups
+would be therefore fundamentally changed. From
+being the central dominant head, he would become
+a constantly shifting unit. The female under these
+conditions would become the centre of the new social
+unit, and the male would become the hunter for food
+and the fighter against enemies. The new social forces
+would thus consist of local units commanded by the
+female, and revolving units composed of the males,
+and there would arise therefrom cleavage between the
+economic conditions of the two sexes.</p>
+
+<p>That primitive economics bear the impress of sex
+cleavage is borne out by every class of evidence, and
+it is in this circumstance that we first come upon
+societies distinguished by containing two of the most
+important social elements, exogamy and totemism.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg&nbsp;252]</a></span>
+Before, however, examining examples of societies containing
+the two elements of exogamy and totemism, it will
+be necessary to say something by way of preliminaries
+on these two elements themselves. They have rightly
+been made the subject of important special inquiry by
+anthropological scholars, as being in fact the key to the
+question of social evolution, and we shall clear the
+ground considerably by first of all turning to the principal
+authorities on the subject, and ascertaining the
+present position of the inquiry.</p>
+
+<p>I must however note, in the first place, that as I have
+stated the case, exogamy and totemism appear as two
+separate and distinct elements, whereas it is usual to
+consider exogamy as an essential part of totemism.
+I cannot, however, see that this is so. In advanced
+totemism, it is true, they are found as inseparable
+parts of one system, but they may well have started
+separately and coalesced later. In point of fact, all the
+evidence points in this direction, and if we cease to
+consider exogamy as a necessary element of totemism,
+we can advance investigation more rapidly and with
+greater accuracy.</p>
+
+<p>We come very quickly upon what may be termed
+natural exogamy. Male working with male outside the
+groups formed by women and the younger offspring
+would produce a natural exogamy, which would have
+followed upon the exogamy produced by hostile capture
+of women, and two streams of influence would
+thus tell in favour of the evolution of a system of
+formal exogamy, and Dr. Westermarck's theory of a
+natural avoidance of housemates, with all its wealth
+of evidence, helps us at this point.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg&nbsp;253]</a></span>
+The position is not so clear as to totemism. If we
+begin, however, with a clear understanding that it is not
+a part of the machinery of exogamous grouping, but
+an independent growth of its own, we shall have
+gained an important point, for the contrary opinion
+has very often obscured the issue and prevented research
+in the right direction.</p>
+
+<p>It will be advisable to have before us the principal
+theories as to the origin of totemism. There are practically
+three&mdash;Mr. Frazer's, Mr. Lang's, and Mr. Baldwin
+Spencer's. Mr. Frazer considers totemism to be "in
+its essence nothing more or less than an early theory of
+conception, which presented itself to savage man at a
+time when he was still ignorant of the true cause of
+the propagation of the species." Mr. Frazer explains
+this theory further by saying that "naturally enough,
+when she is first aware of the mysterious movement
+within her, the mother fancies that something has that
+very moment passed into her body, and it is equally
+natural that in her attempt to ascertain what the thing
+is, she should fix upon some object that happened to
+be near her, or to engage her attention at the critical
+moment."<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a></p>
+
+<p>Mr. Lang rejects Mr. Frazer's theory <i>in toto</i>, and
+propounds his own as due to the naming of savage
+societies, and to a sort of natural exogamy produced by
+practically the same set of conditions as I have already
+described. Mr. Lang's totemism began in the primary
+groups, and began with exogamy as a necessary part
+of it. "Unessential to my system," says Mr. Lang,
+"is the question how the groups got animal names, as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg&nbsp;254]</a></span>
+long as they got them, and did not remember how they
+got them, and as long as the names according to their
+way of thinking indicated an essential and mystic
+rapport between each group and its name-giving
+animal. No more than these three things&mdash;a group
+animal name of unknown origin; belief in a transcendental
+connection between all bearers human and
+bestial of the same name; and belief in the blood
+superstitions (the mystically sacred quality of the
+blood as life)&mdash;was needed to give rise to all the totemic
+creeds and practices including exogamy," and further,
+"we guess that for the sake of distinction, groups
+gave each other animal and plant names. These became
+stereotyped we conjecture, and their origin was
+forgotten. The belief that there must necessarily be
+some connection between animals and men of the
+same names led to speculation about the nature of the
+connection. The usual reply to the question was that the
+men and animals of the same name were akin by blood.
+The kinship <i>with animals</i> being particularly mysterious
+was peculiarly sacred. From these ideas arose tabus,
+and among others that of totemic exogamy."<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a></p>
+
+<p>Mr. Baldwin Spencer, and with him Dr. Haddon,
+consider totemism to have arisen from economic
+conditions. Primitive human groups, says Dr. Haddon,
+"could never have been large, and the individuals
+comprising each group must have been closely related.
+In favourable areas each group would have a tendency
+to occupy a restricted range, owing to the disagreeable
+results which arose from encroaching on the territory
+over which another group wandered. Thus, it would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg&nbsp;255]</a></span>
+inevitably come about that a certain animal or plant, or
+group of animals or plants, would be more abundant in
+the territory of one group than in that of another."<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a></p>
+
+<p>These theories are not necessarily mutually destructive,
+though they seem to me even collectively not to contain
+the full case for totemism. Mr. Frazer does not
+account for woman's isolation at the time of conceptual
+quickening, for the closeness of her observation of local
+phenomena, and for the separateness of her ideas from
+the actual facts of procreation. Mr. Lang overloads his
+case. He is accounting not for the origin of totemism,
+but for the origin of all, or almost all, that totemism
+contains in its most developed forms&mdash;"all the totemic
+creeds and practices including exogamy" as he says.
+He postulates a name-giving process by drawing upon
+the conceptions as to names by advanced savage thought,
+and he does not account for the fact that according to his
+theory, animals and plants must not only have been
+named, but named upon some sort of system known to
+a wide area of peoples, before totemistic names for the
+groups could have been given to them. Mr. Spencer's
+and Dr. Haddon's theory is perhaps open to the doubts
+caused by Mr. Lang's criticism of it that there is only
+one case of a known economic cause for totemism&mdash;an
+Australian case where two totem kins are said to have
+been so called "from having in former times principally
+subsisted on a small fish and a very small opossum;"<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a>
+but on the other hand it does supply a <i>vera causa</i>, the
+actual evidence for which may well have passed away<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg&nbsp;256]</a></span>
+with the development of totemism, without leaving
+survivals.</p>
+
+<p>All these theories, however, are the result of considerable
+research and experience, and it is more than
+probable that they may each contain fragments of the
+truth which need the touch of combination to show how
+they stand in relation to the problem which they are
+propounded to solve. There are features of totemism
+which are not noticed by any of these distinguished
+authorities. By using the hitherto unnoticed features,
+I think it possible to produce a theory as to the origin
+of totemism, which will contain the essential features of
+those theories now prominently before the world.</p>
+
+<p>I will set down the order in which the problem can
+be approached from the standpoint already reached,
+and we may afterwards try to ascertain what proof is
+to be derived from totemic societies of the rudest type.</p>
+
+<p>Now totemism is essentially a system of social grouping,
+whose chief characteristic is that it is kinless&mdash;that
+is to say, the tie of totemism is not the tie of blood
+kinship, but the artificially created association with
+natural objects or animals. It takes no count of fatherhood,
+and only reckons with the physical fact of motherhood.
+It is not the actual fatherhood or the actual
+motherhood which is the fundamental basis of totemism,
+but the association with animal, plant, or other
+natural object. This is evidently the fact, whatever
+view is taken of totemism, and that totemism is, in its
+origin and principle, a kinless, not a kinship system,
+is the first fact of importance to bear in mind throughout
+all inquiry. Thus Messrs. Spencer and Gillen say
+"the identity of the human individual is often sunk<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg&nbsp;257]</a></span>
+in that of the animal or plant from which he is supposed
+to have originated."<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a></p>
+
+<p>The next fact of importance is that as it commences at
+birth time, it must be closely associated with the mother
+and her actions as mother. This leads us to the
+observation that it is through the agency of the mother
+that the totem name is conferred upon their children, and
+to the necessary antecedent fact that women must have
+themselves possessed the name they conferred&mdash;possessed,
+that is, either the name as a personal attribute
+and valued as such, or else the power of evolving the
+name and the capacity of using it with totemic significance.
+I conclude from this, therefore, that the search
+for the origin of totemism must be made from the
+women's side of the social group. Such a search
+would lead straight to the industrialism of early woman,
+from which originated the domestication of animals,
+the cultivation of fruits and cereals, and the appropriation
+of such trees and shrubs as were necessary to
+primitive economics.<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> The close and intimate relationship
+with human life which such animals, plants, and
+trees would assume under the social conditions which
+have been postulated as belonging to this earliest stage
+of evolution, and the aid which these friendly and
+always present companions would render at all times
+and under most circumstances, would generate and develop
+many of those savage conceptions which have
+become known to research. As human friends they
+would become part of humanity, just as Livingstone<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg&nbsp;258]</a></span>
+notes of an African people that they did not eat the
+beef which he offered to them because "they looked
+upon cattle as human and living at home like men,"<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a>
+an idea which is also the basis of the custom in India
+not to taste fruit of a newly planted mangrove tree
+until it is formally "married" to some other tree.<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a>
+These are but the fortunate instances where definite
+record in set terms has been made. At the back of
+them lies a whole collection of anthropomorphic conceptions,
+indulged in by man at all stages of his career.<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg&nbsp;259]</a></span>
+As superhuman agencies for pregnancy and birth, they
+would do what the human father in the society we are
+contemplating could not be expected to do, for he
+would be seldom present during the long period of
+pregnancy; he would have shared with other males
+the privileges of sexual intercourse, and he would
+therefore not be so closely in companionship with the
+women of the local groups as the friendly animal,
+plant, or tree who did so much for the mothers. There
+would thus be formed the groundwork for the fashioning
+of that most incredible of all beliefs, well founded,
+as Mr. Hartland has proved both from tradition and
+belief,<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> that the human father was not father, and that
+other agencies were responsible for the birth of
+children.</p>
+
+<p>Gathering up the several threads of this argument, it
+seems to me that there is within this sphere of primitive
+thought and within these conditions of primitive life,
+ample room for the growth of all the main conceptions
+belonging to totemism; and it will be seen how necessary
+it is to separate totemism at its beginning from
+totemism in its most advanced stages. Totemism has
+not come to man fully equipped in all its parts. It
+is like every other human institution, the result of a
+long process of development, and the various stages of
+development are important parts of the evidence as to
+origins. At the beginning, it was clearly not connected
+with blood kinship and descent; it was as clearly not
+connected with any class system of marriage. But its
+beginnings would allow of these later growths, would
+perhaps almost engender these later growths.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg&nbsp;260]</a></span>
+Thus, the primary notion of the totem birth of
+children would, when blood kinship and descent became
+a consciously accepted element in social development,
+easily slide into the belief of a totemic ancestor
+and kinship with the totem; the protection and assistance
+afforded by the totem to the women of the primary
+groups who became the mothers of new generations,
+would easily grow into a sort of worship of the totem;
+the adoption of the totem name from the circumstances
+of birth implying the origin of the name from within
+the group and not from without would, as aggregation
+took the place of segregation, give way before the
+association of groups of persons with common interests;
+the aggregate totem name would come to the separate
+local totems as soon as, but not before, aggregation had
+taken the place of segregation in the formation of the
+social system, and this was not at the earliest stage; the
+close association of the totems with groups of mothers
+who always took the fathers of their children from
+without the mother group, would readily develop into
+differentiating the mother totems within the group
+from the totems of the fathers without the group,
+and this differentiation would produce a special relationship
+between the sexes based upon the difference of
+totems instead of upon the sameness of them; and
+finally there would be produced first a two-class division
+founded on sex&mdash;all the mothers and all the fathers&mdash;and,
+only in a developed form, a two-class division
+founded on the accepted totem name.</p>
+
+<p>If this is a probable view of the course of totemic
+evolution, we may more confidently refer to its final
+stages for further evidence. Advanced totemic society<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg&nbsp;261]</a></span>
+shows a constant tendency to substitute blood kinship
+for the association with natural objects: first, blood
+kinship with the mother, then with the mother and the
+father, finally recognised through the father only. At
+this last stage, blood kinship has practically succeeded
+in expelling totemic association altogether in favour of
+tribal kinship by blood descent, for totemism with male
+descent as the basis of the social group is totemism in
+name only; the names of totemism remain but they are
+applied to kinship tribes or sections of tribes, and they
+do duty therefore as a convenient name-system without
+reference to their origin in definite association with the
+naming animal or plant; and it is already in position
+to surrender also the names and outward signs. Blood
+kinship is therefore the destroyer, not the generator, of
+totemism, and we are therefore compelled to get at
+the back of blood kinship if we want to find totem
+beginnings.</p>
+
+<p>This is an important aspect of the case, and it is one
+which, I think, cannot be ignored. We have found
+that rudimentary totemism was the basis of a social
+system founded on artificial associations with animal or
+plant, was therefore kinless in character; and we have
+found that when totemism has been carried on into
+a society developed upon the recognition of blood kinship,
+blood kinship became antagonistic to totemism,
+and ultimately displaced it. These two facts point to
+the rudimentary kinless system as the true origin of
+totemism.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg&nbsp;262]</a></span></p>
+<h4>III</h4>
+
+<p>Now we may test these conclusions by applying the
+theory they contain to an actual case of totemic society.
+It would be well to choose for this purpose a people
+who had specialised their totemic organisation, and
+there are only two supreme instances of this among the
+races of the world&mdash;the North American Indians and
+the Australians. Everywhere else, where totemism
+exists, it is not the dominant feature of the social
+organisation. In Asia and in Africa totemism is subordinate
+to, or at all events in close or equal association
+with, other elements, and we cannot be quite sure
+that we have in these cases pure totemism. North
+American totemism is in the most advanced stage.
+Australian totemism is to a very considerable degree
+less advanced, and it is therefore to Australian totemism
+I shall turn for evidence.</p>
+
+<p>But even here it is necessary to bear in mind that
+primitive as the Australians are, they are not so primitive
+as to be in the primary stages of totemic society.
+They have developed, and developed strongly along
+totemic lines, and we know that such development
+once started has the capacity to proceed far. What we
+have to do, therefore, is to attempt to penetrate beneath
+the range of development, to search for the social
+group at the farthest from the centre point from which
+migration started, to discover, if we can, relics of group
+hostility, hostile capture of women and of kinless
+society, all of which belong to the primary stage from
+which totemic development has taken place. If we
+can do this, we may hope to arrive at the origin of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg&nbsp;263]</a></span>
+totemism, and we are more likely to accomplish it in
+the case of the Australians than with any other people.
+If we cannot, as Mr. Lang alleges, anywhere see
+"absolutely primitive man and a totemic system in the
+making,"<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> we may go back along the lines from which
+totemism has developed in Australian society and see
+somewhat of the process of the making.</p>
+
+<p>We may commence with evidence of the survival of
+the most primitive human trait, the condition of hostility
+among the local groups produced by the struggle
+for women. "The possession of a girl appears to
+be connected with all their ideas of fighting ...
+after a battle the girls do not always follow their
+fugitive husbands from the field, but frequently go
+over as a matter of course to the victors, even with
+young children on their backs."<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> Mr. Curr puts the
+evidence even more definitely in a primitive setting
+when he informs us of "the young bachelors of the
+tribe carrying off some of the girl wives of the grey-beards,"
+leaving the old territory and settling at the
+first convenient place within thirty or forty miles of the
+old territory. I call this state of things "survival,"<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a>
+because it is the existence in totemic society of the
+fundamental basis of pre-totemic society. It is checked
+in Australian totemic society by rules which show a
+strong development from the primitive. Thus the
+successful warrior may not take any of his captives
+to himself; "if a warrior took to himself a captive who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg&nbsp;264]</a></span>
+belonged to a forbidden class, he would be hunted
+down like a wild beast," is the evidence of Mr. Fison,
+who allows it to be "a strong statement, but it rests
+upon strong evidence."<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> This is the exogamous class
+system operating even in the case of conflict, when
+men have resorted to their primitive instincts and their
+primitive methods.</p>
+
+<p>This discovery of primitive hostility accompanying the
+obtaining of wives leads us to look for other survivals
+of the earliest conditions, and we come upon mother-right
+groups in which the females in each local group
+are the sexual companions of males from outside their
+own social group. This is shown by the Kamilaroi
+organisation, where "a woman is married to a thousand
+miles of husbands."<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> This phrase may be textually an
+exaggeration of actual fact, but it undoubtedly expresses
+a condition of things which actually existed. Women
+in Australian society must look outside their class, and
+in general outside their totem, for their sexual mates, and
+they must expect to be claimed as rightful sexual mates
+by men whom they have never seen and who live at great
+distances. Carry this state of things but a few steps
+back, and we must come to a condition of localised
+female groups with males moving from group to group.
+Surely there is something more here than savage
+organisation. The something more is the development
+into a system of one of the results of the enforced
+migratory conditions of early man, namely, the migratory
+instincts of the males moving outside the
+female local groups and thus producing natural<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg&nbsp;265]</a></span>
+exogamy. This is what appears to me to be clearly a
+distinct element in the Australian system. But there
+is a new element in juxtaposition with it. The new
+element is the organisation into marriage classes&mdash;not
+every man from without, but only special men from
+without, are allowed the sexual companionship.</p>
+
+<p>Now in both these cases, where we have apparently
+penetrated to the most primitive conditions, we are also
+brought up abruptly against conditions which are not
+primitive, namely, the exogamous class system, and
+we are bound to conclude that this class system thus
+shows itself to be an intruding force which has not,
+however, been strong enough to quite obliterate the
+older forces of hostile marriage-capture and mother-right
+society.</p>
+
+<p>Our next quest is therefore to find out, if we can, an
+explanation of these two contrasted elements in Australian
+totemic society, and for this purpose it is advisable
+to still further narrow down the range of inquiry to one
+special section of the Australian peoples. For this
+purpose I shall take the Arunta. There has been much
+controversy about this people. Mr. Lang argues that
+the presence of exogamous classes and male descent
+shows the Arunta to be more advanced than other
+Australian peoples;<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a> Messrs. Spencer and Gillen that
+the survival of totem beliefs, which are local and unconnected
+with the class system, proves them to be
+the least advanced. In this country Mr. Hartland and
+Mr. Thomas side with Mr. Lang; Mr. Frazer with
+Messrs. Spencer and Gillen.</p>
+
+<p>The first point of importance to note about the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg&nbsp;266]</a></span>
+Arunta people is that they occupy the least favourable
+districts for food supply.<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> This means that they have
+been pushed there. They did not choose such a location&mdash;in
+other words, they are among the last units of
+the migration movements which peopled Australia; they
+are among the last people to have become stationary as
+a group, and to have been compelled to resort to the
+development of social organisation in lieu of constantly
+swarming off from the centre or from the last stopping
+place to the ends. This tells for primitive, not advanced,
+conditions.</p>
+
+<p>The next point is the totem system. Messrs. Spencer
+and Gillen, describing one special case as an example
+of the rest, give us the following particulars. The
+Arunta believe that the most marked features of the
+district they inhabit, the gaps and the gorges, were
+formed by their Alcheringa ancestors. These Alcheringa
+are represented as collected together in companies,
+each of which consisted of a certain number of individuals
+belonging to one particular totem. Each of
+these Alcheringa ancestors carried about with him or
+her one or more of the sacred stones called churinga.
+These are the general traditions related by the Arunta
+of to-day to explain their own customs, and let it be
+noted that the explanation does not necessarily lead us
+to the primitive conceptions of the Arunta people, but
+to their present conceptions as to unknown facts. The
+local example is found close to Alice Springs, where
+there are deposited a large number of churinga carried
+by the witchetty grub men and women. A large
+number of prominent rocks and boulders, and certain<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg&nbsp;267]</a></span>
+ancient gum trees, are the nanja trees and rocks of
+these spirits. If a woman conceives a child after having
+been near to this gap, it is one of these spirit individuals
+which has entered her body, and when born must of
+necessity be of the witchetty grub totem; "it is, in
+fact, nothing else but the reincarnation of one of the
+witchetty grub people of the Alcheringa;" the nanja
+tree, or stone, ever afterwards is the nanja of the child,
+and there is special connection between it and the child,
+injury to the nanja object meaning injury to the nanja
+man.<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> There is evidence that the reincarnation theory
+is not admissible,<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a> and, indeed, it does not seem
+warranted on the facts presented by the authors. With
+this unnecessary element out of the way, then, there is
+left a system of local totemism, arising at birth and
+depending upon the mother, without reference in any
+way to the father, associated with natural features, rocks
+and trees, and showing in a special way a curious
+system of sex cleavage by the men of the group being
+the exclusive guardians of the sacred churinga, and the
+women the active power by which the churinga becomes
+connected with the newly-born member of the totem
+group.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now at this point we may surely refer back to the
+custom and belief of the Semang people of the Malay
+Peninsula, and I suggest that we have the closest
+parallel between Semang belief and custom and Arunta
+totemism, not quite the same formula perhaps, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg&nbsp;268]</a></span>
+assuredly the same fundamental conception of every
+child at birth being in intimate association with objects
+of nature, and this association being the determining
+force of the newly-born man's social status and class,
+lasting all through life. In each case the kinless
+basis of totemism is thus fully shown. The totem
+names given by women, or assumed on account of the
+conditions attachable to women as mothers, did not
+extend to the human fathers. The fathers may be
+known or unknown to the mothers, but they did not
+become associated with the totems which the mothers
+associated with their children. To the extent of fatherhood,
+therefore, totemism of this type was clearly not
+based upon the natural fact of blood kinship, but upon
+the conscious adoption of a non-kinship form of society.
+To the extent of motherhood also it was not based upon
+blood kinship, for it was the local totem, not the
+mother's totem, which became the totem of the newly-born
+member of the group. We thus have an entirely
+non-kinship form of society to deal with, a kinless
+society, "where there is no necessary relationship
+of any kind between that of children and parents."<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a>
+Primitive man consciously adapted certain of his observations
+of nature to his social needs, and among
+these observations the fact of actual blood kinship
+with father and mother played no part. It would appear
+therefore that totemism at its foundation was
+based upon a theoretical conception of relationship
+between man and animal or plant. Place of birth,
+association with natural objects, not motherhood and
+not fatherhood, are the determining factors.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg&nbsp;269]</a></span>
+We may proceed to inquire as to the social form
+which has become evolved from this kinless system.</p>
+
+<p>In the case of the Semangs we have the kinless
+totemic belief and custom existing within a kinless
+society. In the case of the Arunta we have the kinless
+totemism existing in a society based on a kinless
+organisation still, but containing also full recognition
+of motherhood,<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a> and perhaps recognition of physical
+fatherhood.<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> There is, therefore, an important distinction
+in the social position of the two parallel systems.
+Among the Semang people, their totemic belief and
+custom do not carry with them a superstructure of
+society. They form the substantive cult of the
+scattered social groups, which are kinless groups dependent
+upon ties local in character and derived from
+the conscious use of the facts of nature surrounding
+them. Among the Arunta people, on the contrary, the
+totem belief and custom are contained within a social
+system of extraordinary dimensions and proportions.
+Of course, the obvious questions to raise are&mdash;have the
+Semang people lost a once existing social system connected
+with their totemic cult? Have the Arunta
+people had imposed upon them a social system which
+has not destroyed their primitive totemic cult?</p>
+
+<p>To answer these questions I can only deal with
+the Semang evidence as it appears in researches of
+great authority and weight, and there is undoubtedly
+in all the evidence produced by Messrs. Skeat and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg&nbsp;270]</a></span>
+Blagden, and the authorities they use, nothing whatever
+to suggest that Semang totemism once possessed
+above it an elaborate social organisation of the usual
+totemic type. There is indeed, the myth which points
+to a two-class exogamous division for marital purposes,<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a>
+but there is more than myth for the unrestricted
+intercourse of the sexes both before and after marital
+rights.<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a> In every other direction we get simple
+groups fashioned on no larger basis than nomadic
+roaming and journeying to fresh food grounds. On
+the other hand, there is much to suggest that the
+Arunta have a dual system of organisation; one, in
+which the primitive types are still surviving, the
+second, a more advanced type which covers but does
+not crush out the first. If this is so, it is clear that
+the parallel between Semang and Arunta totemism is
+considerably closer than at first appears.</p>
+
+<p>It will be necessary, therefore, to deal with the two
+principal signs of alleged Arunta progress, male
+descent and the exogamous classes. I see no evidence
+whatever of male descent; male ascendancy, a very
+different thing, appears, but there cannot strictly be
+male descent where fatherhood is unrecognised. And
+here I would interpose the remark that the use of the
+term descent, male descent and female descent, in
+these studies is far too indiscriminate.<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a> Descent means
+succession by blood kinship by acknowledged sons or
+daughters, and this is exactly what does not always<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg&nbsp;271]</a></span>
+occur. Sonship and daughtership in our sense of the
+term are not always known to savagery. They were
+not known to the Arunta males, for fatherhood was
+not recognised by them and motherhood was not definitely
+used in the social sense. All that the Arunta
+can be said to have developed is a mother-right society
+with male ascendancy in the group.<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> Group sons
+succeeded to group fathers, but individual descent
+from father to son there is not.</p>
+
+<p>There remain the exogamous classes. In the first
+place, it is necessary to get rid of a difficulty raised by
+Mr. Lang. "In no tribe with female descent can a
+district have its local totem as among the Arunta....
+This can only occur under male reckoning of descent."<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a>
+But surely so acute an observer as Mr. Lang would
+see that with female descent right through, as it exists
+among the Khasia and Kocch people of Assam, local
+totem centres are just as possible as with male descent.
+Mr. Lang is conscious of some discrepancy here, for
+a little later on he repeats the statement that local totem
+centres "can only occur and exist under male reckoning
+of descent," but adds the significant qualification
+"in cases where the husbands do not go to the
+<ins class="correction" title="apostrophe missing in original">wives'</ins>
+region of abode."<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> This is the whole point. Where
+husbands do go to the wives' region of abode, as they
+do among the Khasis and the Kocch, female descent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg&nbsp;272]</a></span>
+would allow of the formation of local totem centres.
+This is not far from the position of the Arunta. They
+are mother-right societies. The mother secures the
+totem name. The father, <i>de facto</i>, is not father according
+to the ideas of the Arunta people, is at best
+only one of a group of possible fathers according to
+the practices of the Arunta people. Therefore, the
+local totem centre is formed out of a system which may
+be called a mother-right system for the purpose of
+scientific description, but which is not even a mother-right
+system to the natives, because motherhood is not
+the foundation of the local group.</p>
+
+<p>Secondly, we have the important fact, which Mr.
+Lang has duly noted, though he does not apparently
+see its significance in the argument as to origins, that
+the class system "arose in a given centre and was
+propagated by emigrants and was borrowed by distant
+tribes."<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> Messrs. Spencer and Gillen distinctly affirm
+that the "division into eight has been adopted (or
+rather the names for the four new divisions have been)
+in recent times by the Arunta tribe from the Ilpirra
+tribe which adjoins the former on the north, and the
+use of them is at the present time spreading southwards."<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a>
+This view is supported by the widespread
+organisation of eaglehawk and crow, and by the
+general homogeneity of Australian social forms. It is
+clear, therefore, that room is made for the external
+organisation of the class system and the consequent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg&nbsp;273]</a></span>
+production of the dual characteristics of the Arunta&mdash;the
+joint product of the fossilisation of mother-right
+society at the end of the migration movement, and the
+superimposing upon this fossilisation, with its tendency
+towards the class system, of the fully organised class
+system. The two systems are not now fully welded in
+the Arunta group. Whatever view is taken of these,
+whether they be considered advanced or primal, the
+undoubted dualism has to be accounted for, and the
+best way of accounting for this dualism is, I submit,
+that of differential evolution. Further study of Messrs.
+Spencer and Gillen's work, together with the criticisms
+of various scholars, Mr. Lang, Mr. Hartland, Mr.
+Frazer, Mr. Thomas, and others, convinces me that
+the extreme artificiality of the class system is due
+partly to a want of understanding of the entire facts,
+and partly to the <i>ad hoc</i> adoption by the natives themselves
+of new plans to meet difficulties which must
+arise out of a too close adhesion to their rules. Mr.
+Lang has allowed me to see a manuscript note of his,
+in which he points out that the inevitable result of
+the one totem to the one totem rule of marital relationship,&mdash;that
+is, totem A always intermarrying with
+totem B, males and females from both totems, and
+with no others,&mdash;is the consanguineous relationship of
+all the members of the two totems. The rule for non-consanguineous
+marriage has therefore broken down,
+and when it breaks down the Australian introduces a
+new rule which satisfies immediate necessities. When
+this in turn breaks down a further new rule is made,
+and this is the way I think the differing rules resulted.
+They represent, therefore, not varying degrees of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg&nbsp;274]</a></span>
+culture progress, but only varying degrees of artificial
+social changes, and they spring from the oldest conditions
+of all where there is no class system at all.<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> Arunta
+society is not a "sport" under this view, but a product&mdash;a
+product to be accounted for and explained by
+anthropological rules, derived not only from Australian
+society but from the general facts of human society
+which have remained for observation by the science of
+to-day. The parallel between Semang and Arunta,
+therefore, helps us in two ways. It enables us to go back
+to Semang totemism as an example of primitive kinless
+society, and forward to Arunta totemism as an example of
+early development therefrom. We have, in point of fact,
+discovered the datum line of totemism. Upon this
+may be constructed the various examples according to
+their degrees of development, and we may thus see in
+detail the commencing elements of totemism as well
+as the means by which we may proceed from the commencing
+elements to the more advanced elements, and
+finally to the last stages of totemic society where
+blood kinship is fully recognised and used, where, in
+fact, totemic tribes as distinct from totemic peoples
+take their place in the world's history.</p>
+
+
+<h4>IV</h4>
+
+<p>I do not propose in this chapter to proceed further
+with this inquiry. It will not advance my object, nor
+is it absolutely necessary. Totemism in the full has
+been described adequately by Mr. Frazer in his valuable
+abstract of the evidence supplied from all parts of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg&nbsp;275]</a></span>
+the world, and there is not much in dispute among the
+authorities when once the stage of origin is passed.
+There is danger, however, at the other extreme,
+namely, the attempt to discover totemism in impossible
+places in civilisation. Mr. Morgan has shown us totemic
+society in its highest form of development, untouched
+by other influences of sufficient consequence to divert
+its natural evolution. This, I think, is the merit of
+Mr. Morgan's great work, and not his attempt, his
+futile attempt as I think, to apply the principles of
+totemic society to the elucidation of societies that have
+long passed the stage of totemism. In particular, the
+great European civilisations are not totemic, nor are
+they to be seen passing from totemism. It is true that
+Mr. Lang, Mr. Grant Allen, and others have attempted
+to trace in certain features of Greek ritual and belief,
+and in certain tribal formations discoverable in Anglo-Saxon
+Britain, the relics of a living totemism in the
+civilised races of Europe;<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> but I do not believe
+either of these scholars would have endorsed his
+early conclusions in later studies. Mr. Grant Allen
+did not, so far as I know, repeat this theory after
+its first publication, and Mr. Lang has given many
+signs of being willing to withdraw it. The fact is,
+there is no necessity to think of Greek or English
+totem society because in Greece and England there
+are traces of totem beliefs. We may disengage them
+from their national position and put them back to the
+position they occupied before the coming of Greek or
+Englishman into the countries they have made their own.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg&nbsp;276]</a></span>
+In that position there may well have been totemic
+peoples in Britain of the type we have been considering
+from Australia. I have already indicated that totemic
+survivals in folklore have been the subject of a special
+study of my own which still in the main stands good,
+and for which I have collected very many additional
+illustrations and proofs. I discovered that folklore
+contained some remarkably perfect examples of totemic
+belief and custom, and also a considerable array of
+scattered belief and custom connected with animals
+and plants which, unclassified, seemed to lead to no
+definite stage of culture history, yet when classified,
+undoubtedly led to totemism. The result was somewhat
+remarkable. At many points there are direct parallels
+to savage totemism, and the whole associated group of
+customs received adequate explanation only on the
+theory that it represented the detritus of a once existing
+totemic system of belief.</p>
+
+<p>The present study enables me to take the parallel to
+primitive totemism much closer. One of the perfect
+examples was of a local character. This was found in
+Ossory. Giraldus Cambrensis tells an extraordinary
+legend to the following effect: "A priest benighted in
+a wood on the borders of Meath was confronted by a
+wolf, who after some preliminary explanations gave
+this account of himself: There are two of us, a man
+and a woman, natives of Ossory, who through the
+curse of one Natalis, saint and abbot, are compelled
+every seven years to put off the human form and
+depart from the dwellings of men. Quitting entirely
+the human form, we assume that of wolves. At the
+end of the seven years, if they chance to survive, two<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg&nbsp;277]</a></span>
+others being substituted in their places, they return to
+their country and their former shape."<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> Here is a
+saintly legend introduced to explain the current tradition
+of the men of Ossory, that they periodically
+turned into wolves. Fynes Moryson, in 1603, ridiculed
+the beliefs of "some Irish who will be believed as men
+of credit," that men in Ossory were "yearly turned
+into wolves."<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> But an ancient Irish MS. puts the
+matter much more clearly in the statement that the
+"descendants of the wolf are in Ossory,"<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> while the
+evidence of Spenser and Camden explains the popular
+beliefs upon even more exact lines. Spenser says
+"that some of the Irish doe use to make the wolf
+their gossip;"<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> and Camden adds that they term them
+"Chari Christi, praying for them and wishing them
+well, and having contracted this intimacy, professed to
+have no fear from their four-footed allies." Fynes
+Moryson expressly mentions the popular dislike to
+killing wolves, and they were not extirpated until the
+eighteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> Aubrey adds that "in Ireland
+they value the fang-tooth of an wolfe, which they set in
+silver and gold as we doe ye Coralls;"<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> and Camden
+notes the similar use of a bit of wolf's skin.<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the local superstitions of Ossory, therefore, we
+have several of the cardinal features of savage totemism,
+the descent from the totem-animal, the ascription<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg&nbsp;278]</a></span>
+to the totem of a sacred character, the belief in its protection,
+and a taboo against killing it. I will venture
+to suggest, however, that to these important features
+there is to be added a parallel in survival to the Semang
+and Arunta features where the local circumstances of
+birth are the determining forces which supply the
+totem name, for the relationship of "gossip," "god-sib,"
+is clearly of the same character as that of the
+soul-tree of the Semang and the alcheringa of the
+Australian.<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> The condition of survival has altered the
+detail of the parallel, but the parallel is on the same
+plane.</p>
+
+<p>The wolf as gossip to the men of Ossory leads us on
+to inquire whether any other animal had such close
+connections with human beings. In Erris, a part of
+Connaught, "the people consider that foxes perfectly
+understand human language, that they can be propitiated
+by kindness, and even moved by flattery. They
+not only make mittens for Reynard's feet to keep him
+warm in winter, and deposit these articles carefully
+near their holes, but they make them sponsors for
+their children, supposing that under the close and long-established
+relationship of Gossipred they will be
+induced to befriend them."<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> Thus it appears that the
+selfsame conception which the men of Ossory had in
+the thirteenth century for the wolf, the men of Erris<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg&nbsp;279]</a></span>
+had for the fox in the nineteenth century. No explanation
+from the dry details of the natural history
+of these animals is sufficient to account for this curious
+parallel, and we must turn to ancient beliefs for the
+explanation.</p>
+
+<p>The general attitude of the men of Erris towards the
+fox is confirmed as an attribute of totemism when we
+come to examine a special local form of it. This we
+can do by turning to Galway. The Claddagh fishermen
+in Galway would not go out to fish if they
+saw a fox: their rivals of a neighbouring village, not
+believing in the fox, do all they can to introduce a fox
+into the Claddagh village.<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> These people are peculiar
+in many respects, and are distinctively clannish. They
+retain their old clan-dress&mdash;blue cloaks and red petticoats&mdash;which
+distinguishes them from the rest of the
+county of Galway, and it may be conjectured that the
+present-day custom of naming from the names of fish&mdash;thus,
+Jack the hake, Bill the cod, Joe the eel, Pat the
+trout, Mat the turbot, etc.<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a>&mdash;may be a remnant of the
+mental attitude of the folk towards that belief in kinship
+between men and animals which is at the basis
+of totemism. But, returning to the fox, we have in
+the belief that meeting this animal would prevent them
+from going out to fish, a parallel to the prohibition
+against looking at the totem which is to be found
+among savage people, and we have in the neighbours'
+disbelief in the fox and a corresponding belief in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg&nbsp;280]</a></span>
+hare,<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> that local distribution of different totems which
+is also found in savagery. But all these particulars
+about the relationship of the fox to the Claddagh
+fishermen receive unexpected light when we inquire
+into the biography of their local saint, named MacDara.
+This saint is the patron saint of the fishermen
+who, when passing MacDara's island, always dip
+their sails thrice to avoid being shipwrecked. But
+then, in the folk-belief, we have this remarkable fact,
+that MacDara's real name was Sinach, a fox<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a>&mdash;an
+instance, it would seem, of a totem cult being transferred
+to a Christian saint. Thus, then, in the superstitions
+of these Claddagh fisherfolk we can trace the
+elements of totemism, the root of which is contained,
+first, in the nominal worship of a Christian saint, and
+second, in the actual worship of an animal, the fox.</p>
+
+<p>These examples of local totemism may be followed by
+a remarkable example of tribal or kinship totemism.
+It was noted by Mr. G.&nbsp;H. Kinahan in his researches
+for Irish folklore, and is mentioned quite incidentally
+among other items, the collector himself not fully
+perceiving the importance of his "find." This really
+enhances the value of the evidence, because it destroys
+any possibility of an objection to its validity&mdash;a really
+important matter, considering the remarkable character
+of this survival of totem-stocks in Western Europe.
+The exact words of Mr. Kinahan are as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"In very ancient times some of the clan Coneely,
+one of the early septs of the county, were changed by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg&nbsp;281]</a></span>
+'art magick' into seals; since then no Coneely can
+kill a seal without afterwards having bad luck. Seals
+are called Coneelys, and on this account many of
+the name changed it to Connolly."<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> The same local
+tradition is mentioned by Hardiman in one of his
+notes to O'Flaherty's <i>Description of West or H-iar
+Connaught</i>,<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> but the note is equally significant of
+genuineness from the fact that the tradition is styled<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg&nbsp;282]</a></span>
+"a ridiculous story." It strengthens Mr. Kinahan's
+note in the following passage: "In some places the
+story has its believers, who would no more kill a seal,
+or eat of a slaughtered one, than they would of a human
+Coneely."</p>
+
+<p>The clan Coneely is mentioned both by Mr. Kinahan
+and by Mr. Hardiman as one of the oldest Irish septs;
+and that it is widely spread, and not congregated into
+one locality, is to be inferred from the description of
+the tradition as prevalent in Connaught, especially
+from Mr. Hardiman's words, describing that "in some
+places" the story has its believers now; and hence
+we may conclude that wherever the clan Coneely are
+situated there would exist this totem belief.</p>
+
+<p>The full significance of these facts may best be tested
+by reference to the conditions laid down by Dr.
+Robertson Smith for the discovery of the survivals
+of totemism among the Semitic races. These conditions
+are as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"'(1) The existence of stocks named after plants and
+animals'&mdash;such stocks, it is necessary to add, being scattered
+through many local tribes; (2) the prevalence of the
+conception that the members of the stock are of the blood
+of the eponym animal, or are sprung from a plant of the
+species chosen as totem; (3) the ascription to the totem of
+a sacred character which may result in its being regarded
+as the god of the stock, but at any rate makes it be regarded
+with veneration, so that, for example, a totem animal is not
+used as ordinary food. If we can find all these things
+together in the same tribe, the proof of totemism is complete;
+but even when this cannot be done, the proof may be
+morally complete if all the three marks of totemism are
+found well developed within the same race. In many cases,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg&nbsp;283]</a></span>
+however, we can hardly expect to find all the marks of
+totemism in its primitive form; the totem, for example, may
+have become first an animal god, and then an anthropomorphic
+god, with animal attributes or associations merely."<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>Now in the Irish case all three of these conditions
+are found together in the same tribe, the clan Coneely,
+and it is impossible to overlook the importance of such
+a discovery. It proves from survivals in folklore that
+totemistic people once lived in ancient Ireland, just as
+the corresponding evidence proved that the ancient
+Semitic stock possessed the totemic organisation.</p>
+
+<p>We have now examined the most archaic forms of
+the survival of totemism in Britain. If we pass on
+to inquire whether we can detect the more scattered
+and decayed remnants of totem beliefs and customs,
+we turn to Mr. Frazer as our guide. From Mr.
+Frazer's review of the beliefs and customs incidental
+to the totemistic organisation of savage people, it is
+possible to extract a formula for ascertaining the classification
+of savage beliefs and practices incidental to
+totemism. This formula appears to me to properly fall
+into the following groups:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>(<i>a</i>) Descent from the totem.</p>
+
+<p>(<i>b</i>) Restrictions against injuring the totem.</p>
+
+<p>(<i>c</i>) Restrictions against using the totem for food.</p>
+
+<p>(<i>d</i>) The petting and preservation of totems.</p>
+
+<p>(<i>e</i>) The mourning for and burying of totems.</p>
+
+<p>(<i>f</i>) Penalties for non-respect of totem.</p>
+
+<p>(<i>g</i>) Assistance by the totem to his kin.</p>
+
+<p>(<i>h</i>) Assumption of totem marks.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg&nbsp;284]</a></span>
+(<i>i</i>) Assumption of totem dress.</p>
+
+<p>(<i>j</i>) Assumption of totem names.</p></div>
+
+<p>My suggestion is that if a reasonable proportion of
+the superstitions and customs attaching to animals and
+plants, preserved to us as folklore, can be classified
+under these heads this is exactly what might be expected
+if the origin of such superstitions and customs is to be
+sought for in a primitive system of totemism which
+prevailed amongst the people once occupying these
+islands. The clan Coneely and the Ossory wolves are
+proofs that such a system existed, and if such perfect
+survivals have been able to descend to modern times,
+in spite of the influences of civilisation, there is no
+<i>prim&acirc; facie</i> reason why the beliefs and customs incidental
+to such a system should not have survived, even
+though they are no longer to be identified with special
+clans. When once a primitive belief or custom becomes
+separated from its original surroundings, it would be
+liable to change. Thus, when the wolf totem of Ossory
+passes into a local cultus, we meet with the belief that
+human beings may be transformed into animal forms,
+as the derivative from the totem belief in descent from
+the wolf. Fortunately, the process by which this
+change took place is discernible in the Ossory example;
+but it will not be so in other examples, and
+we may therefore assume that the Ossory example
+represents the transitional form and apply it as a key
+to the origin of similar beliefs elsewhere.</p>
+
+<p>Again, if we endeavour to discover how the associated
+totem-beliefs of the clan Coneely would appear
+in folklore supposing they had been scattered by the
+influences of civilisation, we can see that at the various<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg&nbsp;285]</a></span>
+places where members of the clan had resided for some
+time there would be preserved fragments of the once
+perfect totem-belief. Thus, one place would retain traditions
+about a fabulous animal who could change into
+human form; another place would preserve beliefs about
+its being unlucky to kill a seal (or some other animal
+specially connected with the locality); another place
+would preserve a superstitious regard for the seal (or
+some other local animal) as an augury; and thus the
+process of transference of beliefs into folklore, from
+one form into other related forms, from one particular
+object connected with the clan to several objects connected
+with the localities, would go on from time to
+time, until the difficulty of tracing the original of the
+scattered beliefs and customs would be well-nigh insurmountable
+without some key. But having once
+proved the existence of such examples as the clan
+Coneely and the Ossory wolves, this difficulty, though
+still great, is very much lessened. Our method would
+be as follows. We first of all postulate that totem
+peoples did actually exist in ancient Britain, or whence
+such extraordinary survivals? We next examine and
+classify the beliefs and customs which are incidental to
+totemism in savage society, and having set these forth
+by the aid of Mr. Frazer's admirable study on the
+subject, we ascertain what parallels to these beliefs and
+customs may be found in the folklore of Britain. And
+then our position seems to be very clearly defined. We
+prove that in folklore certain customs and superstitions
+are identical, or nearly so, with the beliefs and customs
+of totemism among savage tribes, and we conclude that
+this identity in form proves an identity in origin, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg&nbsp;286]</a></span>
+therefore that this section of folklore originated from
+the totemistic people of early Britain.</p>
+
+<p>I shall not take up all these points on the present
+occasion, especially as they have in all essentials appeared
+in the study to which I have referred; but as an
+example of the scattering of totem beliefs I will refer
+to the well-known passage in C&aelig;sar (lib. v. cap. xii.),
+from which we learn that certain people in Britain
+were forbidden to eat the hare, the cock, or the goose,
+and see whether this does not receive its only explanation
+by reference to the totemic restriction against
+using the totem for food. Mr. Elton, with this
+passage in his mind, notices that "there were certain
+restrictions among the Britons and ancient Irish, by
+which particular nations or tribes were forbidden to
+kill or eat certain kinds of animals;" and he goes on to
+suggest that "it seems reasonable to connect the rule
+of abstaining from certain kinds of food with the
+superstitious belief that the tribes were descended from
+the animals from which their names and crests or
+badges were derived."<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a></p>
+
+<p>Let us see whether this reasonable conjecture holds
+good. The most famous example is that of Cuchulainn,
+the celebrated Irish chieftain, whose name means
+the hound of Culain. It is said that he might not eat
+of the flesh of the dog, and he came by his death
+after transgressing this totemistic taboo. The words
+of the manuscript known as the Book of Leinster are
+singularly significant in their illustration of this view.
+"And one of the things that C&uacute;chulainn was bound
+not to do was going to a cooking hearth and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg&nbsp;287]</a></span>
+consuming the food [<i>i.e.</i> the dog]; and another of the
+things that he must not do was eating his namesake's
+flesh."<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> Diarmaid, whose name seems to be
+continued in the current popular Irish name for pig
+(Darby), was intimately associated with that animal,
+and his life depended on the life of the boar.<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a>
+These examples are so much to the point that we
+may examine the cases mentioned by C&aelig;sar from
+the same standard.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Frazer points out that even among existing
+totem-tribes the respect for the totem has lessened or
+disappeared, and among the results of this he notes
+instances where, if any one kills his totem, he apologises
+to the animal. Under such an interpretation as
+this, we may surely classify a "memorandum" made
+by Bishop White-Kennett about the hare, the first of
+the British totems mentioned by C&aelig;sar: "When one
+keepes a hare alive and feedeth him till he have occasion
+to eat him, if he telles before he kills him that
+he will doe so, the hare will thereupon be found dead,
+having killed himself."<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> But respect for the hare, in
+accordance with totem ideas, was carried further than
+this at Biddenham, where, on the 22nd September, a
+little procession of villagers carried a white rabbit
+[a substitute for hare] decorated with scarlet ribbons
+through the village, singing a hymn in honour of
+St. Agatha. All the young unmarried women who
+chanced to meet the procession extended the first two<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg&nbsp;288]</a></span>
+fingers of the left hand pointing towards the rabbit, at
+the same time repeating the following doggerel:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Gustin, Gustin, lacks a bier,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Maidens, maidens, bury him here.<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a><br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>This points to a very ancient custom, not yet fully
+explained, but which clearly had for its object the
+reverential burying of a rabbit or hare. It is characteristic
+of the totem animal that it serves as an omen
+to its clansmen, and we find that the hare is an
+omen in Britain. Boudicca is said to have drawn
+an augury from a hare, taken from her bosom, and
+which when released pursued a course that was deemed
+fortunate for her attack upon the Roman army;<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> and
+in modern south Northamptonshire the running of a
+hare along the street or mainway of a village portends
+fire to some house in the immediate vicinity.<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> In 1648
+Sir Thomas Browne tells us that in his time there were
+few above three-score years that were not perplexed
+when a hare crossed their path.<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> In Wilts and in
+Scotland it was unlucky to meet a hare, but the evil
+influence did not extend after the next meal had been
+taken.<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> Then, too, the prohibition against naming
+the totem object is found in north-east Scotland
+attached to the hare, whose name may not be pronounced
+at sea, and Mr. Gregor adds the significant
+fact that some animal names and certain family names<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg&nbsp;289]</a></span>
+were never pronounced by the inhabitants of some of
+the villages, each village having an aversion to one
+or more of the words.<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> A classification of the beliefs
+and customs connected with the hare takes us, indeed,
+to almost every phase of totemistic belief, and it is
+impossible to reject such a mass of cumulative evidence.</p>
+
+<p>Of the second of the British food taboos mentioned by
+C&aelig;sar we have the most perfect illustration in the
+instance of the Irish chieftain, Conaire, who, descended
+from a fowl, was interdicted from eating its flesh.<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a></p>
+
+<p>Turning next to the goose, we find that at Great
+Crosby, in Lancashire, there is held an annual
+festival which is called the "Goose Fair," and although
+it is accompanied by great feasting, the
+singular fact remains that the goose itself, in whose
+honour the feast seems to have been held, is considered
+too sacred to eat, and is never touched by the
+villagers.<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> In Scotland also the goose was never
+eaten, being too sacred for food.<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus the hare, the fowl, and the goose have retained
+their sacred character in a special manner in various
+parts of the country, and I may add a further note of
+more general significance. In Scotland there exists
+a prejudice against eating hares and cocks and hens.<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a>
+In the south-western parts of England the peasant
+would not eat hares, rabbits, wild-fowl, or poultry,
+and when asked whence this dislike proceeds, he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg&nbsp;290]</a></span>
+asserts that it was derived from his father<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a>&mdash;the
+traditional sanction which is so essential to folklore.<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a></p>
+
+<p>The ideas surrounding these three special animals
+might be easily extended to others, but I will only
+observe that Mr. Elton, noting both the classical and
+modern accounts of certain districts in Scotland and
+Ireland where fish, though abundant, is tabooed as food,
+quotes with approval a modern suggestion that this
+abstinence was a religious observance.<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> That fish
+are carved on numerous stones is a curious commentary
+on this assertion, while another point to be noted is
+that the inhabitants of the various islands have each
+their peculiar notions as to what fish are good for
+food. Some will eat skate, some dog-fish, some eat
+limpets and razor-fish, and as a matter of course, says
+Miss Gordon Cumming, those who do not, despise
+those who do.<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> A prejudice also existed against white
+cows in Scotland, and Dalyell ventures upon the acute
+supposition that this was on account of the unlawfulness
+of consuming the product of a consecrated
+animal.<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> These are not stray notes of inexperienced
+observers, and with two centuries between them it
+must be that they contain the essence of the people's
+conception&mdash;a conception which leads us back to
+totemism for its explanation.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg&nbsp;291]</a></span>
+I do not think we could get closer to totemic beliefs
+and ideas than this, nor could we have a better example
+of the necessity of examining early historical
+data by anthropological tests and by folklore parallels.
+C&aelig;sar's words are unimportant by themselves. They
+convey nothing of any significance to the modern
+reader&mdash;a mere dietetic peculiarity which means nothing
+and counts for nothing. And yet it might be considered
+certain that C&aelig;sar knew that the details he
+recorded were of importance in the historical sense.
+He did not indicate what the importance was, probably
+because he was not aware of it; but because
+he was conscious that among the influences which
+counted with these people were the food taboos, he
+rightly recorded the facts. They have remained unconsidered
+trifles until now, when anthropology has
+brought them within the range of scientific observation,
+and they are now to be reckoned with as part
+of the material which tells of the culture conditions
+of a section of the early British peoples.</p>
+
+<p>I must here interpose a remark with reference to
+this grouping of the evidence. Apart from the significance
+of the superstitions as they are recorded in their
+bare condition among the peasantry, there is the
+additional fact to note that the superstition against
+eating or killing certain animals or birds, or against
+looking at them or naming them, etc., is not universal.
+It obtains in one place and not in another. If the injunction
+not to kill, injure, or eat a certain animal were
+simply the reflection of a universal practice, such a
+practice might originate in some attribute of the animal
+itself which characteristically would produce or tend to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg&nbsp;292]</a></span>
+produce superstition. But the spread of this class of
+superstition in certain districts, and not in others, is
+indicative of an ancient origin, and it is exactly what
+might be expected to have been produced from totem-peoples.
+Unfortunately, neither the negative evidence
+of superstitious beliefs nor the local distribution of
+superstitious beliefs has ever been considered worthy
+of attention. But some little evidence is incidentally
+forthcoming, and I would submit that this may be
+taken as indicative of what might be obtained more
+fully by further research into this neglected aspect of
+folklore. I drew Miss Burne's attention to this
+subject, and she has noted some particulars in her
+valuable <i>Shropshire Folklore</i>.<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> But for the most part
+this portion of our evidence wants picking out by a long
+and tedious process from the mass of badly recorded facts
+about popular superstitions. I do not believe in the
+generally stated opinion that certain superstitions are
+universally believed or practised. It is difficult to
+prove a negative, and such evidence is not absolutely
+scientific, but when it comes in direct antithesis to
+positive, there does not seem any harm in accepting
+it. Every class of superstition wants tracing out
+geographically, and local variants want careful
+noting. I cannot doubt if this were properly done
+that many so-called universal superstitions would be
+found to be distinctly local. In the meantime, it
+is not with universal superstitions that we have to
+deal. It is primarily with those local variants which
+show us side by side the differences of belief. It is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg&nbsp;293]</a></span>
+thus that we can afford evidence of that intermixture
+of totem-objects which is to be expected from the
+known facts of totem-beliefs and customs. Indeed,
+Mr. McLennan has laid it down that "we might
+expect that while here and there perhaps a tribe
+might appear with a single animal god, as a general
+rule tribes and nations should have as many animal
+and vegetable gods as there were distinct stocks in
+the population ... we should not expect to find the
+same animal dominant in all quarters, or worshipped
+even everywhere within the same nation."<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is important that we should thoroughly understand
+what these survivals of totemism in the British
+isles really mean. On the extreme west coast of
+Ireland, farthest away from the centres of civilisation,
+there are found these unique examples of a savage
+institution. The argument that they might have been
+transplanted thither by travellers from the far west,
+where totemism has developed to its highest form,
+cannot seriously be advanced. The argument that
+they might be the accidental form into which some
+merely superstitious fancies of ignorant peasants
+happened to have ultimately shaped themselves, is
+met by the mathematical demonstration that the ratio
+of chance against such a development would be well-nigh
+incalculable. The remaining argument is that
+they indicate the last outpost, or perhaps one of the
+last outposts, of a primitive savage organisation
+which once existed throughout these lands. This is
+the view that appears to me to be the only possible
+one to meet all the conditions of the case; one proof in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg&nbsp;294]</a></span>
+support of this view being the discovery of evidence in
+other parts of the country which shows that totemism has
+left its stamp in more or less perfect form upon the traditional
+beliefs and practices of the nation. Though we
+are not able to identify further complete examples of
+the same type as the seal clan of Western Ireland, or
+the wolf people of Ossory, we should be able, if the
+explanation I have advanced of their origin be the
+correct one, to produce examples of the varying forms
+which such an institution as totemism must have
+assumed when it had been broken up by the advance
+of civilising influences. If the seal clan, or the wolf
+clan, is in truth the last outpost of a savage organisation,
+there will be in the lands less remote from the
+centres of civilisation some evidences of the break-up
+of savagery as it has been driven westward. Somewhere
+in tradition, somewhere in local observances
+of beliefs or superstition, there must still be echoes,
+more or less faint, but still echoes, from totemism.
+Having discovered these undoubted examples of
+totemism, the argument shifts its ground. We can
+no longer say that the theory of totemism may possibly
+explain some of the customs and traditions of the
+people. We are, by the logic of the position, compelled
+to say that custom and tradition must have
+preserved many relics of totemism, and that so far
+from seeking to explain custom and tradition by the
+theory of totemism, we must seek to explain the
+survival of totemism by custom and tradition. I lay
+stress on this view of the case because it is hard to
+combat the views of those who look upon "mere superstition"
+as no explanation of primitive originals. To<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg&nbsp;295]</a></span>
+us of the present day the beliefs of the peasantry are
+no doubt properly definable as "mere superstition."
+But when we examine it as folklore we are seeking for
+its origin, not for its modern aspect; we are asking
+how "mere superstition" first arose, and in what
+forms, not how it exists; we are pushing back the
+inquiry from to-day when it exists side by side with a
+philosophical and moral religion to the time when it
+existed as the sole substitute for philosophy and
+morals. Even if it is "mere superstition" it has a
+dateless history. It is not conceivable that it suddenly
+arose at a particular period before which "mere
+superstition" did not exist, and all, both peasant and
+chief, were philosophical and moral. It is not conceivable
+that the mere superstition of to-day has replaced
+bodily the mere superstition of other ages.
+Every succeeding age of progress has influenced it,
+no doubt, but not eradicated it, and hence the mere
+superstition of to-day has just such an unbroken continuity
+of history as language or institutions. That
+we are able to pick out from among its items undoubted
+forms of totemism, and that we may add to
+these complete examples a classified grouping of
+customs and beliefs in survival parallel to the customs
+and beliefs of savage totemism, affords proof that at
+least we may carry back that history to the era of
+totemism, at whatever point that era may cross the line
+of, or come into contact with, political history.</p>
+
+<p>This is the definite conclusion to be drawn from
+the anthropological interpretation of the presence of
+totemic beliefs among the survivals of folklore. The
+study of the anthropological conditions has occupied<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg&nbsp;296]</a></span>
+a wide range of thought and inquiry, but it leads
+us back to a safe basis for research, for it brings
+definitely within touch of that realm of man which lies
+outside the civilisation wherein folklore is embedded,
+the peoples who have made, and the peoples who are
+dominated by, that civilisation. The savage of Britain
+cannot with this evidence before us be considered as the
+mere product of the literature of Greece and Rome. He
+is part and parcel of the savagery of the human race.
+Anthropology has shown us that savagery reached the
+land we now call Britain as part of the general movement
+of people which has caused the whole earth to
+become a dwelling-place for man, and now that we
+know this we must appeal to anthropology whenever
+we find that the problems of folklore take us out of the
+culture period of a civilisation known to history.<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg&nbsp;297]</a></span></p>
+<h4>APPENDIX</h4>
+
+<p>I append a synopsis of the culture-structure of the
+Semangs of the Malay Peninsula (references are to
+Skeat and Blagden's <i>Pagan Races of the Malay
+Peninsula</i> where not otherwise specified), in order that
+the position claimed for the one section of totemic
+belief may be tested by the remaining characteristics
+of Semang culture. I claim that there is nothing that
+remains which is inconsistent with the interpretation
+given of the totemic items.</p>
+
+<p><i>Physical</i>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>(<i>a</i>). Live exclusively in the forest surrounded by
+hostile fauna (i. 13).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>b</i>). Food consists of such wild vegetable food as
+may happen to fall from time to time in season (i. 109,
+341, 525), together with small mammals and birds
+(i. 112), fish (i. 113).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>c</i>). As soon as they have exhausted the sources of
+food in one neighbourhood they move on to the next
+(i. 109).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>d</i>). Fire obtained by friction (i. 111, 113), but meat
+is eaten raw (i. 112).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>e</i>). Nudity is alleged (<i>Journ. Indian Archipelago</i>,
+i. 252; ii. 258); no satisfactory proof (i. 137); do not
+use skins of animals nor feathers of birds (i. 138); a
+girdle of fungus string (i. 138, 142, 380); fringe of
+leaves suspended from a string (i. 139, 142); necklaces
+and ligatures of jungle fibre (i. 144, 145); women wear
+a comb made of bamboo as a charm against diseases
+(i. 149).</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg&nbsp;298]</a></span>
+(<i>f</i>). Habitations are rock shelters (i. 173), tree shelters
+afforded by branches of trees improved by construction
+of a weather screen (i. 174); ground screen of palm
+leaves (i. 175).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>g</i>). Hunt successfully the largest animals, escaping
+easily up the trees (i. 202-204).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>h</i>). Knives made of bamboo, flakes and chips of stone,
+knives of bone (i. 249, 269); bow and arrow (i. 251, 255);
+not sufficiently advanced to have produced neolithic
+implements (i. 268); wooden spear (i. 270).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>i</i>). Ignorant of pottery, vessels made from big stems
+of bamboo (i. 383).</p>
+
+<p><i>Social</i>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>(<i>j</i>). Chief of the group is the principal medicine man,
+but is on an equal footing with his men, no caste and
+property is in common (i. 497, 499).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>k</i>). Marriage rights are secured by the presentation
+of a jungle knife to the bride's parents and a girdle to
+the bride, and the bride never lets the girdle part from
+her for fear of its being used to her prejudice in some
+magic ceremony; adultery is punishable by death
+(ii. 58, 59) [but this information was not obtained from
+the most primitive of the Semang people].</p>
+
+<p>(<i>l</i>). Semang women are common to all men (Newbold,
+<i>Political and Stat. Acc. of Settlements in Straits of
+Malacca</i>, ii. 379). Great ante-nuptial freedom (ii. 56,
+218); "Of the Semang I have not had an opportunity
+of personally judging" (ii. 377, Newbold).</p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus25" id="Illus25"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 285px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_25.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_25th.jpg" width="285" height="400"
+alt="Tree hut, Ulu Batu, about twelve miles from Kuala Lumpur, Selangor (from
+Skeat and Blagden&#39;s &quot;Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula&quot;)"
+title="TREE HUT, ULU BATU, ABOUT 12 MILES FROM KUALA LUMPUR, SELANGOR" /></a>
+<span class="caption">TREE HUT, ULU BATU, ABOUT 12 MILES FROM KUALA LUMPUR, SELANGOR</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>(<i>m</i>). Eat dead kindred except head (Newbold, ii. 379);
+burial takes place in the ground, and the older practice
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg&nbsp;299]</a></span>was exposure in trees; the Semang have no dread of
+ghosts of the deceased (ii. 89, 91).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>n</i>). No sacred shrines or places (ii. 197).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>o</i>). Avoidance of mother-in-law (ii. 204).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>p</i>). Myth of the ringdove informing the children of
+the first woman that they had married within prohibited
+degrees of consanguinity, and advising them to separate
+and marry "other people" (ii. 218).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>q</i>). Myth as to ignorance of cause of birth being
+dispelled by the cocoanut monkey informing the first
+man and woman (ii. 218).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>r</i>). The Semang are almost ineradicably nomadic,
+have no fixed habitation, and rove about like the beasts
+of the forest (i. 172; ii. 470).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>s</i>). Women and girls are not allowed to eat until the
+men and boys have finished their repast (i. 116); the
+men do most of the hunting and trapping, and the
+women take a large share in the collecting of roots and
+fruits; all the cooking is performed by the women and
+girls (i. 375).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>t</i>). They are split up into a large number of dialects,
+each of which is confined to a relatively small area, and
+it often happens that a little [clan] or even a single family
+uses a form of speech which is differentiated from other
+dialects to be practically unintelligible to all except the
+members of the little community itself (ii. 379).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>u</i>). Natural segregation of the [tribes] into small
+[clans] to some extent cut off from one another and
+surrounded by settled Malay communities (ii. 379).</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg&nbsp;300]</a></span>
+(<i>v</i>). The most thoroughly wild and uncivilised
+members of our race, regarded by the Malays as little
+better than brute beasts, with no recorded history
+(ii. 384).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>w</i>). Nomadic life of the Semang leads them over a
+considerable tract of country (ii. 388).</p>
+
+<p><i>Psychical</i>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>(<i>x</i>). Decorative patterns on quivers representing
+natural objects, and possessing magical virtue to bring
+down various species of monkeys and apes and other
+small mammals (i. 417), and as charms for the
+men (i. 423).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>y</i>). Decorative pattern on magic comb worn by
+women to serve as a charm against venomous reptiles
+and insects, similar design for similar reason sometimes
+painted on the breast (i. 41, 420-436).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>z</i>). Child's name is taken from some tree which
+stands near the prospective birthplace of the child.
+As soon as the child is born this name is shouted aloud
+by the <i>sage femme</i>, who then hands over the child to
+another woman, who buries the afterbirth underneath
+the birth-tree or name-tree of the child. As soon as
+this is done the father cuts a series of notches in the
+tree, starting from the ground and terminating at the
+height of the breast. The cutting of these notches is
+intended to signalise the arrival on earth of a new
+human being, since it thus shows that Kari registers
+the souls that he has sent forth by notching the tree
+against which he leans. Trees thus "blazed" are
+never felled. The child must not in later life injure
+any tree which belongs to the species of his tree; for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg&nbsp;301]</a></span>
+him all such trees are taboo, and he must not even eat
+their fruit, the only exception being when an expectant
+mother revisits her birth-tree. Every tree
+of its species is regarded as identical with the birth-tree
+(ii. 3, 4). When an East Semang dies his birth-tree
+dies too (ii. 5).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>aa</i>). The child's soul is conveyed in a bird, which
+always inhabits a tree of the species to which the birth-tree
+belongs. It flies from one tree of the species to
+another, following the as yet unborn body. The souls
+of first-born children are always young birds newly
+hatched, the offspring of the bird which contained the
+soul of the mother. If the mother does not eat the
+soul-bird during her accouchement the child will be
+stillborn or will die shortly after birth (ii. 4, 192, 194,
+216). She keeps the soul-bird within the birth-bamboo,
+and does not eat it all at once, but piecemeal (ii. 6).
+All human souls grow upon a soul-tree in the other
+world, whence they are fetched by a bird which was
+killed and eaten by the expectant mother (ii. 194).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>bb</i>). Semang religion, in spite of its recognition of
+a thunder-god (Kari) and certain minor deities (so
+called), has very little indeed in the way of ceremonial,
+and appears to consist mainly of mythology and
+legend. It shows remarkably few traces of demon
+worship, very little fear of ghosts of the deceased, and
+still less of any sort of animistic beliefs (ii. 174).
+[As the Kari is the deity common to the Semang
+and the people higher in culture than the Semang,
+it is difficult to trace out the primitive idea. The
+myths also show a common impress, "which is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg&nbsp;302]</a></span>
+probably mainly due to the same savage Malay element"
+(ii. 183).]</p>
+
+<p>(<i>cc</i>). During a storm of thunder and lightning the
+Semang draw a few drops of blood from the region of
+the shin bone, mix it with a little water in a bamboo
+receptacle, and throw it up to the angry skies (ii. 204).</p>
+
+<p>(<i>dd</i>). Pretend entire ignorance of a supreme being,
+but on pressure confessed to a very powerful yet
+benevolent being, the maker of the world (ii. 209).</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> Beddoe, <i>Races of Britain</i>, cap. ii., and <i>Journ. Anthrop. Inst.</i>, xxxv.
+236-7; Boyd-Dawkins, <i>Early Man in Britain</i>, cap. vii. viii. and ix.;
+Ripley, <i>Races of Europe</i>, cap. xii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> Rhys, <i>Celtic Britain</i>, 271; Rhys, <i>Celtic Heathendom</i>, <i>passim</i>; Rhys
+and Jones, <i>Welsh People</i>, cap. i. and Appendix B on "Pre-Aryan Syntax
+in Insular Celtic," by Professor Morris Jones.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> Barrows, mounds, tumuli, stone circles, monoliths are generally
+admitted to belong to the Stone Age people before the Celts arrived,
+and when they are adequately investigated, as Mr. Arthur Evans has investigated
+Stonehenge (<i>Arch&aelig;ological Review</i>, vol. ii. pp. 312-330), and
+the Rollright Stones (<i>Folklore</i>, vol. vi. pp. 5-51), the evidence of a prehistoric
+origin is unquestioned.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> I have worked out the evidence for this in the <i>Arch&aelig;ological Review</i>,
+vol. iii. pp. 217-242, 350-375, and though I do not endorse all I have
+written there, the main points are still, I think, good.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> Wallace, <i>Darwinism</i>, cap. xv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> Spencer and Gillen, <i>Central Tribes of Australia</i>, 12, 272, 324,
+368, 420.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> <i>Descent of Man</i>, i. cap. vii. 176.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Topinard's <i>Anthropology</i>, part iii., "On the Origin of Man,"
+pp. 515-535, for the details of the various authorities ranged on the sides
+of monogenists and polygenists.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> Keane, <i>Man, Past and Present</i>, discusses the important evidence
+obtained by Dr. Dubois from Java, and Dr. Noetling from Upper Burma,
+pp. 5-8. It is only fair to that brilliant scholar, Dr. Latham, to point out
+that without the evidence before him to prove the point, he came to the
+same conclusion that the original home of man was "somewhere in
+intra-tropical Asia, and that it was the single locality of a single pair."&mdash;Latham,
+<i>Man and his Migrations</i>, 248.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> The most recent example of this is Mr. Thomas's extraordinary
+treatment of the evidence of migration in Australia. It produces in his
+mind "novel conditions," but has effects which he cannot neglect, but
+which he strangely misinterprets. N.&nbsp;W. Thomas, <i>Kinship Organisations
+in Australia</i>, 27-28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> Spencer, <i>Principles of Sociology</i>, i. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> Lord Avebury, <i>Prehistoric Times</i>, 586.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> <i>Man, Past and Present</i>, pp. 1, 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> Latham, <i>Man and his Migrations</i>, 155-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> The ethnographic movement is a very definite fact in anthropological
+evidence, though it has been little noted. Thus "the Coles are evidently
+a good pioneering race, fond of new clearings and the luxuriant and
+easily raised crops of the virgin soil, and have constitutions that thrive
+on malaria, so it is perhaps in the best interest of humanity and cause of
+civilisation that they be kept moving by continued Aryan propulsion.
+Ever armed with bow, arrows, and pole-axe, they are prepared to do
+battle with the beasts of the forest, holding even the king of the forest,
+the 'Bun Rajah,' that is, the tiger, in little fear."&mdash;Col. Dalton in <i>Journ.
+Asiatic Soc., Bengal</i>, xxxiv. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> Traditions of great migrations exist among most primitive races.
+Some of these contain unexpected corroboration from actual discoveries.
+Thus the natives of New Zealand had a tradition that their ancestors,
+when they arrived in their canoes some four centuries ago, buried some
+sacred things under a large tree. It is said that the tree was blown
+down in recent times and that the sacred things were discovered. Taplin
+records "a good specimen of the kind of migration which has taken
+place among the aborigines all over the continent" (<i>The Narrinyeri</i>, p. 4);
+and similar evidence could be produced in almost every direction.
+Mr. Mathew in <i>Eaglehawk and Crow</i> deals with "the argument from
+mythology and tradition" as to the origin of the Australians in a very
+suggestive fashion (pp. 14-22). Stanley has preserved an African native
+tradition of local groups spreading out from the parent home <i>(Through
+the Dark Continent</i>, i. 346).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> I am aware this is disputed by O. Peschel&mdash;<i>Races of Man</i>, 137 <i>et
+seq.</i>&mdash;but I think the evidence is sufficient; and it must be remembered
+that there is direct evidence of the most backward races not using the fire
+they possess for cooking, but always eating their animal food raw, as, for
+instance, the Semang people of the Malay Peninsula. (See Skeat and
+Blagden, <i>Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula</i>, i. 112.) The Andaman
+Islanders could not make fire, though they possessed and kept it alive.
+This shows that they must have borrowed it and did not previously
+possess it.&mdash;Quatrefages, <i>The Pygmies</i>, 108. Tylor, <i>Early History of
+Mankind</i>, cap. ix., should be consulted.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> The term political is, I confess, a little awkward, owing to its
+specially modern use, but it is the only term which, in its early sense,
+expresses the stage of social development represented by a polity as
+distinct from a mere localisation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> It was one of the first efforts of the science of language to endeavour
+to trace out the original home of the so-called Aryas and their subsequent
+migrations. "Emigration," said Bunsen, "is the great agent in forming
+nations and languages" (<i>Philosophy of Hist.</i>, i. 56); and Niebuhr, who
+has traced out most of the migrations of the Greek tribes, observes that
+"this migration of nations was formerly not mentioned anywhere"
+(<i>Anc. Hist.</i>, ii. 212). Quite recently, Professor Flinders Petrie has worked
+at the question of European migrations in the Huxley lecture of 1907
+(<i>Journ. Anthrop. Inst.</i>, xxxvi. 189-232), his valuable maps showing "the
+movements of twenty of the principal peoples that entered Europe during
+the centuries of great movements that are best known to us" (204). In
+the meantime, the folklorist has much to do in this direction, and up to
+the present he has almost entirely ignored or misread the evidence. I
+do not know whether Mr. Nutt would still adhere to his conclusion that
+the myth embodied in the Celtic expulsion-and-return formula is undoubtedly
+solar (<i>Folklore Record</i>, iv. 42), but a restatement of Mr.
+Nutt's careful and elaborate analysis would lead me to trace the myth to
+the migration period of Aryan history, just as I agree with von Ihering
+that the <i>ver sacrum</i> of the Romans is a rite continued from the migration
+period to express in religious formul&aelig;, and on emergency to again carry
+out, the ancient practice of sending forth from an overstocked centre
+sufficient of the tribesmen and tribeswomen to leave those who remained
+economically well-conditioned (<i>The Evolution of the Aryan</i>, 249-290).
+Pheidon's law at Corinth, alluded to by Aristotle (<i>Pol.</i>, ii. cap. vi.), could
+only be carried out by a sending out of the surplus. See also Aristotle,
+<i>Pol.</i>, ii. cap. xii.; and Newman's note to the first reference, quoting similar
+laws elsewhere. Both the "junior-right" traditions and customs take us
+back to the same conditions. The occupation of fresh territories is an
+observable feature of the Russian mir (Wallace, <i>Russia</i>, i. 255; Laveleye
+<i>Primitive Property</i>, 34), and Mr. Chadwick has recently called attention
+to the corresponding Scandinavian evidence (<i>Origin of the English
+Nation</i>, 334).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> Mr. J.&nbsp;R. Logan long ago pointed out that "the further we go back,
+we find ethnic characteristics more uniform," and further concluded that
+certain facts observed by himself "lead to the inference that the Archaic
+world was connected."&mdash;<i>Journ. Indian Archipelago</i>, iv. 290, 291.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> <i>Descent of Man</i>, pp. 590, 591.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> <i>Studies in Ancient History</i>, i. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> <i>History of Human Marriage</i>, cap. ii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> <i>Ancient Society</i>, p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> <i>Secret of the Totem</i>, p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> N.&nbsp;W. Thomas, <i>Kinship Organisation in Australia</i>, 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> <i>Folklore</i>, xii. 232.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> Both Dr. Haddon and myself made the same point on a criticism of
+Mr. Fraser's <i>Golden Bough</i>, mine being from the Aricia rites, and Dr.
+Haddon's from the savage parallels thereto. See <i>Folklore</i>, xii. 223,
+224, 232.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> Sproat's <i>Scenes and Studies of Savage Life</i>, 19. The use of the
+term "tribe" in this quotation is, of course, descriptive only. There is
+no tribal constitution among the Ahts, and "group" would have been
+the preferable term.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> Dr. W.&nbsp;H. Rivers' recently published work on the Todas is the
+best authority.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> Rivers, <i>op. cit.</i>, 432, 455.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> Rivers, <i>op. cit.</i>, cap. xxi. 504, 517.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> Rivers, <i>op. cit.</i>, 452-456.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> Latham, <i>Descriptive Ethnology</i>, ii, 137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> Bucher, <i>Industrial Evolution</i>, 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> Rev. George Taplin, <i>The Narrinyeri; South Australian Aborigines</i>,
+40. <i>Cf.</i> Howitt, <i>Native Tribes of South-east Australia</i>, 710-720;
+Grierson, <i>The Silent Trade</i>, 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Skeat and Blagden, <i>Pagan Tribes of Malay Peninsula</i>, i, 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> Graham, <i>Bheel Tribes of Khandesh</i>, 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> Herodotos, iv. 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> <i>Journ. Asiatic Soc., Bengal</i>, xiii. 625.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> Major Gurdon, <i>The Khasis</i>, 76, 82.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> N.&nbsp;W. Thomas, <i>Kinship Organisations in Australia</i>, 124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> Fustel de Coulange's <i>Cit&eacute; Antique</i>, cap. xiv. and xv., is, however,
+the most exaggerated example of this point of view.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> Lang, <i>Social Origins</i>, 1. The latest exponent of anthropological
+principles affirms that "the family which exists in the lower stages of
+culture, though it is overshadowed by the other social phenomena, has
+persisted through all the manifold revolutions of society."&mdash;N.&nbsp;W.
+Thomas, <i>Kinship Organisations in Australia</i>, 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> Jevons' <i>Introd. to Hist. of Religion</i>, 195.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> See also Prof. Geikie in <i>Scottish Geographical Mag.</i> (Sept. 1897).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> <i>Early Hist. of Mankind</i>, 303; MacCulloch, <i>Childhood of Fiction</i>,
+396; Gould, <i>Mythical Monsters</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> Mr. Westermarck has collected excellent evidence as to the economic
+influences upon savage society (<i>Hist. of Human Marriage</i>, 39-49), and
+we may quite properly assume the same conditions for earliest man.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> A very good summary of the pygmy peoples in all parts of the world
+is given by Mr. W.&nbsp;A. Reed in his useful <i>Negritos of Zambales</i>, 13-22.
+<i>Cf.</i> Keane, <i>Man, Past and Present</i>, 118-121; Keane, <i>Ethnology</i>, 246-248;
+and Sir W.&nbsp;H. Flower, <i>Essays on Museums</i>, cap. xix.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> Latham, <i>Man and his Migrations</i>, 55, 56. Dr. Beke was a most
+cautious observer, and I have consulted all his contributions to the
+<i>Journal of the Geographical Society</i> (vol. xiii.) and have found no sign
+of his retraction of the evidence. His correspondence in the <i>Literary
+Gazette</i> of 1843, p. 852, discusses the question of the Dokos being
+pygmies, but he adheres to his information as to the absence of social
+structure being correct.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> Lib. ii. 32, 8; <i>cf.</i> Quatrefages, <i>The Pygmies</i>, cap. 1, "The Pygmies
+of the Ancients."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> Lieut.-Col. Sutherland, <i>Memoir respecting the Kaffirs, Hottentots,
+and Bosjemans</i>, i. 67 (Cape Town, 1846).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> Burrows, <i>The Land of Pygmies</i>, 182.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> Mr. A.&nbsp;B. Lloyd's volume <i>In Dwarfland and Cannibal Country</i>,
+p. 96, is the most recent evidence.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> It is worth noting here that the Chinese traditions of the pygmies
+are exceedingly suggestive and curious. See Moseley, <i>Notes by a
+Naturalist</i>, 369.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> Skeat and Blagden, <i>Malay Peninsula</i>, ii. 443.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> <i>Journ. Indian Archipelago</i>, iv. 425-427; <i>cf.</i> <i>Journ. Anthrop. Inst.</i>,
+xvi. 228; Wallace, <i>Malay Archipelago</i>, 452.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> Clifford, <i>In Court and Kampong</i>, 171-181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> Skeat and Blagden, <i>Pagan Races of Malay Peninsula</i>, i. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, i. 53-4, 139, 169, 172, 341.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, i. 170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, i. 243-248, 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, i. 494; ii. 56, 218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, ii. 3. Compare <i>Journ. Indian Archipelago</i>, iv. 427, "they
+are called after particular trees, that is, if a child is born under or near a
+cocoanut or durian, or any particular tree in the forest, it is named
+accordingly," and John Anderson, <i>Considerations relative to Malayan
+Peninsula</i>, 1824, p. xli.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, ii. 4, 192, 194.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, ii. 174, 209.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> <i>Arch&aelig;ological Review</i>, i. 13, from an official report published in a
+Government Blue Book.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> Brinton, <i>The American Race</i>; Curtin, <i>Creation Myths of Primitive
+America</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> Darwin, <i>Journal of Researches</i>, 228.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> <i>Anthropological Inst.</i>, vii. 502-510.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> Quatrefages, <i>The Pygmies</i>, 24, 48, 69.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> There is ample evidence of this characteristic. Thus, of the
+Australians of Port Lincoln district, it is said that "the habit of constantly
+changing their place of rest is so great that they cannot overcome
+it even if staying where all their wants can be abundantly
+supplied."&mdash;<i>Trans. Roy. Soc., Victoria</i>, v. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> <i>Fortnightly Review</i>, lxxviii. 455.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> <i>Secret of the Totem</i>, 125, 140.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> <i>British Association Report</i>, 1902, p. 745. <i>Cf.</i> Spencer and Gillen,
+<i>Northern Tribes of Central Australia</i>, 160<ins class="correction" title="period missing in original">.</ins></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> Lang, <i>Secret of the Totem</i>, 140, quoting Grey, <i>Vocabulary of the
+Dialects of South-west Australia</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> Spencer and Gillen, <i>Tribes of Central Australia</i>, 119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> The reader should consult Mason's <i>Women's Share in Primitive
+Culture</i>, and Bucher's <i>Industrial Evolution</i>, for evidence on this point.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> Livingstone, <i>South Africa</i>, 462.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> Sleeman, <i>Rambles of an Indian Official</i>, i. 43. "Banotsarg is the
+name given to the marriage ceremony performed in honour of a newly
+planted orchard, without which preliminary observance it is not proper
+to partake of its fruit. A man holding the Salagram personates the
+bridegroom, and another holding the sacred Tulsi personates the bride.
+After burning a hom or sacrificial fire, the officiating Brahmin puts the
+usual questions to the couple about to be united. The bride then perambulates
+a small spot marked out in the centre of the orchard. Proceeding
+from the south towards the west, she makes the circuit three
+times, followed at a short distance by the bridegroom holding in his hand
+a strip of her chadar of garment. After this, the bridegroom takes
+precedence, making his three circuits, and followed in like manner by
+his bride. The ceremony concludes with the usual offerings" (Elliot,
+<i>Folklore of North-west Provinces of India</i>, i. 234).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> Myths explaining the domestication of animals belong to this stage
+of culture. The dog is a sacred animal among the Khasis, with certain
+totemic associations, and there is a very realistic and humanising myth
+relating how the dog came to be regarded as the friend of man (Gurdon,
+<i>The Khasis</i>, 51, 172-3). The Kyeng creation legend includes a good
+example of animal friendship with man (Lewin, <i>Wild Races of South-east
+India</i>, 238-9). The American creation myths afford remarkable testimony
+to this view of the case. "Game and fish of all sorts were under
+direct divine supervision ... maize or Indian corn is a transformed
+god who gave himself to be eaten to save men from hunger and death"
+(Curtin, <i>Creation Myths of Primitive America</i>, pp. xxvi, xxxviii). The
+Narrinyeri Australians "do not appear to have any story of the origin
+of the world, but nearly all animals they suppose anciently to have been
+men who performed great prodigies, and at last transformed themselves
+into different kinds of animals and stones" (Taplin, <i>The Narrinyeri</i>,
+59).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> <i>Legend of Perseus</i>, i. cap. vi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> <i>Secret of the Totem</i>, 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> Mitchell, <i>Australian Expeditions</i>, i. 307; <i>cf.</i> Fison and Howitt,
+<i>Kamilaroi and Kurnai</i>, 200, 224; Taplin, <i>The Narrinyeri</i>, 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> Curr, <i>Australian Race</i>, i. p. 193; <i>cf.</i> Smyth, <i>Aborigines of Victoria</i>,
+ii. p. 316.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> Fison and Howitt, <i>Kamilaroi and Kurnai</i>, 66, 285, 289.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> Fison and Howitt, <i>op. cit.</i>, 68, 73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> Lang, <i>Secret of the Totem</i>, 64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> Spencer and Gillen, <i>Central Tribes</i>, 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> Spencer and Gillen, <i>Central Tribes</i>, 120, 124, 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> <i>Globus</i>, xci, a very important criticism of Spencer and Gillen's
+work.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> Spencer and Gillen, <i>op. cit.</i>, 139, 154.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> Spencer and Gillen, <i>Northern Tribes</i>, 144.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> <i>Globus</i>, xci, gives important evidence of traces of female descent
+among the Arunta.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> There is conflict of testimony on this point. Spencer and Gillen
+deny that the Arunta recognise the fact of paternity in any way (see
+<i>Northern Tribes</i>, pp. xiii, 145, 330), and yet talk of the "actual father"
+in ceremonial functions (p. 361).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> Skeat and Blagden, <i>Malay Peninsula</i>, ii. 218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> Newbold, <i>Political and State Acc. of Malacca</i>, ii.; Skeat and
+Blagden, <i>op. cit.</i>, ii. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, <i>Central Tribes</i>, 36, give a useful note
+on this point.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> In this they are exactly paralleled by the Khasi people of Assam,
+among whom we find a limited sort of male chiefship by succession
+through females, and an absolute succession to property by females by
+succession through females (Gurdon, <i>The Khasis</i>, 68, 88). Descent
+from the female is absolute in both cases, and all we get is male
+ascendancy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> <i>Secret of the Totem</i>, 73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, 79.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> Lang, <i>Secret of the Totem</i>, 148.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> <i>Central Tribes</i>, 72. Mrs. Langloh Parker's information as to the
+origin of the Euahlayi two-class division having arisen from an amalgamation
+of two distinct tribes, points to the same facts.&mdash;<i>Euahlayi
+Tribe</i>, 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> Spencer and Gillen, <i>Tribes of Central Australia</i>, 96, 99, 106.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> Lang's Introd. to Bolland's <i>Aristotle's Politics</i> (1877), p. 104; Grant
+Allen's <i>Anglo-Saxon Britain</i> (1888), pp. 79-83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> <i>Topography of Ireland</i>, lib. ii. cap. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> <i>Hist. of Ireland</i>, ii. 361.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> <i>Irish Nennius</i>, p. 205; Lang, <i>Custom and Myth</i>, p. 265; <i>Revue
+Celtique</i>, ii. 202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> <i>View of the State of Ireland</i>, p. 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> Moryson, <i>Hist. of Ireland</i>, ii. 367.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> Aubrey, <i>Remaines of Gentilisme</i>, 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> Camden, <i>Britannia</i>, iii. 455; iv. 459.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> The significance of the word "gossip" is worth noting. Halliwell
+says it "signified a <i>relation</i> or sponsor in baptism, all of whom were to
+each other and to the parents <i>God-sibs</i>, that is, <i>sib</i>, or related by means
+of religion." This meaning does not seem to have died out in the
+days of Spenser, and his use of the word to describe the relationship of
+the men of Ossory to wolves is very significant. For the history of this
+important word see Hearn's <i>Aryan Household</i>, 290.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> Otway, <i>Sketches in Erris</i>, 383-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> <i>Folklore Record</i>, iv. 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> <i>Ulster Journ. Arch.</i>, ii. 161, 162. They have also another primitive
+trait. Their trade emblems are carved on their tombstones. <i>Roy. Irish
+Acad.</i>, vii. 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> This I gather from <i>Ulster Journ. Arch.</i>, ii. 164, where it is stated
+that the hare is unpropitious.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> <i>Folklore Journal</i>, ii. 259.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> <i>Folklore Journal</i>, ii. 259; <i>Folklore Record</i>, iv. 104. Miss Ffennell kindly
+informed me at the meeting of the Folklore Society where I read a paper
+on the subject, that she had frequently heard the islanders of Achill, off the
+coast of Ireland, state their belief that they were descended from seals.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> Published by the <i>Irish Arch&aelig;ological Society</i>, p. 27; there is a Seal
+Island off the coast of Donegal (Joyce, <i>Irish Place-Names</i>, ii. 282); and
+some Shetland legends of the seal will be found in <i>Soc. Antiq. Scot.</i>,
+i. 86-89. Seals are eaten for food in the island of Harris (see Martin,
+<i>Western Islands</i>, 36), and one called the Virgin Mary's Seal is offered
+to the minister (Reeves, <i>Adamnan Vita. Columb.</i>, 78, note <i>g</i>). The
+attitude of the Irish to seals is shown by the two following notes:&mdash;
+"At Erris, in Ireland, seals are considered to be human beings under
+enchantment, and they consider it unlucky to have anything to do with
+seals, and to have one live near their dwelling is considered as productive
+of evil to life and property. A story current, in 1841, describes how a
+young fisherman came in a fog upon an island whereon lived these
+enchanted men in their human form, but when they quitted it they
+turned to seals again" (Otway, <i>Sketches of Erris</i>, 398, 403). Off Downpatrick
+Head they used to take seals, but have given up the practice,
+because once two young fellows had urged their curraghs into a cave where
+the seals were known to breed, and they were killing them right and
+left when, in the farthest end of the cave and sitting up on its bent tail
+in a corner, there sat an old seal. One of the boys was just making
+ready to strike him, when the seal cried out, "Och, boys! och, ma
+bouchals, spare your old grandfather, Darby O'Dowd." He then proceeded
+to tell the boys his story. "It's true I was dead and dacently
+buried, but here I am for my sins turned into a sale as other sinners are
+and will be, and if you put an end to me and skin me maybe it's
+worser I'll be, and go into a shark or a porpoise. Lave your ould forefather
+where he is, to live out his time as a sale. Maybe for your own
+sakes you will ever hereafter leave off following and parsecuting and
+murthering sales who may be nearer to yourselves nor you think." The
+story is universally believed, and on the strength of it the people have
+given up seal hunting (Otway, <i>Sketches of Erris</i>, 230).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> <i>Kinship and Marriage in Arabia</i>, 188. <i>Cf.</i> Mr. Jacobs' articles in
+<i>Arch&aelig;ological Review</i>, "Are there totem clans in the Old Testament?"
+vol. iii. pp. 145-164.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> <i>Origins of English History</i>, 297.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> <i>Proc. Roy. Irish Acad.</i>, x. 436; Lang's <i>Custom and Myth</i>, 265;
+Elton's <i>Origins of English History</i>, 299-300; <i>Revue Celtique</i>, i. 50;
+iii. 176.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> <i>Rev. Celtique</i>, vi. 232.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> Aubrey's <i>Remaines of Gentilisme</i>, 102.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> <i>Folklore Record</i>, i. 243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> Xiphilinus in <i>Mon. Hist. Brit.</i>, p. lvii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> <i>Choice Notes, Folklore</i>, p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> <i>Vulgar Errors</i>, p. 320.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> Aubrey, <i>Gentilisme and Judaisme</i>, 109; Napier, <i>Folklore of West of
+Scotland</i>, 26. Consult Mr. Billson's valuable paper on "The Easter
+Hare" in <i>Folklore</i>, iii. 441-466.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> Gregor, <i>Folklore of North-East Scotland</i>, 129, 199.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> O'Curry, <i>Manners of the Anc. Irish</i>, i. p. ccclxx.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> <i>Notes and Queries</i>, 3rd
+<ins class="correction" title="'Ser.' in original">ser.</ins> iv. 82, 158; Dyer's <i>Popular Customs</i>, 384.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> Gordon Cumming, <i>Hebrides</i>, 369.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> Gordon Cumming, <i>Hebrides</i>, 369.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> <i>Gentleman's Magazine Library, Pop. Sup.</i>, 216.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> It will be useful to refer to Mr. Thrupp's paper on "British Superstition
+as to Hares, Geese, and Poultry" in <i>Trans. Ethnological Society
+of London</i>, new ser. vol. v. pp. 162-167.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> <i>Origins of English History</i>, 170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> Gordon Cumming, <i>Hebrides</i>, 365.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> Dalyell's <i>Darker Superstitions of Scotland</i>, 431. It should be noted
+that Dalyell wrote before the age of scientific folklore, and therefore his
+observations are founded more upon conjectures derived from the
+practices and beliefs themselves than from any theory as to origins.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> White horse, p. 208; black cat, p. 211, note 3; two magpies, p. 224;
+crickets, p. 238; hawthorn, p. 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> <i>Fortnightly Review</i>, xii. 562.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> It is just possible that the value of investigating Australian totemism
+may prove to have a still more direct bearing upon British folklore, for
+Huxley's opinion as to the Australoid race is not entirely to be neglected.
+He argued that "The Australoid race are dark complexion, ranging
+through various shades of light and dark chocolate colour; dark or
+black eyes; the hair of the scalp black and soft, silky and wavy; the
+skull dolichocephalic. The great continent of Australia is the headquarters
+of the Australoid race.... The Dekkan, which is so remarkably
+isolated on the north by the valleys of the Ganges and Indus,
+beyond these by the Himalaya Mountains, and on the east and west by
+the sea, was originally inhabited, and is still largely peopled by men
+who completely come under the definition of the Australoid race given
+above. In Abyssinia and Egypt there is a smooth-haired, dark-complexioned,
+long-headed stock which I am strongly inclined to regard as
+a westward extension of the Australoid race. I would venture to suggest
+that the dark whites who stretch from Northern Hindostan through
+Western Asia, skirt both shores of the Mediterranean, and extend
+through Western Europe to Ireland, may have had their origin in a
+prolongation of the Australoid race, which has become modified by
+selection or intermixture" (Huxley in <i>Prehistoric Congress, 1868</i>, pp.
+92-94). This point of view is confirmed by Mr. Mathew's conclusions,
+<i>Eaglehawk and Crow</i>, cap. iii.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg&nbsp;303]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER V</h2>
+
+<h3>SOCIOLOGICAL CONDITIONS</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">P</span>erhaps the most important part of the anthropological
+aspect of custom, rite, and belief in
+tradition is sociological. Perhaps, too, it is the
+most neglected. Inquirers into the origin of religion
+proceed one after the other to investigate the phenomena
+of early beliefs as they interpret the origin of religion,
+without one thought of the sociological conditions of the
+problem. They interpose, as I have already pointed out,
+the theory of a state religion, when such a foundation is
+incidentally found to be necessary to carry the imposing
+superstructure of Celtic mythology, but they do not
+pause to inquire whether the state, suddenly introduced
+into the argument, is a discoverable factor; or they
+proceed to erect their superstructure of religious origins
+without any social foundation whatever, and we are
+left with a great concept of abstract thought having no
+roots in the source from which it is supposed to be
+drawn. The sun-god and the dawn-god, even the
+All-father, are traced in the most primitive thought of
+man, but it is not deemed necessary to show in what
+relation these concepts stand to practical life. It is
+here I must refer back to Robertson-Smith's dictum on
+mythology, for it is the necessary preliminary to showing
+that belief cannot enter into life except through the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg&nbsp;304]</a></span>
+sociological units into which all humanity fits itself; or
+rather, I would prefer Robertson-Smith's way of putting
+it, "the circle into which a man was born was not
+simply a human society, a circle of kinfolk and fellow-citizens,
+but embraced also certain divine beings, the
+gods of the family and the state, which to the ancient
+mind were as much a part of the particular community
+with which they stood connected as the human members
+of the social group."<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> Any proposal to examine a
+group of customs, beliefs, and rites which at their
+origin take us back to the earliest history of a country
+must, therefore, be considered from the sociological
+side. The great mass of the material to be used in such
+an inquiry is not ancient so far as its date of record is
+a test of antiquity, but it is ancient as traditional
+survival, and it is not possible to trace back custom and
+belief surviving in modern times to the earliest times,
+except through the medium of the institutions which
+formed the social basis of the peoples to whom such
+custom and belief belonged. A custom or belief exists
+as a living force before it sinks back into the position of
+a survival. It is the lingering effect of this living force
+which helps to preserve it for so many ages, and in
+the midst of such adverse circumstances, as a survival
+among other customs and beliefs existing under a
+different living force. It is not possible, therefore, to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg&nbsp;305]</a></span>
+ascertain the origin of custom or belief in survival,
+except as a fragment of the social institution to which
+it originally belonged. No custom or belief has a life
+of its own separate from all other. It is joined to
+other customs and beliefs in indissoluble co-partnership,
+the whole group making up the institutions under
+which the race or people to whom they belong live and
+flourish. This, as we have already seen, is a most
+important principle in the study of survivals. Not only
+is it strictly true of all primitive peoples, but it is true
+of the early stages of more advanced communities.<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a>
+Indeed it has been put into a phrase used long ago by
+an English writer on the manorial tenant, "His religion
+is a part of his copyhold,"<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> and when the jurist talks
+to us in highly technical language of lords, freeholders,
+villans, and serfs, we must bear in mind that at any rate
+these villans and serfs belonged to a social institution,
+one element of which was religion. So, too, must
+the folklorist bear in mind that it is not the individual
+belief he is concerned with, but with the belief that
+belongs to a community. It must be assumed that the
+true test of the antiquity of every custom or belief is its
+natural and easy assimilation with other customs and
+beliefs, equally with itself in the position of a survival,
+and the recognition of the whole group thus brought
+into relationship as belonging to the institutions of the
+people from whom it is derived.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg&nbsp;306]</a></span>
+It is well to understand what this condition of things
+exactly means as an element in the study of early
+beliefs. It will be dealing with beliefs from their place
+in the social habitat; housing them, so to speak, within
+the groups of human beings with which they are connected.
+It will be considering them as part of the living
+organism which the social units of man have created.
+All this indicates a method of treating the subject
+entirely different from what has hitherto obtained.
+Students of early English institutions are content to
+construct elaborate arguments from the often conflicting
+testimony of historical authorities; students of early
+beliefs construct elaborate systems of religious thought
+far above the custom and rite with which they are dealing.
+The two branches of the same subject are never
+brought together to illustrate each other. Early institutions
+cannot be separated from early beliefs. Early
+beliefs cannot properly be separated from the society of
+which they form a component part. We require to
+know not only what beliefs a particular people possess,
+but in what manner these beliefs generate custom and
+rite and take their place among the influences which
+affect the social organism. Early man does not live
+individually. His life is part of a collective group.
+The group worships collectively as it lives collectively,
+and it is extremely important to work out the dual conditions.
+If the several items of custom and belief preserved
+by tradition are really ancient in their origin,
+they must be floating fragments, as it were, of an
+ancient <i>system</i> of custom and belief&mdash;the cultus of the
+people among whom they originated. This cultus has
+been destroyed, struggling unsuccessfully against<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg&nbsp;307]</a></span>
+foreign and more vigorous systems of religion and
+society. To be of service to history each floating fragment
+of ancient custom and belief must not only be
+labelled "ancient," but it must be placed back in the
+system from which it has been torn away. To do this
+is to a great extent to restore the ancient system; and
+to restore an ancient system of culture, even if the
+restoration be only a mosaic and a shattered mosaic,
+is to bring into evidence the people to which it
+belongs.</p>
+
+<p>In the previous chapter it was necessary to lay somewhat
+special stress upon the system of social organisation
+known as totemism, which was not founded upon
+kinship. This was traced in survival among the pre-Celtic
+peoples of Britain. If we now turn to the Celts
+and Teutons of Britain we shall find that we have to
+deal with a social organisation founded definitely upon
+kinship; and if there are survivals of belief, custom, and
+rite, derived from this kinship system, existing side by
+side in the same culture area with survivals from the
+kinless system, it will be necessary to explain how two
+such opposite streams can have been kept flowing.</p>
+
+<p>It is not difficult in the case of countries occupied by
+Celtic or Teutonic peoples to ascertain what the particular
+institution was which linked together the beliefs
+of the people, though it is not easy to trace out all the
+phases of it. It is the tribe&mdash;that system of society
+which appears as the means by which Greek and
+Roman, Celt and Teuton, Scandinavian and Slav,
+Hindu and Persian, were able to conquer, overrun,
+and finally to settle in the lands which they have
+made their own. We know something of the Celtic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg&nbsp;308]</a></span>
+tribe, less of the Teutonic tribe, but all we know is that
+it possesses features in common with the tribe of its
+kindred. There is no fact more certainly true as a
+result of comparative research than that the tribe is the
+common heritage of those people who have become the
+dominant rulers of the Indo-European world. I use
+this term "tribe" in no formal sense, not in the sense
+of its Roman derivation and use, which shows it quite
+as a secondary institution, but as the most convenient
+term to define that grouping of men with wives, families,
+and descendants, and all the essentials of independent
+life, which is found as a primal unit of European
+society in a state of unsettlement as regards land or
+country. The tie which bound all together was personal
+not local, kinship with a tribal god, kinship more
+or less real with fellow-tribesmen, kinship in status and
+rights. We meet with this tribal organisation everywhere
+in Indo-European history. It made movement
+from country to country possible. It made conquest
+possible. Celt and Teuton did not conquer in families
+any more than Greek or Hindu did. They conquered
+in tribes, and it was because of the strength of the
+tribal organisation during the period, first of migration
+and wandering and then of conquest, that the settlement
+after conquest was possible and was so strong.
+Everywhere we find these people conquerors and settlers.
+In India, in Iran, in Greece and Rome, in Scandinavia,
+in Celtic and Teutonic Europe, in Slavic Europe, they
+are moving tribes of conquerors come to settle and rule
+the people they conquer.<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> When Dr. Ridgeway asks<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg&nbsp;309]</a></span>
+whence came the Acheans,<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> he answers the question
+much in the same fashion as that in which Dr. Duncker
+describes the settlement on the Ganges:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"The ancient population of the new states on the Ganges
+was not entirely extirpated, expelled, or enslaved. Life and
+freedom were allowed to those who submitted and conformed
+to the law of the conqueror; they might pass their lives as
+servants on the farms of the Aryas (Manu, i. 91). But
+though the remnant of this population was spared, the whole
+body of the immigrants looked down on them with the pride
+of conquerors&mdash;of superiority in arms, blood, and character&mdash;and
+in contrast to them they called themselves Vai&ccedil;yas, i.e.
+tribesmen, comrades, in other words those who belong to the
+community or body of rulers. Whether the Vai&ccedil;ya belonged
+to the order of the nobles, the minstrels and priests or
+peasants, was a matter of indifference, he regarded the old
+inhabitants as an inferior species of mankind.... In the
+new states on the Ganges therefore the population was
+separated into two sharply divided masses. How could the
+conquerors mix with the conquered? How could their pride
+stoop to any union with the despised servants?"<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>These two divided masses thus so clearly described
+were, in fact, tribesmen and non-tribesmen, just that distinction
+which we meet with in Celtic and Teutonic law,
+and described in the same terms which Bishop Stubbs
+was obliged to use when he set forth the facts of the
+Teutonic invasion of Britain.</p>
+
+<p>The terms are indeed necessary terms. Tribesmen
+capable of retaining the tribal organisation during the
+period of migration and conquest did not lightly lose
+that organisation when they settled. In Sir Alfred<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg&nbsp;310]</a></span>
+Lyall's pure genealogic clan of Central India<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> I
+recognise the unbroken tribal formation before the
+family group has arisen as a political unit. In Mr.
+Tupper's argument against the conclusions of Sir
+Henry Maine I recognise the Hindu evidence that the
+tribe was the earliest social group, breaking up, as later
+influences arose, into village communities and joint
+families.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> In Bishop Stubbs's masterly analysis of
+English constitutional history the tribe appears at the
+outset&mdash;"the invaders," he says, "came in families
+and kindreds and in the full organisation of their tribes
+... the tribe was as complete when it had removed to
+Kent as when it stayed in Jutland; the magistrate was
+the ruler of the tribe not of the soil; the divisions were
+those of the folk and the host not of the land; the laws
+were the usage of the nation not of the territory."<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a>
+And so I agree with Mr. Skene as to the Celtic tribe
+that "the tuath or tribe preceded the fine or clan,"<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a>
+and with the editors of the Irish law tracts that "the
+tribe existed before the family came into being and
+continued to exist after the latter had been dissolved."<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a></p>
+
+<p>We need not go beyond this evidence. The tribe is
+the common form into which the early Indo-European
+peoples grouped themselves for the purpose of conquest
+and settlement. It was their primal unit. It may
+have been numerically large or small. It may have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg&nbsp;311]</a></span>
+been the result of a combination of many smaller
+tribes into one great tribe. But in any case and under
+any conditions there stands out the tribal organisation,
+that great institutional force from which spring all
+later institutions. Its roots go back into the remotest
+past of Indo-European history; its active force caused
+the Indo-European people to become the mightiest in
+human history; its lasting results have scarcely yet
+ceased to shape the aspirations of political society and
+to affect the destinies of nations. The whole life of the
+early period was governed by tribal conditions&mdash;the
+political, social, legal, and even religious conceptions
+were tribal in form and expression.</p>
+
+<p>The tribal institution of the Aryan-speaking peoples
+includes a life outside the tribe. That was an outlaw's
+life, a kinless outcast, whom no tribesman would look
+upon or assist, whom every tribesman considered as an
+enemy until he had reduced him to the position of helot
+or slave, but for whom every tribe had a place in its
+organisation and a legal status in its constitution. But
+it was the legal status imposed by the master over the
+servant, and the kinless included not only the outcast
+from the tribe, but the conquered aboriginal who had
+never been within the tribe. It is important to notice
+this, for it to some extent measures the strength of the
+tribal organisation. It not only allowed for a special
+position for all tribesmen, but it allowed for that position
+to have a definite relationship to persons who were
+not tribesmen, and it is in the combined forces of
+tribesmen and non-tribesmen that the tribal organisation
+which swept over part of Asia and over all Europe
+obtains its greatest power. There are tribal systems<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg&nbsp;312]</a></span>
+outside the Semitic and the Indo-European, but these
+do not have the distinctive features that the tribal
+systems of these two great civilising peoples possess.
+Like the Semitic and Aryan tribal systems, savage
+tribes are fashioned for conquest, but, unlike them,
+they are not fashioned for settlement and resettlement,
+and perhaps again and again conquest and resettlement.
+They spent all their power, or most of
+their power, in their one great effort of conquest, and
+whether we turn to the American Indian tribes, to the
+African tribes, or to the Asiatic tribes we find the same
+facts of frequent dissipation of power after sudden and
+complete conquest of it. The tribal system which led
+to civilisation has a different history. It has, too, a
+different constitution in that to the strength of tribesmen
+was added the subordination&mdash;politically, industrially,
+and economically&mdash;of non-tribesmen. They were
+the people who, in the terms of the northern poem,</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i1">"Laid fences,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Enriched the plough lands,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Tended swine,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Herded goats,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Dug peat."<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a><br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Unfortunately the institution of the tribe has never
+been properly studied by the great authorities in history,
+and students are left without guidance in this
+important matter. And yet in any attempt to get back
+to the earliest period of history in lands governed by
+an Aryan-speaking people we must proceed, can only
+proceed, on the basis of the tribe, and it is the failure to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg&nbsp;313]</a></span>
+understand this which has made so much early history
+unsatisfactory and inconclusive and compels us to the
+conclusion that the master-hand is still needed to rewrite
+in terms of tribal history all that has been written
+in terms merely of political history.</p>
+
+<p>If, however, history from the written records is thus
+at fault, so too is history from the traditional records.
+No systematic effort has been made to treat the traditional
+story or the traditional custom and belief as part
+of the tribal history of our race, and yet in the few
+cases where it has been so treated the results are obviously
+satisfactory. I can illustrate the value of this
+point of view by an example drawn from the period
+which witnessed the earliest struggles of our race. I
+think with Mr. Keary that in those German stories
+"which delight above all things in that portrait of the
+youngest son of the house&mdash;he is the youngest of
+three&mdash;who is left behind despised and neglected when
+his brothers go forth to seek their fortunes," we have
+traces of a veritable fact, of an historical condition
+where the elder sons actually went forth to conquest
+and to settlement and the youngest son remained in
+the original home as the hearth-child.<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> The position
+of hearth-child, surviving as it does in our law of
+Borough English, is of great significance, and that we
+can by the aid of tradition reach a state of society
+which gave birth to it is a point of the greatest importance,
+even if we could go no further. But there is a
+stage beyond it. The majority of these youngest-son<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg&nbsp;314]</a></span>
+stories relate to events not to be identified with any
+particular tribe or people, but which belong to all the
+tribes and peoples whose course of conquest and settlement
+took the common form. But if apart from these
+all-world stories there exist stories, or if there be but
+one story which has become identified with an episode,
+a person, or a place belonging to a particular people,
+we may claim it as part of the history of that particular
+people. It may be that the general story has become
+specialised in this one case, or it may be that an entirely
+new story has sprung out of the special case. But
+whichever be the origin of such a story attached to a
+particular people, it must tell us something of that
+people at a period when its history was being made
+rather than recorded. What it tells may be very little,
+may not lead up to anything very great or definite, so
+far as later history is concerned; but that for the period
+to which it belongs it relates to an episode worthy to
+have been kept in the memories of the descendants of
+the chief actors in the events is the point to bear in
+mind.</p>
+
+<p>There is one such story which belongs to English
+history. One of the most famous of these youngest-son
+stories is that of Childe Rowland, and Mr. Jacobs,
+on examining its incidents and details, suggests that
+"our story may have a certain amount of historic basis
+and give a record which history fails to give of the
+very earliest conflict of races in these isles."<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> Mr.
+Jacobs gives good grounds for this conclusion, and
+shows up a picture of earliest English history which
+is certainly not contained elsewhere, and we are able<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg&nbsp;315]</a></span>
+by this means to pass from that large group of youngest-son
+stories, which have brought with them living
+testimony of an ancient institution of our race in its
+oldest home, to the narrower but more direct example
+which comes to us from events which happened just at
+the dawn of history in our own land. It is not necessary
+to emphasise the importance of this service to
+history at the instance of tradition, for it will be obvious
+to every student that many a struggle must have remained
+unrecorded and many a hero must have died
+unnamed in the events which belong to the period of
+tribal conquest and settlement. And to have still with
+us the far-off echo of these events is no slight encouragement
+to an inquiry which has for its object the
+reconstruction of the conditions under which such
+events took place.</p>
+
+<p>This would be all the better understood if we could get
+a concrete case for illustration, and, fortunately, this is
+possible by turning to the evidence of India. "What
+we know of the manner in which the states of Upper
+India were founded," says Sir Alfred Lyall,</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"gives a very fair sample of the movements and changes of
+the primitive world. When the dominant Rajput families lost
+their dominion in the rich Gangetic plains one part of their
+clan seems to have remained in the conquered country,
+having submitted to the foreigner, cultivating in strong
+communities of villages and federations of villages and
+paying such land tax as the ruler could extract. Another
+part of the clan, probably the near kinsmen of the defeated
+chief, followed his family into exile, and helped him to carve
+out another, but a much poorer, dominion. Here the chief
+built himself a fort upon the hill; his clansmen slew or
+subdued the tribes they found in possession of the soil, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg&nbsp;316]</a></span>
+the lands were all parcelled off among the chief's kinsfolk,
+the indigenous proprietors being subjected to payment of
+a land tax, but not otherwise degraded. When the land grew
+too strait for the support of the chief's family or of the sept&mdash;that
+is, when there were no vacant allotments, a landless son
+of the chief would assemble a band, and set forth to make
+room for himself elsewhere."<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>The evidence from India is fact, the evidence from
+England is tradition, and yet I do not think any
+student will deny that both fact and tradition are
+part and parcel of the same conditions of society, the
+same forces operating upon the same material. The
+conditions of society in both cases are tribal conditions,
+and the common factor having thus been discovered,
+it is possible to determine not only the inter-relationship
+between fact and tradition, but the means by which we
+may estimate the value of both.</p>
+
+<p>We cannot, however, stop here. I carry on the
+same argument from the traditional legend to the
+traditional custom and belief, and affirm that it is only
+by their position as part of the tribal system that custom
+and belief in survival must be tested. If they have descended
+from early Celtic or Teutonic custom and belief,
+they have descended from tribal custom and belief,
+and somewhere in the stages of descent will be found the
+link which connects them definitely with the tribe. That
+not all custom and belief has so descended is due to the
+fact that much of it belongs to the pre-Celtic period,
+which was not tribal; some of it, no doubt, to comparatively
+modern times, when, as we have already seen,
+superstition had taken the place of thought, while<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg&nbsp;317]</a></span>
+some phases of early belief belong to conditions which
+transcend the division between pre-Aryan and Aryan
+folk. On this I will say something by way of explanation
+presently. In the meantime it is an extremely
+important task to classify survivals into tribal and non-tribal
+groups. Those which belong to Celtic or
+Teutonic origins must show their tribal origin, for they
+could not have come into existence apart from the tribe,
+and apart from the tribe they could not have survived
+after the break-up of the tribe consequent upon the
+development of national and political life. Custom
+and belief which do not fit into the ancient tribal
+system, therefore, cannot be recognised as ancient
+Celtic or ancient Teutonic custom and belief, and contrariwise
+when it is seen that they naturally fall into
+this system it may be argued that there we must search
+for their origin. Our Anglo-Saxon forefathers have
+left a curious testimony to this view of the question in
+their word "holy" or wholesome. What is wholesome
+is so for the whole group. The Anglo-Saxon idea of
+holiness implies as its chief element relation to the
+tribal life.<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a></p>
+
+<p>The classification of survivals in folklore into tribal
+and non-tribal items is a lengthy and intricate process.
+Some years ago I made a start in a study of fire worship
+which I presented to the British Association,<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> and
+I hope shortly to be ready with a volume on <i>Tribal
+Custom</i>, which will embody a fuller study of fire<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg&nbsp;318]</a></span>
+worship and its accompanying beliefs, together with
+a complete study of all the remains of traditional
+custom, rite, and belief, which only as the detritus
+of the ancient tribal organisation receive adequate
+explanation of their presence in the midst of modern
+political and religious institutions. If I leave this
+part of my subject without further illustration in
+this present volume, I must add one important
+note upon the persistence of survivals of both kinless
+and kinship societies. I have shown that the tribal
+system of the advanced races included provision
+for non-tribesmen, provision which kept non-tribesmen
+outside the tribal bond, and at the same time
+kept them tied to the tribe by using them as the
+necessary dependent adjunct of the tribe, using them
+as bondmen and serfs in point of fact. This extremely
+important factor in the history of the tribal
+organisation, which has not been properly noticed by
+the few authorities who have investigated tribal institutions,
+receives additional importance when viewed from
+the standpoint of folklore, for it allows for the preservation
+of non-tribal cults side by side with tribal cults.
+Non-tribesmen preserved their custom, belief, and rite
+simply because they were not admitted to the custom,
+belief, and rite of the tribe, and this is the explanation
+of the existence, in survival, of folklore which goes
+back to pre-Celtic times. Some of this pre-Celtic
+folklore we have already had before us, and some
+of it I have studied in my <i>Ethnology in Folklore</i>.
+Later on I shall have something more to say on the
+subject. Here it is only necessary to emphasise the
+importance of having ascertained why it is that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg&nbsp;319]</a></span>
+Celtic conquerors of Britain and the earliest tribal conquerors
+of the Indo-European world generally permitted
+to live in their midst what in a sense was
+opposed to all that they believed, to all that they
+practised, to all that governed them in thought and
+action.</p>
+
+<p>I think this is a strong position upon which to conduct
+folklore research. It includes the whole of the historical
+position; it takes due count of historical facts
+instead of ignoring them. It is based upon a scientific
+conception of the meaning of a survival of culture. A
+survival is that which has been left stranded amidst
+the development that is going on around. Its future
+life is not one of development but of decay. We
+are not dealing with the evolution of society, but
+with the decaying fragments of a social system which
+has passed away. We have to trace out its line of
+decay from the point where it almost vanishes as the
+mere superstition or practice of a peasant or an outcast,
+back to phases where it exists in more strenuous
+fashion, and finally back to its original position as
+part and parcel of a living social fabric. Moreover,
+the strength of our position is based upon a scientific
+conception of the development of the nation or people
+among whom survivals exist. It is not all parts of the
+nation which develop at the same rate, at the same time,
+and for the same period. There are social strata in
+every country, and it is the observance of these strata
+which has made it possible for the inquirer of to-day to
+use the evidence they afford for historical purposes.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> <i>Religion of the Semites</i>, 30. It is worth while quoting here Merivale's
+note in his Boyle lectures, <i>Conversion of the Northern Nations</i>, 122.
+"Pagan temples were always the public works of nations and communities.
+They were national buildings dedicated to national purposes.
+The medi&aelig;val churches, on the other hand, were the erection of individuals,
+monuments of personal piety, tokens of the hope of a personal
+reward." <i>Cf.</i> Stanley, <i>Hist. Westminster Abbey</i>, 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> Mr. Granger has a very instructive passage on this point in his
+<i>Worship of the Romans</i>, 210-214; <i>cf.</i> Robertson-Smith, <i>Religion of the
+Semites</i>, lec. ii.; Mr. MacDonald, <i>Africana</i>, i. 64, notes, too, that "the
+natives worship not so much individually as in villages or communities."
+Prof. Sayce, studying early religion, says in its outward form it "was
+made up of rites and ceremonies which could only be performed collectively."&mdash;<i>Science
+of Language</i>, ii. 290.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> Clarke's <i>Survey of the Lakes</i>, 36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> Pritchard's <i>Researches into the Physical Hist. of Mankind</i>, vol. iii.,
+may still be consulted for an account of the tribal movements in Europe.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> <i>Early Age of Greece</i>, i. cap. iv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> <i>History of Antiquity</i>, iv. 116-17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> <i>Asiatic Studies</i>, i. 173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> <i>Punjab Customary Law</i>, ii. 3-59. <i>Cf.</i> Baden-Powell's <i>Indian Vill.
+Com.</i>, 230; Duncker, <i>Hist. Antiq.</i>, iv. 115-17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> Stubbs's <i>Const. Hist.</i>, i. 64. <i>Cf. Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law</i>, 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> <i>Celtic Scotland</i>, iii. 137, note 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> <i>Anc. Laws of Ireland</i>, iv. p. 77. <i>Cf.</i> also Mr. Andrews' <i>Old
+English Manor</i>, p. 20, and Meyer, <i>Geschichte der Alterthums</i>, 2-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> Du Chaillu, <i>The Viking Age</i>, i. 488.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> Keary, <i>Origin of Primitive Belief</i>, 464-5. Mr. MacCulloch, <i>Childhood
+of Fiction</i>, devotes a chapter to the clever-youngest-son group of
+tales (cap. xiii.), which should be consulted.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> <i>Folklore</i>, ii. 194.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> Sir A. Lyall, <i>Asiatic Studies</i>, 184, and compare pp. 198, 208, 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Granger, <i>Worship of the Romans</i>, 211. Mr. Granger uses
+terms which I do not quite accept, though his suggestion is entirely good
+in principle.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> <i>Report of British Association</i> (Liverpool Meeting).</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg&nbsp;320]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER VI</h2>
+
+<h3>EUROPEAN CONDITIONS</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">T</span>here are obviously conditions attaching to
+European culture history which do not apply
+elsewhere, and as obviously the most important,
+perhaps the only important one, which it is necessary
+to consider in connection with the problems of folklore
+is that resulting from the introduction of a non-European
+religion and the adoption of this religion as part
+of the state machinery in the several countries. This
+religion is, of course, Christianity. It came into the
+home of a decaying, corrupt, and impossible state
+religion wherever the Roman Empire was established
+and into the homes of purer and sterner faiths, faiths
+that had belonged to the people through all the years
+of conquest and settlement, migration and resettlement,
+wherever the empire of Rome had not become
+established.</p>
+
+<p>Until the advent of Christianity into Britain the
+Celtic peoples possessed their own customs, their own
+religious beliefs, their own usages. Until the Anglo-Saxons
+came into contact with Christianity in their
+new settlements in England, they also possessed their
+own customs, usages, and beliefs. So far as Celt and
+Teuton were responsible for continuing or allowing to
+continue the still older faiths, the faiths of savagery as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg&nbsp;321]</a></span>
+we have accustomed ourselves to term them, they
+brought these faiths also into contact with Christianity,
+and Christianity dealt with the problem thus presented
+exactly as it dealt with the Celtic and Teutonic faiths,
+namely, by treating all alike as pagan, all equally to
+be set aside or used in any fashion that circumstances
+might demand. Let it be particularly noted that
+Christianity did not distinguish between the various
+shades of paganism. All that was not Christian was
+pagan.</p>
+
+<p>Christianity was both antagonistic to and tolerant
+of pagan custom and belief. In principle and purpose
+it was antagonistic. In practice it was tolerant
+where it could tolerate safely. At the centre it aimed
+at purity of Christian doctrine, locally it permitted
+pagan practices to be continued under Christian auspices.
+In the earliest days it set itself against all
+forms of idolatry and non-Christian practices; in later
+days, after the fifth century, says Gibbon,<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> it accepted
+both pagan practice and pagan ritual.</p>
+
+<p>The relationship of Christianity to paganism is,
+therefore, a very complex subject, and it would not be
+possible in this place to work out one tithe of it. Nor
+is it needed. The two cardinal facts with which we are
+now concerned are the principle of antagonism and the
+practice of toleration. As to the former there need not
+be any discussion on the fact. Everywhere throughout
+Europe its effect is to be seen. It formed the most
+solid and systematic arresting force against the natural
+development of pagan belief and practice, and it is
+this fact of arrested development in pagan belief and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg&nbsp;322]</a></span>
+practice which is of great importance. We can ascertain
+the point of stoppage, note the stage of arrested
+development, and trace out the subsequent history of a
+custom, belief, or rite so arrested. As a survival in a
+state of arrested development, a custom or belief is
+observable throughout its later history. All it does is
+to decay, and decay slowly, and each stage of decay
+may oftentimes be discovered. On the other hand, if
+no arrest of development had taken place there would
+have been no survival and no decay. The custom or
+belief which is not arrested by an opposing culture
+becomes a part of the religion or of the institutions of
+the nation, and the history of its development becomes,
+as a rule, lost in the general advance of religion and
+politics&mdash;custom develops into law, belief develops into
+religion, rite develops into ceremonial, and tradition
+ceases to be the force which keeps them alive. The
+two classes of custom and belief thus contrasted are of
+different value to the student. The one is important
+because it contains the germs and goes back to the
+origin of existing institutions. The other is important
+because, having been arrested by a strong opposing
+force, unable to destroy it altogether, it remains as
+evidence of custom and belief at the time of its arrestment.
+It will be seen at once how far this evidence
+may take us. It stretches back into the remotest past.
+It survives in the stage at which it was arrested, not of
+course in the form in which it then appeared, but in the
+decayed form which years of existence beneath the
+ever-opposing forces of the established civilisation
+must have brought about.</p>
+
+<p>These opposing forces can be detected in working<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg&nbsp;323]</a></span>
+order. What can be more indicative of a dual system
+of belief than the cry of an old Scottish peasant when
+he came to worship at the sacred well?&mdash;"O Lord, Thou
+knowest that well would it be for me this day an I had
+stoopit my knees and my heart before Thee in spirit and
+in truth as often as I have stoopit them afore this well.
+But we maun keep the customs of our fathers." It
+appears over and over again in the lives of early Christian
+saints who were only just parting from a living
+pagan faith. Thus St. Bega was the patroness of
+St. Bees in Cumberland, where she left a holy bracelet
+which was long an object of profound veneration; and
+in a prefatory statement by the compiler of a small
+collection of her miracles, written in the twelfth
+century, we learn among other things that whosoever
+forswore himself upon her bracelet swiftly incurred
+the heaviest punishment of perjury or a speedy death.
+It is to be observed that Beagas, the French Bague,
+is the Anglo-Saxon denomination for rings, and
+Dr. William Bell suggests that holy St. Bega was but
+a personification of one of the holy rings which, having
+gained great hold upon the minds of the heathen
+Cumbrians, it was not politic in their first Christian
+missionaries wholly to subvert.<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> These rings are, of
+course, the doom rings of the Scandinavian temples
+which are so often referred to in the Sagas.<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a></p>
+
+<p>Baptism, an essentially Christian ceremony, might
+off-hand be supposed to contain nothing but evidence
+for Christianity. It might at most be expected that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg&nbsp;324]</a></span>
+details of the ceremony would contain relics of adapted
+pagan rites, and this we know is the case. But we can
+go beyond even this, and discover in the popular
+conception of the rite very clear indications of the
+early antagonism between Christianity and paganism&mdash;an
+antagonism which is certainly some eighteen hundred
+years old in this country, and though so old is still
+contained in the evidence of folklore.</p>
+
+<p>An analysis of baptismal folklore shows us that
+its most important section is contained under the
+group which deals with the effect of non-baptism.
+In England we have it prevailing in the border
+counties, in Cornwall, Devonshire, Durham, Lancashire,
+Middlesex, Northumberland, and Yorkshire, and
+in North-East Scotland, that children joined the ranks
+of the fairies if they died unchristened, or that their
+souls wandered about in the air, restless and unhappy,
+until Judgment Day. Various penalties attended the
+condition of non-baptism, but perhaps the most significant
+is the Northumberland custom of burying an
+unbaptised babe at the feet of an adult Christian corpse&mdash;surely
+a relic of the old sacrifice at a burial which is
+indicated so frequently in the graves of prehistoric
+times, particularly of the long-barrow period. In
+Ireland we have the effect of non-baptism in a still
+more grim form. In the sixteenth century the rude
+Irish used to leave the right arms of their male children
+unchristened, to the intent that they might give a more
+ungracious and deadly blow.<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a></p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus26" id="Illus26"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_26.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_26th.jpg" width="400" height="266"
+alt="Rite of baptism on the font at Darenth, Kent (from Romilly
+Allen&#39;s &quot;Early Christian Symbolism&quot;)"
+title="RITE OF BAPTISM, ON FONT AT DARENTH, KENT" /></a>
+<span class="caption">RITE OF BAPTISM, ON FONT AT DARENTH, KENT</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>These, and their allied and variant customs, are
+relics, not so much of the absorption by Christian
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg&nbsp;325]</a></span>baptism of rites belonging to early paganism as of the
+struggle between Christianity and paganism for the
+mastery, of the anathemas of Christians against pagans,
+and of the terrible answer of the pagan. And what are
+we to say to it? Is it that the struggle itself has lasted
+all these centuries, or only its memory? My belief is
+that the struggle itself has lasted in reality though not
+in name.</p>
+
+<p>But if we have been able to look through the very
+portals of Christianity to the regions of paganism behind,
+can we not boldly pass through altogether and
+recover from folklore much of the lost evidence of our
+prehistoric ancestors? I put the question in this way
+purposely, because it is the way which is indicated by
+the methods and data of folklore, and it is a question
+which has much to do with the different views held of
+the province of folklore.</p>
+
+<p>I will answer by referring to the pre-baptismal rites
+of washing. In Northumberland we meet with the
+analogue of the sixteenth-century Irish practice, for
+there the child's right hand is left unwashed that it may
+gather riches better<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a>&mdash;the golden coin taking the place
+of the ancient weapon in this as in other phases of civilisation.
+Not only is the water used for this purpose
+heated in the old-fashioned way by placing red-hot irons
+in it (<i>i.e.</i> the modern equivalent for stone-boiling), but
+in Yorkshire we have the custom that the newborn
+infant must be placed in the arms of a maiden before
+any one else touches it, two practices represented exactly
+in the customs of the Canary Islanders, who were in
+the stone age of culture and are considered to be the last<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg&nbsp;326]</a></span>
+remnants of a race which once included Britain among
+its lands of occupation.<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Rev. C. O'Connor, in his third letter of Columbanus,
+gives a very interesting statement of Irish well-worship
+in a letter addressed to his brother, the late
+Owen O'Connor Don, and which shows the living
+antagonism between Christian and pagan belief. He
+says:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"I have often enquired of your tenants what they themselves
+thought of their pilgrimage to their wells of Kill
+Orcht, Tobbar-Brighde, Tobbar-Muire, near Elphin, and
+Moore, near Castlereagh, where multitudes assemble annually
+to celebrate what they, in broken English, termed
+Patterns; and when I pressed a very old man&mdash;Owen Hester&mdash;to
+state what possible advantage he expected to derive
+from the singular custom of frequenting in particular such
+wells as were contiguous to an old blasted oak, or an upright
+unhewn stone, and what the meaning was of the yet more
+singular custom of sticking rags in the branches of such
+trees and spitting on them, his answer, and the answer of
+the oldest men, was that their ancestors always did it;
+that it was a preservative against Geasa-Dravideacht, <i>i.e.</i> the
+sorceries of Druids; that their cattle was preserved by it
+from infectious disorders; that the davini maithe, <i>i.e.</i> the
+fairies, were kept in good humour by it; and so thoroughly
+persuaded were they of the sanctity of these pagan practices
+that they would travel bareheaded and barefooted from ten
+to twenty miles for the purpose of crawling on their knees
+round these wells and upright stones and oak trees westward
+as the sun travels, some three times, some six, some
+nine, and so on, in uneven numbers until their voluntary
+penances were completely fulfilled. The waters of Logh-Con
+were deemed so sacred from ancient usage that they
+would throw into the lake whole rolls of butter as a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg&nbsp;327]</a></span>
+preservation for the milk of their cows against Geasa-Dravideacht."<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>Scarcely less important than the effect of the antagonism
+of the Church in the production of arrested
+development is the effect of the toleration of the Church
+for pagan custom and belief. This toleration took the
+shape either of allowing the continuation of pagan
+custom and belief as a matter not affecting Christian
+doctrine or of actual absorption into Church practice
+and ritual. The story told to the full is a long and
+interesting one. And it still awaits the telling.
+Gibbon, in a few sentences, has told us the outline.<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a>
+Other authorities have told us small episodes. I am,
+of course, not concerned here with anything more than
+to adduce sufficient evidence to establish the fact that
+Christian tolerance of paganism has been one of the
+assistant causes for the long continuance of pagan survivals.</p>
+
+<p>I shall not hesitate to begin by quoting at length a
+luminous passage from Grimm's great work. In the
+preface to his second edition he writes as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"Oftentimes the Church prudently permitted, or could not
+prevent, that heathen and Christian things should here and
+there run into one another; the clergy themselves would not
+always succeed in marking off the bounds of the two religions:
+their private leanings might let some things pass which
+they found firmly rooted in the multitude. In the language,
+together with a stock of newly-imported Greek and Latin
+terms, there still remained, even for ecclesiastical use, a
+number of Teutonic words previously employed in heathen
+services, just as the names of gods stood ineradicable in the
+days of the week; to such words old customs would still<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg&nbsp;328]</a></span>
+cling silent and unnoticed and take a new lease of life. The
+festivals of the people present a tough material: they are so
+closely bound up with its habits of life that they will put up
+with foreign additions if only to save a fragment of festivities
+long loved and tried. In this way Scandinavia, probably
+the Goths also for a time, and the Anglo-Saxons down
+to a late period, retained the heathenish Yule as all Teutonic
+Christians did the sanctity of Easter-tide; and from these
+two the Yule-boar and Yule-bread, the Easter pancake,
+Easter-sword, Easter-fire, and Easter-dance could not be
+separated. As faithfully were perpetuated the name and in
+many cases the observances of Midsummer. New Christian
+feasts, especially of saints, seem purposely, as well as accidentally,
+to have been made to fall on heathen holidays.
+Churches often rose precisely where a heathen god or his
+sacred tree had been pulled down, and the people trod their
+old paths to the accustomed site; sometimes the very walls
+of the heathen temple became those of the church, and cases
+occur in which idol images still found a place in a wall of the
+porch, or were set up outside the door, as at Bamberg
+Cathedral there lie Slavic heathen figures of animals inscribed
+with runes. Sacred hills and fountains were rechristened
+after saints, to whom their sanctity was transferred;
+sacred woods were handed over to the newly-founded
+convent or the king, and even under private ownership did
+not lose their long-accustomed homage. Law usages, particularly
+the ordeals and oath-takings, but also the beating
+of bounds, consecrations, image processions, spells and formulas,
+while retaining their heathen character, were simply
+clothed in Christian forms. In some customs there was
+little to change: the heathen practice of sprinkling a newborn
+babe with water closely resembled Christian baptism;
+the sign of the hammer, that of the cross; and the erection
+of tree crosses the irmens&ucirc;ls and world trees of paganism."<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a></p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg&nbsp;329]</a></span>
+This passage, written in 1844, has been abundantly
+illustrated by the research of specialists since that date,
+and, of course, Mr. Frazer's monumental work will
+occur to every reader. But, after all, the chief authority
+for the action of the Church towards paganism in this
+country is the famous letter of Pope Gregory to the
+Abbot Mellitus in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 601, as preserved by the historian
+Beda. It is worth while quoting this once
+again, for it is an English historical document of
+priceless value. "We have been much concerned,"
+writes the good St. Gregory,</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"since the departure of our congregation that is with you,
+because we have received no account of the success of your
+journey. When, therefore, Almighty God shall bring you to
+the most reverend Bishop Augustine our brother, tell him
+what I have, upon mature deliberation on the affair of the
+English, determined upon, namely, that the temples of the
+idols [fana idolorum] in that nation [gente] ought not to be
+destroyed; but let the idols that are in them be destroyed; let
+holy water be made and sprinkled upon the said temples, let
+altars be erected and relics placed. For if these temples be
+well built, it is requisite that they be converted from the
+worship of devils [d&aelig;monum] to the worship of the true God;
+that the nation seeing that their temples are not destroyed may
+remove error from their hearts, and knowing and adoring the
+true God may the more familiarly resort to the places to which
+they have been accustomed. And because they have been
+used to slaughter many oxen in the sacrifices to devils some
+solemnity must be exchanged for them on this account, so
+that on the day of the dedication, or the nativities of the
+holy martyrs whose relics are there deposited, they may
+build themselves huts of the boughs of trees, about those
+churches which have been turned to that use from temples
+and celebrate the solemnity with religious feasting and no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg&nbsp;330]</a></span>
+more offer beasts to the devil [diabolo], but kill cattle to the
+praise of God in their eating, and return thanks to the giver
+of all things for their sustenance."<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>The church of St. Pancras at Canterbury is claimed
+to be one of the temples so preserved,<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> and there have
+survived down to our own times examples of the
+animal sacrifice which in early Christian days may
+well have been preserved by this famous edict.<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> But
+beyond these illustrations of the two stated objects
+of Pope Gregory's letter there are innumerable additional
+results from such a policy,<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a> results which prove
+that British pagandom was not stamped out by edict
+or by sword, but was rather gradually borne down
+before the strength of the new religion&mdash;borne down
+and pushed into the background out of sight of the
+Church and the State, relegated to the cottage homes,
+the cattle-sheds and the cornfields, the countryside and
+the denizens thereof.<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg&nbsp;331]</a></span>
+This is where we must search for it, and I think this
+important element in our studies will be better understood
+if we turn for one moment to the results of
+Christian contact with earlier belief in the one country
+where Christianity has set up its strongest political force,
+namely, Italy. Dr. Middleton wrote a series of remarkable
+letters which tell us much on this point, but
+before referring to this, I wish first to quote a hitherto
+buried record by an impartial observer<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> in the year
+1704. It is a letter written from Venice to Sir Thomas
+Frankland, describing the travels and observations of
+a journey into Italy. The traveller writes:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"I cannot leave Itally without making some general observations
+upon the country in general, and first as to their
+religion; it differs in name only now from what it was in the
+time of the ancient heathen Romans. I know this will
+sound very oddly with some sort of people, but compare
+them together and then let any reasonable man judge of the
+difference. The heathen Itallians had their gods for peace<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg&nbsp;332]</a></span>
+and for war, for plenty and poverty, for health and sickness,
+riches and poverty, to whom they addressed themselves and
+their wants; and the Christian Itallians have their patron
+saints for each of these things, to whom they also address
+according to their wants. The heathen sacrificed bulls and
+other beasts, and the Christian ones after the same manner
+a piece of bread, which a picture in the garden of Aldobrandina
+at Rome, painted in the time of Titus Vespasian,
+shews by the altar and the priests' vestments to have been
+the same as used now. The Pantheon at Rome was dedicated
+by the ancients to all the gods, and by the moderns to
+all the saints; the temple of Castor and Pollux at Rome is
+now dedicated to Cosmo and Damian, also twin brothers.
+The respect they pay to the Virgin Mary is far greater than
+what they pay to the Son, and whatever English Roman
+Catholics may be made to believe by their priests or impose
+upon us, it is certain that the devotion to the Madonnas in
+Itally is something more than a bare representation of the
+Virgin Mary when they desire her intercession. Miracles
+they pretend not only to be wrought by the Madonnas themselves,
+but there is far greater respect paid to a Madonna in
+one place than another, whereas if this statue were only a
+bare representation of the Virgin to keep them in mind of
+her, the respect would be equal. I visited all the famous
+ones, and it would fill a volume to tell you the fopperies
+that's said of them. That of Loretto, being what they say
+is the very house where the Virgin lived, is not to be
+described, the riches are so great, nor the devotion that's
+paid to the statue.... The Lady of Saronna is another
+famous one and very rich; she is much handsomer than she
+of Loretto and a whole church-full of the legend of the
+miracles she hath wrought. She is in great reputation, and
+it's thought will at last outtop the Lady of Loretto; there is
+another near Leghorne that I also visited called <i>La Madonna
+della Silva Nera</i>, to whom all Itallian ships that enter that
+port make a present of thanks for their happy voyage, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg&nbsp;333]</a></span>
+salute her with their cannon, and most ships going out give
+her something for her protection during their voyage. I
+could tire you with she at the Annunciata at Florence, she
+within a mile of Bollognia, for whom the magistracy have
+piazza'd the road all the way from her station to the city,
+that she may not be encumbered with sun or rain when she
+makes them a visit, and hundreds more that would fill a
+volume of fopperies that I had the curiosity to see, but it
+would be imposing too much upon your patience."<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>This only confirms Dr. Middleton's conclusions,
+which received the approval of Gibbon, and those of
+later writers. "As I descended from the Alps," writes
+the Rev. W.&nbsp;H. Blunt in 1823,</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"I was admonished of my entrance into Italy by a little
+chapel to the Madonna, built upon a rock by the roadside,
+and from that time till I repassed this chain of
+mountains I received almost hourly proof that I was wandering
+amongst the descendants of that people which is
+described by Cicero to have been the most religious of mankind.
+Though the mixture of religion with all the common
+events of life is anything but an error, yet I could not avoid
+regretting that, like their heathen ancestors, the modern
+Italians had supplied the place of our great master mover by
+a countless host of inferior agents."<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>Mr. Blunt goes on to give interesting details of the
+close connection between the modern religious festival,
+ceremony, or service, and those of classical times, and
+the conclusion is obvious. In modern days Dr.
+Mommsen has lent the sanction of his great authority
+to the identification of the birthday of Christ with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg&nbsp;334]</a></span>
+that of Mithra,<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> and Mr. Leland has given such
+numerous identifications not only of the cults of pagan
+and Christian Italy, but of the god-names of ancient
+Rome with the saint-names or witch-names of modern
+times,<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> that it seems impossible to deny a place for this
+evidence. "It was," says Gibbon,</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"the universal sentiment both of the Church and of heretics
+that the d&aelig;mons were the authors, the patrons, and the objects
+of idolatry; those rebellious spirits who had been degraded
+from the rank of angels were still permitted to roam upon
+earth, to torment the bodies and to seduce the minds of sinful
+men. It was confessed, or at least it was imagined, that they
+had distributed among themselves the most important characters
+of Polytheism, one d&aelig;mon assuming the name of Jupiter,
+another of &AElig;sculapius, a third of Venus, and a fourth
+perhaps of Apollo."<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>This, then, is recognition and adoption of pagan beliefs,
+not the uprooting of them. If the Roman Jupiter
+was a Christian d&aelig;mon, his existence at all events was
+recognised. But even this negative way of adopting the
+old beliefs gave way as the Church spread further. The
+tribe of d&aelig;mons soon included the popular fairy, elf,
+and goblin. And then came the positive adoption of
+pagan customs. Gibbon describes how the early
+Christians refused to decorate their doors with garlands
+and lamps, and to take part in the ceremonial of lifting
+the bride over the threshold of the house.<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> Both
+these customs have survived in popular folklore, in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg&nbsp;335]</a></span>
+spite of the recorded action of the early Church, and
+it would be curious to ascertain whether they have
+survived by the help of the Church. We cannot
+answer that question of historical evidence just now,
+but it is a question which, in its wider aspect, as
+including many other items of folklore, ought to be
+examined into. There is no doubt, however, that by
+analogy it can be answered, because we have ample
+evidence, if the writings of reformers may be taken as
+historical facts and not polemical imaginations, that
+many very important customs, among the richest as
+well as the poorest treasures of folklore, have been, so
+to speak, Christianised by the Church, and that
+the Church has taken part in and adopted non-Christian
+customs, the survivors of olden-time life
+in Europe.<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now it is clear from these considerations, and from
+the vast mass of information which is gradually being
+accumulated on the subject, that not only the arresting
+force of Christianity but also its toleration has assisted
+in the preservation of pre-Christian belief and custom.
+But the preservation has been in fragments only. The
+system which supported the older faith and might, if it
+had been allowed a natural growth, have produced
+a newer religion of its own, was completely shattered.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg&nbsp;336]</a></span>
+It left no preservative force except that of tradition, the
+traditional instinct to do what has always been done, to
+believe what has always been believed. Pre-Christian
+belief and custom has thus become isolated beliefs and
+customs in survival. It has been broken up into innumerable
+fragments of unequal character, and containing
+unequal elements. It has been forced back
+into secret action wherever Christianity was wholly
+antagonistic, and hence primitive public worship has
+tended to become local worship, or household worship,
+or even personal worship, while all such worship which
+is not the authorised Church worship has tended to become
+superstition. Where Christianity was not wholly
+antagonistic, it absorbed rites, customs, and even beliefs,
+and these primitive survivals have taken their
+place in the evolution of Christian doctrine, and thus
+become lost to the students of Celtic and Teutonic
+antiquities. But even so, there are discoverable points
+where the dividing line between non-Christian and
+Christian belief has not been obliterated by the process
+of absorption. In all cases it is the duty of the student
+to note the stage of arrested development in the primitive
+rite, custom, or belief, whether it be caused by
+antagonism or by absorption. It is at this point,
+indeed, that the history of the survival begins. It
+is here that we have to turn from the polity, the
+religion, or cultus of a people to the belief, practices,
+or superstition of that portion of our nation which
+has not shared its progress from tribesmen to citizens,
+from paganism to Christianity, from vain imaginings
+to science and philosophy. It is from this point we
+have to turn from the dignity of courts, the doings<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg&nbsp;337]</a></span>
+of armies, and the results of commerce, to the doings,
+sayings, and ideas of the peasantry who cannot read,
+and who have depended upon tradition for all, or
+almost all, they know outside the formalities of law
+and Church.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> <i>Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire</i> (Bury), iii. 214-15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> <i>Royal Irish Academy</i>, viii. 258; <i>Brit. Arch. Assoc.</i> (Gloucester
+volume), 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> "The Story of the Ere Dwellers," Morris, <i>Saga Library</i>, ii. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> Camden, <i>Britannia</i>, s.v. "Ireland."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> Henderson, <i>Folklore of Northern Counties</i>, 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> Glas, <i>Canary Islands</i>, 148.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> Betham, <i>Gael and Cymbri</i>, pp. 236-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> <i>Decline and Fall</i>, iii. p. 214 (edit. Bury).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> Grimm, <i>Teutonic Mythology</i>, by Stallybrass, iii. pp. 35, 36. A
+passage from Hakon's Saga, quoted by Du Chaillu in his <i>Viking Age</i>,
+i. p. 464, shows that the northern peoples adopted the same measures.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> Beda, lib. i. cap. 30; and consult Mr. Plummer's learned notes on
+this (vol. ii. 57-61).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> Stanley, <i>Memorials of Canterbury</i>, 37-38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> my <i>Ethnology in Folklore</i>, 30-36, 136-140. Compare St. Patrick's
+dedication of pagan sacred stones to Christian purposes.&mdash;<i>Tripartite
+Life of St. Patrick</i>, i. 107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> Thus Henry of Huntingdon records that Redwald, King of the East
+Angles, after his conversion to Christianity, "set up altars to Christ
+and the devil in the same chapel" (lib. iii.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Kemble, <i>Saxons in England</i>, i. 330-335. Dr. Hearn writes:
+"Even as the good Pope Gregory the Great permitted the newly converted
+English to retain their old temples and accustomed rites, attaching,
+however, to them another purpose and a new meaning, so his
+successors found means to utilize the simple beliefs of early animism.
+Long and vainly the Church struggled against this irresistible sentiment.
+Fifteen centuries ago it was charged against the Christians of that day
+that they appeased the shades of the dead with feasts like the Gentiles.
+In the Penitentials we find the prohibition of burning grains where a man
+had died. In the <i>Indiculus superstitionum et Paganiarum</i> among the
+Saxons complaint is made of the too ready canonisation of the dead;
+and the Church seems to have been much troubled to keep within
+reasonable bounds this tendency to indiscriminate apotheosis. At length
+a compromise was effected, and the Feast of All Souls converted to
+pious uses that wealth of sentiment which previously was lavished on
+the dead" (<i>The Aryan Household</i>, p. 60). And, to close this short note
+upon an important subject, Mr. Metcalfe, speaking of the old poetic
+literature of the pagan English, says: "It was kidnapped, and its
+features so altered and disguised as not to be recognisable. It was supplanted
+by Christian poetical legends and Bible lays produced in rivalry
+of the popular lays of their heathen predecessors. Finding that the
+people would listen to nothing but these old lays, the missionaries
+affected their spirit and language, and borrowed the words and phrases
+of heathenism" (Metcalfe's <i>Englishman and Scandinavian</i>, p. 155).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> For some reason not apparent in the document itself, Mrs. S.&nbsp;C.
+Lomas, the editor of this report, says this interesting letter gives "a
+curious and evidently prejudiced description of the religious houses and
+observances." See preface to <i>Hist. MSS. Com. Report on the MSS. of
+Chequers Court, Bucks</i>, p. x.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> <i>Hist. MSS. Com., Chequers Court Papers</i>, pp. 171-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> <i>Vestiges of Ancient Manners and Customs in Italy</i>, p. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> <i>Corpus insc. Lat.</i>, i. 409; and <i>cf.</i> Cumont's <i>Mysteries of Mithra</i>
+(1903).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> Leland, <i>Etruscan Roman Remains</i> (1892).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> <i>Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire</i> (Bury), ii. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> <i>Decline and Fall</i>, ii. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> Evidence is scattered far and wide in most of the reliable studies in
+folklore. Two special books may be mentioned. A great storehouse of
+examples is to be found in <i>The Popish Kingdoms</i>, by Thomas Naogeorgus,
+Englyshed by Barnabe Googe, 1570, a new edition of which
+was published by Mr. R.&nbsp;C. Hope in 1880; and Mr. H.&nbsp;M. Bower has exhaustively
+examined one important Italian ceremony in his <i>The Elevation
+and Procession of the Ceri at Gubbio</i>, published by the Folklore Society
+in 1897.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg&nbsp;338]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER VII</h2>
+
+<h3>ETHNOLOGICAL CONDITIONS</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">A</span>lready I have had to point out that an
+appeal to ethnological evidence is the means
+of avoiding the wholesale rejection of custom
+and belief recorded of early Britain, because it has
+been rejected as appertaining to the historic Celt. I
+will now proceed with the definite proposition that the
+survivals in folklore may be allocated and explained by
+their ethnological bearing.</p>
+
+<p>Some years ago I advanced this proposition in my
+little book entitled <i>Ethnology in Folklore</i>. Only haltingly
+have my conclusions been accepted, but I nowhere
+find them disproved,<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> while here and there I find
+good authorities appealing to the ethnological element
+in folklore to help them in their views. Mr. MacCulloch,
+for instance, prefers to go for the basis of the Osiris
+and Dionysius myths to an earlier custom than that
+favoured by Mr. Frazer and Mr. Grant Allen, namely,
+to the practices of the neolithic folk, in Egypt and over
+a wide tract of country which includes Britain, of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg&nbsp;339]</a></span>
+dismembering the dead body previous to its burial.<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> Mr.
+Lang, Mr. Frazer, Mr. Hartland, and others are
+strangely reticent on this subject. That Mr. Lang
+should be content to trace a story from the Vedas, in
+which Urvasi tells Pururavas that he must never let
+her see him naked, to "a traditional Aryan law of
+nuptial etiquette,"<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> seems to be using the heaviest
+machinery for the smallest purposes, while for other
+and greater purposes he fails to find in ethnological
+distinctions, explanations which escape his research.<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a>
+That Mr. Frazer should have been able to examine in so
+remarkable a manner the agricultural rites of European
+peoples, and only to have touched upon their ethnological
+bearings in one or two isolated cases, seems to
+me to be neglecting one of the obvious means of
+arriving at the solution of the problem he starts out
+to solve.<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a></p>
+
+<p>I do not want to discount these fragmentary appeals
+to the ethnological element in folklore. I accept them
+as evidence that the appeal has to be made. I would
+only urge that it may be done on more thorough lines,
+after due consideration of all the elements of the proposition
+and of all that it means to the study of folklore.
+We cannot surrender to the pal&aelig;ontologist all
+that folklore contains in tradition and in custom as to
+pygmy peoples, or to the Egyptologist all that it contains
+as to dismemberment burial rites, without at the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg&nbsp;340]</a></span>
+same time realising that if it is correct to refer these
+two groups of folklore respectively to the earliest ages
+of man's existence as man and to the neolithic stage of
+culture, they must be withdrawn from all other classification.
+We cannot use the same items of folklore in
+two totally different ways. The results of withdrawal
+are as important as the results of allocation, and the
+necessity for the correct docketing of all groups of folklore
+is thus at once illustrated.</p>
+
+<p>The first point in the argument for ethnological data
+being discoverable in folklore is that a survey of the
+survivals of custom, belief, and rites in any given
+country shows one marked feature, which results in a
+dividing line being drawn as between two distinct
+classes. This feature is the antagonism which is discoverable
+in these classes. On one side of the dividing
+line is a set of customs, beliefs, and rites which
+may be grouped together because they are consistent
+with each other, and on the other side is another set
+of customs, beliefs, and rites which may be grouped
+together on the same ground. But between these
+two sets of survivals there is no agreement. They
+are the negations of each other. They show absolutely
+different conceptions of all the phases of life
+and thought which they represent, and it is impossible
+to consider that they have both come from the same
+culture source. I have applied the test of ethnology
+to such cases in Britain, and this appears to answer the
+difficulty which their antagonism presents. It appears
+too to be the only answer.</p>
+
+<p>The subjects which show this antagonism are all of
+vital importance. They include friendly and inimical<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg&nbsp;341]</a></span>
+relations with the dead; marriage as a sacred tribal
+rite and marriage as a rule of polyandrous society;
+birth ceremonies which tell of admittance into a sacred
+circle of kinsmen, and birth ceremonies which breathe
+of revenge and hostility; the reverential treatment of
+the aged folk and the killing of them off; the preservation
+of human life as part of the tribal blood, and
+human sacrifice as a certain cure for all personal evils;
+the worship of waters as a strongly localised cult, preserved
+because it is local by whatsoever race or people
+are in occupation and in successive occupation of the
+locality; totemic beliefs connected with animals and
+plants contrasted with ideas entirely unconnected with
+totemism&mdash;all this, and much more which has yet to be
+collected and classified, reveals two distinct streams of
+thought which cannot by any process be taken back to
+one original source.</p>
+
+<p>This fact of definite antagonism between different
+sets of surviving beliefs existing together in one
+country leads to several very important conclusions.
+This is the case with the Irish Sids. These beings
+are said to be scattered over Ireland, and around
+them assembled for worship the family or clan of the
+deified patron. While there were thus a number of
+topical deities, each in a particular spot where he was
+to be invoked, the deities themselves with the rest of
+their non-deified but blessed brother spirits had as
+their special abode "Lands of the Living," the happy
+island or islands somewhere far away in the ocean.
+Now this Sid worship, we are told by Irish scholars,
+"had nothing to do with Druidism&mdash;in fact, was quite
+opposed to it," the Sids and the Druids being<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg&nbsp;342]</a></span>
+"frequently found at variance with each other in respect to
+mortals."<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a></p>
+
+<p>This is the commencing point of the evidence which
+proves Druidism to have belonged to the pre-Celtic
+people, though finding an adopted home among them.
+This is so important a subject and has been so strangely
+and inconsistently dealt with by most authorities that it
+will be well to indicate where we have to search for the
+non-Celtic, and therefore pre-Celtic, origin of Druidism.
+The Druidism revealed by classical authorities is, for
+the most part, the Druidism of continental peoples and
+not of Britain, and I hesitate to accept off-hand that it
+is proper to transfer the continental system to Britain
+and say that the two systems were one and the same.
+There is certainly no evidence from the British side
+which would justify such a course, and I think there is
+sufficient argument against it to suspend judgment
+until the whole subject is before us. If Professor
+Rhys is right in concluding that Druidism is at its
+roots a non-Celtic religion,<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> we must add to this that
+it was undoubtedly a non-Teutonic religion. Celts
+and Teutons were sufficiently near in all the elements
+of their civilisation for this want of parallel in their
+relationship to Druidism to be an additional argument
+against the Celts having originated this cult. And
+then the explanation of the differences between continental
+and British Druidism becomes comparatively
+easy to understand. The continental Celts, mixing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg&nbsp;343]</a></span>
+more thoroughly with the pre-Celtic aborigines than
+did the British Celts, would have absorbed more of the
+pre-Celtic religion than the British Celts, and hence all
+the details which classical authorities have left us of continental
+Druidism appear as part of the Celtic religion,
+while in Britain these details are for the most part absent.
+But this is not all. There are certain rites in Britain
+noted by the early authorities which are not attached to
+any particular cult. They are not Druidic; they are
+not Celtic. They are, as a matter of fact, special examples
+of rites practised in only one locality, and
+accordingly referred to as something extraordinary and
+not general. From this it is clearly correct to argue
+that the British Celts had in their midst a cult which,
+if they did not destroy, they certainly did not absorb,
+and that therefore this cult being non-Celtic must have
+been pre-Celtic.</p>
+
+<p>I do not wish to argue this point out further than is
+necessary to explain the position which, it appears to
+me, Druidism occupies, and I will therefore only add
+a note as to the authorities for the statements I have
+advanced. The differences between continental and
+British Druidism are definite and pronounced,<a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg&nbsp;344]</a></span>
+mixture of the continental Celts with the Iberic people,
+which they displaced, is attested, by ancient authority
+and modern anthropology,<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> while the only evidence of
+such a mixture in Britain is the prominently recorded
+instance of the Picts intermarrying with the Gael,<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> and
+this has to be set against the close distinction between
+tribesmen and non-tribesmen, which is such a remarkable
+feature of Celtic law;<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a> the existence of local
+cults in early Britain having all the characteristics of
+a ruder and more savage origin, and not identified
+with Celticism, is a point derived from our early
+authorities.<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> These are the main facts of the case,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg&nbsp;345]</a></span>
+and the subject has to be worked out in considerable
+detail before it can be settled.</p>
+
+<p>There is one other primary subject which bears upon
+the question of race distinctions in folklore. With the
+fact of conquest to reckon with, the relationship of the
+conqueror to the conquered is a matter to consider. In
+the European tribal system it was a definite relationship,
+so definite that the conquered, as we have seen,
+formed an essential part of the tribal organisation&mdash;the
+kinless slaves beneath the tribal kindred. There was a
+place for the kinless in the tribal economy and in the
+tribal laws. There was also a place for them in the
+tribal system of belief, and the mythic influence of the
+conquered is a subject that needs very careful consideration.</p>
+
+<p>It is an influence which appears in all parts of the
+world. Thus, to give a few instances, in New Guinea
+they have no idols, and apparently no idea of a
+supreme being or a good spirit. Their only religious
+ideas consist in a belief in evil spirits. They live a
+life of slavish fear to these, but seem to have no
+idea of propitiating them by sacrifice or prayer. They
+believe in the deathlessness of the soul. A death in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg&nbsp;346]</a></span>
+the village is the occasion of bringing plenty of ghosts
+to escort their new companion, and perhaps fetch some
+one else. All night the friends of the deceased sit up
+and keep the drums going to drive away the spirits;
+they strike the fences and posts of houses all through
+the village with sticks. This is done to drive back the
+spirits to their own quarters on the adjacent mountain
+tops. But it is the spirits of the inland tribes, the
+aborigines of the country, that the coast tribes most
+fear. They believe, when the natives are in the neighbourhood,
+that the whole plain is full of spirits who
+come with them. All calamities are attributed to the
+power and malice of these evil spirits. Drought,
+famine, storm and flood, disease and death are all
+supposed to be brought by Vata and his hosts, so that
+the people are an easy prey to any designing individuals
+who claim power over these. Some disease charmers
+and rain-makers levy heavy toll on the people.<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a></p>
+
+<p>It appears that the native population of New Zealand
+was originally composed of two different races, which
+have retained some of their characteristic features,
+although in course of time they have in all other
+respects become mixed, and a number of intermediate
+varieties have thence resulted. From the existence of
+two races in New Zealand the conclusion might be
+drawn that the darker were the original proprietors of
+the soil anterior to the arrival of a stock of true Polynesian
+origin, that they were conquered by the latter
+and nearly exterminated. There is a district in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg&nbsp;347]</a></span>
+northern island, situated between Taupo and Hawke's
+Bay, called Urewera, consisting of steep and barren
+hills. The scattered inhabitants of this region have
+the renown of being the greatest witches in the country.
+They are very much feared, and have little connection
+with the neighbouring tribes, who avoid them if
+possible. If they come to the coast the natives there
+scarcely venture to refuse them anything for fear of
+incurring their displeasure. They are said to use the
+saliva of the people whom they intend to bewitch, and
+visitors carefully conceal their spittle to give them no
+opportunity of working their evil. Like our witches
+and sorcerers of old, they appear to be a very harmless
+people, and but little mixed up with the quarrels of
+their neighbours.<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> The Australians, according to
+Oldfield, ascribe spirit powers to those residing north
+of themselves and hold them in great dread.<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a></p>
+
+<p>In Asia the same idea prevails among the native
+races. Thus Colquhoun says,</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"it was amusing to find the dread in which the Lawas [a
+hill tribe] are held by both Burmese and Siamese. This is
+due to a fear of being bitten by them and dying of the bite.
+They are called by their Burmese neighbours the 'man-bears.'
+A singular custom obtains amongst these people
+which may perhaps partly account for this superstition. On
+a certain night in the year the youths and maidens meet
+together for the purpose of pairing. Unacceptable youths
+are said to be bitten severely if they make advances to the
+ladies."<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a></p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg&nbsp;348]</a></span>
+The Semang pygmy people, afraid to approach
+the Malays even for purposes of barter, "learnt
+to work upon the superstition of the Malays by presenting
+them with medicines which they pretended
+to derive from particular shrubs and trees in the
+woods."<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a> That this is a real superstition of the conquerors
+for the conquered is proved from other sources
+to which I have referred elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a></p>
+
+<p>In Africa it appears as a living force, and we are told
+that the stories current in the country of the Ukerew&eacute;,
+"about the witchcraft practised by the people of Ukara
+island, prove that those islanders have been at pains to
+spread abroad a good repute for themselves; that they
+are cunning, and aware that superstition is a weakness
+of human nature have sought to thrive upon it."<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a></p>
+
+<p>It appears in more definite form with the Hindus.
+The Kathkuri, or Katodi, have a belief that they are
+descended from the monkeys and bears which Adi
+Narayun in his tenth incarnation of Rama, took with
+him for the destruction of Rawun, King of Lanka, and
+he promised his allies that in the fourth age they should
+become human beings. They practise incantation, and
+encourage the awe with which the Hindu regards their
+imprecations, for a Hindu believes that a Katodi can
+transform himself into a tiger.<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg&nbsp;349]</a></span>
+To this day the Aryans settled in Chota-Nagpore and
+Singbhoom firmly believe that the Moondahs have
+powers as wizards and witches, and can transform themselves
+into tigers and other beasts of prey with the view
+of devouring their enemies, and that they can witch
+away the lives of man and beast. They were in all
+probability one of the tribes that were most persistent
+in their hostility to the Aryan invaders.<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> In Ceylon the
+remnants of the aborigines are found in the forests and
+on the mountains, and are universally looked upon
+and feared as demons, the beliefs engendered therefrom
+being exactly parallel to the witch beliefs of our own
+country.<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a></p>
+
+<p>There is similar evidence among European peoples.
+Formerly in Sweden the name of Lapp seems to have
+been almost synonymous with that of sorcerer, and the
+same was the case with Finn. The inhabitants of the
+southern provinces of Sweden believed their countrymen
+in the north to have great experience in magic.<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a>
+The famous Gundhild, of Saga renown, was believed
+to be a sorceress brought up among the Finns,<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> and
+even in respect of classical remains Mr. Warde Fowler
+"prefers to think of the Fauni as arising from the contact
+of the first clearers and cultivators of Italian soil
+with a wild aboriginal race of the hills and woods."<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg&nbsp;350]</a></span>
+These facts are sufficient to show that the mythic influence
+of a conquered race is a factor which may assist
+in the discussion of the ethnological conditions of folklore,
+and it is obvious that they reveal a very powerful
+influence for the continuance of ancient ideas as well
+as for the creation of fresh examples of ancient ideas
+applied to new experiences. It is well in this connection
+to remember certain historical facts connected with
+the settlement of the English in Britain.</p>
+
+<p>From Freeman's <i>Old English History</i> it appears that
+at the beginning of the seventh century "the tract of
+country which the English then ruled over south of the
+Humber, coincided almost exactly with the boundary of
+the Gaulish portion of Britain," as distinct from non-Aryan
+Britain. This apparent recognition of Celtic
+landmarks, says Professor Rhys, by the later invaders,
+"is a fact, the historical and political significance of
+which I leave to be weighed by others,"<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> and I venture
+to suggest that one important result is to show Britain
+to have contained an Aryan culture-ground and a
+non-Aryan culture-ground. If we try to step from
+one to the other we quickly discover the mythic relationship
+of conqueror to the conquered.</p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus27" id="Illus27"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_27.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_27th.jpg" width="400" height="205"
+alt="A scene from the Anglo-Saxon life of St. Guthlac by Felix of Crowland,
+depicting the attack of the demons"
+title="SCENE FROM THE LIFE OF ST. GUTHLAC SHOWING THE ATTACKS OF THE
+D&AElig;MONES" /></a>
+<span class="caption">SCENE FROM THE LIFE OF ST. GUTHLAC SHOWING THE ATTACKS
+OF THE D&AElig;MONES</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>Thus in the Anglo-Saxon life of St. Guthlac we have
+an interesting glimpse into the conditions of the country
+and the attitude of the two hostile races, Celts and
+Teutons, to each other.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"There is in Britain a fen of immense size which begins
+from the river Granta, not far from the city, which is named
+Grantchester ... a man named Tatwine said that he knew
+an island especially obscure, which ofttimes many men had
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg&nbsp;351]</a></span>attempted to inhabit, but no man could do it on account of
+manifold horrors and fears, and the loneliness of the wild
+wilderness.... No man ever could inhabit it before the
+holy man Guthlac came thither on account of the dwelling
+of the accursed spirits there.... There was on the island a
+great mound raised upon the earth, which same of yore men
+had dug and broken up in hopes of treasure.... Then in
+the stillness of the night it happened suddenly that there
+came great hosts of the accursed spirits, and they filled the
+house with their coming, and they poured in on every side
+from above and beneath and everywhere. They were in
+countenance horrible, and they had great heads and a long
+neck and lean visage; they were filthy and squalid in their
+beards, and they had rough ears and distorted face, and
+fierce eyes and foul mouths: and their teeth were like horses'
+tusks, and their throats were filled with flame, and they were
+grating in their voice: they had crooked shanks and knees,
+big and great behind, and distorted toes, and shrieked
+hoarsely with their voices, and they came with such immoderate
+noises and immense horror that it seemed to him
+that all between heaven and earth resounded with their
+dreadful cries. Without delay, when they were come into
+the house, they soon bound the holy man in all his limbs, and
+they pulled and led him out of the cottage and brought him
+to the black fen and threw and sunk him in the muddy
+waters. After that they brought him to the wild places of
+the wilderness, among the dense thickets of brambles that
+all his body was torn. After they had a long time thus
+tormented him in darkness they let him abide and stand
+awhile, then commanded him to depart from the wilderness,
+or if he would not do so they would torment and try him with
+greater plagues."<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>These doings are not sufficiently remote from sober
+fact for us to be unable to detect human enemies in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg&nbsp;352]</a></span>
+supposed beings of the spirit world, and this conclusion
+is confirmed by a later passage in the same narrative
+describing Guthlac awakened from his sleep and hearing
+"a great host of the accursed spirits speaking in British
+[bryttisc] and he knew and understood their words
+because he had been erewhile in exile among them."<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a>
+Guthlac in England is only experiencing what other
+saints experienced elsewhere,<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> and we cannot doubt we
+have in these reminiscences of saintly experience that
+mixture of fact with traditional belief which would
+follow the priests of the new religions from their
+native homes to the cell.</p>
+
+<p>It is necessary to consider another great element in
+human life with reference to its ethnological value, for
+folklore has always been intimately associated with it,
+and recently, owing to Mr. Frazer's brilliant researches,
+this branch of folklore has been almost
+unduly accentuated. I mean, of course, agriculture.
+Mr. Frazer has ignored the ethnological side of agriculture,
+and it has been appropriated by the student of
+economics as a purely historical institution. This has
+caused a special position to be given to agricultural
+rites and customs almost without question and certainly
+without examination, and it will be necessary to go
+rather closely into the subject in order to clear up the
+difficulties which present neglect has produced. I shall
+once again draw my illustrations from the British Isles.</p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><a name="Illus28" id="Illus28"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<a href="images/faahs_28.jpg">
+<img src="images/faahs_28th.jpg" width="400" height="206"
+alt="A scene from the Anglo-Saxon life of St. Guthlac by Felix of Crowland,
+depicting the attack of the demons"
+title="SCENE FROM THE LIFE OF ST. GUTHLAC SHOWING THE ATTACKS OF THE
+D&AElig;MONES" /></a>
+<span class="caption">SCENE FROM THE LIFE OF ST. GUTHLAC SHOWING THE ATTACKS
+OF THE D&AElig;MONES</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>I put my facts in this way: (1) In all parts of Great
+Britain there exist rites, customs, and usages connected
+with agriculture which are obviously and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg&nbsp;353]</a></span>admittedly not of legislative or political origin, and which
+present details exactly similar to each other in <i>character</i>,
+but differing from each other in <i>status</i>; (2) that
+the difference in status is to be accounted for by the
+effects of successive conquests; (3) that the identity
+in character is not to be accounted for by reference to
+manorial history, because the area of manorial institutions
+is not coincident with the area of these rites,
+customs, and usages; (4) that exact parallels to them
+exist in India as integral portions of village institutions;
+(5) that the Indian parallels carry the subject
+a step further than the European examples because
+they are stamped with the mark of difference in race-origin,
+one portion belonging to the Aryan people and
+the other to the non-Aryan.</p>
+
+<p>I shall now pick out some examples, and explain
+from them the evidence which seems to me to prove
+that race-distinction is the key for the origin of these
+agricultural rites and usages in Europe as in India.
+I have dealt with these examples at some length in
+my book on the village community, and I shall
+only use such details as I require for my immediate
+purpose.</p>
+
+<p>My first point is that to get at the survivals of the
+village community in Britain it is not necessary to
+approach it through the medium of manorial history.
+Extremely ancient as I am inclined to think manorial
+history is, it is unquestionably loaded with an artificial
+terminology and with the chains so deftly forged by
+lawyers. An analysis of the chief features in the types
+of the English village community shows that the
+manorial element is by no means a common factor in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg&nbsp;354]</a></span>
+the series. These types mark the transition from the
+tribal form to the village form. In Harris Island we
+have the chief with his free tribesmen around him, connected
+by blood kinship, living in scattered homesteads,
+just like the German tribes described by
+Tacitus. Under this tribal community is the embryo
+of the village community, consisting of smaller tenantry
+and cottar serfs, who live together in minute villages,
+holding their land in common and yearly distributing
+the holdings by lot. In this type the tribal constitution
+is the real factor, and the village constitution the subordinated
+factor as yet wholly undeveloped, scarcely
+indeed discernible except by very close scrutiny.</p>
+
+<p>At Kilmorie the tribal community is represented
+merely by the scattered homesteads. These are occupied
+by a joint farm-tenantry, who hold their lands
+upon the system of the village community. Here the
+village constitution has gradually entered into, so to
+speak, the tribal constitution, and has almost absorbed
+it.</p>
+
+<p>At Heisgier and Lauder the tribal community is represented
+by the last link under the process of dissolution,
+namely, the free council of the community by
+which the village rights are governed, while the village
+community has developed to a considerable extent.</p>
+
+<p>At Aston and at Malmesbury the old tribal constitution
+is still kept alive in a remarkable manner, and I
+will venture to quote from my book the account of the
+evolution at Aston of a tenantry from the older tribal
+constitution, because in this case we are actually dealing
+with a manor, and the evidence is unique so far as
+England is concerned.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg&nbsp;355]</a></span>
+The first point is that the village organisation, the
+rights of assembly, the free open-air meetings, and the
+corporate action incident to the manor of Aston and
+Cote, attach themselves to the land divisions of sixteen
+hides, because although these hides had grown in 1657
+into a considerable tenancy, fortunately as a tenancy
+they kept their original unity in full force and so obstinately
+clung to their old system of government as to
+keep up by <i>representation</i> the once undivided holding of
+the hide. If the organisation of the hide had itself disappeared,
+it still formed the basis of the village government,
+the sixteen hides sending up their sixteen <i>elected</i>
+representatives. How the tenancy grew out of the original
+sixteen homesteads may perhaps be conjecturally set
+forth. In the first place the owners of the yard-lands succeeded
+to the place originally occupied by the owners of
+the sixteen hides. Instead of the original sixteen group-owners
+we have therefore sixty-four individual owners,
+each yard-land having remained in possession of an
+owner. And then at succeeding stages of this dissolution
+we find the yard-lands broken up until, in 1848,
+"some farmers of Aston have only half or even a
+quarter of a yard-land, while some have as many as
+ten or eleven yard-lands in their single occupation."
+Then disintegration proceeded to the other proprietary
+rights, which, originally appendant to the homestead
+only, became appendant to the person and not to the
+residence, and are consequently "bought and sold as
+separate property, by which means it results that persons
+resident at Bampton, or even at great distance,
+have rights on Aston and Cote Common." And finally
+we lose all trace of the system, as described by Mr.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg&nbsp;356]</a></span>
+Horde and as depicted by the representative character
+of the Sixteens, and in its place find that "there are
+some tenants who have rights in the common field and
+not in the pasture, and <i>vice vers&acirc;</i> several occupiers
+have the right of pasture who do not possess any portion
+of arable land in the common field," so that both
+yard-lands and hides have now disappeared, and absolute
+ownership of land has taken their place. Mr.
+Horde's MS. enables us to proceed back from modern
+tenancy-holding to the holding by yard-lands; the
+rights of election in the yard-lands enable us to
+proceed back to the original holding of the sixteen
+hides.</p>
+
+<p>At Hitchin, which is Mr. Seebohm's famous example,
+we meet with the manorial type. But its features are
+in no way peculiar. There is nothing which has not
+its counterpart, in more or less well-defined degree, in
+the other types which are not manorial. In short, the
+manorial framework within which it is enclosed does
+little more than fix the details into an immovable setting,
+accentuating some at the expense of others,
+legalising everything so as to bring it all under the
+iron sovereignty which was inaugurated by the Angevin
+kings.</p>
+
+<p>My suggestion is that these examples are but varying
+types of one original. The Teutonic people, and their
+Celtic predecessors, came to Britain with a tribal, not an
+agricultural, constitution. In the outlying parts of the
+land this tribal constitution settled down, and was only
+slightly affected by the economical conditions of the
+people they found there; in the more thickly populated
+parts this tribal constitution was superimposed upon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg&nbsp;357]</a></span>
+an already existing village constitution in full vigour.
+We, therefore, find the tribal constitution everywhere&mdash;in
+almost perfect condition in the north, in Wales,
+and in Ireland; in less perfect condition in England.
+We also find the village constitution everywhere&mdash;in
+almost embryo form in the north, Wales, and in Ireland;
+in full vigour and force in England, especially in that
+area which, as already noted, has been identified as the
+constant occupation-ground of all the races who have
+settled in Britain.</p>
+
+<p>Now the factor which is most apparent in all these
+cases is the singular dual constitution which I have
+called tribal and village. It is only when we get to such
+cases as Rothwell and Hitchin that almost all traces of
+the tribal element are lost, the village element only
+remaining. But inasmuch as this village element is
+identical in <i>kind</i>, if not in degree, with the village
+element in the other types, and inasmuch as topographically
+they are closely connected, we are, I contend,
+justified in concluding that it is derived from the same
+original&mdash;an original which was composed of a tribal
+community with a village community in serfdom
+under it.</p>
+
+<p>This dual element should, I think, be translated into
+terms of ethnology by appealing to the parallel evidence
+of India. There the types of the village community
+are not, as was thought by Sir Henry Maine and others,
+homogeneous. There the dual element appears, the
+tribal community at the top of the system, the village
+community at the bottom of the system. But in India
+a new factor is introduced by the equation of the two
+elements with two different races&mdash;the tribal element<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg&nbsp;358]</a></span>
+being Aryan, and the village element non-Aryan. Race-origins
+are there still kept up and rigidly adhered to.
+They have not been crushed out, as in Europe, by
+political or economical activity.</p>
+
+<p>But if crushed out of prominent recognition in
+Europe, are we, therefore, to conclude that their relics
+do not exist in peasant custom? My argument is that
+we cannot have such close parallels in India and in
+England without seeing that they virtually tell the same
+story in both countries. It would require a great
+deal to prove that customs, which in India belong
+now to non-Aryan aborigines and are rejected by the
+Aryans, are in Europe the heritage of the Aryan
+race.</p>
+
+<p>The objections to my theory have been formulated by
+Mr. Ashley, who follows Mr. Seebohm and M. Fustel
+de Coulanges as an adherent of the chronological
+method of studying institutions. Like the old school
+of antiquaries, this new school of investigators into the
+history of institutions gets back to the period of Roman
+history, and there stops. Mr. Ashley suggests that because
+C&aelig;sar describes the Celtic Britons as pastoral,
+therefore agriculture in Britain must be post-Celtic. I
+will not stop to raise the question as to who were the
+tribes from which C&aelig;sar obtained his evidence. But it
+will suffice to point out that if C&aelig;sar is speaking of the
+Aryan Celts of Britain&mdash;and this much seems certain&mdash;he
+only proves of them what Tacitus proves of the
+Aryan Teutons, what the sagas prove of the Aryan
+Scandinavians, what the vedas prove of the Aryan
+Indians, what philology, in short, proves of the primitive
+Aryans generally, namely, that they were distinctly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg&nbsp;359]</a></span>
+hunters and warriors, and hated and despised the tillers
+of the soil.</p>
+
+<p>It does not, in point of fact, then, help the question
+as to the origin of agricultural rites and usages to turn
+to Aryan history at all. In this emergency Roman
+history is appealed to. But this is just one of those
+cases where a small portion of the facts are squeezed in
+to do duty for the whole.</p>
+
+<p>Both M. Fustel de Coulanges and Mr. Seebohm think
+that if a Roman origin can be <i>prim&acirc; facie</i> shown for the
+economical side of agricultural institutions, there is
+nothing more to be said. But they leave out of consideration
+a whole set of connected institutions. Readers
+of Mr. Frazer's <i>Golden Bough</i> are now in possession of
+facts which it would take a very long time to explain.
+They see that side by side with agricultural economics
+is agricultural religion, of great rudeness and barbarity,
+of considerable complexity, and bearing the stamp of
+immense antiquity. The same villagers who were the
+observers of those rules of economics which are thought
+to be due to Roman origin were also observers of ritual
+and usages which are known to be savage in theory and
+practice. Must we, then, say that all this ritual and
+usage are Roman? or must we go on ignoring them as
+elements in the argument as to the origin of agricultural
+institutions? One or the other of these alternatives
+must, I contend, be accepted by the inquirer.</p>
+
+<p>Because the State has chosen or been compelled for
+political reasons to lift up peasant economics into manorial
+legal rules, thus forcibly divorcing this portion of
+peasant life from its natural associations, there is no
+reason why students should fix upon this arbitrary<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg&nbsp;360]</a></span>
+proceeding as the point at which to begin their examination
+into the origin of village agriculture. Manorial tenants
+pay their dues to the lord, lot out their lands in intermixed
+strips, cultivate in common, and perform generally
+all those interesting functions of village life with which
+Mr. Seebohm has made us familiar. But, in close
+and intimate connection with these selfsame agricultural
+economical proceedings, it is the same body of
+manorial tenants who perform irrational and rude customs,
+who carry the last sheaf of corn represented in
+human or animal form, who sacrifice animals to their
+earth deities, who carry fire round fields and crops,
+who, in a scarcely disguised ritual, still worship deities
+which there is little difficulty in recognising as the
+counterparts of those religious goddesses of India who
+are worshipped and venerated by non-Aryan votaries.
+Christianity has not followed the lead of politics, and
+lifted all this portion of peasant agricultural life into
+something that is religious and definite. And because
+it remains sanctioned by tradition, we must, in considering
+origins, take it into account in conjunction
+with those economic practices which have been unduly
+emphasised in the history of village institutions. In
+India primitive economics and religion go hand in
+hand as part of the village life of the people; in England
+primitive economics and <i>survivals</i> of old religions,
+which we call folklore, go hand in hand as part of the
+village life of the people. And it is not in the province
+of students to separate one from the other when they
+are considering the question of origin.</p>
+
+<p>This is practically the whole of my argument from
+the folklore point of view. But it is not the whole of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg&nbsp;361]</a></span>
+the argument against the theory of the Roman origin
+of the village community. I cannot on this occasion
+re-state what this argument is, as it is set forth at some
+length in my book. But I should like to point out that
+it is in reality supported by arguments to be drawn
+from ethnological facts. Mr. Ashley surrenders to my
+view of the question the important point that ethnological
+data, derived from craniological investigation,
+fit in "very readily with the supposition that under the
+Celtic, and therefore under the Roman rule, the cultivating
+class was largely composed of the pre-Celtic
+race; and allows us to believe that the agricultural
+population was but little disturbed." Economically it
+was certainly not disturbed by the Romans. If the
+agricultural implements known to and used by the
+Romans were never used in Britain after their departure;
+if the old methods of land-surveying under the
+agrimensores is not to be traced in Britain as a continuing
+system; if wattle and daub, rude, uncarpentered
+trees turned root upwards to form roofs, were the leading
+principles of house-architecture, it cannot be alleged
+that the Romans left behind any permanent marks of
+their economical standard upon the "little disturbed
+agricultural population." Why, then, should they be
+credited with the introduction of a system of lordship
+and serf-bound tenants, when both lordship and serfdom
+are to be traced in lands where Roman power has
+never penetrated, under conditions almost exactly
+similar to the feudal elements in Europe? If it be accepted
+that the early agricultural population of Britain
+was non-Aryan; if we find non-Aryan agricultural rites
+and festivals surviving as folklore among the peasants<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg&nbsp;362]</a></span>
+of to-day; why should it be necessary, why should it be
+accepted as a reasonable hypothesis, to go to the
+imperial and advanced economics of Rome to account
+for those other elements in the composition of the
+village community which, equally with the rites and
+festivals, are to be found paralleled among the non-Aryan
+population living under an Aryan lordship in
+India? The only argument for such a process is one of
+convenience. It does so happen that the Roman theory
+<i>may</i> account for some of the English phenomena. But,
+then, the Celtic and Teutonic, or Aryan theory also
+accounts for the same English phenomena, and, what
+is more, it accounts for other phenomena not reckoned
+by the Roman theory. My proposition is that the
+history of the village community in Britain is the
+history of the economical condition of the non-Aryan
+aborigines; that the history of the tribal community is
+the history of the Aryan conquerors, who appear as
+overlords; and that the Romans, except as another
+wave of Aryan conquerors at an advanced stage of
+civilisation, had very little to do with shaping the
+village institutions of Britain.<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is necessary before leaving this subject to take note
+of a point which may lead, and in fact has led to misconception
+of the argument. I have stated that all
+custom, rite, and belief which is Aryan custom, rite, and
+belief, as distinct from that which is pre-Aryan&mdash;pre-Celtic
+in our own country&mdash;must have a position in
+the tribal system, and I have said that custom, rite,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg&nbsp;363]</a></span>
+and belief which cannot be traced back to the tribal
+system may be safely pronounced to be pre-tribal in
+origin and therefore pre-Celtic, to have survived,
+that is, from the people whom the Celts found in occupation
+of the country when first they landed on its shores.
+I did not interrupt my statement of the case to point
+out one important modification of it, because this modification
+has nothing to do with the great mass of custom
+and belief now surviving as folklore, but I will deal
+with this modification now so that I may clear up any
+misconception. We have already ascertained that over
+and above the custom and belief, which may be traced
+back to their tribal origins, there are both customs and
+beliefs which owe their origin to psychological conditions,
+and there are myths surviving as folk-tales or
+legends which owe their origin to the primitive philosophy
+of earliest man. Neither of these departments
+of folklore enters into the question of race
+development. The first may be called post-ethnologic
+because they arise in a political society of modern
+civilisation which transcends the boundaries of race;
+the second may be called pre-ethnologic, because
+they arise in a savage society before the great races
+had begun their distinctive evolution. The point
+about this class of belief is that it has never been
+called upon to do duty for social improvement and
+organisation, has never been specialised by the Celt
+or Teuton in Europe, nor by other branches of the
+same race. The myth alone of these two groups
+of folklore could have had an ethnological influence,
+and this must have been very slight. It remained in
+the mind of Aryan man, but has never descended to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg&nbsp;364]</a></span>
+arena of his practical life. It has influenced his practical
+life indirectly of course, but it has never become a brick
+in the building up of his practical life. This distinction
+between custom and belief which are tribal and custom
+and belief which are not tribal, is of vast importance. It
+has been urged against the classification of custom, rite,
+and belief into ethnological groups that it does not allow
+for the presence of a great mass of belief, primitive in
+character and undoubtedly Aryan, if not in origin at all
+events in fact. The objection is not valid. The custom,
+rite, and belief which can be classified as distinctively
+Aryan is that portion of the whole corpus of primitive
+custom, rite, and belief, which was used by the Aryan-speaking
+folk in the building up of their tribal organisation.
+They divorced it by this use from the general
+primitive conceptions, and developed it along special
+lines. It is in its special characteristics that this belief
+belongs to the tribal system of the Aryans, not in its
+general characteristics. Not every custom, rite, and belief
+was so used and developed. The specialisation caused
+the deliberate rejection or neglect of much custom, rite,
+and belief which was opposed to the new order of things,
+and did not affect the practical doings of Aryan life.</p>
+
+<p>There are thus three elements to consider: (1) the
+custom, rite, and belief specialised by the Aryan-speaking
+people in the formation and development of their
+tribal system; (2) the custom, rite, and belief rejected
+or neglected by the Aryan tribesmen; and (3) the
+belief which was not affected by or used for the tribal
+development, but which, not being directly antagonistic
+to it, remained with the primitive Aryan folk as survivals
+of their science and philosophy.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg&nbsp;365]</a></span>
+For ethnological purposes we have only to do with
+the first group. It is definite, and it is capable of
+definite recognition within the tribe. When once it
+was brought into the tribal system it ceased to exist in
+the form in which it was known to general savage
+belief; it developed highly specialised forms, took its
+part in the formation of a great social force, a great
+fighting and conquering force, a great migratory force.
+In accomplishing this task it grew into a solid system,
+each part in touch with all other parts, each part an
+essential factor in the ever-active forces which it helped
+to fashion and control.</p>
+
+<p>It is in this wise that we must study its survivals
+wherever they are to be found, and the study must be
+concentrated within certain definite ethnographic areas.
+If I were to pursue the subject and choose for my
+study the folklore of Britain, I should have to object to
+the treatment accorded to British custom, rite, and
+belief by even so great an authority as Mr. Frazer,
+because they are used not as parts of a tribal system
+but as mere detritus of a primitive system of science, or
+philosophy. According to my views they had long since
+become separated from any such system and it is placing
+them in a wrong perspective, giving them a false value,
+associating them with elements to which they have no
+affinity to divorce them from their tribal connection. The
+custom, rite, and belief which were tribal, when they were
+brought to their present ethnographic area, cannot be
+considered in the varied forms of their survival except
+by restoration to the tribal organisation from which
+they were torn when they began their life as survivals.</p>
+
+<p>What I have endeavoured to explain in this way are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg&nbsp;366]</a></span>
+the principles which should govern folklore research
+in relation to ethnological conditions. The differing
+races which made up the peoples of Europe before the
+era of political history must have left their distinctive
+remains in folklore, if folklore is rightly considered as
+the traditional survivals of the prehistory period. To
+get at and classify these remains we must be clear as
+to the problems which surround inquiry into them.
+The solution of these problems will place us in possession
+of a mass of survivals in folklore which are
+naturally associated with each other, and which stand
+apart from other survivals also naturally associated
+with each other. In these two masses we may detect
+the main influences of the great tribal races and the
+non-tribal races. We cannot, I think, get much
+beyond this. We may, perhaps, here and there,
+detect smaller race divisions&mdash;Celtic, Teutonic, Scandinavian
+or other distinctions, according to the area
+of investigation&mdash;but these will be less apparent,
+less determinable, and will not be so valuable to
+historical science as the larger division. To this we
+shall by proper investigation be indebted for the
+solution of many doubtful points of the prehistoric
+period, and it is in this respect that it will appeal to
+the student of folklore.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> Mr. Nutt's presidential address to the Folklore Society in 1899
+does not, I think, disprove my theory. It ignores it, and confines the
+problem to legend and folk-tale. Mr. Nutt's powerful, but not conclusive,
+study is to be found in <i>Folklore</i>, x. 71-86, and my reply and correspondence
+resulting therefrom are to be found at pp. 129-149.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> MacCulloch, <i>Childhood of Fiction</i>, 90-101; Greenwell, <i>British
+Barrows</i>, 17, 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> <i>Custom and Myth</i>, 76.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> <i>Myth<ins class="correction" title="comma missing in original">,</ins>
+Ritual and Religion</i>, ii. 215, compared with Gomme, <i>Ethnology
+in Folklore</i>, 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> I have discussed this point at greater length in <i>Folklore</i>, xii. 222-225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> Mr. J. O'Beirne Crowe in <i>Journ. Arch. and Hist. Assoc. of Ireland</i>,
+3rd ser., i. 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> Rhys, <i>Lectures on Welsh Philology</i>, 32; <i>Celtic Heathendom</i>, 216;
+<i>Celtic Britain</i>, 67-75; Rhys and Brynm&ocirc;r-Jones, <i>Welsh People</i>, 83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> The continental evidence has been collected together in convenient
+shape by modern scholars: thus Mr. Stock, in his work on <i>C&aelig;sar
+de bello Gallico</i>, notes and compares the evidence of C&aelig;sar, Strabo,
+Diodorus Siculus, Ammianus Marcellinus, Mela, Lucan, and Pliny as
+it has been interpreted by modern scholars (see pp. 107-113), and he
+is followed by Mr. T. Rice Holmes in his study of <i>C&aelig;sar's Conquest
+of Gaul</i>, pp. 532-536. The Druidic cult of belief in immortality,
+metempsychosis, ritual of the grove, augury, human sacrifice, is all
+set out and discussed. These are the continental Druidic beliefs
+and practices, and they may be compared with the Druidic Irish
+beliefs and practices in Eugene O'Curry's <i>Manners and Customs
+of the Ancient Irish</i>, lect. ix. and x. vol. ii. pp. 179-228, and Dr. Joyce's
+<i>Social History of Ancient Ireland</i>, i. 219-248, where "the points of
+agreement and difference between Irish and Gaulish Druids" are
+discussed. Mr. Elton notices the difference between the continental
+and the British Druids, but ascribes it to unequal development (<i>Origins
+of Eng. Hist.</i>, 267-268). C&aelig;sar's well-known account of the wickerwork
+sacrifice is very circumstantial. It is not repeated by either
+Diodorus or Strabo, who both refer to individual human sacrifice.
+Pliny introduces the mistletoe, oak, and serpent cults, and the other
+three authorities are apparently dependent upon their
+<ins class="correction" title="'precedessors' in original">predecessors</ins>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> The mixture of Celt and Iberian is very ably dealt with by Mr.
+Holmes in his <i>C&aelig;sar's Conquest of Gaul</i>, pp. 245-322, and by Ripley,
+<i>Races of Europe</i>, 461, 467, together with cap. vii. and xii.; see also
+Sergi, <i>Mediterranean Race</i>, cap. xii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> The intermarrying of the Picts with the Celts of the district they
+conquered is mentioned in all the chronicles as an important and
+significant rite, which determined the succession to the Pictish throne
+through the female side (Skene's <i>Chron. of the Picts and Scots</i>, 40, 45,
+126, 319, 328, 329). Beda, i. cap. i., mentions female succession. Skene
+discusses this point in <i>Celtic Scotland</i>, i. 232-235, and McLennan includes
+it in his evidence from anthropological data (<i>Studies in Anc. Hist.</i>, 99).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> Mr. Seebohm is the best authority for the importance of the non-tribesman
+in Celtic law (<i>Tribal System in Wales</i>, 54-60).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> The local cults in Great Britain which are not Celtic in form, and do
+not seem to be connected with Celtic religion on any analogy, are those
+relating to Cromm Cruaich, referred to in the <i>Tripartite Life of St.
+Patrick</i> (see Whitley Stokes in <i>Revue Celtique</i>, i. 260, xvi. 35-36;
+O'Curry, <i>MS. Materials of Anc. Irish History</i>, 538-9; Joyce, <i>Social
+History of Ancient Ireland</i>, i. 275-276; Rhys, <i>Celtic Heathendom</i>, 200-201).
+I do not follow Rhys in his identification of this cult as a part
+of the ceremonies on mounds, and suggest that Mr. Bury in his <i>Life of
+St. Patrick</i>, 123-125, gives the clue to the purely local character of this
+idol worship which I claim for it. Similarly the overthrow of the
+temple at Goodmanham, Godmundingham, described by Beda, ii.
+cap. 13, with its priest who was not allowed to carry arms, or to ride on
+any but a mare, is the destruction of a successful local cult, not of
+a national or tribal religion. I confess that Dr. Greenwell's observations
+in connection with his barrow discoveries (<i>British Barrows</i>, 286-331) are
+in favour of an early Anglican cultus, but I think his facts may be
+otherwise interpreted, and in any case they confirm my view of the
+special localisation of this cult.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> Rev. W.&nbsp;G. Lawes in <i>Journ. Royal Geographical Soc.</i>, new series, iii.
+615. <i>Cf.</i> Romilly, <i>From my Verandah</i>, 249; <i>Journ. Indian Archipelago</i>
+vi. 310, 329.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> Dieffenbach, <i>Travels in New Zealand</i>, ii. 7, 10, 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> <i>Trans. Ethnol. Soc.</i>, new series, iii. 235.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> Colquhoun's <i>Amongst the Shans</i>, 52; Bastian, <i>Oestl. Asien</i>, i.
+119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> Skeat and Blagden, <i>Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula</i>, i. 228;
+and compare Rev. P. Favre, <i>Account of Wild Tribes of the Malayan
+Peninsula</i> (Paris, 1865), p. 95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> <i>Ethnology in Folklore</i>, 45; and see Tylor, <i>Primitive Culture</i>, i.
+112-113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> Stanley, <i>Through the Dark Continent</i>, i. 253. <i>Cf.</i> Burrows, <i>Land
+of the Pigmies</i>, 180, for the state of fear which the pygmies cause to
+their neighbours.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> Latham, <i>Descriptive Ethnology</i>, ii. 457.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> <i>Journ. As. Soc. Bengal</i>, 1866, ii. 158; see also Geiger, <i>Civilisation
+of Eastern Iranians</i>, i. 20-21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> <i>Journ. Ceylon As. Soc.</i>, 1865-1866, p. 3. <i>Journ. Ind. Archipelago</i>,
+i. 328; Tennant, <i>Ceylon</i>, i. 331; J.&nbsp;F. Campbell, <i>My Circular Notes</i>,
+155-157.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> Landtman, <i>Origin of Priesthood</i>, p. 82, quoting the original
+authorities.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> Vigfusson and Powell, <i>Corpus Boreale</i>, ii. 38; and see i. 408.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> <i>Roman Festivals</i>, 264.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> Rhys, <i>Lectures on Welsh Philology</i>, 196.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> <i>Life of St. Guthlac</i>, by Felix of Crowland, edit. C.&nbsp;W. Goodwin,
+pp. 21, 23, 27, 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> <i>Life of St. Guthlac</i>, p. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> Wright, <i>Essays on Popular Superstitions of the Middle Ages</i>, ii. 4-10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> The substance of this part of my subject, with more elaboration in
+detail, is taken from a paper I contributed to the <i>Transactions of the
+Folklore Congress</i>, 1891.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg&nbsp;367]</a></span></p>
+<h2>INDEX</h2>
+
+
+<p>
+aborigines, savage, <a href="#Page_219">219</a><br />
+Abyssinian pygmies, <a href="#Page_241">241</a><br />
+African pygmy people, <a href="#Page_241">241-2</a><br />
+aged, killing of the, <a href="#Page_68">68-78</a><br />
+agricultural custom, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>,
+<a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>,
+<a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>,
+<a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352-3</a>,
+<a href="#Page_359">359</a><br />
+Ahts of Vancouver Island, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a><br />
+All Souls, feast of, <a href="#Page_331">331</a><br />
+allocation of folklore items, <a href="#Page_340">340</a><br />
+altar superstitions, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a><br />
+American Indian creation myths, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>,
+<a href="#Page_258">258</a><br />
+American Indian traditions, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a><br />
+analysis of custom, <a href="#Page_159">159</a><br />
+Andaman islanders, <a href="#Page_218">218</a><br />
+animal traditions, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br />
+animals, domestication of, <a href="#Page_258">258</a><br />
+antagonism in folklore, <a href="#Page_340">340</a><br />
+anthropological conditions, <a href="#Page_208">208-302</a><br />
+apparitions, <a href="#Page_188">188</a><br />
+arm, right, left unchristened, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a><br />
+arresting force of Christianity, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a><br />
+Arthur traditions, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33-34</a><br />
+Arunta people (Australians), <a href="#Page_265">265-274</a><br />
+Ashantee creation myth, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a><br />
+ashes, custom connected with, <a href="#Page_160">160</a><br />
+aspirations of man, <a href="#Page_145">145</a><br />
+association, law of, in folklore, <a href="#Page_166">166-9</a><br />
+Aston and Cote, manor, <a href="#Page_355">355</a><br />
+Australian evidence, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>,
+<a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>,
+<a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>,
+<a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>,
+<a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>,
+<a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>,
+<a href="#Page_262">262-74</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a><br />
+Australoid race, <a href="#Page_296">296</a><br />
+Avebury (Lord), quoted, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p>
+
+<p>Balder myth, <a href="#Page_108">108</a><br />
+ballads, growth of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a><br />
+baptism, <a href="#Page_323">323-4</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>,
+<a href="#Page_328">328</a><br />
+baptismal water, <a href="#Page_197">197</a><br />
+barbaric conquest, <a href="#Page_219">219</a><br />
+Beddgelert bridge tradition, <a href="#Page_26">26</a><br />
+Bedfordshire evidence, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a><br />
+bees, telling the, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a><br />
+Bega (St.), <a href="#Page_323">323</a><br />
+belief the foundation of myth, <a href="#Page_140">140-6</a><br />
+Beowulf, quoted, <a href="#Page_89">89</a><br />
+Berkshire evidence, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a><br />
+boar as a totem animal, <a href="#Page_287">287</a><br />
+Border civilisation, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183-5</a><br />
+Boudicca, hare portent of, <a href="#Page_288">288</a><br />
+bow and arrow, <a href="#Page_218">218</a><br />
+Breton tradition, <a href="#Page_21">21-22</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a><br />
+bridges, tradition concerning, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a><br />
+Britain, totemism in, <a href="#Page_276">276-96</a><br />
+Buckinghamshire evidence, <a href="#Page_162">162</a><br />
+bull (white) ceremony, <a href="#Page_161">161</a><br />
+Bund (Willis), quoted, <a href="#Page_118">118</a><br />
+burial superstition, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>,
+<a href="#Page_339">339</a><br />
+Burmese evidence, <a href="#Page_347">347</a><br />
+Bury (J.&nbsp;B.), quoted, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a><br />
+Bushmen dances, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></p>
+
+<p>C&aelig;sar, food taboos in Britain, <a href="#Page_286">286-91</a><br />
+Canary Islanders, custom, <a href="#Page_325">325</a><br />
+Catskin story, <a href="#Page_59">59-66</a><br />
+cattle, telling of death to, <a href="#Page_162">162</a><br />
+Celtic mythology, <a href="#Page_103">103</a><br />
+Celtic tribes of Britain, <a href="#Page_25">25-28</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103-5</a>,
+<a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a><br />
+Ceylon evidence, <a href="#Page_31">31</a><br />
+Chadwick (H.&nbsp;M.), quoted, <a href="#Page_223">223</a><br />
+charms, <a href="#Page_188">188</a><br />
+Cheshire evidence, <a href="#Page_162">162</a><br />
+child relationship to parents, <a href="#Page_232">232</a><br />
+child thought, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a><br />
+Childe Rowland story, <a href="#Page_314">314-15</a><br />
+children not related to parents, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>,
+<a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a><br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg&nbsp;368]</a></span>
+Christianity and paganism, <a href="#Page_320">320-37</a><br />
+church ceremony of marriage, <a href="#Page_90">90-1</a><br />
+church, sacred character of objects and buildings, <a href="#Page_197">197-9</a><br />
+churning superstition, <a href="#Page_202">202</a><br />
+civil war pamphlets, <a href="#Page_195">195</a><br />
+Claddagh fisherfolk, <a href="#Page_279">279</a><br />
+clan songs, <a href="#Page_97">97</a><br />
+class system in Australian totemism, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>,
+<a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>,
+<a href="#Page_272">272</a><br />
+classification, false, of folklore, <a href="#Page_166">166</a><br />
+Clonmel witch case, <a href="#Page_205">205</a><br />
+club, for killing the aged, <a href="#Page_74">74-76</a><br />
+cock as a totem animal, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a><br />
+comparative folklore, <a href="#Page_170">170-9</a><br />
+conjectural method of inquiry, <a href="#Page_225">225-6</a>,
+<a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a><br />
+conquered, mythic influence of, <a href="#Page_345">345-9</a><br />
+conscious use of experience or observation, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>,
+<a href="#Page_212">212</a><br />
+conquest in man's history, <a href="#Page_219">219</a><br />
+Cook (A.&nbsp;B.), quoted, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a><br />
+Cornwall evidence, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>,
+<a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>,
+<a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>,
+<a href="#Page_324">324</a><br />
+Crawley (E.), quoted, <a href="#Page_155">155</a><br />
+Crayford legend, <a href="#Page_43">43</a><br />
+creation myths, <a href="#Page_130">130-9</a><br />
+Cromm Cruaich, <a href="#Page_344">344</a><br />
+Cuchulain, totem descent of, <a href="#Page_286">286</a><br />
+Cuerdale hoard of coins, <a href="#Page_30">30-31</a><br />
+Cumberland evidence, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>,
+<a href="#Page_323">323</a><br />
+custom, belief, and rite, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,
+<a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154-70</a><br />
+Cynuit, fight with Danes at, <a href="#Page_5">5-6</a></p>
+
+<p>Danish conquest in tradition, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>,
+<a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>,
+<a href="#Page_192">192</a><br />
+Darwin (C.), quoted, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>,
+<a href="#Page_247">247</a><br />
+death beliefs, <a href="#Page_191">191-2</a><br />
+death, telling of, to bees, <a href="#Page_162">162</a><br />
+decay the principal force in folklore, <a href="#Page_157">157-9</a>,
+<a href="#Page_319">319</a><br />
+definitions, <a href="#Page_129">129</a><br />
+Demeter temple custom, <a href="#Page_150">150</a><br />
+Derbyshire evidence, <a href="#Page_162">162</a><br />
+descent, use of the term, <a href="#Page_270">270</a><br />
+Devonshire evidence, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>,
+<a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a><br />
+differential evolution, <a href="#Page_228">228</a><br />
+diffusion of folk-tales, <a href="#Page_153">153</a><br />
+dog as a totem animal, <a href="#Page_286">286</a><br />
+doom rings, <a href="#Page_323">323</a><br />
+doors, decoration of, <a href="#Page_334">334</a><br />
+Dorsetshire evidence, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a><br />
+dreams, <a href="#Page_13">13-20</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a><br />
+Druidism, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342-4</a><br />
+duplication of myth, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a><br />
+Durham evidence, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>,
+<a href="#Page_324">324</a></p>
+
+<p>Easter-tide, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br />
+economic influences upon early man, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>,
+<a href="#Page_257">257</a><br />
+Egyptian civilisation, <a href="#Page_108">108</a><br />
+Elton (C.), quoted, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>,
+<a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>,
+<a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>,
+<a href="#Page_344">344</a><br />
+Essex evidence, <a href="#Page_95">95</a><br />
+ethnographic movements of man, <a href="#Page_216">216</a><br />
+ethnological conditions, <a href="#Page_338">338-66</a><br />
+Eucharist, sacred elements of, <a href="#Page_197">197</a><br />
+European conditions, <a href="#Page_320">320-37</a><br />
+European sky god, <a href="#Page_106">106</a><br />
+Evans (Arthur), quoted, <a href="#Page_209">209</a><br />
+Exeter custom, <a href="#Page_96">96</a><br />
+exogamy, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></p>
+
+<p>fact, basis of tradition upon, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>,
+<a href="#Page_47">47-49</a><br />
+fairs, <a href="#Page_45">45</a><br />
+family, the term, <a href="#Page_235">235-7</a><br />
+Farrer (J.&nbsp;A.), quoted, <a href="#Page_145">145</a><br />
+father kinship, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a><br />
+father and daughter marriage, <a href="#Page_59">59-66</a><br />
+female descent, <a href="#Page_271">271</a><br />
+festivals, pagan in origin, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br />
+fictional literature, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,
+<a href="#Page_145">145</a><br />
+Fijian creation myth, <a href="#Page_131">131</a><br />
+<ins class="correction" title="'Firbolgs' in original">Fir-Bolgs</ins>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a><br />
+fire, non-use of, <a href="#Page_218">218</a><br />
+fire worship, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>,
+<a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>,
+<a href="#Page_317">317</a><br />
+first foot custom, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a><br />
+fish as a totem, <a href="#Page_290">290</a><br />
+folklore, necessities of, <a href="#Page_4">4-7</a><br />
+folk-tales, <a href="#Page_46">46-84</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,
+<a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>,
+<a href="#Page_148">148-9</a><br />
+food taboos in ancient Britain, <a href="#Page_286">286</a><br />
+formula of custom, <a href="#Page_159">159</a><br />
+fox totem in Connaught, <a href="#Page_278">278-80</a><br />
+Frazer (J.), quoted, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108-9</a>,
+<a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>,
+<a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>,
+<a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>,
+<a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>,
+<a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>,
+<a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>,
+<a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a><br />
+Fuegians, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></p>
+
+<p>Gambia district, peoples of, <a href="#Page_245">245</a><br />
+Genesis creation myth, <a href="#Page_137">137-8</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a><br />
+geological age of man, <a href="#Page_214">214</a><br />
+giants, <a href="#Page_194">194</a><br />
+Gibbon (E.), quoted, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>,
+<a href="#Page_334">334</a><br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg&nbsp;369]</a></span>
+Giles (Dr.), quoted, <a href="#Page_113">113</a><br />
+Gold coast natives, <a href="#Page_230">230</a><br />
+Gomme (Mrs.), quoted, <a href="#Page_26">26</a><br />
+goose as a totem animal, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a><br />
+Gospels used as charms, <a href="#Page_199">199</a><br />
+gossip, meaning of, <a href="#Page_278">278</a><br />
+Gregory (Pope), letter of, to Mellitus, <a href="#Page_329">329-30</a><br />
+Greek totemism, <a href="#Page_275">275</a><br />
+Greek laws, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>,
+<a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a><br />
+Grey (Sir George), quoted, <a href="#Page_143">143</a><br />
+Grierson (P.&nbsp;J.&nbsp;H.), quoted, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>,
+<a href="#Page_230">230</a><br />
+Grimm, quoted, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78-81</a>,
+<a href="#Page_327">327-8</a><br />
+group (human) the unit of anthropological work, <a href="#Page_234">234</a><br />
+Guthlac (St.) legend, <a href="#Page_350">350-2</a></p>
+
+<p>Haddon (A.&nbsp;C.), quoted, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>,
+<a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>,
+<a href="#Page_254">254</a><br />
+Hampshire evidence, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+<a href="#Page_192">192</a><br />
+hare as a totem animal, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>,
+<a href="#Page_287">287-9</a><br />
+Harris, island of, <a href="#Page_354">354</a><br />
+Hartland (E.&nbsp;S.), quoted, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>,
+<a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>,
+<a href="#Page_265">265</a><br />
+Hawick Common riding, <a href="#Page_98">98-99</a><br />
+Hebrew creation myth, <a href="#Page_137">137-8</a><br />
+Hereward in history and tradition, <a href="#Page_35">35-40</a><br />
+historians, neglect of folklore, <a href="#Page_110">110-20</a><br />
+historical material, <a href="#Page_2">2-4</a><br />
+history and folklore, <a href="#Page_1">1-122</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a><br />
+holy, the word, <a href="#Page_317">317</a><br />
+"holy mawle," <a href="#Page_74">74</a><br />
+horde, type of society, <a href="#Page_225">225</a><br />
+hostility among primitive groups of mankind, <a href="#Page_264">264</a><br />
+Howitt (A.&nbsp;W.), quoted, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>,
+<a href="#Page_230">230</a><br />
+hunting stage of society, <a href="#Page_220">220</a><br />
+Huxley (T.&nbsp;H.), quoted, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p>
+
+<p>idols in Christian churches, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br />
+Indian evidence, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>,
+<a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>,
+<a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>,
+<a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>,
+<a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>,
+<a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>,
+<a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>,
+<a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>,
+<a href="#Page_135">135-6</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>,
+<a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>,
+<a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>,
+<a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>,
+<a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>,
+<a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>,
+<a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>,
+<a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>,
+<a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a><br />
+industrial evolution, <a href="#Page_228">228-30</a><br />
+Innis (Thomas), quoted, <a href="#Page_113">113</a><br />
+institutions and religion, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>,
+<a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a><br />
+Irish evidence, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>,
+<a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56-59</a>,
+<a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>,
+<a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>,
+<a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>,
+<a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>,
+<a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>,
+<a href="#Page_276">276-82</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>,
+<a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>,
+<a href="#Page_330">330</a><br />
+Italy, Christian and pagan beliefs in, <a href="#Page_331">331-4</a>,
+<a href="#Page_335">335</a></p>
+
+<p>Java, remains of man in, <a href="#Page_214">214</a><br />
+Jevons (F.&nbsp;B.), quoted, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>,
+<a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>,
+<a href="#Page_236">236</a><br />
+Jewish temple rite, <a href="#Page_200">200</a><br />
+Joyce (Dr.), quoted, <a href="#Page_116">116</a><br />
+junior right inheritance, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>,
+<a href="#Page_172">172-4</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>,
+<a href="#Page_313">313</a></p>
+
+<p>Keane (A.&nbsp;H.), quoted, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>,
+<a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a><br />
+Keary (J.&nbsp;F.), quoted, <a href="#Page_313">313</a><br />
+Kemble (J.&nbsp;M.), quoted, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>,
+<a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a><br />
+Kent evidence, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>,
+<a href="#Page_330">330</a><br />
+Kentish laws, <a href="#Page_92">92</a><br />
+Kilmorie, <a href="#Page_352">352</a><br />
+kinship, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>,
+<a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>,
+<a href="#Page_261">261</a><br />
+kinlessness, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>,
+<a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240-7</a>,
+<a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>,
+<a href="#Page_268">268</a><br />
+Kronos myth, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p>
+
+<p>Lambeth pedlar legend, <a href="#Page_20">20</a><br />
+Lancashire evidence, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+<a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>,
+<a href="#Page_324">324</a><br />
+lands, surrender of, to sons, <a href="#Page_70">70-2</a><br />
+Lang (A.), quoted, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
+<a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>,
+<a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>,
+<a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>,
+<a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>,
+<a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>,
+<a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>,
+<a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>,
+<a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a><br />
+Lapps as sorcerers, <a href="#Page_349">349</a><br />
+Lappenberg (J.&nbsp;M.), quoted, <a href="#Page_113">113</a><br />
+Latham (Dr.), quoted, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>,
+<a href="#Page_215">215-16</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a><br />
+Lauder, <a href="#Page_354">354</a><br />
+Law, traditional origin of, <a href="#Page_84">84-100</a>,
+<a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br />
+left and right superstition, <a href="#Page_166">166</a><br />
+legend, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>,
+<a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151-2</a><br />
+legislation, primitive, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a><br />
+Leicestershire evidence, <a href="#Page_198">198</a><br />
+Lincolnshire evidence, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+<a href="#Page_350">350-2</a><br />
+Litlington tradition, <a href="#Page_43">43</a><br />
+local traditions, <a href="#Page_13">13-33</a><br />
+locality influence of, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a><br />
+Lockyer (Sir Norman), quoted, <a href="#Page_107">107</a><br />
+logic of primitive man, <a href="#Page_140">140</a><br />
+London Bridge legends, <a href="#Page_13">13-33</a><br />
+Lud, Celtic god, <a href="#Page_105">105</a><br />
+Lundinium (Roman), <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>,
+<a href="#Page_105">105</a></p>
+
+<p>Mabinogion creation myth, <a href="#Page_136">136</a><br />
+MacCulloch (Mr.), quoted, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>,
+<a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,
+<a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>,
+<a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a><br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg&nbsp;370]</a></span>
+Maine (Sir Henry), quoted, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>,
+<a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>,
+<a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a><br />
+male descent, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a><br />
+male groups, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br />
+manorial evidence, <a href="#Page_94">94-96</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a><br />
+manumission formula, <a href="#Page_92">92</a><br />
+Manx custom, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a><br />
+Maori myths, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a><br />
+marriage ceremony, <a href="#Page_90">90-91</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a><br />
+marriage customs in folk-tales, <a href="#Page_65">65</a><br />
+materials and methods, <a href="#Page_123">123-79</a><br />
+McLennan (J.&nbsp;F.), quoted, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>,
+<a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a><br />
+midsummer festivals, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br />
+migratory movements of man, <a href="#Page_214">214-17</a>,
+<a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>,
+<a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>,
+<a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>,
+<a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a><br />
+monogenists, <a href="#Page_213">213</a><br />
+Morgan (L.&nbsp;H.), quoted, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>,
+<a href="#Page_275">275</a><br />
+mother influence in totemism, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>,
+<a href="#Page_267">267</a><br />
+mother kinship, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br />
+Moytura monuments, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a><br />
+Murray (Dr.), quoted, <a href="#Page_98">98</a><br />
+myth, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>,
+<a href="#Page_130">130-48</a><br />
+mythology, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100-10</a>,
+<a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146-8</a>,
+<a href="#Page_303">303</a></p>
+
+<p>names (totem), origin of, <a href="#Page_260">260</a><br />
+natural objects, interpretation of, <a href="#Page_193">193</a><br />
+neglect of observation, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br />
+neolithic burial custom, <a href="#Page_339">339</a><br />
+New Guinea evidence, <a href="#Page_345">345</a><br />
+New Zealand myths, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132-3</a>,
+<a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>,
+<a href="#Page_346">346</a><br />
+Nicholson (Dr.), quoted, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a><br />
+Nod, Celtic god, <a href="#Page_105">105</a><br />
+Nonconformist appeal to church, <a href="#Page_200">200</a><br />
+Norfolk evidence, <a href="#Page_14">14-19</a>,
+<a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a><br />
+Norse custom, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a><br />
+Norse tradition, <a href="#Page_22">22-23</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a><br />
+Northamptonshire evidence, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a><br />
+Northumberland evidence, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>,
+<a href="#Page_325">325</a><br />
+<i>Notes and Queries</i>, quoted, <a href="#Page_6">6</a><br />
+Nottinghamshire evidence, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a><br />
+nursery rhymes, growth of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a><br />
+Nutt (A.), quoted, 6, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></p>
+
+<p>oath-taking customs, <a href="#Page_200">200</a><br />
+O'Curry (Eugene), quoted, <a href="#Page_113">113</a><br />
+offertory money, <a href="#Page_197">197</a><br />
+oral tradition, force of, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a><br />
+outlawry, <a href="#Page_311">311</a><br />
+oxen, slaughter of, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></p>
+
+<p>pal&aelig;olithic implements, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>,
+<a href="#Page_218">218</a><br />
+Palgrave (Sir F.), quoted, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a><br />
+parallel practices as evidence of common origin, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>,
+<a href="#Page_171">171-6</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a><br />
+pastoral stage of society, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a><br />
+Pearson (Dr. Karl), quoted, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>,
+<a href="#Page_201">201</a><br />
+Pearson (C.&nbsp;H.), quoted, <a href="#Page_115">115</a><br />
+Pedlar of Swaffham legend, <a href="#Page_14">14-19</a><br />
+personal traditions, <a href="#Page_33">33-46</a><br />
+Petrie (Flinders), quoted, <a href="#Page_222">222</a><br />
+Pictish marriage custom, <a href="#Page_344">344</a><br />
+political races, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>,
+<a href="#Page_221">221</a><br />
+polygenists, <a href="#Page_213">213</a><br />
+pottery, <a href="#Page_218">218</a><br />
+Powell (York), quoted, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>,
+<a href="#Page_104">104</a><br />
+practice and rule, <a href="#Page_227">227</a><br />
+pre-Celtic remains, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118-20</a>,
+<a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>,
+<a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a><br />
+priest's grave superstition, <a href="#Page_199">199</a><br />
+priests of old religion regarded as magicians, <a href="#Page_200">200</a><br />
+promiscuity, <a href="#Page_224">224</a><br />
+Protestants appeal to Roman Catholicism, <a href="#Page_200">200</a><br />
+psychological conditions, <a href="#Page_180">180-207</a><br />
+purpose of custom, <a href="#Page_159">159</a><br />
+pygmy peoples, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241-5</a>,
+<a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></p>
+
+<p>Ramsay (Sir James), quoted, <a href="#Page_115">115</a><br />
+record of custom, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a><br />
+religion and folklore, <a href="#Page_140">140</a><br />
+religion and myth, <a href="#Page_138">138</a><br />
+religion and science, <a href="#Page_138">138-9</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a><br />
+result in custom, <a href="#Page_159">159</a><br />
+retrogression in human society, <a href="#Page_249">249</a><br />
+Rhodopis tradition, <a href="#Page_53">53</a><br />
+rhyming tenures, <a href="#Page_94">94-95</a><br />
+Rhys (Sir John), quoted, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>,
+<a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>,
+<a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>,
+<a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>,
+<a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>,
+<a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a><br />
+Ridgeway (Prof.), quoted, <a href="#Page_308">308</a><br />
+right and left superstition, <a href="#Page_166">166</a><br />
+rites explained by myth, <a href="#Page_146">146</a><br />
+Rivers (Dr. W.&nbsp;H.&nbsp;R.), quoted, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>,
+<a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a><br />
+Robertson-Smith (W.), quoted, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>,
+<a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>,
+<a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a><br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg&nbsp;371]</a></span>
+Rollright stones, <a href="#Page_209">209</a><br />
+Roman Britain, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>,
+<a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360-2</a><br />
+romances, <a href="#Page_124">124</a><br />
+Rome, ancient customs of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>,
+<a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>,
+<a href="#Page_349">349</a></p>
+
+<p>sacrifice (human), <a href="#Page_174">174-6</a><br />
+savage customs in Britain, <a href="#Page_112">112-16</a><br />
+savage incidents in folk-tales, <a href="#Page_78">78-82</a><br />
+Scandinavian custom, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>,
+<a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br />
+Scarborough warning, <a href="#Page_93">93-94</a><br />
+science, primitive, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a><br />
+Scottish evidence, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>,
+<a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>,
+<a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>,
+<a href="#Page_67">67-78</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>,
+<a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+<a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>,
+<a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>,
+<a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a><br />
+seal totem in Connaught, <a href="#Page_280">280-2</a><br />
+Semangs of Malay peninsula, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>,
+<a href="#Page_242">242-5</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>,
+<a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>,
+<a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297-302</a>,
+<a href="#Page_348">348</a><br />
+sermon quoted, <a href="#Page_189">189</a><br />
+sex cleavage in human evolution, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>,
+<a href="#Page_260">260</a><br />
+Shrewsbury Abbey Church, tradition, <a href="#Page_43">43</a><br />
+Shropshire evidence, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>,
+<a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a><br />
+Sids, Irish, <a href="#Page_341">341</a><br />
+Skene (W.&nbsp;F.), quoted, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>,
+<a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a><br />
+sky-god, <a href="#Page_106">106</a><br />
+Slavonian tradition, <a href="#Page_54">54</a><br />
+snake stones of Whitby, <a href="#Page_194">194</a><br />
+sociological conditions, <a href="#Page_303">303-19</a><br />
+Somersetshire evidence, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>,
+<a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a><br />
+soul resident in backbone, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>,
+<a href="#Page_190">190</a><br />
+Southampton custom, <a href="#Page_96">96</a><br />
+specialisation of culture, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>,
+<a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a><br />
+Spencer (Herbert), quoted, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>,
+<a href="#Page_214">214</a><br />
+Spencer and Gillen, quoted, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>,
+<a href="#Page_265">265</a><br />
+Spenser (Edmund), quoted, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>,
+<a href="#Page_177">177</a><br />
+Squire (Mr.), quoted, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>,
+<a href="#Page_101">101-3</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a><br />
+stationary conditions of life, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>,
+<a href="#Page_224">224</a><br />
+state religion, <a href="#Page_103">103-5</a><br />
+Stevenson (W.&nbsp;H.), quoted, <a href="#Page_5">5</a><br />
+Stewart (J.&nbsp;A.), quoted, <a href="#Page_145">145</a><br />
+stone circles, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>,
+<a href="#Page_194">194</a><br />
+Stonehenge, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a><br />
+Suffolk evidence, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+<a href="#Page_192">192</a><br />
+Sullivan (W.&nbsp;R.), quoted, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a><br />
+Surrey evidence, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a><br />
+survivals, <a href="#Page_154">154-5</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>,
+<a href="#Page_336">336</a><br />
+Sussex evidence, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p>
+
+<p>tappie, tappie, tousie, <a href="#Page_92">92</a><br />
+telling tales, <a href="#Page_149">149</a><br />
+Teutonic religion, <a href="#Page_104">104</a><br />
+Teutonic tribes, <a href="#Page_310">310</a><br />
+Thomas (N.&nbsp;W.), quoted, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>,
+<a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>,
+<a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a><br />
+threshold custom, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a><br />
+toad in witchcraft, <a href="#Page_203">203</a><br />
+Todas, loss of myth by, <a href="#Page_150">150</a><br />
+totemism, <a href="#Page_209">209-10</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>,
+<a href="#Page_253">253-61</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274-96</a><br />
+transfer of superstition to different objects, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>,
+<a href="#Page_325">325</a><br />
+treasure legends, <a href="#Page_13">13-24</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a><br />
+trees, marriage of, India, <a href="#Page_258">258</a><br />
+tribal life in tradition, <a href="#Page_51">51-59</a>,
+<a href="#Page_103">103-5</a><br />
+tribal institutions, <a href="#Page_307">307-18</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>,
+<a href="#Page_364">364</a><br />
+tribe, the term, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a><br />
+Tuatha de Danann, <a href="#Page_101">101</a><br />
+Turner (Sharon), quoted, <a href="#Page_113">113</a><br />
+Tylor (E.&nbsp;B.), quoted, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>,
+<a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>,
+<a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></p>
+
+<p>Upsall, Yorks, legend from, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></p>
+
+<p>ver sacrum, <a href="#Page_223">223</a><br />
+Vortigern, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p>
+
+<p>water god, <a href="#Page_105">105</a><br />
+well worship, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>,
+<a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a><br />
+Welsh evidence, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>,
+<a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+<a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>,
+<a href="#Page_202">202</a><br />
+Westermarck (Dr.), quoted, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br />
+Westmoreland evidence, <a href="#Page_184">184</a><br />
+Wilde (Sir W.), quoted, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a><br />
+William the Conqueror, Sussex tradition, <a href="#Page_41">41</a><br />
+Wiltshire evidence, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>,
+<a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+<a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>,
+<a href="#Page_354">354</a><br />
+witchcraft, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201-6</a><br />
+wolf totem in Ossory, <a href="#Page_276">276-8</a><br />
+women in early industrialism, <a href="#Page_257">257</a><br />
+Worcestershire evidence, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p>
+
+<p>Yorkshire evidence, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>,
+<a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>,
+<a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
+<a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>,
+<a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a><br />
+Yule-tide, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></p>
+
+<p>Zulu folk-tales, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+</p>
+
+<div class="bbox">
+<p><b>Transcriber's Notes:</b></p>
+
+<p>This book contains some archaic and variant spelling, which has been
+retained as printed. Hyphenation has been made consistent where
+appropriate, without note. Minor printer errors (missing or transposed
+letters or punctuation, etc.) have been amended. These amendments have a
+<ins class="correction" title="like this">faint grey dotted underline</ins>.
+Hover your mouse over these words to see the original text or a note about
+the amendment. The list of amendments is also included below.</p>
+
+<p>There are a few Greek words in this text, which may require adjustment
+of your browser settings to display correctly. A transliteration of
+each word is included. Hover your mouse over words underlined with a
+<ins class="greek" title="like this">faint red dotted line</ins> to see
+them.</p>
+
+<p>Illustrations have been shifted slightly, so that they are not in the
+middle of paragraphs. The frontispiece illustration has been moved to
+follow the title page.</p>
+
+
+<p><b>List of Amendments:</b></p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_42">42</a>&mdash;ryhme amended to rhyme&mdash;
+"... the old rhyme is still remembered ..."</p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_76">76</a>&mdash;missing accent added to
+"vice vers&acirc;".</p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_92">92</a>&mdash;signifiance amended to
+significance&mdash;"... rhythmical formul&aelig; which have legal
+significance."</p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_118">118</a>&mdash;missing accent added to
+"prim&acirc; facie".</p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_184">184</a>&mdash;preceeding amended to
+preceding&mdash;"... those immediately preceding the reign ..."</p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_198">198</a>&mdash;bedesecrated amended to
+be desecrated&mdash;"must not be desecrated"</p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_271">271</a>&mdash;missing apostrophe added&mdash;"do
+not go to the wives' region of abode."</p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_368">368</a>&mdash;Firbolgs amended to Fir-Bolgs, in
+line with other occurrences.</p>
+
+<p>Footnote <a href="#Footnote_358_358">358</a>&mdash;missing period added at
+end of footnote.</p>
+
+<p>Footnote <a href="#Footnote_416_416">416</a>&mdash;Ser. made consistent with other occurrences&mdash;
+amended to "ser."</p>
+
+<p>Footnote <a href="#Footnote_469_469">469</a>&mdash;comma added&mdash;"Myth, Ritual and Religion".</p>
+
+<p>Footnote <a href="#Footnote_473_473">473</a>&mdash;precedessors amended to predecessors&mdash;"...
+apparently dependent upon their predecessors."</p>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Folklore as an Historical Science, by 
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@@ -0,0 +1,12798 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Folklore as an Historical Science, by
+George Laurence Gomme
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Folklore as an Historical Science
+
+Author: George Laurence Gomme
+
+Release Date: June 18, 2007 [EBook #21852]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FOLKLORE AS AN HISTORICAL SCIENCE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Clare Boothby, Sam W. and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                           FOLKLORE AS AN
+                         HISTORICAL SCIENCE
+
+
+                                 BY
+                       GEORGE LAURENCE GOMME
+
+
+                  WITH TWENTY-EIGHT ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+                             METHUEN & CO.
+                         36 ESSEX STREET W.C.
+                               LONDON
+
+
+
+
+                     _First Published in 1908_
+
+
+[Illustration: "PEDLAR'S SEAT," SWAFFHAM CHURCH]
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAPTER
+
+I. HISTORY AND FOLKLORE                             _pages_  1-122
+
+      INTRODUCTORY                             _pages_  1-13
+
+      HISTORY AND LOCAL AND PERSONAL TRADITIONS        13-46
+
+      HISTORY AND FOLK-TALES                           46-84
+
+      TRADITIONAL LAW                                 84-100
+
+      MYTHOLOGY AND TRADITION                        100-110
+
+      HISTORIANS AND TRADITION                       110-120
+
+
+II. MATERIALS AND METHODS                                  123-179
+
+      TRADITIONAL MATERIAL                           123-129
+
+      MYTH, FOLK-TALE, AND LEGEND                    129-153
+
+      CUSTOM, BELIEF, AND RITE                       154-179
+
+
+III. PSYCHOLOGICAL CONDITIONS                              180-207
+
+
+IV. ANTHROPOLOGICAL CONDITIONS                             208-302
+
+      PRIMITIVE INFLUENCES                           211-238
+
+      EARLIEST TYPES OF SOCIAL EXISTENCE             238-261
+
+      AUSTRALIAN TOTEM SOCIETY TESTED BY THE
+          EVIDENCE                                   262-274
+
+      TOTEM SURVIVALS IN BRITAIN                     274-296
+
+      SYNOPSIS OF CULTURE-STRUCTURE OF SEMANGS
+          OF MALAY PENINSULA                         297-302
+
+
+V. SOCIOLOGICAL CONDITIONS                                 303-319
+
+
+VI. EUROPEAN CONDITIONS                                    320-337
+
+
+VII. ETHNOLOGICAL CONDITIONS                               338-366
+
+
+INDEX                                                      367-371
+
+
+
+
+LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+                                                                  PAGE
+1. PEDLAR'S SEAT, SWAFFHAM CHURCH, NORFOLK.             _Frontispiece_
+
+2. CARVED WOODEN FIGURE OF THE PEDLAR IN SWAFFHAM
+         CHURCH                                                      8
+
+3. CARVED WOODEN FIGURE OF THE PEDLAR'S DOG IN SWAFFHAM
+         CHURCH                                                      8
+
+      Nos. 1-3 are taken from photographs, and show how the
+    story of the Pedlar of Swaffham has been interpreted in
+    carving. The costume of the Pedlar is noticeable.
+
+4. THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH AND HIS DOG, FIGURED IN THE
+         WINDOW (NOW DESTROYED) OF LAMBETH CHURCH (from
+         Allen's _History of Lambeth_)                              20
+
+5. THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH AND HIS DOG AS DRAWN IN 1786
+         FOR DUCAREL'S _History of Lambeth_                         22
+
+      Nos. 4 and 5 illustrate the traces of the Pedlar legend
+    in Lambeth, and the costume of the Pedlar, though later
+    than that shown in the Swaffham carving, exhibits analogous
+    features which are of interest to the argument.
+
+6. PLAN OF THE SITE OF THE "HEAVEN'S WALLS" AT LITLINGTON,
+         NEAR ROYSTON, CAMBRIDGESHIRE (reprinted from
+           _Archaeologia_)                                           43
+
+7. SKETCH OF LITLINGTON FIELD (reprinted from
+         _Archaeologia_)                                             44
+
+      Nos. 6 and 7 show the site and general appearance
+    of this interesting relic of the Roman occupation of
+    Britain.
+
+8. STONE MONUMENTS ERECTED AS MEMORIALS IN A KASYA
+          VILLAGE (reprinted from _Asiatic Researches_)             55
+
+9. STONE SEATS AT A KASYA VILLAGE (reprinted from _Asiatic
+         Researches_)                                               55
+
+10. VIEW IN THE KASYA HILLS, SHOWING STONE MEMORIALS
+          (reprinted from _Asiatic Researches_)                     56
+
+      No. 8 shows the practice among the primitive hill-tribes
+    of India of erecting memorials in stone to tribal heroes,
+    and No. 9 is a curious illustration of the stones used as
+    seats by tribesmen at their tribal assemblies. No. 10 is a
+    general view of the site occupied by these stone monuments.
+
+11. THE AULD CA-KNOWE: CALLING THE BURGESS ROLL AT
+          HAWICK (reprinted from Craig and Laing's
+          _Hawick Tradition_)                                       98
+
+12. THE HAWICK MOAT AT SUNRISE (reprinted from Craig and
+          Laing)                                                    99
+
+      The tribal gathering is well illustrated by No. 11, and
+    the moat hill is shown in No. 12.
+
+13. ONE OF FIVE STONE CIRCLES IN THE FIELDS OPPOSITE THE
+          GLEBE OF NYMPHSFIELD (reprinted from Sir William
+          Wilde's _Lough Corrib_)                                  101
+
+14. CARN-AN-CHLUITHE TO COMMEMORATE THE DEFEAT AND
+          DEATH OF THE YOUTHS OF THE DANANNS (reprinted
+          from Wilde)                                              102
+
+15. THE CAIRN OF BALLYMAGIBBON, NEAR THE ROAD PASSING
+          FROM CONG TO CROSS (reprinted from Wilde)                102
+
+      Nos. 13-15 are selected from Sir William Wilde's admirable
+    account of the great conflict on the field of Moytura. They
+    serve to show that the fight was an historical event.
+
+16. ALTAR DEDICATED TO THE FIELD DEITIES OF BRITAIN,
+          FOUND AT CASTLE HILL ON THE WALL OF ANTONINUS PIUS       105
+
+      It is important to remember that the Romans recognised
+    the gods of the conquered people, and this is one of the
+    most important archaeological proofs of the fact.
+
+17. ROMAN SCULPTURED STONE FOUND AT ARNIEBOG, CUMBERNAULD,
+          DUMBARTONSHIRE, SHOWING A NAKED BRITON AS
+          A CAPTIVE                                                112
+
+      To the evidence derived from classical writers as to the
+    nakedness of some of the inhabitants of early Britain, it
+    is possible to add the evidence of the memorial stone. This
+    example is reproduced from Sir Arthur Mitchell's _Past in
+    the Present_, and there is at least one other example.
+
+18. REPRESENTATION OF AN IRISH CHIEFTAIN SEATED AT
+          DINNER (from Derrick's _The Image of Ireland_,
+          by kind permission of Messrs. A. & E. Black)             183
+
+      This is reproduced from the very excellent reprint (1883)
+    of this remarkable book, published originally in 1581. The
+    whole book is historically valuable as showing the undeveloped
+    nature of Irish culture. The flesh was boiled in the hide, the
+    fire is lighted in the open camp, and the entire rudeness of
+    the scene depicts the people "whose usages I behelde after the
+    fashion there sette downe."
+
+19. LONG MEG AND HER DAUGHTERS (from a photograph by
+          Messrs. Frith)                                           193
+
+20. STONE CIRCLES ON STANTON MOOR (from
+         _Archaeologia_)                                            193
+
+      Nos. 19 and 20 are illustrations of two of the lesser-known
+    circles about which the people hold such curious beliefs.
+
+21. CHINESE REPRESENTATION OF PYGMIES GOING ABOUT ARM-IN-ARM
+          FOR MUTUAL PROTECTION (from Moseley's _Notes by
+          a Naturalist on H.M.S. Challenger_, by permission
+          of Mr. John Murray)                                      242
+
+22. SEMANG OF KUALA KENERING, ULU PERAK (from Skeat and
+          Blagden's _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_,
+          by permission of Messrs. Macmillan)                      242
+
+23. NEGRITO TYPE: SEMANG OF PERAK (from the same)                  243
+
+24. SEMANG OF KEDAH HAVING A MEAL (from the same)                  244
+
+25. TREE HUT, ULU BATU, ABOUT TWELVE MILES FROM KUALA
+          LUMPUR, SELANGOR (from the same)                         298
+
+      The old-world traditions and the scientific observation
+    of pygmy people are illustrated in No. 21 and Nos. 22-25
+    respectively. Though much has been written about the
+    Pygmies, Messrs. Skeat and Blagden's account of the Semang
+    people is by far the most thorough and important.
+
+26. RITE OF BAPTISM ON THE FONT AT DARENTH, KENT (from
+          Romilly Allen's _Early Christian Symbolism_)             324
+
+      The crude paganism on the sculptured stone is confirmatory
+    of the pagan elements preserved in custom, and this
+    illustration from Kent, one of the earliest centres of
+    Christianity in Britain, is singularly interesting from
+    this point of view.
+
+27 and 28. TWO SCENES FROM THE ANGLO-SAXON LIFE OF ST.
+          GUTHLAC BY FELIX OF CROWLAND, DEPICTING THE ATTACK
+          OF THE DEMONS                                       351, 352
+
+      These two plates belong to a series of eight which
+    illustrate the life of the saint. They are less primitive
+    in form than the story which they illustrate. By contrast
+    with the remaining six, however, which are purely
+    ecclesiastical in character, they show how this early
+    episode kept its place among the events of the saint's life.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+If I have essayed to do in this book what should have been done by one
+of the masters of the science of folklore--Mr. Frazer, Mr. Lang, Mr.
+Hartland, Mr. Clodd, Sir John Rhys, and others--I hope it will not be
+put down to any feelings of self-sufficiency on my part. I have
+greatly dared because no one of them has accomplished, and I have so
+acted because I feel the necessity of some guidance in these matters,
+and more particularly at the present stage of inquiry into the early
+history of man.
+
+I have thought I could give somewhat of that guidance because of my
+comprehension of its need, for the comprehension of a need is
+sometimes half-way towards supplying the need. My profound belief in
+the value of folklore as perhaps the only means of discovering the
+earliest stages of the psychological, religious, social, and political
+history of modern man has also entered into my reason for the attempt.
+
+Many years ago I suggested the necessity for guidance, and I sketched
+out a few of the points involved (_Folklore Journal_, ii. 285, 347;
+iii. 1-16) in what was afterwards called by a friendly critic a sort
+of grammar of folklore. The science of folklore has advanced far since
+1885 however, and not only new problems but new ranges of thought have
+gathered round it. Still, the claims of folklore as a definite
+section of historical material remain not only unrecognised but
+unstated, and as long as this is so the lesser writers on folklore
+will go on working in wrong directions and producing much mischief,
+and the historian will judge of folklore by the criteria presented by
+these writers--will judge wrongly and will neglect folklore
+accordingly.
+
+I hope this book may tend to correct this state of things to some
+extent. It is not easy to write on such a subject in a limited space,
+and it is difficult to avoid being somewhat severely technical at
+points. These demerits will, I am sure, be forgiven when considered by
+the light of the human interest involved.
+
+All studies of this kind must begin from the standpoint of a definite
+culture area, and I have chosen our own country for the purpose of
+this inquiry. This will make the illustrations more interesting to the
+English reader; but it must be borne in mind that the same process
+could be repeated for other areas if my estimate of the position is
+even tolerably accurate. For the purpose of this estimate it was
+necessary, in the first place, to show how pure history was intimately
+related to folklore at many stages, and yet how this relationship had
+been ignored by both historian and folklorist. The research for this
+purpose had necessarily to deal with much detail, and to introduce
+fresh elements of research. There is thus produced a somewhat unequal
+treatment; for when illustrations have to be worked out at length,
+because they appear for the first time, the mind is apt to wander from
+the main point at issue and to become lost in the subordinate issue
+arising from the working out of the chosen illustration. This, I
+fear, is inevitable in folklore research, and I can only hope I have
+overcome some of the difficulties caused thereby in a fairly
+satisfactory manner.
+
+The next stage takes us to a consideration of materials and methods,
+in order to show the means and definitions which are necessary if
+folklore research is to be conducted on scientific lines. Not only is
+it necessary to ascertain the proper position of each item of folklore
+in the culture area in which it is found, but it is also necessary to
+ascertain its scientific relationship to other items found in the same
+area; and I have protested against the too easy attempt to proceed
+upon the comparative method. Before we can compare we must be certain
+that we are comparing like quantities.
+
+These chapters are preliminary. After this stage we proceed to the
+principal issues, and the first of these deals with the psychological
+conditions. It was only necessary to treat of this subject shortly,
+because the illustrations of it do not need analysis. They are
+self-contained, and supply their own evidence as to the place they
+occupy.
+
+The anthropological conditions involve very different treatment. The
+great fact necessary to bear in mind is that the people of a modern
+culture area have an anthropological as well as a national or
+political history, and that it is only the anthropological history
+which can explain the meaning and existence of folklore. This subject
+found me compelled to go rather more deeply than I had thought would
+be necessary into first principles, but I hope I have not altogether
+failed to prove that to properly understand the province of folklore
+it is necessary to know something of anthropological research and its
+results. In point of fact, without this consideration of folklore,
+there is not much value to be obtained from it. It is not because it
+consists of traditions, superstitions, customs, beliefs, observances,
+and what not, that folklore is of value to science. It is because the
+various constituents are survivals of something much more essential to
+mankind than fragments of life which for all practical purposes of
+progress might well disappear from the world. As survivals, folklore
+belongs to anthropological data, and if, as I contend, we can go so
+far back into survivals as totemism, we must understand generally what
+position totemism occupies among human institutions, and to understand
+this we must fall back to human origins.
+
+The next divisions are more subordinate. Sociological conditions must
+be studied apart from their anthropological aspect, because in the
+higher races the social group is knit together far more strongly and
+with far greater purpose than among the lower races. The social force
+takes the foremost place among the influences towards the higher
+development, and it is necessary not only to study this but to be sure
+of the terms we use. Tribe, clan, family, and other terms have been
+loosely used in anthropology, just as state, city, village, and now
+village-community, are loosely used in history. The great fact to
+understand is that the social group of the higher races was based on
+blood kinship at the time when they set out to take their place in
+modern civilisation, and that we cannot understand survivals in
+folklore unless we test them by their position as part of a tribal
+organisation. The point has never been taken before, and yet I do not
+see how it can be dismissed.
+
+The consideration of European conditions is chiefly concerned with the
+all-important fact of an intrusive religion, that of Christianity,
+from without, destroying the native religions with which it came into
+contact, conditions which would of course apply only to the folklore
+of European countries.
+
+Finally, I have discussed ethnological conditions in order to show
+that certain fundamental differences in folklore can be and ought to
+be explained as the results of different race origins. We are now
+getting rid of the notion that all Europe is peopled by the
+descendants of the so-called Aryans. There is too much evidence to
+show that the still older races lived on after they were conquered by
+Celt, Teuton, Scandinavian, or Slav, and there is no reason why
+folklore should not share with language, archaeology, and physical type
+the inheritance from this earliest race.
+
+In this manner I have surveyed the several conditions attachable to
+the study of folklore and the various departments of science with
+which it is inseparably associated. Folklore cannot be studied alone.
+Alone it is of little worth. As part of the inheritance from bygone
+ages it cannot separate itself from the conditions of bygone ages.
+Those who would study it carefully, and with purpose, must consider it
+in the light which is shed by it and upon it from all that is
+contributory to the history of man.
+
+During my exposition I have ventured upon many criticisms of masters
+in the various departments of knowledge into which I have penetrated;
+but in all cases with great respect. Criticism, such as I have
+indulged in, is nothing more than a respectful difference of opinion
+on the particular points under discussion, and which need every light
+which can be thrown upon them, even by the humblest student.
+
+I am particularly obliged to Mr. Lang, Mr. Hartland, Dr. Haddon, and
+Dr. Rivers, for kindly reading my chapter on Anthropological
+Conditions, and for much valuable and kind help therein; and
+especially I owe Mr. Lang most grateful thanks, for he took an immense
+deal of trouble and gave me the advantage of his searching criticism,
+always in the direction of an endeavour to perfect my faulty evidence.
+I shall not readily part with his letters and MS. on this subject, for
+they show alike his generosity and his brilliance.
+
+To my old friend Mr. Fairman Ordish I am once more indebted for help
+in reading my sheets, and I am also glad to acknowledge the fact that
+two of my sons, Allan Gomme and Wycombe Gomme, have read my proofs and
+helped me much, not only by their criticism, but by their knowledge.
+
+24 DORSET SQUARE, N.W.
+
+
+
+
+FOLKLORE AS AN HISTORICAL SCIENCE
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+HISTORY AND FOLKLORE
+
+
+It may be stated as a general rule that history and folklore are not
+considered as complementary studies. Historians deny the validity of
+folklore as evidence of history, and folklorists ignore the essence of
+history which exists in folklore. Of late years it is true that Dr.
+Frazer, Prof. Ridgeway, Mr. Warde Fowler, Miss Harrison, Mr. Lang, and
+others have broken through this antagonism and shown that the two
+studies stand together; but this is only in certain special
+directions, and no movement is apparent that the brilliant results of
+special inquiries are to bring about a general consideration of the
+mutual help which the two studies afford, if in their respective
+spheres the evidence is treated with caution and knowledge, and if the
+evidence from each is brought to bear upon the necessities of each.
+
+The necessities of history are obvious. There are considerable gaps in
+historical knowledge, and the further back we desire to penetrate the
+scantier must be the material at the historian's disposal. In any case
+there can be only two considerable sources of historical knowledge,
+namely, foreign and native. Looking at the subject from the points
+presented by the early history of our own country, there are the Greek
+and Latin writers to whom Britain was a source of interest as the most
+distant part of the then known world, and the native historians, who,
+witnessing the terribly changing events which followed the break-up of
+the Roman dominion over Britain, recorded their views of the changes
+and their causes, and in course of time recorded also some of the
+events of Celtic history and of Anglo-Saxon history. Then for later
+periods, no country of the Western world possesses such magnificent
+materials for history as our own. In the vast quantity of public and
+private documents which are gradually being made accessible to the
+student there exists material for the illustration and elucidation of
+almost every side and every period of national life, and no branch of
+historical research is more fruitful of results than the comparison of
+the records of the professed historian with the documents which have
+not come from the historian's hands.
+
+All this, however, does not give us the complete story. Necessarily
+there are great and important gaps. Contemporary writers make
+themselves the judges of what is important to record; documents
+preserved in public or private archives relate only to such events as
+need or command the written record or instrument, or to those which
+have interested some of the actors and their families. Hence in both
+departments of history, the historical narrative and the original
+record, it will be found on careful examination that much is needed
+to make the picture of life complete. It is the detail of everyday
+thought and action that is missing--all that is so well known, the
+obvious as it passes before every chronicler, the ceremony, the faith,
+and the action which do not apparently affect the movements of
+civilisation, but which make up the personal, religious and political
+life of the people. It is always well to bear in mind that the
+historical records preserved from the past must necessarily be
+incomplete. An accident preserves one, and an accident destroys
+another. An incident strikes one historian, and is of no interest to
+another. And it may well be that the lost document, the unrecorded
+incident, is of far more value to later ages than what has been
+preserved. This condition of historical research is always present to
+the scientific student, though it is not always brought to bear upon
+the results of historical scholarship.[1] But the scope of the
+historian is gradually but surely widening. It is no longer possible
+to shut the door to geography, ethnography, economics, sociology,
+archaeology, and the attendant studies if the historian desires to work
+his subject out to the full.[2] It is even getting to be admitted that
+an appeal must be made to folklore, though the extent and the method
+are not understood. After all that can be obtained from other realms
+of knowledge, it is seen that there is a large gap left still--a gap
+in the heart of things, a gap waiting to be filled by all that can be
+learned about the thought, ideas, beliefs, conceptions, and
+aspirations of the people which have been translated for them, but not
+by them, in the laws, institutions, and religion which find their way
+so easily into history.
+
+The necessities of folklore are far greater than and of a different
+kind from those of history. Edmund Spenser wrote three centuries ago
+"by these old customs the descent of nations can only be proved where
+other monuments of writings are not remayning,"[3] and yet the descent
+of nations is still being proved without the aid of folklore. It is
+certain that the appeal will not be made to its fullest extent unless
+the folklorist makes it clear that it will be answered in a fashion
+which commands attention. It appears to me that the preliminary
+conditions for such an appeal must be ascertained from the folklore
+side. History has not only justified its existence, but during the
+long period of years during which it has been a specific branch of
+learning it has shown its capacity for proceeding on strictly
+scientific and ever-widening lines. Folklore has neither had a long
+period for its study nor a completely satisfactory record of
+scientific work. It is, therefore, essential that folklore should
+establish its right to a place among the historical sciences. At
+present that right is not admitted. It is objected to by scholars who
+will not admit that history can proceed from anything but a dated and
+certified document, and by a few who do not admit that history has
+anything to do with affairs that do not emanate from the prominent
+political or military personages of each period. It is silently, if
+not contemptuously ignored by almost every historical inquirer whose
+attention has not been specially directed to the evidence contained in
+traditional material. Thus between the difficulties arising from the
+interpretation of texts which, originating in oral tradition, have by
+reason of their early record become literature, and the difficulties
+arising from the objections of historians to accept any evidence that
+is not strictly historical in the form they assume to be historical,
+traditional material has not been extensively used as history. It has
+also been wrongly defined by historians. Thus, to give a pertinent
+example, so good a scholar as Mr. W. H. Stevenson, in his admirable
+edition of Asser's _Life of King Alfred_, lays to the crimes of
+tradition an error which is due to other causes. Indeed, he states the
+cause of the error correctly, but does not see that he is
+contradicting himself in so doing. It is worth quoting this case. It
+has to do with the identification of "Cynuit," a place where the Danes
+obtained a victory over the English forces, and Kenwith Castle in
+Devonshire has been claimed as the site of the struggle and "a place
+known as Bloody Corner in Northam is traditionally regarded as the
+scene of a duel between two of the chieftains in 877, and a monument
+recording the battle has been erected."[4] Mr. Stevenson's comment
+upon this is: "We have in this an instructive example of the
+worthlessness of 'tradition' which is here, as so frequently happens
+elsewhere, the outcome of the dreams of local antiquaries, whose
+identifications become gradually impressed upon the memory of the
+inhabitants;" and he then proceeds to show that this particular
+tradition was produced by the suggestion of Mr. R. S. Vidal in 1804.
+Of course, the answer of the folklorist to this charge against the
+value of tradition is that the example is not a case of tradition[5]
+at all. On the contrary, it is a case of false history, started by the
+local antiquary, adopted by the scholars of the day, perpetuated by
+the government in its ordnance survey of the district, and kept alive
+in the minds of the people not by tradition but by a duly certified
+monument erected for the express purpose of commemorating the invented
+incident. There is then no tradition in any one of the stages through
+which the episode has passed. It is all history and false history.
+Historians cannot shake off their responsibilities by looking upon the
+local antiquary as the responsible author of tradition. They cannot
+but admit that the local antiquary belongs to the historical school,
+even though he is not a fully equipped member of his craft, and
+because he blunders they must not class him as a folklorist. They must
+bring better evidence than this to show the worthlessness of
+tradition. In the meantime it is the constant definition of tradition
+as worthless, the relegation of worthless history "to the realms of
+folklore,"[6] which does so much harm to the study of folklore as a
+science.[7] Because the historian misnames an historical error as
+tradition, or fails to discover, at the moment he requires it, the
+fact which lies hidden in tradition, he must not dismiss the whole
+realm of tradition as useless for historical purposes.
+
+Let us freely admit that the historian is not altogether to blame for
+his neglect and for his ignorance of tradition as historical material.
+He has nothing very definite to work upon. Even the great work of
+Grimm is open to the criticism that it does not _prove_ the antiquity
+of popular custom and belief--it merely states the proposition, and
+then relies for proof upon the accumulation of an enormous number of
+examples and the almost entire impossibility of suggesting any other
+origin than that of antiquity for such a mass of non-Christian
+material. Then the great work of Grimm, ethnographical in its methods,
+has never been followed up by similar work for other countries. The
+philosophy of folklore has taken up almost all the time of our
+scholars and students, and the contribution it makes to the history of
+the civilised races has not been made out by folklorists themselves.
+It does not appear to me to be difficult to make out such a claim if
+only scientific methods are adopted, and the solution of definite
+problems is attempted;[8] and if too the difficulties in the way of
+proof are freely admitted, and where they become insuperable, the
+attempt at proof is frankly abandoned. I believe that every single
+item of folklore, every folk-tale, every tradition, every custom and
+superstition, has its origin in some definite fact in the history of
+man; but I am ready to concede that the definite fact is not always
+traceable, that it sometimes goes so far back as to defy recognition,
+that it sometimes relates to events which have no place in the
+after-history of peoples who have taken a position on the earth's
+surface, and which, in the prehistory stage, belong to humanity rather
+than to peoples. Folklore, too, is governed by its own laws and rules
+which are not the laws and rules of history. These concessions,
+however, do not mean the introduction of the term "impossible" to our
+studies. They mean rather a plea for the steady and systematic study
+of our material, on the ground that it has much to yield to the
+historian of man, and to the historians of races, of peoples, of
+nations, and of countries.
+
+[Illustration: CARVED WOODEN FIGURES IN SWAFFHAM CHURCH, NORFOLK]
+
+We cannot, however, show that this is so without facing many
+difficulties created for the most part by folklorists themselves. In
+the first place it is necessary to overtake some of the earlier
+conclusions of the great masters of our science. The first rush, after
+the discovery of the mine, led to the vortex created by the school
+of comparative mythologists, who limited their comparison to the myths
+of Aryan-speaking people, who absolutely ignored the evidence of
+custom, rite, and belief, and who could see nothing beyond
+interpretations of the sun, dawn, and sky gods in the parallel stories
+they were the first to discover and value. We need not ignore all this
+work, nor need we be ungrateful to the pioneers who executed it. It
+was necessary that their view should be stated, and it is satisfactory
+that it was stated at a time early in the existence of our science,
+because it is possible to clear it all away, or as much of it as is
+necessary, without undue interference with the material of which it is
+composed.
+
+The school of comparative mythologists did not, however, entirely
+control the early progress of the study of folklore. There was always
+a school who believed in the foundation of myth being derived from the
+facts of life. Thus Dr. Tylor, in a remarkable study of historical
+traditions and myths of observation,[9] long ago noted that many of
+the traditions current among mankind were historical in origin.
+Writing nearly forty years ago, he had to submit to the influence,
+then at its height, of Adalbert Kuhn and Max Mueller, and he conceded
+that there were many traditions which were fictional myths. I think
+this concession must now be much more narrowly scrutinised, and
+preparation made for the conclusion that every genuine myth is a myth
+of observation, the observation by men in a primitive state of
+culture, of a fact which had struck home to their minds. The question
+is, to what part of human history does the central fact appertain?
+Here is undoubtedly a most difficult problem. What the student has to
+do is to admit the difficulty, and to state, if necessary, that the
+fact preserved by tradition is not in all cases possible to discover
+with our present knowledge. This is a perfectly tenable position.
+Human imagination cannot invent anything that is outside of fact. It
+may, and of course too frequently does, misinterpret facts. In
+attempting to explain and account for such facts with insufficient
+knowledge, it gets far away from the truth, but this misinterpretation
+of fact must not be confused with the fact itself. In a word, it must
+be borne in mind by the student of tradition that every tradition
+which has assumed the form of saga, myth, or story contains two
+perfectly independent elements--the fact upon which it is founded, and
+the interpretation of the fact which its founders have attempted.
+
+There is further than this. The other branch of traditional material,
+namely that relating to custom, belief, and rite, rests upon a solid
+basis of historic fact; customs which are strange and irrational to
+this age are not in consequence to be considered the mere worthless
+following of practices which owe their origin to accident or freak;
+beliefs which do not belong to the established religion are not in
+consequence to be considered as mere superstition; rites which were
+not established by authority are not in consequence to be classed as
+mere specimens of popular ignorance. But the difficulties in the way
+of getting all this accepted by the historian are many, and, again,
+not a few of them are the creation of the folklorist himself. Not only
+has he neglected to classify and arrange the scattered items of
+custom, belief, and rite, and to ascertain the degree of association
+which the scattered items have with each other, but he has set about
+the far more difficult and complex task of comparative study without
+having previously prepared his material.
+
+The historian and the folklorist are thus brought face to face with
+what is expected from both, in order that each may work alongside of
+the other, using each other's materials and conclusions at the right
+moment and in the right places. The folklorist has the most to do to
+get his results ready, and to explain and secure his position. He has
+been wandering about in a somewhat inconsequential fashion, bent upon
+finding a _mythos_ where he should have sought for a _persona_ or a
+_locus_, engaged in an extensive quest after parallels when he should
+have been preparing his own material for the process of comparative
+science, seeking for origins amidst human error when he should have
+turned to human experience. He has to change all this waywardness for
+systematic study, and this will lead him in the first place to
+disengage from the results hitherto obtained those which may be
+accepted and which may form the starting-point for future work. But
+his greatest task will be the reconsideration of former results and
+the rewriting of much that has been written on the wrong lines, and
+when this is done we shall have the historian and folklorist meeting
+together in the spirit which Edmund Spenser so finely and truly
+described three centuries ago in his treatment of Irish history: "I do
+herein rely upon those bards or Irish chronicles ... but unto them
+besides I add mine own reading and out of them both together with
+comparison of times likewise of manners and customs, affinity of words
+and manner, properties of natures and uses, resemblances of rites and
+ceremonies, monuments of churches and tombs and many other like
+circumstances I do gather a likelihood of truth, not certainly
+affirming anything, but by conferring of times language monuments and
+such like I do hunt out a probability of things which I leave to your
+judgment to believe or refuse."[10]
+
+I shall of course not be able to undertake either of these tasks. I
+shall attempt, however, to indicate their scope and importance; and as
+a preliminary to the consideration of the definite departments into
+which the subject falls, it is advisable, I think, to test the
+relationship of tradition to history by means of one or two
+illustrations. It may be that the illustrations I shall give are not
+accepted by all students, that some better illustration is forthcoming
+by further research. This is one of the drawbacks from which tradition
+suffers, and must suffer, until our studies are much further advanced
+than they are at present. But I am glad to accept this possibility of
+error as part of the case for the study of tradition, because the
+error of one student cannot be held to disqualify the whole subject.
+It only amounts to saying that the particular fact which seems to me
+to be discoverable in the examples dealt with has to be surrendered in
+favour of another particular fact. My conclusions may be dismissed,
+but that which is not dismissible is the discoverable fact, and it is
+only when the true fact is discovered in each traditional item that
+previous inferences may be neglected or ignored and inquiry cease.[11]
+
+
+I
+
+The evidence of historic events which enter into tradition relates
+principally to the earliest periods, but much of it relates to periods
+well within the domain of history and yet reveals facts which history
+has either hopelessly neglected or misinterpreted. We shall find that
+these facts, though frequently relating to minor events, often have
+reference to matters of the highest national importance, and perhaps
+nowhere more definitely is this the case than in the legends connected
+with particular localities. Of one such tradition I will state what a
+somewhat detailed examination tells in this direction. It will, I
+think, serve as a good example of the kind of research that is
+required in each case, and it will illustrate in a rather special
+manner the value of these traditions to history.
+
+The _locus_ of the legend centres round London Bridge. The earliest
+written version of this legend is quoted from the MSS. of Sir Roger
+Twysden, who obtained it from "Sir William Dugdale, of Blyth Hall, in
+Warwickshire, in a letter dated 29th January, 1652-3." Sir William
+says of it that "it was the tradition of the inhabitants as it was
+told me there," and Sir Roger Twysden adds of it that: "I have since
+learnt from others to be most true." This, therefore, is a very
+respectable origin for the legend, and I will transcribe it from Sir
+William Dugdale's letter which begins "the story of the Pedlar of
+Swaffham-market is in substance this":--
+
+      "That dreaming one night if he went to London he
+      should certainly meet with a man on London Bridge
+      which would tell him good news he was so perplext in
+      his mind that till he set upon his journey he could
+      have no rest; to London therefore he hasts and walk'd
+      upon the Bridge for some hours where being espyed by a
+      shopkeeper and asked what he wanted he answered you
+      may well ask me that question for truly (quoth he) I
+      am come hither upon a very vain errand and so told the
+      story of his dream which occasioned the journey.
+      Whereupon the shopkeeper reply'd alas good friend
+      should I have heeded dreams I might have proved myself
+      as very a fool as thou hast, for 'tis not long since
+      that I dreamt that at a place called Swaffham Market
+      in Norfolk dwells one John Chapman a pedlar who hath a
+      tree in his backside under which is buried a pot of
+      money. Now therefore if I should have made a journey
+      thither to day for such hidden treasure judge you
+      whether I should not have been counted a fool. To whom
+      the pedlar cunningly said yes verily I will therefore
+      return home and follow my business not heeding such
+      dreams hence forward. But when he came home being
+      satisfied that his dream was fulfilled he took
+      occasion to dig in that place and accordingly found a
+      large pot of money which he prudently conceal'd
+      putting the pot amongst the rest of his brass. After a
+      time it happen'd that one who came to his house and
+      beholding the pot observed an inscription upon it
+      which being in Latin he interpreted it that under that
+      there was an other twice as good. Of this inscription
+      the Pedlar was before ignorant or at least minded it
+      not but when he heard the meaning of it he said 'tis
+      very true in the shop where I bought this pot stood
+      another under it which was twice as big; but
+      considering that it might tend to his further profit
+      to dig deeper in the same place where he found that he
+      fell again to work and discover'd such a pot as was
+      intimated by the inscription full of old coins:
+      notwithstanding all which he so conceal'd his wealth
+      that the neighbours took no notice of it."[12]
+
+Blomefield thought it "somewhat surprising to find such considerable
+persons as Sir William Dugdale and Sir Roger Twysden to patronise or
+credit such a monkish legend and tradition savouring so much of the
+cloister, and that the townsmen and neighbourhood should also believe
+it," but I think we shall have reason to congratulate ourselves that
+so good a folk-tale was preserved for us of this age.
+
+The next and, it appears, an independent version, is given in the
+_Diary of Abraham de la Pryme_, under the date November 10th, 1699:--
+
+      "Constant tradition says that there lived in former
+      times, in Soffham (Swaffham), _alias_ Sopham, in
+      Norfolk, a certain pedlar, who dreamed that if he went
+      to London bridge, and stood there, he should hear very
+      joyfull newse, which he at first sleighted, but
+      afterwards, his dream being dubled and trebled upon
+      him, he resolv'd to try the issue of it, and
+      accordingly went to London, and stood on the bridge
+      there two or three days, looking about him, but heard
+      nothing that might yield him any comfort. At last it
+      happen'd that a shopkeeper there, hard by, haveing
+      noted his fruitless standing, seeing that he neither
+      sold any wares nor asked any almes, went to him and
+      most earnestly begged to know what he wanted there, or
+      what his business was; to which the pedlar honestly
+      answer'd, that he had dream'd that if he came to
+      London and stood there upon the bridg, he should hear
+      good newse; at which the shopkeeper laught heartily,
+      asking him if he was such a fool as to take a journey
+      on such a silly errand, adding, 'I'll tell thee,
+      country fellow, last night I dream'd that I was at
+      Sopham, in Norfolk, a place utterly unknown to me,
+      where methought behind a pedlar's house in a certain
+      orchard, and under a great oak tree, if I digged I
+      should find a vast treasure! Now think you,' says he,
+      'that I am such a fool to take such a long jorney upon
+      me upon the instigation of a silly dream? No, no, I'm
+      wiser. Therefore, good fellow, learn witt of me, and
+      get you home, and mind your business.' The pedlar,
+      observeing his words, what he had sayd he had dream'd
+      and knowing they concenterd in him, glad of such
+      joyfull newse went speedily home, and digged and found
+      a prodigious great treasure, with which he grew
+      exceeding rich, and Soffham church being for the most
+      part fal'n down he set on workmen and reedifyd it most
+      sumptuously, at his own charges; and to this day there
+      is his statue therein, cut in stone, with his pack at
+      his back, and his dogg at his heels; and his memory is
+      also preserved by the same form or picture in most of
+      the old glass windows, taverns, and ale-houses of that
+      town unto this day."[13]
+
+Now this version from Abraham de la Pryme was certainly obtained from
+local sources, and it shows the general popularity of the legend,
+together with the faithfulness of the traditional version.[14] But
+other evidence of the traditional force of the story is to be found.
+Observing that De la Pryme's _Diary_ was not printed until 1870,
+though certainly the MS. had been lent to antiquaries, it is curious
+that the following almost identical account is told in the _St.
+James's Chronicle_ of November 28th, 1786:--[15]
+
+      "A Pedlar who lived many Years ago at Swaffham, in
+      Norfolk, dreamt, that if he came up to London, and
+      stood upon the Bridge, he should hear very joyful
+      News; which he at first slighted, but afterwards his
+      Dream being doubled and trebled unto him, he resolved
+      to try the Issue of it; and accordingly to London he
+      came, and stood on the Bridge for two or three Days,
+      but heard nothing which might give him Comfort that
+      the Profits of his Journey would be equal to his
+      Pains. At last it so happened, that a Shopkeeper
+      there, having noted his fruitless standing, seeing
+      that he neither sold any Wares, or asked any Alms,
+      went to him, and enquired his Business; to which the
+      Pedlar made Answer, that being a Countryman, he had
+      dreamt a Dream, that if he came up to London, he
+      should hear good News: 'And art thou (said the
+      Shopkeeper) such a Fool, to take a Journey on such a
+      foolish Errand? Why I tell thee this--last Night I
+      dreamt, that I was at Swaffham, in Norfolk, a Place
+      utterly unknown to me, where, methought, behind a
+      Pedlar's House, in a certain Orchard, under a great
+      Oak Tree, if I digged there, I should find a mighty
+      Mass of Treasure. Now think you, that I am so unwise,
+      as to take so long a Journey upon me, only by the
+      Instigation of a foolish Dream! No, no, far be such
+      Folly from me; therefore, honest Countryman, I advise
+      thee to make haste Home again, and do not spend thy
+      precious Time in the Expectation of the Event of an
+      idle Dream.' The Pedlar, who noted well his Words,
+      glad of such joyful News, went speedily Home, and
+      digged under the Oak, where he found a very large Heap
+      of Money; with Part of which, the Church being then
+      lately fallen down, he very sumptuously rebuilt it;
+      having his Statue cut therein, in Stone, with his Pack
+      on his Back and his Dog at his Heels, which is to be
+      seen at this Day. And his Memory is also preserved by
+      the same Form, or Picture, on most of the Glass
+      Windows of the Taverns and Ale-houses in that Town."
+
+The differences in these versions are sufficient to show independent
+origin. The identities are sufficient to illustrate, in a rather
+remarkable manner, how closely the words of the tradition were always
+followed. It appears from the last words of the contributor to the
+_St. James's Chronicle_, who signed himself "Z," that he heard it by
+word of mouth about the time of his writing it down,[16] so that there
+is more than a hundred years between him and the Dugdale version,
+which was also recorded from "constant tradition."
+
+In Glyde's _Norfolk Garland_ (p. 69), is an account of this legend,
+but with a variant of one incident. The box containing the treasure
+had a Latin inscription on the lid, which John Chapman could not
+decipher. He put the lid in his window, and very soon he heard some
+youths turn the Latin sentence into English:--
+
+      "Under me doth lie
+      Another much richer than I."
+
+And he went to work digging deeper than before, and found a much
+richer treasure than the former. Another version of this rhyme is
+found in _Transactions of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society_ (iii.
+318) as follows:--
+
+      "Where this stood
+      Is another as good."
+
+And both these versions are given by Blomefield.
+
+Now if there were no other places besides Swaffham in Norfolk to which
+this legend is applied the interest in it would, of course, not be
+very great. But there are many other places, and we will first note
+those in Britain. The best is from Upsall, in Yorkshire, as follows:--
+
+      "Many years ago there resided, in the village of
+      Upsall, a man who dreamed three nights successively
+      that if he went to London Bridge he would hear of
+      something greatly to his advantage. He went,
+      travelling the whole distance from Upsall to London on
+      foot; arrived there, he took his station on the
+      bridge, where he waited until his patience was nearly
+      exhausted, and the idea that he had acted a very
+      foolish part began to rise in his mind. At length he
+      was accosted by a Quaker, who kindly inquired what he
+      was waiting there so long for? After some hesitation,
+      he told his dreams. The Quaker laughed at his
+      simplicity, and told him that _he_ had had last night
+      a very curious dream himself, which was, that if he
+      went and dug under a certain bush in Upsall Castle, in
+      Yorkshire, he would find a pot of gold; but he did not
+      know where Upsall was, and inquired of the countryman
+      if he knew, who, seeing some advantage in secrecy,
+      pleaded ignorance of the locality, and then, thinking
+      his business in London was completed, returned
+      immediately home, dug beneath the bush, and there he
+      found a pot filled with gold, and on the cover an
+      inscription in a language which he did not understand.
+      The pot and cover were, however, preserved at the
+      village inn, where one day a bearded stranger like a
+      Jew, made his appearance, saw the pot, and read the
+      inscription on the cover, the plain English of which
+      was--
+
+          "'Look lower, where this stood
+          Is another twice as good.'
+
+      The man of Upsall hearing this resumed his spade,
+      returned to the bush, dug deeper, and found another
+      pot filled with gold, far more valuable than the
+      first. Encouraged by this discovery, he dug deeper
+      still, and found another yet more valuable.
+
+      "This is the constant tradition of the neighbourhood,
+      and the identical bush yet exists (or did in 1860)
+      beneath which the treasure was found; a burtree, or
+      elder, _Sambucus nigra_, near the north-west corner of
+      the ruins of the old castle."[17]
+
+It would be tedious to go through other English versions,[18] but I
+must point out that it is connected with a London district. This is
+shown not by the actual presence of the legend, which has died out in
+London, but by its representation in the parish church of Lambeth. The
+legend so strongly current at Swaffham, in Norfolk, is represented in
+the church in the shape of a carving in wood of a figure to represent
+the pedlar, and below him the figure of what is locally called a
+dog.[19] A comparison of this carving with the representation of the
+pedlar's window formerly existing in Lambeth Church, but which was
+sacrilegiously removed in 1884 by the late vicar of the parish, shows
+much the same general characteristics, and search among the parish
+books shows it to relate to a pedlar known by the name of Dog Smith,
+who left property still known by the name of the "Pedlar's Acre" to
+the parish.[20] All this suggests that we have here the last relics of
+the pedlar legend located in London.
+
+[Illustration: THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH AND HIS DOG
+FIGURED IN THE WINDOW (NOW DESTROYED) OF LAMBETH CHURCH]
+
+The next stage in the history of this legend shows it to belong to the
+world's collection of folk-tales. There is, however, a preliminary
+fact of great significance to note, namely that two non-British
+versions refer to London Bridge. Thus a Breton tale refers to London
+Bridge, and the interest of this story is sufficiently great to quote
+it here from its recorder straight from the Breton folk:--
+
+      "Long ago, when the timbers of the most ancient of the
+      vessels of Brest were not yet acorns, there were two
+      men in a farmhouse in the Cotes du Nord disputing, and
+      they were disputing about London Bridge. One said it
+      was the most beautiful sight in the world, while the
+      other very truly said, 'No! the grace of the good God
+      was more beautiful still.' And as the dispute went on,
+      'Let us,' said one of them, 'settle it once and for
+      all, and in this way: let us now this moment go out
+      along the high-road and let us ask the first three men
+      we meet as to which is the most beautiful--London
+      Bridge or the grace of the good God? And which ever
+      way they decide, he who holds the beaten opinion shall
+      lose to the other all his possessions, farm and cattle
+      and horses, everything.' So each being confident he
+      was right, they went out: and the first man they met
+      declared that though the grace of the good God was
+      beautiful, London Bridge was more beautiful still; and
+      the second the same, and the third. And the man whose
+      opinion was beaten, a rich farmer, gave up all he had
+      and was a beggar.
+
+      "'Now,' said he to himself when the other, taking his
+      horse by the bridle, had left him--'now let me go and
+      see this London Bridge which is so wonderfully
+      beautiful;' and, being very manful and stout, he set
+      out at once to walk, and walking on and on was there
+      by nightfall. But, good Christian that he was, he
+      could see in it nothing to shake his belief that the
+      grace of the good God was more beautiful still.
+
+      "Soon the bridge was silent, and the last to cross it
+      had gone home; and he, notwithstanding his losses,
+      tired out and sleepy, lay down and fell into a doze
+      there; and, while he was dozing, there came by two
+      men, and one of them, standing quite close by him,
+      said to the other, 'The night is fine, the wind
+      gentle, the stars clear! On such a night whoever were
+      to collect the dew would be able to heal the blind.'
+      'It is true,' answered the other; 'but none know of
+      it.' And they passed on, quietly as they had come.
+      Thereupon up rose the beggared farmer, and with basin
+      and cup set about collecting the dew; and in a very
+      short time performed with it the most wonderful cures;
+      finally curing the daughter of a neighbouring Emperor
+      who had been blind from her birth, and whom her
+      grateful father gave to him at once in marriage, since
+      directly she set eyes on him she loved him."[21]
+
+[Illustration: THE PEDLAR OF LAMBETH
+FROM DUCAREL'S "HISTORY OF LAMBETH," 1786]
+
+The second non-British variant, which also attaches to London Bridge,
+is to be found in the _Heimskringla_,[22] and I will quote William
+Morris's translation:--
+
+      "West in Valland was a man infirm so that he was a
+      cripple and went on knees and knuckles. On a day he
+      was abroad on the way and was asleep there. That
+      dreamed he that a man came to him glorious of aspect
+      and asked whither he was bound and the man named some
+      town or other. So the glorious man spoke to him:
+      Fare then to Olaf's church the one that is in London
+      and thou wilt be whole. Thereafter he awoke, and fared
+      to seek Olaf's church and at last he came to London
+      bridge and there asked the folk of the city if they
+      knew to tell him where was Olaf's church. But they
+      answered and said that there were many more churches
+      there than they might wot to what man they were
+      hallowed. But a little thereafter came a man to him
+      who asked whither he was bound and the cripple told
+      him. And sithence said that man: We twain shall fare
+      both to the church of Olaf for I know the way thither.
+      Therewith they fared over the bridge and went along
+      the street which led to Olaf's church. But when they
+      came to the lich gate then strode that one over the
+      threshold of the gate but the cripple rolled in over
+      it and straightway rose up a whole man. But when he
+      looked around him his fellow farer was vanished."
+
+I shall have to refer again to these Breton and Norse versions,
+because of their retention of London Bridge as the locale of the
+story, in common with all the versions which have been found in
+Britain. In the meantime it is to be noted that the remaining
+non-British variants are told of other bridges and other places.
+Holland, Denmark, Italy, Cairo, have their representative
+variants;[23] and it thus presents to the student of tradition an
+excellent example for inquiry as to the value to history of legends
+world-wide in their distribution attaching themselves to historical
+localities.
+
+There are some obvious features about this group of traditions, which
+at once lead to interesting questions. There is first the fact that
+all the British variants of the treasure stories centre round London
+Bridge; secondly, there is the extension beyond Britain to the Breton
+variant and the Norse variant, both non-British legends, of which the
+_locus_ is London Bridge. From these two facts it is clear that London
+Bridge had some special influence at a period of its history which
+dates before the separation of the Breton folk from their Celtic
+brethren in Britain, for the Bretons would not after their separation
+acquire a London Bridge tradition; and again at a period of its
+history when Norse legend and saga were fashioning. In the one case
+the myth-makers must have been Celts of the fourth century, and the
+only bridge known to these Celts must have been that belonging to
+Roman Lundinium; in the other case the myth-makers were Norsemen, and
+the bridge known to them was the later bridge so frequently referred
+to in the chronicle accounts of the Danish and Norse invasions of
+England.
+
+It is not difficult, by a joint appeal to history and folklore, to
+trace out from this very definite starting-point the events which
+brought about this particular specialisation of the world-spread
+treasure myths.
+
+Obviously the first point to note is that London Bridge loomed out
+greatly in the minds and understanding of people at two distinct
+periods of its history.[24] That the first period relates to its
+building is suggested by the date supplied by the evidence of the
+Breton version. The people who wondered at its building, or the
+results of its building, were certainly not the builders themselves,
+and we thus see a distinction in culture between the bridge builders
+and the wonder builders. This condition is exactly provided for by the
+building of the earliest London Bridge. It was a work of the Romans of
+Lundinium,[25] and the people who stood in wonder at this great
+enterprise were not the Roman engineers and builders, accustomed to
+such undertakings all over the then known world, and they must
+therefore have been the surrounding non-Roman people, who were the
+Celtic tribesmen. Now the culture-antagonism between the Romans of
+Lundinium and the Celts of Britain is, I believe, a factor of great
+importance,[26] though almost universally neglected by our historians,
+because they do not study the facts of early history on
+anthropological lines. Not only is it discoverable, as I think, from
+the facts of history, but the facts of tradition confirm the facts of
+history at all points. Thus I think it is important, if we can, to
+obtain independent testimony of the attitude of the surrounding people
+to the builders of London Bridge. We can do this by reference to the
+peasant beliefs concerning bridges, as, for instance, in Ireland,
+where on passing over a bridge they invariably pulled off their hats
+and prayed for the soul of the builder of the bridge,[27] and to the
+fact that the Romans themselves looked upon bridge-building as a
+sacred function, and would no doubt use this part of their work to the
+fullest extent, in order to impress the barbarism opposed to them.[28]
+The extent of this impression may probably be contained in the old and
+widely spread nursery rhyme of "London Bridge is Broken Down," an
+examination of which has led Mrs. Gomme to conclude that it contains
+reference to an ancient belief that the building of the bridge was
+accompanied by human sacrifice.[29] This conclusion is confirmed by
+the preservation in Wales of a bridge-sacrifice tradition. It relates
+to the "Devil's Bridge" near Beddgelert. "Many of the ignorant people
+of the neighbourhood believe that this structure was formed by
+supernatural agency. The devil proposed to the neighbouring
+inhabitants that he would build them a bridge across the pass, on
+condition that he should have the first who went over it for his
+trouble. The bargain was made, and the bridge appeared in its place,
+but the people cheated the devil by dragging a dog to the spot and
+whipping him over the bridge."[30] This is a distinct trace of a
+substituted animal sacrifice for an original human sacrifice. But this
+is a practice which sends us back to the most primitive times, and in
+particular we are referred to an exact parallel in India, where, on
+the governing English determining to build a bridge of engineering
+proportions and strength over the Hoogley River at Calcutta, the
+native Hindu tribesmen immediately believed that the first requirement
+would be a human sacrifice for the foundation.[31] The traditions
+attaching to London Bridge are therefore identical with the current
+beliefs concerning the Hoogley Bridge, and the culture-relationship of
+the bridge-builders to the surrounding people in both cases is that of
+an advanced civilisation to tribesmen. Now if these conditions of
+modern India are repetitions of the conditions of ancient Britain in
+the days of Lundinium, and of this there can be but little doubt,
+there is no difficulty in understanding to what part of history these
+traditions have led us. We are again in the days when London Bridge
+was a marvel--a marvel which sent travelling through the Celtic homes
+of Britain a new application of the treasure myth which they had
+inherited from remote ancestors. The marvel lived on through the ages
+when London was in the unique position of being an undestroyed city in
+Saxon times, times which witnessed the destruction of all other
+cities of Roman foundation,[32] and the sending forth of the Celtic
+refugees to Brittany.[33] The accumulation during a long-continuing
+period of conceptions of treasure being found by way of the bridge
+leading to London, would become the direct force for keeping the
+tradition alive; and while the facts of history show us the important
+position of London during the period which witnessed the departure of
+the Celtic Bretons to their continental home,[34] the facts of
+tradition show us the Celtic tribesmen deeming it a way to wealth
+through the magic potency of dreamland. The Celtic tribesmen stood
+outside Roman Lundinium. Its life was not their life, and their
+conversion of its position into a mythic treasure house or a mythic
+road to treasure, and their association of it with the bloody rites of
+the foundation sacrifice, are in strict accord with the historical
+relationship of the tribal life of Celtic Britain to the city life of
+Roman Lundinium.
+
+I may be permitted perhaps to emphasise this significant accordance of
+history and tradition when working together. I have already alluded to
+the fact that I have worked out the history of London independently,
+and upon lines quite different from the present study. I have
+therefore a wider grasp of the two currents of history and folklore in
+this particular case than could in the ordinary way fall either to the
+historian or to the folklorist. That I can find in both just the
+complementary facts which help to realise the whole situation, to fill
+in the gaps of history which nowhere directly tells of the
+relationship of Roman Lundinium to the British Celts, to extend the
+outlook of folklore which nowhere recognises that there was a great
+Roman city of Lundinium which would dominate the minds of those not
+trained to city life, is a fortunate circumstance which neither
+historian nor folklorist is likely to repeat frequently, and I am
+entitled, I think, to claim the utmost from it. I can at least claim
+that it answers all the facts in a way that has not yet been
+accomplished. Thus Sir John Rhys has discussed the treasure legend and
+he can only account for it as part of the mythical trappings of Arthur
+into which "London Bridge is introduced," because London Bridge
+"formerly loomed very large in the popular imagination as one of the
+chief wonders of London." Sir John Rhys refers for confirmation of
+this to the "notion cherished as to London and London Bridge by the
+country people of Wales even within my own memory," and then goes on
+to say that "the fashion of selecting London Bridge as the opening
+scene of a treasure legend had been set perhaps by a widely spread
+English story," that of the Pedlar of Swaffham.[35] All this is very
+unsatisfactory. Modern notions of this sort would not set the fashion
+two centuries ago, nor extend it to Brittany. Nor is the suggestion in
+accord with other evidence as to the extension of tradition. What has
+happened is that the Arthur cycle has appropriated two London Bridge
+traditions and has worked them up into the Arthur form, the traditions
+themselves belonging to the far older period to which I have here
+referred them--a period when the burial of treasure was a necessary
+corollary to the events which were happening.[36] Buried treasure
+legends are found all over the country. They belong to the period of
+conquest and fighting. They are the evidence which tradition yields of
+the unrest of the times which caused them to arise. They are the
+fragments of history which tradition has preserved, while history has
+coldly passed them by.[37]
+
+With this in the background as the _corpus_ of a legend-covered
+London Bridge, we come to the second period.
+
+London Bridge to the Norsemen of the tenth and eleventh centuries was
+a place of fierce fighting and struggle, a place of victory and death.
+The saga takes pains to describe this wondrous bridge[38] before it
+describes the great fight there and its capture by King Olaf, a fight
+which produced a war-rhyme which, in Laing's version, begins with the
+same words as the English nursery rhyme, "London Bridge is broken
+down!"[39] and which Morris renders as a tribute to King Olaf, "thou
+brakest down London Bridge." There is little wonder, then, that the
+men of King Olaf took back with them to saga-land a great memory of
+this bridge and this fight, transferred to it their own variant of the
+world-wide treasure legend, and made a legend not of money treasure,
+but of regained health to a crippled warrior. The corresponding
+non-British version of Brittany helps us to understand that the cure
+of disease was originally associated with the gains of treasure, and
+in the Norse version the treasure incident is altogether dropped, but
+in its place is the recovery of health, a treasure more in accord with
+the sterner needs and recollections of a great fight. The Norse story
+is helpful to us as showing how London Bridge could enter into the
+legends of a people, and remain with them even after that people was
+no longer living in Britain, and it becomes therefore a valuable
+addition to the evidence for the more ancient transference from
+Britain to Brittany of the original legend.
+
+Altogether the piecing together of the items of historical value in
+this legend is most complete. We have not only recovered for history
+hitherto lost conceptions of the place held by Roman Lundinium among
+the Celtic tribesmen, but we have recovered also evidence of the true
+culture-position of the Celtic tribesmen towards their Roman
+conquerors. The examination of this legend may have been long and
+tedious, but the result is, I think, commensurate. It illustrates the
+power of tradition to set historical data in their proper environment,
+to restore the proportion which they bear to unrecorded history, and
+if the student will but follow the evidence carefully, I think he will
+find these results.
+
+We will take a step forward, and turn from local to personal
+attachments of tradition. There is a whole class of traditions
+attached to personages about whose historical existence there can be
+but little doubt, and just because of the accretion of tradition round
+them their historical existence has oftentimes been denied. The most
+famous example in our history is of course King Arthur, and so great
+an authority as Sir John Rhys is obliged to resort to a special
+argument to account for the problems he is faced with. He argues, and
+argues strongly, for an historic Arthur--an Arthur who was the British
+successor of the Roman emperor after Britain had ceased to be a part
+of the Roman Empire.[40] But because of the myths which have grown
+round him, he suggests that there must also have been "a Brythonic
+divinity named Arthur," and we are thus introduced to a dual study of
+history and myth which does not appear to me to take us very far, and
+which, in fact, just separates history from myth, instead of showing
+where they join hands. This dual conception of myth is indeed a rather
+favourite resort of those scholars who cannot appreciate the evidence
+that proves a character in a mythic tradition to be an actual
+historical personage. It is the basis of the famous Sigfried-Arminius
+controversy. It does duty in many less important cases,[41] and most
+frequently in connection with northern mythology, where the line
+between mythic and historical events gathering round a hero is
+generally so finely drawn as to be almost imperceptible. But it is so
+obviously a piece of special pleading on self-created lines that other
+explanation is needed. And another explanation is to be obtained if
+only students will rely upon the evidence of tradition itself instead
+of appealing to every fancy derived from sources which have nothing to
+do with tradition.
+
+The history of King Arthur has been the subject of inquiry too
+frequently for it to be possible in these pages to discuss the dual
+theory as it has been applied to him, but I will attempt to show that
+it is quite unnecessary thus to explain the history of King Arthur by
+turning to the history of another of our great heroic figures, one of
+the greatest to my mind, who, like Arthur, has secured not only a fair
+share of special tradition belonging to himself personally, but a
+larger share than others of that corpus of tradition which has
+descended from our earliest unknown ancestors, and become attached to
+the historical hero of later times--I mean, Hereward, the last of the
+Saxon defenders of his land against William the Norman.[42] The
+analysis of the Hereward legend affords a good example of the process
+by which tradition is preserved by historical fact, and in its turn
+helps to unravel the real history which lies at the source. Instead,
+therefore, of attempting to travel over the voluminous literature
+which is the outcome of the King Arthur story, I will use for the same
+purpose the shorter story of Hereward the Englishman.
+
+We start with the fact that Hereward is unknown to history until his
+great stand in the Island of Ely against the might of William, the
+conqueror of England. And yet to the banners of this "unknown"
+chieftain there flocked the discontented heroism of England, men
+ranking from the noble to the peasant, and including such great
+figures as Morcar, Edwine, and Waltheof. I always think, too, that the
+little band of Berkshire men, who started across the country to join
+Hereward in the fens, and were intercepted and cut to pieces by a
+Norman troop,[43] give us more than a passing glimpse at the
+estimation in which Hereward was held by his countrymen. Such a man
+commanding so much, in face of so much, could not have been the
+unknown person which history makes him.
+
+How then can we ascertain why he was held in such estimation? History
+being quite silent, tradition steps into the gap. It is the tradition
+recorded in post-Herewardian times, be it noted. In this great body of
+tradition, contained in a Latin MS. of the twelfth century, he
+journeys to Scotland, where he slew a bear and saved the people whom
+it had oppressed; from thence to Cornwall, where he fought and slew a
+great champion, the lover of the princess; from thence to Ireland,
+where he assisted the King in war, and back again to Cornwall to
+rescue again the princess from a distasteful wooer, and, finally, to
+Flanders. Even in the camp of the Norman, which he visits in
+traditional fashion, he has an adventure with witches which takes us
+to the worship of wells. Much of his adventure is but the application
+of well-known traditional events,[44] and it is important to note that
+the geography of the supposed travels belongs to the very home of
+tradition, the unknown territories of the Celts, Ireland, Cornwall,
+and Scotland.
+
+Now all this tradition is certainly not true of Hereward. But what it
+does is to certify to his greatness in the eyes of his countrymen, to
+show that his countrymen were anxious to explain why he was so great
+in A.D. 1070, and why before that date he was unknown to them. This is
+an important point to have gained. It shows the vacuum which was
+occupied by tradition because contemporary, or nearly contemporary,
+thought required it to be filled up. The popular mind abhors a vacuum
+as much as the material world of nature does. It will fill it with its
+own conceptions, if it cannot fill it with recognised facts. Hereward
+must have been a famous man when he took his stand in the fens of Ely.
+That his biographers explain his fame by the application of ancient
+traditions is only saying that his countrymen reckoned his fame as of
+the very highest; ordinary current events of the day would not suit
+their ideas of the fitness of things. Hereward was as Alfred had been,
+as Arthur had been, and so he must have his share of the national
+tradition, even as these heroes had. To say less of him was to have
+put him below the others. And history in this case could not help, for
+it was in the hands of Hereward's enemies, and they were careful to
+say nothing or very little of English heroes at this period. The great
+battle of Hastings had been lost, but of all the English men who had
+fought and died there we only know of three names beyond those of the
+king and his house. Leofric the abbot of Peterborough, Godric the
+sheriff of Berkshire, and Asgar the sheriff of London, have become
+known by accident, as it were. All others are unnamed and unhonoured.
+Therefore, when the great deeds of Hereward came to be chronicled, it
+was not enough to say he was at Hastings; the deeds of old must be
+chronicled of him as they had been chronicled of others.
+
+This accretion of popular tradition to account for the fame of
+Hereward when he took command at Ely, though it proclaims in the
+strongest terms that Hereward was famous in the eyes of his
+countrymen, displaces history therefore. Putting the case in this
+way, we may proceed to examine what recorded history exactly has to
+say of Hereward, and then by noting what it has left unsaid, we may
+perhaps be able to fill the gap by a reasonable deduction from the
+facts. In Domesday there are clearly two Herewards, one having lands
+in Lincolnshire in the time of King Edward and _not_ at the date of
+the survey, the other having lands in Warwickshire in the time of King
+Edward and _also_ at the date of the survey. Here we have two widely
+different counties and two widely different conditions, and it is
+right with all the evidence to conclude that they relate to different
+personages. The Lincolnshire Hereward is the hero of the fens. He held
+of the abbot of Peterborough, and Ulfcytil, who was appointed in 1062,
+was the abbot in question. This brings us to only four years before
+the battle of Hastings, and another entry in Domesday, thanks to the
+scholarship of Mr. Round, proves that Hereward was deprived of his
+Lincolnshire lands not before but after the great fights at Hastings
+and in the fens. Therefore the story shapes itself somewhat in this
+fashion. Hereward was in England in 1062. He was then a man of the
+abbot of Peterborough; that is to say, a tenant bound to perform
+military service to his lord. His lord, the abbot, was at Hastings
+with his tenants, and fought there. That Hereward of all the abbot's
+tenants should have followed his lord to Hastings is more than likely;
+the strange thing would be that he should not have done so. That going
+thither nameless among the many, he should gain experience under
+Harold, though no fame has come to him through the historians from a
+field where Saxon fame was buried; that his own genius should make
+him use his experience when need arose; that among the English all
+survivors from that field who were still unwilling to bow the knee to
+William would be reckoned as heroes by their depressed countrymen;
+that on this account alone he would be given rank above Morcar, who
+had kept away from Hastings--are the conclusions to be drawn
+legitimately from the silence as well as the actual records of
+history, compared with the story told by tradition. History and
+tradition are in accord, not in conflict; the gaps of history are
+filled by tradition--that tradition which was suitable and worthy of
+so great a hero, namely the ancient tradition told of all heroes.
+Reopening these gaps and putting in its right place the tradition
+which had hitherto prevented them from being seen, we are able to
+appeal to history to yield up the true story of one of the greatest of
+English heroes, a story which shows him to have been at Hastings by
+the side of Harold, to have won fame there, to have continued the
+fight for English liberty as leader of the English patriots, and to
+have earned a place in the unsung English epic.
+
+But his place in English tradition helps us to understand the value
+and position of tradition in such cases. The traditions clustering
+round the name of Hereward do not compel us to interpret them as
+Hereward facts. The historian, however, need not on this account fear
+for Hereward. He should rather value the traditions as evidence of the
+greatness of the English hero among the conquered English. They
+applied to him the legends of their oldest heroes. All that was
+delightful to them in tradition was attached to their present hero.
+He was worthy of a place among their greatest. And thus the fact of
+added tradition brings out the estimate of the worth of the hero to
+those among whom he lived and for whom he fought.
+
+The traditions themselves belong to far other times, and the facts
+contained in them must be interpreted from the oldest ideas of our
+race. It is only by thus disengaging the traditions which have grown
+round the historical person that the correct interpretation of the
+position can be attempted, and when that is done we are left, not with
+a mass of uncertain and misleading testimony about a national hero,
+but with certain definite historical facts belonging to Hereward, and
+certain traditions attached to Hereward, certifying to his great place
+in the popular estimation, telling of facts which do not, it is true,
+belong to Hereward, but which, in a special sense, belong to the
+people who were reverencing Hereward.
+
+If I have made it clear from these examples that the explanation of
+historic fact and mythic tradition in combination does not lead either
+to the discrediting of history or to the creation of new mythic
+realms, I need not dwell much longer on this class of illustrations of
+the relationship between history and tradition. Over and over again,
+in the local records, are examples to be found where history is in
+close contact with tradition, and I am far more inclined to question
+the evidence which proves the falseness of any authenticated tradition
+than I am to trust all the statements which do duty for history. It is
+not only the traditions looming largely in popular interest, but some
+of the smallest local traditions which throw light on great
+historical events. They may tell us not merely of the great historical
+event, but of the peculiar relationship of parts of the kingdom to
+that event, which no purely historical evidence could by any
+possibility explain. One of the most striking examples is, perhaps,
+the Sussex tradition of "Duke" William as a conqueror.[45] The title
+Duke is here faithfully recorded of the great conqueror, who
+everywhere else in England, both in historical documents and in the
+popular language, is referred to as king. The explanation is, if the
+identification of this tradition with the great Norman king is
+correct, that Sussex being more or less separated from the rest of the
+country by its great weald, carried its own tradition of the bloody
+field at Hastings sufficiently long and uninterrupted for it to be
+stamped upon the minds of the people in its original form, and thus to
+remain. No better evidence could be found for the relationship of
+Sussex to this great event. All the chapters in Mr. Freeman's great
+history do not impress the imagination so strongly as this one fact,
+that William the Conqueror has always been Duke William to the Sussex
+folk. He was Duke William to the fen folk, too. They fought for their
+belief and were compelled to accept his kingship. The Sussex folk
+fought, too, and they handed down their conception of the great fight
+to their children.
+
+A good example of a slightly different kind occurs in connection with
+Kett's rebellion in Norfolk. It was associated with a prophecy that
+said, "there shulde lande at Walborne hope the proudest prince of
+Christendome, and so shall come to Moshold heethe, and there shuld
+mete with other ij kinges, and shall fyght and shalbe put down: and
+the whyte lyon shuld optayne" the mastery. And yet this prophecy goes
+much further back, for the Danes are said to have landed at Weybourne
+Hope in their invasions, and the old rhyme is still remembered in the
+county:--
+
+      "He that would England win
+      Must at Weybourn Hope begin."[46]
+
+This is an example of the forcible revival of an ancient tradition to
+suit a later fact, and is evidence of the enormous impression which
+the event to which it refers had upon the locality. Kett's rebellion
+was one thing to the nation at large and quite another thing to this
+district of Norfolk, and the great events of the tenth century
+preserved in legend were equated with the minor events of the
+sixteenth century, thus enabling us to understand better the depth of
+the local feeling which produced these events.
+
+[Illustration: PLAN OF THE SITE OF THE "HEAVEN WALLS" AT LITLINGTON,
+ROYSTON, CAMBRIDGESHIRE]
+
+Both local and personal traditions are of interest in the unravelling
+of the meaning of historical events, and the forces at the back of
+them, and I will add a note of one or two examples of those humbler
+traditions which confirm or enhance the value of the historical
+record. They are of the greatest importance if correctly understood.
+They include such examples, for instance, as Mr. Kemble notes when he
+says, "I have more than once walked, ridden, or rowed, as land and
+stream required, round the bounds of Anglo-Saxon estates, and have
+learned with astonishment that the names recorded in my charter were
+those still used by the woodcutter or the shepherd of the
+neighbourhood."[47] This is remarkable testimony to the persistence of
+tradition. It is the commencing point of a whole series of examples
+which go to show that embedded in the memories of the people, and
+supported by no other force but tradition, there are innumerable
+traces of historic fact.[48]
+
+A stage forward, in the same class of tradition, are those examples of
+special names which indicate an important or impressive event, the
+real nature of which is only revealed by modern discovery. Thus
+perhaps the "White Horse Stone" at Aylesford, in Kent, the legend of
+which is that one who rode a beast of this description was killed on
+or about this spot,[49] may take us back to the great battle at
+Crayford, where Horsa was killed. Another kind of local tradition is
+perhaps more instructive. Immediately contiguous to the north side of
+the Roman road at Litlington, near Royston, were some strips of
+unenclosed, but cultivated, land, which in ancient deeds from time
+immemorial had been called "Heaven's Walls." Traditional awe attached
+to this spot, and the village children were afraid to traverse it
+after dark, when it was said to be frequented by supernatural beings.
+Here is subject for inquiry. Both words in the name are significant.
+Why the allusion to Heaven; why is a field called walls? The problem
+was solved in 1821, for in that year some labourers were digging for
+gravel on this spot, and they struck upon an old wall composed of
+flint and Roman brick. This accidental discovery was followed up by
+Dr. Webb, and the wall was found to enclose a rectangular space
+measuring about thirty-eight yards by twenty-seven, and containing
+numerous deposits of sepulchral urns containing ashes of the dead. It
+was clear from the results of the excavations that here was one of
+those large plots of ground environed by walls to which the name of
+_ustrinum_ was given by the Romans,[50] a fact which was preserved in
+the name long after the site had lost every trace of its origin.
+
+[Illustration: LITLINGTON FIELD]
+
+I will refer to one more local example. In Dorsetshire and Wiltshire
+fairs are held upon sites which are often marked by the remains of
+ancient works, or distinguished by some dim tradition of vanished
+importance.[51] One has only to refer to the history of the market as
+"a contribution to the early history of human intercourse" as Mr.
+Grierson puts it,[52] and to the extremely important and archaic
+constitution of the market, a glimpse of which has been afforded by
+Sir Henry Maine, alone among scholars who have investigated earliest
+English institutions, to know how valuable such a note as this must be
+if it can be confirmed by extended research. Local investigation of
+these places and their traditions would, no doubt, lead to many points
+in the tribal settlement of the district, an important fact of history
+nowhere found in history.
+
+No one, I think, taking into consideration this view of the
+relationship of local and personal traditions to history will deny
+that history is likely to gain much by the proper interpretation of
+such traditions. Every yard of British territory has its historic
+interest, and there are innumerable peaks above the general level
+which should be worth much to national history. Every epoch of British
+history has its great personage, who in popular opinion stands out
+from among his fellows. When once it is understood that traditions
+attaching to places and persons yield facts of a kind worth searching
+for, there will arise the desire to obtain all that is now obtainable
+from this source, and to add thereto the deductions to be drawn from
+their geographical distribution.
+
+
+II
+
+If the accretion of myth around the lives of great historic
+personages, and the persistence of tradition in historic localities,
+may be accepted as one phase of the necessary relationship of
+tradition to history, we may proceed to inquire how far the unattached
+traditions, the folk-tales pure and simple, contain or are based upon
+historic details. These details will not tell us of any one historic
+personage, or relate to any one historic locality, but will relate to
+the peoples before personages and localities figured in their history,
+and will explain facts in culture-history rather than in political
+history. We shall be approaching the period before written history had
+begun, and for which, so far as written history is concerned, we are
+dependent upon foreign or outside authority. I think, perhaps, Dr.
+Karl Pearson has put the case for this view in the best form. "As we
+read fairy stories to our children," he says,
+
+      "we may study history for ourselves. No longer
+      oppressed with the unreal and the _baroque_, we may
+      see primitive human customs and the life of primitive
+      man and woman cropping out at almost every sentence of
+      the nursery tale. Written history tells us little of
+      these things, they must be learnt, so to speak, from
+      the mouths of babes. But there they are in the
+      _Maerchen_, as invaluable fossils for those who will
+      stoop to pick them up and study them. Back in the far
+      past we can build up the life of our ancestry--the
+      little kingdom, the queen or her daughter as king
+      maker, the simple life of the royal household, and the
+      humble candidate for the kingship, the priestess with
+      her control of the weather and her power over youth
+      and maid. In the dimmest distance we can see traces of
+      the earlier kindred group marriage, and in the near
+      foreground the beginnings of that fight with
+      patriarchal institutions which led the priestess to be
+      branded by the new Christian civilization as the
+      evil-working witch of the Middle Ages."[53]
+
+I should not have ventured to quote this long passage if my own
+studies, before Dr. Pearson's book was published in 1897, had not led
+me to much the same conclusions.[54] But Dr. Pearson assists me in a
+special way. His methods are scientific. He is not a folklorist
+because he loves folklore, but because he sees in it the materials
+for elucidating the early life of man. He is not, so to speak,
+prejudiced in its favour. He brings to his aid the practical mind of
+the statistician and the psychologist, and his conclusions may not,
+therefore, be put on one side as easily as those of myself and other
+students of folklore.
+
+It is due to the folklorist, however, to say that this aspect of the
+folk-tale had already been discovered by one of the greatest of the
+earlier collectors of traditional lore, the late Mr. J. F. Campbell.
+Thus, writing, in 1860, of his grand collection of "Highland Tales,"
+Mr. Campbell very truly says: "The tales represent the actual everyday
+life of those who tell them, with great fidelity. They have done the
+same, in all likelihood, time out of mind, and that which is not true
+of the present is, in all probability, true of the past; and therefore
+something may be learned of forgotten ways of life."[55] Readers of
+Mr. Campbell's books well know how he has traced out from these
+traditions from the nursery, identical customs with Highland everyday
+life, and relics also of a long-forgotten past state of things; how he
+points to the records of the stone age and the iron age in these
+representatives of the scientific memoirs of the past; how very
+significantly he answers his own supposition, that if these tales "are
+dim recollections of savage times and savage people, then other magic
+gear, the property of giants, fairies, and bogles, should resemble
+things which are precious now amongst savage or half-civilized tribes,
+or which really have been prized amongst the old inhabitants of these
+islands or of other parts of the world."[56]
+
+This is an extremely important conclusion on the relationship of
+history and tradition, and it will be well to illustrate it by turning
+to some obvious details of primitive life, which are to be seen with
+more or less clearness enshrined in the folk-tales which have been
+preserved in our own country.
+
+In Kennedy's _Fireside Stories of Ireland_, it is related in one of
+the tales that there was no window to the mud-wall cabin, and the door
+was turned to the north;[57] and then, again, we have this picture
+given to us in another story: on a common that had in the middle of it
+a rock or great pile of stones overgrown with furze bushes, there was
+a dwelling-house, and a cow-house, and a goat's-house, and a pigsty
+all scooped out of the rock; and the cows were going into the byre,
+and the goats into their house, but the pigs were grunting and bawling
+before the door.[58] This takes us to the surroundings of the
+cave-dwelling people.
+
+Then in other places we come across relics of ancient agricultural
+life preserved in these stories. In the Irish story of "Hairy Rouchy"
+the heroine is fastened by her wicked sisters in a pound,[59] an
+incident not mentioned in the parallel Highland tale related by
+Campbell.[60] Many Irish stories contain details of primitive life
+that the Scottish variants do not contain. The field that was partly
+cultivated with corn and partly pasture for the cow,[61] the grassy
+ridge upon which the princess sat, and the furrows wherein her two
+brothers were lying,[62] are instances.
+
+A great question arises here. If the Scotch story does not mention
+the primitive incident mentioned in the Irish story, does it mean that
+the Irish story has retained for a longer time the details of its
+primitive original? Or does it mean that it has absorbed more of
+surrounding Irish life into it than the Scotch story has of
+surrounding Scottish life?
+
+These details must have a place in the elucidation of Irish
+folk-tales, because they have a very distinct place indeed in
+primitive institutions; and it hence becomes a question to folklorists
+as to how they have entered into, or escaped from, the narrative of
+traditional story. It appears to me that the appearance or
+non-appearance of these phases of early life are typical of what has
+been going on with the plot and structure of folk-tales as long as
+they have remained the traditional treasures of the people. A story
+identical in all the main outlines of plot will be varied in matters
+of detail, according to the people who are using it in their daily
+routine of story-telling. But this variation is always from the
+primitive to the cultured, from the simple to the complex. The
+mud-cabin or cave-dwelling in Irish story would have developed into
+the palace in stories of a richer country like England; the old woman,
+young girl, master and servant, would become perhaps the queen,
+princess, king and vassal; just as in Spanish and Portuguese stories
+the giant of other European tales is represented by "the Moor." If
+this process of change is a factor in the life of the folk-tale, it
+follows that those folk-tales which contain the greatest number of
+primitive details are the most ancient, and come to us more directly
+from the prehistoric times which they represent.
+
+We may gather warrant for such a conclusion if we pass from small
+details to a distinct institution. The institution which stands out
+most clearly in early history is the tribe, and I will therefore turn
+to an element of ancient tribal life, and an element which has to do
+with the practical organisation of that life, namely, the tribal
+assembly. We find that the folk-tale records under its fairy or
+non-historic guise many important recollections of the assembly of the
+tribe. One very natural feature of this assembly in early times was
+its custom of meeting in the open air--a custom which in later times
+still obtained, for reasons which were the outcome of the prejudices
+existing in favour of keeping up old customs. These reasons are
+recorded in the formula of Anglo-Saxon times, that meetings should not
+be held in any building, lest magic might have power over the members
+of the assembly.[63]
+
+Before turning to the tales of our own country, I will first see
+whether savage and barbaric tales have recorded anything on the
+subject, for their picture of the tribal assembly, when revealed in
+the folk-tale, belongs to the period which might have witnessed the
+making of the story, and which certainly witnessed the tribal
+organisation of the people as a living institution. Dr. Callaway, in
+his _Nursery Tales and Traditions of the Zulus_, relates a story of
+"the Girl-King." "Where there are many young women," says the story,
+"they assemble on the river where they live, and appoint a chief over
+the young women, that no young woman may assume to act for herself.
+Well, then they assemble and ask each other, 'Which among the damsels
+is fit to be chief and reign well?' They make many inquiries; one
+after another is nominated and rejected, until at length they agree
+together to appoint one, saying, 'Yes, so and so shall reign.'"[64]
+However far this may be actually separated from the political assembly
+of the Zulus, there is no doubt we have here a folk-tale adaptation of
+events which were happening around the relators of the tale. This is
+all I am anxious to state, indeed. What in the folk-tale was related
+of the girl-king, was a reflex only of what happened when the
+political chieftain himself was concerned.
+
+This, perhaps, is still better illustrated if we turn to India. In the
+story of "How the Three Clever Men outwitted the Demons," told by Miss
+Frere in her _Old Deccan Days_, it is related how "a demon was
+compelled to bring treasure to the pundit's house, and on being asked
+why he had been so long away, answered, 'All my fellow-demons detained
+me, and would hardly let me go, they were so angry at my bringing you
+so much treasury; and though I told them how great and powerful you
+are, they would not believe me, but will, as soon as I return, judge
+me in solemn council for serving you.' 'Where is your council held?'
+asked the pundit. 'Oh! very far, far away,' answered the demon, 'in
+the depths of the jungle, where our rajah daily holds his court.' The
+three men, the pundit, the wrestler, and the pearl-shooter, are taken
+by the demon to witness the trial.... They reached the great jungle
+where the durbar (council) was to be held, and there he (the demon)
+placed them on the top of a high tree just over the demon rajah's
+throne. In a few minutes they heard a rustling noise, and thousands
+and thousands of demons filled the place, covering the ground as far
+as the eye could reach, and thronging chiefly round the rajah's
+throne."[65]
+
+A classical story told by AElian gives us another interesting example
+of this feature of early political life. It is said of the Lady
+Rhodopis, who was alike fair and frail, that of all the beautiful
+women in Egypt, she was by far the most beautiful; and the story goes
+that one time when she was bathing, Fortune, which always was a lover
+of whatever may be the most unlikely and unexpected, bestowed upon her
+rank and dignity that were alone suitable for her transcendent charms;
+and this was the way what I am now going to tell came to pass.
+Rhodopis, before taking a bath, had given her robes in charge to her
+attendants; but at the same time there was an eagle flying over the
+bath, and it darted down and flew away with one of her slippers. The
+eagle flew away, and away, and away, until it got to the city of
+Memphis, where the Prince Psammetichus was sitting in the open air,
+and administering justice to those subject to his sway; and as the
+eagle flew over him it let the slipper fall from its beak, and it fell
+down into the lap of Psammetichus. The prince looked at the slipper,
+and the more he looked at it, the more he marvelled at the beauty of
+the material and the dainty minuteness of its size; and then he
+cogitated upon the wondrous way in which such a thing was conveyed to
+him through the air by a bird; and then it was he sent forth a
+proclamation to all parts of Egypt to try to discover the woman to
+whom the slipper belonged, and solemnly promised that whoever she
+might be he would make her his bride.[66]
+
+A very beautiful legend, which has been preserved by the Rev. W. S.
+Lach-Szyrma,[67] carries into its fairy narrative more of the
+realities of tribal life. Mr. Lach-Szyrma obtained it from a peasant's
+chap-book, but it professes to be an ancient Slovac folk-tale:--
+
+"An orphan girl is left with a cruel stepmother, who has a daughter
+who is bad-tempered and disagreeable, and extremely jealous of her.
+She becomes the Cinderella of the house, is ill-treated and beaten,
+but submits patiently. At last the harsh stepmother is urged by her
+daughter to get rid of her. It is winter, in the month of January; the
+snow has fallen, and the ground is frozen. The cruel stepmother in
+this dreadful weather bids the poor girl to go out in the forest, and
+not to come back till she brings some violets with her. After many
+entreaties for mercy the orphan is driven out, and goes out in the
+snow on the hopeless errand. As she enters the forest she sees a
+little way on in the deep glade, under the leafless trees, a large
+fire burning. As she draws near she perceives around the fire are
+twelve stones, and on the stones sit twelve men. The chief of them,
+sitting on the largest stone, is an old man with a long snowy beard,
+and a great staff in his hand. As she comes up to the fire the old man
+asks her what she wants. She respectfully replies by telling them,
+with many tears, her sad story. The old man comforts her. 'I am
+January; I cannot give you any violets, but brother March can.' So he
+turns to a fine young man near him and says, 'Brother March, sit in my
+place.' Presently the air around grows softer. The snows around the
+fire melt. The green grass appears, the flower-buds are to be seen. At
+the orphan girl's feet a bed of violets appear. She stoops and plucks
+a beautiful bouquet, which she brings home to her astounded
+stepmother."
+
+[Illustration: STONE MONUMENTS AS MEMORIALS (KASYA)]
+
+[Illustration: STONE SEATS AT A KASYA VILLAGE
+(2 FEET TO 6 FEET IN DIAMETER)]
+
+How clearly this is a representation of the tribal assembly worked
+into the folk-tale, where January and the months are the tribal
+chiefs, may be illustrated by a comparison with the actual events of
+Indian tribal life. Within the stockaded village of Supar-Punji, in
+Bengal, are two or three hundred monuments, large and small, all
+formed of circular, solid stone slabs, supported by upright stones,
+set on end, which enclose the space below. On these the villagers sit
+on occasions of state, each on his own stool, large or small,
+according to his rank in the commonwealth.[68]
+
+Now evidence such as this, showing how the folk-tale among primitive
+people gets framed according to the social conditions within which it
+originates, will help us to realise the peculiar value of similar
+features which may be found in the folk-tales of our own country.
+English tales are nearly destitute of such illustrations of primitive
+tribal life as this. Some of the giant stories of Cornwall, such as
+that relating to the loose, uncut stones in the district of Lanyon
+Quoit, on whose tors "they do say the giants sit,"[69] may refer to
+the tribal assembly place, but it is shorn of all its necessary
+details, and we do not get many examples even in this shortened form.
+
+Curiously enough, too, we find but little mention in the Scotch tales
+of the open-air gatherings of the tribe. The following quotation may
+refer to the custom perhaps, but it is not conclusive: "On the day
+when O'Donull came out to hold right and justice...." (there were
+twelve men with him).[70] Another story is more exact. Mr. Campbell
+took it down from a fisherman in Barra (ii. 137). The hero-child
+Conall tends the sheep of a widow with whom he lodged. "To feed these
+sheep he broke down the dykes which guarded the neighbours' fields.
+The neighbours made complaint to the king, and asked for justice. The
+king gave foolish judgment, whereat his neck was turned awry, and the
+judgment-seat kicked. Conall gave a correct decision and released the
+king. He did this a second time, and the people said he must have
+king's blood in him." This allusion to the kicking of the
+judgment-seat is a very instructive illustration of tribal
+chieftainship and comes within that branch of the subject with which
+we are now dealing.
+
+But when we pass from Britain to Ireland, there is at once a great
+storehouse of examples to be given. In Dr. Joyce's _Old Celtic
+Romances_ there are some remarkable passages, which give us a good
+picture of the assemblies of primitive times. These passages, it
+should be noted, occur quite incidentally during the course of the
+story--they belong to the same era as the fairy-legend, the giant, and
+the witch, and taken as types of what was going on everywhere in
+prehistoric times, they tell us much that is very valuable.
+
+[Illustration: VIEW IN THE KASYA HILLS SHOWING STONE MEMORIALS]
+
+A great fair-meeting was held by the King of Ireland, Nuada of the
+Silver Hand, on the Hill of Usna. Not long had the people been
+assembled, when they beheld a stately band of warriors, all mounted on
+white steeds, coming towards them from the east, and at their head
+rode a young champion, tall and comely. "This young warrior was Luga
+of the Long Arms.... This troop came forward to where the King of Erin
+sat surrounded by the Dedannans, and both parties exchanged friendly
+greetings. A short time after this they saw another company
+approaching, quite unlike the first, for they were grim and
+surly-looking; namely, the tax-gatherers of the Fomorians, to the
+number of nine nines, who were coming to demand their yearly tribute
+from the men of Erin. When they reached the place where the king sat,
+the entire assembly--the king himself among the rest--rose up before
+them." Here, without following the story further, the assembling in
+arms, the payment of the tributes at the council-hill, the sitting of
+the king and his assembly, are all significant elements of the
+primitive assembly. In a later part of the same story we have "the
+Great Plain of the Assembly" mentioned (p. 48). Another graphic
+picture is given a little later on, when the warrior Luga, above
+mentioned, demands justice upon the slayers of his father, at the
+great council on Tara hill. Luga asked the king that the chain of
+silence should be shaken; and when it was shaken, when all were
+listening in silence, he stood up and made his plea, which ended in
+the eric-fine being imposed upon the three children of Turenn, the
+accomplishment of which forms the basis of the fairy-tale which
+follows (p. 54). Then, in another place in the same tale, when the
+brothers are on their adventurous journey, fulfilling their eric-fine,
+they come to the house of the King of Sigar; and it "happened that the
+king was holding a fair-meeting on the broad, level green before the
+palace."
+
+In another story the hero Maildun asks the island queen how she passes
+her life, and the reply is, "The good king who formerly ruled over
+this island was my husband. He died after a long reign, and as he left
+no son, I now reign, the sole ruler of the island. And every day I go
+to the Great Plain, to administer justice and to decide causes among
+my people."
+
+The beginning of another story is--"Once upon a time, a noble, warlike
+king ruled over Lochlann, whose name was Colga of the Hard Weapons. On
+a certain occasion, this king held a meeting of his chief people, on
+the broad, green plain before his palace of Berva. And when they were
+all gathered together, he spoke to them in a loud, clear voice, from
+where he sat high on his throne; and he asked them whether they found
+any fault with the manner in which he ruled them, and whether they
+knew of anything deserving of blame in him as their sovereign lord and
+king. They replied, as if with the voice of one man, that they found
+no fault of any kind."
+
+The last example is also a valuable one. A dispute has occurred
+respecting the enchanted horse, the Gilla Dacker, and "a meeting was
+called on the green to hear the award." Speeches are made and the
+awards are given.[71]
+
+I think it will be admitted that the folk-tales of Britain refer back
+in such cases to the organisation of the tribe in early times, and the
+only possible conclusion to be drawn from this fact is that they too
+belong to early times and that they have brought with them to modern
+days these valuable fragments of history which are hardly to be
+discovered in any other historical document.
+
+We have thus shown that the folk-tale contains many fragmentary
+details of ancient social conditions, and further that it contains
+more than mere details in the larger place it assigns to important
+features of tribal institutions. It now remains to see whether apart
+from incident the very structure and heart of the folk-tale is founded
+upon conceptions of life. I will take as an example the well-known
+story of Catskin. This story contains one remarkable feature running
+through many of the variants, and a second which is found in
+practically all of them. Both these features are perfectly impossible
+to modern creative fancy, and I venture to think we shall find their
+true origin in the actual facts of primitive life, not in the wondrous
+flight of primitive fancy.
+
+The opening incidents of "Catskin" are thus related:--
+
+"A certain king, having lost his wife, and mourned for her even more
+than other men do, suddenly determines, by way of relieving his
+sorrows, to marry his own daughter. The princess obtains a suspension
+of this odious purpose by requiring from him three beautiful dresses,
+which take a long time to prepare. These dresses are a robe of the
+colour of the sky, a robe of the colour of the moon, a third robe of
+the colour of the sun, the latter being embroidered with the rubies
+and diamonds of his crown. The three dresses being made and presented
+to her, the princess is checkmated, and accordingly asks for something
+even more valuable in its way. The king has an ass that produces gold
+coins in profusion every day of his life. This ass the princess asked
+might be sacrificed, in order that she might have his skin. This
+desire even was granted. The princess, thus defeated altogether, puts
+on the ass's skin, rubs her face over with soot, and runs away. She
+takes a situation with a farmer's wife to tend the sheep and turkeys
+of the farm."
+
+The remainder of the story much resembles Cinderella's famous
+adventures, and I need not repeat it here. The pith of the story turns
+upon the fact that a father purposes to marry his own daughter, or, in
+some versions, his daughter-in-law; and the daughter, naturally, as we
+say, objecting to this arrangement, runs away, and hence her many
+adventures. This famous story, told by English nurses to English
+children, long before literature stepped across the sacred precincts
+of the nursery, is also told in Ireland and Scotland. It is also
+current in France, Italy, Germany, Russia, Lithuania, and many other
+nations; and throughout all these versions, differing, of course, in
+some matters of detail, the selfsame incident is observable--the
+father wishing to marry his own daughter, and the daughter running
+away.[72] This incident, therefore, must be older than the several
+nations who have preserved it from their common home, where the tale
+was originally told with a special value that is now lost. It must
+then belong to primitive man, and not to civilised man, and must be
+judged by the standard of morals belonging to primitive man. It is not
+sufficient, or, indeed, in any way to the point, to say that the idea
+of marrying one's own daughter is horrible and detestable to modern
+ideas; we must place ourselves in a position to judge of such a state
+of affairs from an altogether different standpoint. And what do we
+find in primitive society? We find that women were the property, not
+the helpmates, of their husbands. And the question hence arises, in
+what relation did the children stand in respect to their parents? The
+answer comes from almost all parts of the primitive world that, in
+certain stages of society, the children were related to their mother
+only. It is worth while pausing one moment to give evidence upon the
+fact. Thus McLennan says of the Australians, "it is not in quarrels
+uncommon to find children of the same father arrayed against one
+another, or indeed, against their father himself; for by their
+peculiar law _the father can never be a relative of his
+children_."[73] This is not the language, though it is the evidence,
+of the latest research, and another phase of it is represented by the
+custom, as among the Ahts of Vancouver Island, that in case of
+separation while the children are young, the children go always with
+the mother to their own tribe.[74]
+
+Here we see that the relationship between father and daughter was in
+no way considered in ancient society of the type to which Australians
+and Ahts belonged, and it is now one of the accepted facts of
+anthropology that at certain stages of savage life fatherhood was not
+recognised. That this non-relationship of the father very often
+resulted in the further stage of the father marrying his daughter, is
+exemplified by many examples. The story of Lot and his daughters, for
+instance, will at once occur to the reader, and upon this Mr. Fenton
+has some observations, to which I may refer the student who wishes to
+pursue this curious subject further,[75] while Mr. Frazer, in his
+recent study of Adonis, has discussed the practice with his usual
+extent of knowledge.[76] Again, it should be remembered that in our
+own chronicle histories Vortigern is said to have married his own
+daughter, though the legend and the supposed consequences of the
+marriage have been twisted from their original primitive surroundings
+by the monkish chroniclers, through whom we obtain the story.[77]
+Turning next to the daughter-in-law, supposing that the difference
+between "daughter" and "daughter-in-law" (query stepdaughter) in the
+story variants is a vital difference, and not an accidental
+difference, there is curious and important evidence from India. The
+following custom prevails among certain classes of Sudras,
+particularly the Vella-lahs in Koimbator: "A father marries a grown-up
+girl eighteen or twenty years old to his son, a boy of seven or eight,
+after which he publicly lives with his daughter-in-law, until the
+youth attains his majority, when his wife is made over to him,
+generally with half a dozen children. These children are taught to
+address him as their father. In several cases this woman becomes the
+common wife of the father and son. She pays every respect due to her
+wedded husband, and takes great care of him from the time of her
+marriage. The son, in his turn, hastens to celebrate the marriage of
+his acquired son, with the usual pomps, ceremonies, and tumasha, and
+keeps the bride for himself as his father had done."[78] But even
+further than this, ancient Hindu law allowed the father, who had no
+prospect of having legitimate sons, to "appoint" or nominate a
+daughter who should bear a son to himself, and not to her own
+husband.[79] Sir Henry Maine gives the formula for this remarkable
+appointment, and then goes on to say that some customs akin to the
+Hindu usage of appointing a daughter appear to have been very widely
+diffused over the ancient world, and traces of them are found far down
+in history.[80]
+
+What we have before us, therefore, to guide us in the view we take of
+the story incident of a father marrying his own daughter, may be
+summarised as follows:--
+
+1. The father is not related to his daughter, and hence examples occur
+of fathers marrying daughters.
+
+2. The custom of marrying a daughter-in-law.
+
+3. The custom of nominating a daughter to bear a son.
+
+From any one of these facts of primitive life we arrive at the central
+incident in the story of Catskin: the father could marry his daughter
+without specially shocking the society of the primitive world, simply
+because, according to primitive ideas, father and daughter, as we call
+her, were not related.
+
+We now arrive at the second incident--the running away of Catskin.
+This again is a very early form of marriage custom. Women of primitive
+times often objected to the forced marriages, and they expressed their
+objection very often by running away. In the instance of Catskin the
+running away was successful, as we all know; but in most instances the
+unwilling bride was captured and forced to surrender. Mr. Farrer, in
+his _Primitive Manners and Customs_, quite clears the ground for the
+refutation of an argument that might be applied if we did not know the
+customs of primitive society. It might be asked, why did Catskin run
+away if the custom was a usual one? For the same reason, we answer,
+that the women of savage society often do run away--objection to the
+marriage.[81]
+
+Thus we have to note that the two principal features of our ordinary
+Catskin story are explainable by a reference to primitive manners and
+customs; and it seems to me much easier and much more reasonable to
+thus explain the origin of the Catskin story, than first of all to
+create a "lovely myth," as the mythologists would undoubtedly have a
+right to call it, of the Sun pursuing the Dawn, and then to say that
+the Catskin story is simply a relation of this myth.
+
+The opening incident of the Catskin story, as thus interpreted, is not
+an isolated case of the survival of primitive marriage customs in
+popular stories. If it were so, there would be considerable difficulty
+in the way of supporting this interpretation. But it is only saying of
+Catskin what can be said of other stories. "There are traces," says
+Mr. Campbell, speaking of his Highland stories, "of foreign or
+forgotten laws and customs. A man buys a wife as he would a cow, and
+acquires a right to shoot her, which is acknowledged as good law."[82]
+Yes, this is good savage law and custom there is no doubt, and Lord
+Avebury and Mr. McLennan have illustrated it by examples. But in the
+Highland story of the "Battle of the Birds" the wife is sought to be
+purchased for a hundred pounds (Campbell, i. 36), and in the Irish
+story of the "Lazy Beauty and her Aunts" we find something like
+bride-capture and purchase as well.[83] So, again, if we turn to India
+the same kind of evidence is forthcoming of another part of the
+primitive ceremony. "Do not think," retorted the Malee in a story
+collected by Miss Frere, "that I'll make a fool of myself because I'm
+only a Malee, and believe what you've got to say because you're a
+great Rajah. If you mean what you say, if you care for my daughter and
+wish to be married to her, come and be married; but I'll have none of
+your new-fangled forms and court ceremonies hard to be understood; let
+the girl be married by her father's hearth, and under her father's
+roof."[84] And in another story of the "Chundun Rajah" we have "the
+scattering rice and flowers upon their heads;"[85] the significance of
+both of which customs are fully known.
+
+These illustrations of the contact, the necessary contact, of
+tradition and history show that contact to be equally true of the
+folk-tale as it is of the local or personal legend. They all point to
+the substratum of fact underlying tradition, to the absorption by
+tradition of many features of the life by which it is surrounded, or
+to the absorption by some great historic person or event of the living
+tradition of his time or place. This contact is a fact equally
+important to history and to folklore. It cannot be neglected by
+either. It stands for something in the analysis which every student
+must give of the material with which he is working, and that something
+has a value, sometimes great and sometimes small, which must influence
+the estimate of the material which both history and folklore supply in
+the unravelling of man's past.
+
+I will now finally give a more complicated example of the folk-tale as
+illustrative of the connection between history and tradition. Mr.
+J. F. Campbell printed a tale in the second volume of the
+_Transactions of the Ethnological Society_ (p. 336), which had been
+sent to him in Gaelic by John Davan, in December, 1862--that is, after
+the publication of the fourth volume of his _Highland Tales_. The tale
+is only in outline, but in quite sufficient fulness for my present
+purpose, as follows:--
+
+There was a man at some time or other who was well off, and had many
+children. When the family grew up the man gave a well-stocked farm to
+each of his children. When the man was old his wife died, and he
+divided all that he had amongst his children, and lived with them,
+turn about, in their houses. The sons and daughters got tired of him
+and ungrateful, and tried to get rid of him when he came to stay with
+them. At last an old friend found him sitting tearful by the wayside,
+and learning the cause of his distress, took him home; there he gave
+him a bowl of gold and a lesson which the old man learned and acted.
+When all the ungrateful sons and daughters had gone to a preaching,
+the old man went to a green knoll where his grandchildren were at
+play, and pretending to hide, he turned up a flat hearthstone in an
+old stance,[86] and went out of sight. He spread out his gold on a big
+stone in the sunlight, and he muttered, "Ye are mouldy, ye are hoary,
+ye will be better for the sun." The grandchildren came sneaking over
+the knoll, and when they had seen and heard all that they were
+intended to see and hear, they came running up with, "Grandfather,
+what have you got there?" "That which concerns you not; touch it
+not," said the grandfather; and he swept his gold into a bag and took
+it home to his old friend. The grandchildren told what they had seen,
+and henceforth the children strove who should be kindest to the old
+grandfather. Still acting on the counsel of his sagacious old chum, he
+got a stout little black chest made, and carried it always with him.
+When any one questioned him as to its contents, his answer was, "That
+will be known when the chest is opened." When he died he was buried
+with great honour and ceremony, and then the chest was opened by the
+expectant heirs. In it were found broken potsherds and bits of slate,
+and a long-handled, white wooden mallet with this legend on its
+head:--
+
+      "So am favioche fiorum,
+      Thabhavit gnoc annsa cheann,
+      Do n'fhear nach gleidh maoin da' fein,
+      Ach bheir a chuid go leir d'a chlann."
+
+      "Here is the fair mall
+      To give a knock on the skull
+      To the man who keeps no gear for himself,
+      But gives all to his bairns."
+
+Wright, in his collection of Latin stories, published by the Percy
+Society in 1842 (pp. 28-29), gives a variant of this tale under the
+title of "De divite qui dedit omnia filio suo," and, so far as can be
+judged by the abstract, the parallel between the two narratives,
+separated by at least five centuries of time, is remarkably close. The
+latter part is apparently different, for the Latin version tells how
+the man pretended that the chest contained a sum of money, part of
+which was to be applied for the good of his soul, and the rest to
+dispose of as he pleased. But at the point of death his children
+opened the chest. "Antequam totaliter expiraret, ad cistam currentes
+nihil invenerunt nisi malleum, in quo Anglice scriptum est:--
+
+      "'Wyht suylc a betel be he smyten,
+      That al the werld hyt mote wyten,
+      That gyfht his sone al his thing,
+      And goht hym self a beggyn.'"
+
+Here, then, is a case whereby to test the problem of the position of
+folk-tales as historical material. Did the people adopt this tale from
+literature into tradition and keep it alive for five centuries; or did
+some early and unconscious folklorist adapt it into literature? The
+literary version has the flavour of its priestly influence, which does
+not appear in the traditional version; and I make the preliminary
+observation that if literature could have so stamped itself upon the
+memory of the folk as to have preserved all the essentials of such a
+story as this, it must have been due to some academic influence (of
+which, however, there is no evidence), and this influence would have
+preserved a nearer likeness to literary forms than the peasant's tale
+presents to us. But the objection to this theory is best shown by an
+analysis of the tale, and by some research into the possible sources
+of its origin.
+
+The story presents us with the following essential incidents:--
+
+1. The gift of a well-stocked farm by a father to each of his
+children.
+
+2. The surrender of all property during the owner's lifetime.
+
+3. The living of the old father with each of his children.
+
+4. The attempted killing of the old man.
+
+5. The mallet bearing the inscription.
+
+6. The rhyming formula of the inscription.
+
+Mr. Campbell notes the first and third of these incidents in his
+original abstract of the story,[87] but of the remaining second,
+fourth, fifth, and sixth no note has hitherto been taken.
+
+Of the first incident, the gift of a well-stocked farm by a father to
+each of his children, Mr. Campbell says: "This subdivision of land by
+tenants is the dress and declaration put on by a class who now tell
+this tale." But it also represents an ancient system of swarming off
+from the parent household when society was in a tribal stage. The
+incident of the tale is exactly reproduced in local custom. In the
+island of Skye the possessor of a few acres of land cut them up only a
+few years ago into shreds and patches to afford a separate dwelling
+for each son and daughter who married.[88] In Kinross, in 1797, the
+same practice prevailed. "Among the feuars the parents are in many
+instances disposed to relinquish and give up to their children their
+landed possessions or the principal part of them, retaining only for
+themselves some paltry pendicle or patch of ground."[89] In Ireland
+and in Cornwall much the same evidence is forthcoming, and elsewhere I
+have taken some pains to show that these local customs are the
+isolated survivals in late times of early tribal practices.[90]
+
+We next turn to the second essential incident of the tale--the
+surrender of the estate during the owner's lifetime. This is a
+well-marked feature of early custom, and Du Chaillu has preserved
+something like the survival of the ritual observances connected with
+it in his account of the Scandinavian practice. On a visit to Husum he
+witnessed the ceremonial which attended the immemorial custom of the
+farm coming into possession of the eldest son, the father still being
+alive. The following is Mr. Du Chaillu's description, and the details
+are important: "The dinner being ready, all the members of the family
+came in and seated themselves around the board, the father taking, as
+is customary, the head of the table. All at once, Roar, who was not
+seated, came to his father and said, 'Father, you are getting old; let
+me take your place.' 'Oh, no, my son,' was the answer, 'I am not too
+old to work; it is not yet time: wait awhile.' Then, with an
+entreating look, Roar said, 'Oh, father, all your children and myself
+are often sorry to see you look so tired when the day's labour is
+over: the work of the farm is too much for you; it is time for you to
+rest and do nothing. Rest in your old age. Oh, let me take your place
+at the head of the table.' All the faces were now extremely sober, and
+tears were seen in many eyes. 'Not yet, my son.' 'Oh, yes, father.'
+Then said the whole family, 'Now it is time for you to rest.' He rose,
+and Roar took his place, and was then the master. His father,
+henceforth, would have nothing to do, was to live in a comfortable
+house, and to receive yearly a stipulated amount of grain or flour,
+potatoes, milk, cheese, butter, meat, etc."[91] Without stopping to
+analyse this singular ceremony in detail, it is important to note that
+old age is the assigned cause of resignation by the father of his
+estate; that the ceremony is evidently based upon traditional forms,
+the meaning of which is not distinctly comprehended by the present
+performers; that the father is supported by his successor. As a proof
+that we have here a survival of very ancient practice, it may be
+noticed that in Spiti, a part of the Punjab, an exact parallel occurs.
+There the father retires from the headship of the family when his
+eldest son is of full age, and has taken unto himself a wife; on each
+estate there is a kind of dower-house with a plot of land attached, to
+which the father in these cases retires.[92] In Bavaria and in
+Wuertemberg the same custom obtains,[93] and the sagas of the North
+also confirm it as an ancient custom.[94]
+
+Of the third incident in the tale, the living of the father with his
+children, Mr. Campbell says this points to the old Highland cluster of
+houses and to the farm worked by several families in common,[95] and I
+think we have here the explanation why the father in Scotland did not
+have his "dower-house," as he did in Scandinavia and in Spiti.
+
+We next come to the fourth incident, the attempted killing of the old
+father. Now, from some of the earliest accounts of travels in Britain,
+we know that the death of the aged by violence was a signal element of
+the native customs. "They die only when they have lived long enough;
+for when the aged men have made good cheere and anoynted their bodies
+with sweet ointments they leape off a certain rocke into the sea."
+That we have in this episode of the story, remains of customs which
+once existed in the North, Mr. Elton affords proof, both from
+saga-history and from the practice of later times, when "the Swedes
+and Pomeranians killed their old people in the way which was indicated
+by the passage quoted above."[96] It is the custom of many savage
+tribes, and the observances made use of are sometimes suggestive of
+the facts of the tale we are now analysing. Thus, among the Todas of
+the Nilgiri Hills, they place the old people in large earthen jars
+with some food, and leave them to perish;[97] while among the
+Hottentots, Kolben says, "when persons become unable to perform the
+least office for themselves they are then placed in a solitary hut at
+a considerable distance, with a small stock of provisions within their
+reach, where they are left to die of hunger, or be devoured by the
+wild beasts."[98]
+
+The important bearing of these incidents of barbarous and savage life
+upon our subject will be seen when we pass on to our fifth incident,
+namely, the significant use of the mallet. Some curious explanations
+have been given of this. Mr. Thorns once thought it might be
+identified with Malleus, the name of the Devil.[99] Nork has attempted
+with more reason to identify it with the hammer of Thor.[100] But the
+real identification is closer than this. Thus, it is connected with
+the Valhalla practices, already noted, by the fact that if an old
+Norseman becomes too frail to travel to the cliff, in order to throw
+himself over, his kinsman would save him the disgrace of dying "like a
+cow in the straw," and would beat him to death with the family
+club.[101] Mr. Elton, who quotes this passage, adds in a note that one
+of the family clubs is still preserved at a farm in East
+Gothland.[102] Aubrey has preserved an old English "countrie story" of
+"the holy mawle, which (they fancy) hung behind the church dore,
+which, when the father was seaventie, the sonne might fetch to knock
+his father in the head, as effoete, & of no more use."[103] That
+Aubrey preserved a true tradition is proved by what we learn of
+similar practices elsewhere. Thus, in fifteenth-century MSS. of prose
+romances found in English and also in Welsh, Sir Perceval, in his
+adventures in quest of the Holy Grail, being at one time ill at ease,
+congratulates himself that he is not like those men of Wales, where
+sons pull their fathers out of bed and kill them to save the disgrace
+of their dying in bed.[104] Keysler cites several instances of this
+savage custom in Prussia, and a Count Schulenberg rescued an old man
+who was being beaten to death by his sons at a place called
+Jammerholz, or "Woful Wood;" while a Countess of Nansfield, in the
+fourteenth century, is said to have saved the life of an old man on
+the Lueneberg Heath under similar circumstances.
+
+Our investigation of barbarous and savage customs, which connect
+themselves with the essential incidents of this Highland tale, has at
+this point taken us outside the framework of the story. The old father
+in the tale was not killed by the mallet, but he is said to have used
+it as a warning to others to stop the practice of giving up their
+property during lifetime. We have already seen that this practice was
+an actual custom in early times, appearing in local survivals both in
+England and Scotland. Therefore the story must have arisen at a time
+when this practice was undergoing a change. We must note, too, that
+the whole story leads up to the finding of a mallet with the rhyming
+inscription written thereon, connecting it with the instrument of
+death to the aged, but only on certain conditions. If, then, we can
+find that the rhyming inscription on the mallet has an existence quite
+apart from the story, and if we can find that mallets bearing such an
+inscription do actually exist, we may fairly conclude that the story,
+which, in Scotland, is the vehicle of transmission of the rhyme, is of
+later origin than the rhyme itself.
+
+First of all, it is to be noted under this head that Wright, in a note
+to the Latin story we have already quoted, gives from John of
+Bromyard's _Summa Predicantium_ another English version of the verse--
+
+      "Wit this betel the smieth
+      And alle the worle thit wite
+      That thevt the ungunde alle thing,
+      And goht him selve a beggyng,"
+
+which shows, I think, the popularity of the verse in the vernacular.
+Clearly, then, the Latin version is a translation of this, and not
+_vice versa_. It must have been a rhyming formula in the vernacular,
+which had a life of its own quite outside its adoption into
+literature.
+
+This inferential proof of the actual life of the English rhyming
+formula is confirmed by actual facts in the case of the corresponding
+German formula. Nork, in the volume I have already quoted, collects
+evidence from Grimm, Haupt, and others, which proves that sometimes in
+front of a house, as at Osnabrueck, and sometimes at the city gate, as
+in several of the cities of Silesia and Saxony, there hangs a mallet
+with this inscription:--
+
+      "Wer den kindern gibt das Brod
+      Und selber dabei leidet Noth
+      Den schlagt mit dieser keule todt"--
+
+which Mr. Thoms has Englished thus:--
+
+      "Who to his children gives his bread
+      And thereby himself suffers need,
+      With this mallet strike him dead."[105]
+
+These rhymes are the same as those in the Scottish tale and its Latin
+analogue, and that they are preserved on the selfsame instrument which
+is mentioned in the story as bearing the inscription is proof enough,
+I think, that the mallets and their rhyming formulae are far older than
+the story. They are not mythical, the story is; their history is
+contained in the facts we have above detailed; the life of the
+folk-tale commences when the use or formula of the mallet ceases to be
+part of the social institutions.
+
+To the rhyming formulae, then, I would trace the rise of the mythic
+tale told by the Highland peasant in 1862 to Mr. J. F. Campbell. The
+old customs which we have detailed as the true origin of the mallet,
+and its hideous use in killing the aged and infirm, had died out, but
+the symbol of them remained. To explain the symbol a myth was created,
+which kept sufficiently near to the original idea as to retain
+evidence of its close connection with the descent of property; and
+thus was launched the dateless, impersonal, unlocalised story which
+Mr. Campbell has given as a specimen of vagrant traditions, which
+"must have been invented after agriculture and fixed habitations,
+after laws of property and inheritance; but it may be as old as the
+lake-dwellings of Switzerland, or Egyptian civilisation, or Adam,
+whose sons tilled the earth."[106] I would venture to rewrite the last
+clause of this dictum of the great master of folk-tales, and I would
+suggest that the story, whatever its age as a story, tells us of facts
+in the life of its earliest narrators which do not belong to Teutonic
+or Celtic history. The Teuton and the Celt, with their traditional
+reverence for parental authority, at once patriarchal and priestly,
+would retain, with singular clearness, the memory of traditions, or it
+may be observations, of an altogether different set of ideas which
+belonged to the race with which they first came into contact. But
+whether the story is a mythic interpretation by Celts of pre-Celtic
+practices, or a pre-Celtic tradition, varied as soon as it became the
+property of the Celt to suit Celtic ideas, it clearly takes us back to
+practices very remote, to use Mr. Elton's forcible words, from the
+reverence for the parents' authority which might have perhaps been
+expected from descendants of "the Aryan household."[107] These
+practices lead us back to a period of savagery, of which we have to
+speak in terms of race distinction if we would get at its root.[108]
+The importance of such a conclusion cannot be overrated, for it leads
+directly to the issue which must be raised whenever an investigation
+of tradition leaves us with materials, which are promptly rejected as
+fragments of Celtic history because they are too savage, but which
+need not therefore be rejected as history, because they may be
+referred further back than Celtic history.
+
+If we proceed by more drastic methods, by the methods of statistics,
+we shall arrive at much the same conclusion.[109] Taking the first
+twelve stories in Grimm's great collection, we find that seven of them
+yield elements which we are entitled to call savage, because they are
+so far removed from the European culture amidst which the folk-tales
+have lived, and because these elements belong not to the accidentals
+of the stories but to the essentials. Thus, if we divide the folk-tale
+into its components, we shall find that it consists of three
+features:--
+
+1. The story radicals, or essential plot;
+
+2. The story accidentals, or illustrative points;
+
+3. Modern gloss upon the events in the story--
+
+and if we go on to allocate the various incidents of the stories to
+these three heads, we get the following common results with regard to
+seven out of the twelve first stories of Grimm's great collection:--
+
+I.--FROG PRINCE
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Youngest      |              |              |
+               |  daughter    |              |              |
+               |Fountain or   |              |              |
+               |  well the    |              |              |
+               |  locality of |              |              |
+               |  leading     |              |              |
+               |  incident    |              |              |
+               |Frog          |              |              |
+1. Savage      |  prince=totem|              |              |
+    elements   |Frog prince   |      --      |      --      |      --
+               |  stays at the|              |              |
+               |  house of his|              |              |
+               |  future wife |              |              |
+               |Exogamous     |              |              |
+               |  marriage,   |              |              |
+               |  the prince  |              |              |
+               |  coming from |              |              |
+               |  a foreign   |              |              |
+               |  country     |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |Faithful      |
+2. Fantastic   |              |              |  servant     |
+    element    |      --      |      --      |  whose heart |      --
+               |              |              |  is bound by |
+               |              |              |  iron bands  |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |Kingly state
+               |              |              |              |  and its
+               |              |              |              |  trappings--
+               |              |              |              |  the princess
+               |              |              |              |  wears a
+               |              |              |              |  crown on
+3. Rank and    |      --      |      --      |      --      |  ordinary
+    splendour  |              |              |              |  occasions,
+               |              |              |              |  and yet
+               |              |              |              |  opens the
+               |              |              |              |  door to a
+               |              |              |              |  visitor
+               |              |              |              |  while at
+               |              |              |              |  dinner
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+III.--OUR LADY'S CHILD
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |Naked forest  |              |
+               |              |  woman       |              |
+1. Savage      |              |  captured    |              |
+    elements   |      --      |  for wife    |      --      |      --
+               |              |Suspicion that|              |
+               |              |  she is a    |              |
+               |              |  cannibal    |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |Virgin Mary
+               |              |              |              |  and heaven
+3. Rank and    |              |              |              |  the central
+    splendour  |      --      |      --      |      --      |  features
+               |              |              |              |  of the
+               |              |              |              |  heroine's
+               |              |              |              |  adventures
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+4. Moral       |Punishment    |              |              |
+characteristics|  for         |      --      |      --      |      --
+               |  curiosity   |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+IV.--THE YOUTH WHO WANTS TO LEARN TO SHUDDER
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Winning of    |              |              |
+               |  wife by     |              |              |
+               |  service     |              |              |
+               |Succession to |              |              |
+1. Savage      |  kingship    |              |              |
+    elements   |  through     |      --      |      --      |      --
+               |  wife--female|              |              |
+               |  kinship     |              |              |
+               |Treasure      |              |              |
+               |  guarded by  |              |              |
+               |  spirits     |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |The adventures|              |
+2. Fantastic   |      --      |  in the      |      --      |      --
+    element    |              |  haunted     |              |
+               |              |  castle      |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+3. Rank and    |      --      |      --      |      --      |Kingly state
+    splendour  |              |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+4. Moral       |Bravery       |      --      |      --      |      --
+characteristics|              |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+V.--THE WOLF AND SEVEN LITTLE KIDS
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Talking       |Criticism upon|              |
+               |  animals     |  men as      |              |
+               |Cutting open  |  compared    |              |
+               |  of the      |  with        |              |
+1. Savage      |  animal to   |  animals,    |      --      |      --
+    elements   |  free the    |  'truly men  |              |
+               |  swallowed   |  are like    |              |
+               |  kids, and   |  that'       |              |
+               |  refilling   |              |              |
+               |  the stomach |              |              |
+               |  with stones |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+VI.--FAITHFUL JOHN
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Capture of    |              |              |
+               |  bride       |              |              |
+               |Talking of    |              |              |
+               |  animals     |              |              |
+               |Three taboos--|              |              |
+               |  Horse       |              |              |
+               |  Garment     |              |              |
+1. Savage      |  Sucking of  |      --      |      --      |      --
+    elements   |    breasts   |              |              |
+               |Sacrifice of  |              |              |
+               |  children and|              |              |
+               |  sprinkling  |              |              |
+               |  their blood |              |              |
+               |  on a stone  |              |              |
+               |Human origin  |              |              |
+               |  stone pillar|              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |Kingly state
+3. Rank and    |              |              |              |  and great
+    splendour  |      --      |      --      |      --      |  wealth in
+               |              |              |              |  gold and
+               |              |              |              |  riches
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+4. Moral       |      --      |Punishment for|      --      |      --
+characteristics|              |  curiosity   |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+IX.--THE TWELVE BROTHERS
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Going [causing|              |              |
+               |  to go] away |              |              |
+               |  of sons, so |              |              |
+               |  that the    |              |              |
+               |  inheritance |              |              |
+               |  should fall |              |              |
+1. Savage      |  to the      | Forest life  |              |
+    elements   |  daughter    |              |      --      |      --
+               |Change of     |              |              |
+               |  brothers    |              |              |
+               |  into ravens |              |              |
+               |Life dependent|              |              |
+               |  on an       |              |              |
+               |  outside     |              |              |
+               |  object      |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+3. Rank and    |      --      |      --      |      --      |Kingly state
+    splendour  |              |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |              |              |              |
+4. Moral       |      --      |      --      |      --      |      --
+characteristics|              |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+XI.--BROTHER AND SISTER
+
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |    Story     |    Story     |    Added     |   Modern
+               |  radicals    | accidentals  |   features   |   gloss
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+               |Transformation|              |              |
+               |  of hero into|              |              |
+1. Savage      |  roebuck     |      --      |      --      |      --
+    elements   |  after       |              |              |
+               |  drinking at |              |              |
+               |  stream      |              |              |
+---------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+--------------
+
+There are thus savage elements in seven out of twelve stories, and
+the question becomes an important one as to how this is. They are the
+stories of the nursery, told by mothers to children, stories kept
+alive by tradition, and the only possible answer to our question is
+that they contain fragments of the early culture-history of the
+ancestors, or at all events the predecessors, of those who have
+preserved them for our use. An occasional savage incident might have
+been considered a freak of the original narrator, or a borrowing by
+one of the countless late narrators of these stories brought home from
+savage countries; but statistics disprove both of these suppositions.
+It is not accidental but persistent savagery we meet with in the
+folk-tale. It is also the savagery to be found amongst modern peoples
+still in the savage stage of culture.
+
+This is proved in a very complete manner by Mr. MacCulloch, whose
+study provides the material for a statistical survey of story
+incidents founded on primitive custom and belief.[110] They are the
+most ancient history to which we have access. That this history is
+contained in the folk-tales of modern peasantry shows it to have come
+from that far-off period which saw the earliest condition of these
+people. It is still history, if it tells us of a life which preceded
+the written record. It is history of the most valuable description,
+for it is to be found nowhere else as relating to the remotest period
+of European civilisation. The modern savage is better off in this
+respect. He has an outside historian in the traveller and the
+anthropologist of modern days. The savage who was ancestor to our own
+people had no such means of becoming known to history, or had but very
+limited means, and it is only in the deathless tradition that we can
+trace him out.
+
+These conclusions have been drawn from that great class of tradition
+preserved by historic peoples in historic times, and yet unmistakably
+pointing to prehistoric culture. We have been able to show the methods
+to be adopted for, and the results of, disengaging the myth which has
+gravitated to the historic person or place from the historic facts
+which have become part of the legend, and to trace out in the
+folk-tale facts which belong to a culture far removed from civilised
+life. There are thus revealed two distinct centres of influence, the
+traditional centre and the historic centre, and it is obvious that the
+question must be asked--which is the more important? It seems to me
+equally obvious that the answer must be given in favour of the
+historic. History is indebted to tradition for preserving some of the
+most remote facts of racial or national life, which but for tradition
+would have been lost, and if we are content to use this tradition as a
+storehouse from which we may provide ourselves with ancient historical
+documents, we can trace out therefrom points in the history of any
+given country wherever the traditions have been preserved.
+
+The folk-tale, in point of fact, equally with the personal and local
+legend, comes into close contact with history. The periods of history
+in the folk-tales are different from those in the legends, but
+together these periods reach from prehistoric culture to historic
+event. We cannot, however, call this extent of time a continuous
+period, and we cannot point to definite stages within the detached
+periods. Much more research must be accomplished before it will be
+possible to claim such results as these. I have indicated some points
+of difficulty, some methods of treatment which appear to me to be
+wrong, and to which I shall have again to refer later on; but in the
+meantime, from the necessarily incomplete evidence which I have been
+able to produce, it is, I think, abundantly clear that folklore has to
+be studied from its historical surroundings if we would draw from it
+all that it is capable of telling.
+
+
+III
+
+In the meantime it is well to bear in mind that there is one important
+department of history which has always been frankly and unhesitatingly
+accepted as history and yet which has no stronger foundation than
+tradition, and tradition of the most formal kind. I allude to the
+early laws of most of the peoples who have become possessed of an
+historic civilisation. These laws have all been preserved by
+tradition, are in rhyme or rhythm in order to assist the memory, have
+become the sacred repository of a school or class of priests, and have
+finally been reduced to writing by a great lawgiver, who by the act of
+giving the people written laws has had attributed to him supernatural
+origin and powers. That history should have accepted from tradition
+such an important section of its material is worth consideration by
+itself, apart from its bearing on the present study, and I shall
+proceed, therefore, to set out some of the chief facts in this
+connection.
+
+There can be no doubt that in the tribal society of Indo-European
+peoples the laws and rules which governed the various members of the
+tribe were deemed to be sacred and were preserved by tradition. The
+opening clauses of the celebrated Laws of Manu illustrate this position.
+"The great sages approached Manu, who was seated with a collected mind,
+and having worshipped him spoke as follows: Deign, divine one, to
+declare to us precisely and in due order the sacred laws of each of the
+four chief castes and of the intermediate ones. For thou, O Lord, alone
+knowest the purport, the rites, and the knowledge of the soul taught in
+this whole ordinance of the self-existent which is unknowable and
+unfathomable."[111] They were not only sacred in origin but they dealt
+with sacred things, and Sir Henry Maine has drawn the broad conclusion
+that "there is no system of recorded law, literally from China to Peru,
+which, when it first emerges into notice, is not seen to be entangled
+with religious ritual and observance."[112] In Greece the lawgivers were
+supposed to be divinely inspired, Minos from Jupiter, Lykurgos from the
+Delphic god, Zaleukos from Pallas.[113] The earliest notions of law are
+connected with Themis the Goddess of Justice.[114] In Rome it is to
+Romulus himself that is attributed the first positive law, and it is by
+a college of priests that the laws were preserved.[115] In Scandinavia
+the laws were in the custody and charge of the temple priests, and the
+accumulated evidence for the sacred origin and connection of the laws is
+to be found in the sagas.[116] Among the Celtic peoples it is well known
+that the laws were preserved and administered by the Brehons, who are
+compared with the Hindu Brahmins by Sir Henry Maine, "with many of their
+characteristics altered, and indeed, their whole sacerdotal authority
+abstracted by the influence of Christianity."[117] In the Isle of Man
+the laws were deemed sacred and known only to the Deemsters.[118]
+
+In all cases laws were preserved by tradition and not by writing and
+evidence, and the superior value attached to the traditional record
+appears everywhere. The oldest record of Hindu law agrees with the
+best authority that it was not founded on writing but "upon immemorial
+customs which existed prior to and independent of Brahminism."[119] In
+Greece the very nature of the _themistes_ shows that they were
+judgments dependent upon traditional custom. In Rome it is the subject
+of definite research that the "greater part of Roman law was founded
+on the _mores majorum_."[120] In Scandinavia the law speaker was
+obliged to recite the whole law within the period to which the tenure
+of his office was limited.[121] The Celtic laws are based upon customs
+handed down from remote antiquity,[122] and late down in English law
+it was admitted as a principle that if oral declarations came into
+conflict with written instruments the former had the more binding
+authority.[123]
+
+One of the means by which this sacred tradition was preserved was
+through the medium of rhythm and verse. Thus, as Sir Henry Maine
+explains,
+
+      "The law book of Manu is in verse, and verse is one of
+      the expedients for lessening the burden which the
+      memory has to bear when writing is unknown or very
+      little used. But there is another expedient which
+      serves the same object. This is Aphorism or Proverb.
+      Even now in our own country much of popular wisdom is
+      preserved either in old rhymes or in old proverbs, and
+      it is well ascertained that during the middle ages
+      much of law, and not a little of medicine, was
+      preserved among professions, not necessarily clerkly,
+      by these two agencies."[124]
+
+In Greece the same word, [Greek: nomos], was used for custom and law
+as for song. The [Greek: rhetra] (declared law) of Sparta and Taras
+was in verse; the laws of Charondas were sung as [Greek: skolia] at
+Athens,[125] and Strabo refers to the Mazacenes of Cappadocia as using
+the laws of Charondas and appointing some person to be their
+law-singer ([Greek: nomodos]), who is among them the declarer of the
+laws.[126]
+
+Sir Francis Palgrave, noticing the same characteristic of Teutonic
+law, says:--
+
+      "It cannot be ascertained that any of the Teutonic
+      nations reduced their customs into writing, until the
+      influence of increasing civilisation rendered it
+      expedient to depart from their primeval usages; but an
+      aid to the recollection was often afforded as amongst
+      the Britons, by poetry or by the condensation of the
+      maxim or principle in proverbial or antithetical
+      sentences like the Cymric triads. The marked
+      alliteration of the Anglo-Saxon laws is to be referred
+      to the same cause, and in the Frisic laws several
+      passages are evidently written in verse. From hence,
+      also, may originate those quaint and pithy rhymes in
+      which the doctrines of the law of the old time are not
+      unfrequently recorded."[127]
+
+Again, the editors of the Brehon Law Tracts point out that early laws
+are handed down "in a rhythmical form; always in language condensed
+and antiquated they assume the character of abrupt and sententious
+proverbs. Collections of such sayings are found scattered throughout
+the Brehon Law Tracts."[128] The sagas contain many verses which
+partake of the character of legal formulae, and in Beowulf there seems
+to be a definite example. It occurs in the passage describing Beowulf
+engaged in his fatal combat with the fiery dragon, when his
+"companions," stricken with terror, deserted him, on which Wiglaf
+pronounced the following malediction:--
+
+      "Now shall the service of treasure,
+      and the gifts of swords,
+      all joy of paternal inheritance,
+      all support
+      of all your kin depart;
+      every one of your family
+      must go about
+      deprived of his rights
+      of citizenship;
+      when far and wide
+      the nobles shall learn
+      your flight,
+      your dishonourable deed.
+      Death is better
+      to every warrior
+      than disgraced life."
+
+Mr. Kemble remarks on this passage, that it is not improbable that the
+whole denunciation is a judicial formula, such as we know early
+existed, and in regular rhythmical measure.[129]
+
+These early examples may be followed up by others preserved to modern
+times. The most significant of these occurs in the Church ceremony of
+marriage, which preserves in the vernacular the ancient rhythmical
+formula of the marriage laws, and the antiquity of the Church ritual
+is proved from the fact that it is accompanied and enforced by the old
+rhythmical verse, which is indicative of early legal or ceremonious
+usage.
+
+      "With this rynge I the wed
+      And this gold and silver I the geve,
+      and with my body I the worshipe,
+      and with all my worldely cathel I the endowe."[130]
+
+Sir Francis Palgrave has noticed the subject, and points out that the
+wife is taken
+
+      "to have and to hold[131]
+      from this day forward
+      for better, for worse,
+      for richer, for poorer,[132]
+      in sickness and in health,
+      to love and to cherish,
+      till death us do part
+      and thereto I plight thee my troth."
+
+These words are inserted in our service according to the ancient canon
+of England, and even when the Latin mass was sung by the tonsured
+priest, the promises which accompany the delivery of the symbolical
+pledge of union were repeated by the blushing bride in a more
+intelligible tongue.[133] This is a curious and significant fact, and
+as we trace out these rhythmical lines farther back in their original
+vernacular, the more clearly distinct is their archaic nature.
+According to the usage of Salisbury the bride answered:--
+
+      "I take thee, John,
+      to be my wedded husband,
+      to have and to hold
+      fro' this day forward
+      for better, for worse,
+      for richer, for poorer,
+      in sycknesse, in hele,
+      to be bonere and buxom [obedient]
+      in bedde and at borde
+      till death do us part
+      and thereto I plight thee my trothe."[134]
+
+The Welsh manual in the library of the Dean and Chapter of Hereford
+has a slight variation in the form, and an older spelling:--
+
+      "Ich N. take thee N.
+      to my weddid wyf,
+      for fayroure for foulore,
+      for ricchere for porer,
+      for betere for wers,
+      in sicknesse and in helthe,
+      forte deth us departe,
+      and only to the holde
+      and tharto ich plygtte my treuthe."[135]
+
+To this may be added the many local examples of the preservation of
+laws or legal formulae by means of their form in verse. The most
+interesting of these, perhaps, is that by which the Kentishman
+redeemed his land from the lord by repeating, as it was said, in the
+language of his ancestors:--
+
+      "Nighon sithe yeld
+      And nighon sithe geld,
+      And vif pund for the were,
+      Ere he become healdere."
+
+The first verse,
+
+      "Dog draw
+      Stable stand
+      Back berend
+      And bloody hand"
+
+justified the verderer in his punishment of the offender. In King
+Athelstane's grant to the good men of Beverley, and inscribed beneath
+his effigy in the Minster,
+
+      "Als fre
+      Mak I the
+      As heart may think
+      Or eigh may see,"
+
+we have perhaps the ancient form of manumission or
+enfranchisement,[136] just as we have the surrender by a freeman who
+gave up his liberty by putting himself under the protection of a
+master, and becoming his man, still preserved among children, when one
+of them takes hold of the foretop of another and says:--
+
+      "Tappie, tappie, tousie, will ye be my man?"[137]
+
+All over the country we meet with these rhyming or rhythmical formulae
+which have legal significance. In the north the chief of the
+Macdonalds gave grants in the following form:--
+
+      "I, Donald, chief of the Macdonalds, give here, in my
+      castle, a right to Mackay, to Kilmahumag, from this
+      day till to-morrow and so on for ever."
+
+          "Mise Donull nau Donull,
+          Am shuidh air Dun Donuill,
+          Toirt coir do Mhac-aigh air Kilmahumaig,
+          O'n diugh gus a maireach
+          'S gu la bhrath mar sin."[138]
+
+At Scarborough there is an old proverbial saying as to "Scarborough
+Warning," which has had various accounts given of its origin,[139] but
+the true explanation of which is that it is the fragment of an ancient
+legal formula of the kind we are investigating. Abraham De la Pryme
+describes it in his seventeenth-century diary as follows:--
+
+      "Scarburg Warning is a proverb in many places of the
+      north, signifying any sudden warning given upon any
+      account. Some think it arose from the sudden comeing
+      of an enemy against the castle there, and haveing
+      dischargd a broad side, then commands them to
+      surrender. Others think that the proverb had it's
+      original from other things, but all varys. However,
+      this is the true origin thereof.
+
+      "The town is a corporation town, and tho' it is very
+      poor now to what it was formerly, yet it has a ... who
+      is commonly some poor man, they haveing no rich ones
+      amongst them. About two days before Michilmass day the
+      sayd ... being arrayed in his gown of state he mounts
+      upon horseback, and has his attendants with him, and
+      the macebear[er] carrying the mace before him, with
+      two fidlers and a base viol. Thus marching in state
+      (as bigg as the lord mare of London) all along the
+      shore side, they make many halts, and the cryer crys
+      thus with a strange sort of a singing voyce, high and
+      low:--
+
+          "'Whay! Whay! Whay!
+          Pay your gavelage, ha!
+          Between this and Michaelmas Day,
+          Or you'll be fined I, say!'
+
+      "Then the fiddlers begins to dance, and caper and
+      plays, fit to make one burst with laughter that sees
+      and hears them. Then they go on again and crys as
+      before, with the greatest majesty and gravity
+      immaginable, none of this comical crew being seen so
+      much as to smile all the time, when as spectators are
+      almost bursten with laughing. This is the true origin
+      of the proverb, for this custome of gavelage is a
+      certain tribute that every house pays to the ... when
+      he is pleased to call for it, and he gives not above
+      one day warning, and may call for it when he
+      pleases."[140]
+
+Rhyming tenures have been frequently noted but never understood. They
+occur in many parts of the country. The tithingman of Combe Keynes, in
+Dorsetshire, is obliged to do suit at Winforth Court, and after
+repeating the following incoherent lines, pays threepence and goes
+away without saying another word:--
+
+      "With my white rod
+      And I am a fourth post
+      That three pence makes three
+      God bless the King, and the lord of the franchise
+      Our weights and our measures are lawful and true
+      Good morrow Mr. Steward I have no more to say to you."[141]
+
+It is hardly necessary to quote more examples. They are not unknown to
+the historian, but because they are in rhyme they have been hastily
+assumed to be spurious or even burlesque.[142] But the evidence of a
+rhyming formula is the opposite to this. It is evidence of their
+genuineness, and if some of the words appear to be nonsensical it is
+due to the fact that the sense of the old formula has been
+misunderstood, and has then become gradually altered.
+
+All these rhyming tenures, indeed, find their place among the
+traditional examples of legal formulae. They are the local offshoots
+preserved because of their legal significance, preserved by those
+interested from their legal side. Because they are not preserved in
+the formal codes they need not be neglected, and they must not be
+misunderstood. They are not to be put on one side by the historian as
+freaks of local landowners. They are real descendants by traditional
+lines from the times when laws were not written, but kept alive in the
+memory by means of such assistance as rhyme could supply, and from the
+tribesmen who thus treasured the law they obeyed.[143]
+
+That this branch of recorded law is not only early but tribal is
+undoubted, but perhaps it will be well to refer to tribal rhyming
+formulae of an independent kind in order to show by parallel evidence
+the tribal characteristics. In 1884 Mr. Posnett drew attention to this
+important subject, and noted that
+
+      "Dr. Brown, in an attempt to sketch the origin of
+      poetry--an attempt which attracted the attention of
+      Bishop Percy in his remarks introductory to the
+      _Reliques_--proposed more than one hundred years ago
+      to discover the source of the combined dance, song,
+      melody, and mimetic action of primitive compositions
+      in the common festivals of clan life. The student of
+      comparative literature will probably regard Dr.
+      Brown's theory as a curious anticipation of the
+      historical method in a study which, in spite of M.
+      Taine's efforts, has made so little progress as yet.
+      The clan ethic of inherited guilt and vicarious
+      punishment has attracted considerable attention. But
+      the clan poetry of the ancient Arabs and of the
+      bard-clans, surviving in the Hebrew sons of Asaph or
+      the Greek Homeridae, has not received that light from
+      comparative inquiry which the closely connected
+      problems of primitive music and metre would alone
+      amply deserve."[144]
+
+Not much has been done since this was penned. Max Mueller had
+previously, in 1847, declared that the Rig Veda consisted of the clan
+songs of the Hindu people,[145] but the importance of such a
+conclusion has been entirely neglected. In the meantime evidence is
+accumulating that in Britain there are still preserved many examples
+of clan songs. Thus Lord Archibald Campbell has published, in the
+first volume of his _Waifs and Strays of Celtic Tradition_, some
+sixteen or seventeen sagas. Some of these are clan-traditions; and the
+editor notes as evidence of their antiquity the fact that none of them
+makes any mention of firearms. These clan-traditions all relate to
+feuds and vendettas; and in one case it is expressly recorded that the
+descendants of one of the foes of the clan, in their account of the
+incident narrated, "altered this tradition and reversed the main
+facts." This has been followed by a volume definitely devoted to
+"clan-traditions,"[146] while in the _Carmina Gadelica_ and many of
+the Highland incantations there are preserved specimens of ancient
+clan songs.
+
+The most interesting of the tribal songs is that preserved at the
+Hawick Common riding. The burgh officers form the van of a pageant
+which insensibly carries us back to ancient times, and in some verses
+sung on the occasion there is a refrain which has been known for ages
+as the slogan of Hawick. It is "Teribus ye teri Odin," which is
+probably a corruption of the Anglo-Saxon, "Tyr habbe us, ye Tyr ye
+Odin"--May Tyr uphold us, both Tyr and Odin.
+
+Fortunately Dr. Murray has investigated this formula, and I will quote
+what he says:--
+
+      "A relic of North Anglian heathendom seems to be
+      preserved in a phrase which forms the local slogan of
+      the town of Hawick, and which, as the name of a
+      peculiar local air, and the refrain, or 'owerword' of
+      associated ballads, has been connected with the
+      history of the town back to 'fable-shaded eras.'
+      Different words have been sung to the tune from time
+      to time, and none of those now extant can lay claim to
+      any antiquity; but associated with all, and yet
+      identified with none, the refrain '_Tyr-ibus ye Tyr ye
+      Odin_,' Tyr haeb us, ye Tyr ye Odin! Tyr keep us, both
+      Tyr and Odin! (by which name the tune also is known)
+      appears to have come down, scarcely mutilated, from
+      the time when it was the burthen of the song of the
+      gleo-mann or scald, or the invocation of a heathen
+      Angle warrior, before the northern Hercules and the
+      blood-red lord of battles had yielded to the 'pale
+      god' of the Christians."
+
+[Illustration: THE AULD CA-KNOWE: CALLING THE BURGESS ROLL]
+
+[Illustration: HAWICK MOAT AT SUNRISE]
+
+And in a note Dr. Murray adds:--
+
+      "The ballad now connected with the air of 'Tyribus'
+      commemorates the laurels gained by the Hawick youth at
+      and after the disastrous battle, when, in the words of
+      the writer,
+
+          "'Our sires roused by "Tyr ye Odin,"
+          Marched and joined their king at Flodden.'
+
+      Annually since that event the 'Common-Riding' has
+      been held, on which occasion a flag or 'colour'
+      captured from a party of the English has been with
+      great ceremony borne by mounted riders round the
+      bounds of the common land, granted after Flodden to
+      the burgh; part of the ceremony consisting in a mock
+      capture of the 'colour' and hot pursuit by a large
+      party of horsemen accoutred for the occasion. At the
+      conclusion 'Tyribus' is sung, with all the honours, by
+      the actors in the ceremony, from the roof of the
+      oldest house in the burgh, the general population
+      filling the street below, and joining in the song with
+      immense enthusiasm. The influence of modern ideas is
+      gradually doing away with much of the parade and
+      renown of the Common-Riding. But 'Tyr-ibus ye Tyr ye
+      Odin' retains all its local power to fire the lieges,
+      and the accredited method of arousing the burghers to
+      any political or civil struggle is still to send round
+      the drums and fifes, 'to play Tyribus' through the
+      town, a summons analogous to that of the Fiery Cross
+      in olden times. Apart from the words of the slogan,
+      the air itself bears in its wild fire all the tokens
+      of a remote origin."[147]
+
+We could not get better evidence than this of the survival of tribal
+custom, custom that is distinctly connected with tribes rather than
+with places or individuals, with groups of people who, now bound
+together by local considerations and influences, have only recently
+passed away from the far more ancient influences of the tribe. Alike
+in the forms of historical codes and in traditional local remains, we
+have found evidence of the use of rhyme for the preservation of
+unwritten rules and forms; and this use restores to tradition an
+important branch of its material.
+
+We have thus ascertained that there is direct and acknowledged
+indebtedness of history to tradition. Its extent covers a wide area of
+culture progress, and of unbroken continuity from tribal to historic
+times. The legal codes of the barbaric tribes of Western Europe are
+the direct successors of the traditional originals; and because these
+legal codes, equally with their unwritten predecessors, cannot be
+dispensed with by the historian, they find their place unquestioned
+among genuine historical material. They are no more, and no less,
+historical than other traditional material. They are part of the life
+of the people rescued from prehistoric days, and they tell us of these
+days by the same sanction and the same methods as the rest of the
+traditional material which has been so strangely and so persistently
+neglected by the historian. The whole of tradition, and not selected
+parts of it, must be brought into use if we would follow scientific
+method, and I claim this for the study of folklore on the strength of
+the results which have now been brought together.
+
+[Illustration: ONE OF FIVE STONE CIRCLES IN THE FIELDS OPPOSITE THE
+GLEBE OF NYMPHSFIELD]
+
+[Illustration: CARN-AN-CHLUITHE
+TO COMMEMORATE THE DEFEAT AND DEATH OF THE YOUTHS OF THE DANANNS]
+
+[Illustration: THE CAIRN OF BALLYMAGIBBON NEAR THE ROAD PASSING FROM
+CONG TO CROSS]
+
+
+IV
+
+Here, however, we are close up to an important point of controversy.
+The mythologists claim tradition as theirs. It does not, they assert,
+give us the history but the mythology of our race. It tells us not of
+the men but of the gods. In explaining how this comes about, however,
+they have fallen into errors which it is not only necessary to correct
+but which are fundamental in their effects. We shall be better able
+later on to discuss the extremely important question of the
+position of the prehistoric tradition amidst historic life and
+surroundings, if we try to understand what the mythologists have done
+and not done in their attempts to claim exclusive property in the
+folk-tale. They have entirely denied or ignored all history contained
+in the folk-tale, and they have proceeded upon the assumption, the
+bald assumption not accompanied by any kind of proof, that the
+folk-tale contains nothing but the remnants of a once prevalent system
+of mythology. They ignore all the proofs brought forward by
+folklorists to the contrary, such proofs, for instance, as Mr.
+Knowles, Sir Richard Temple and others have produced concerning the
+Hindu folk-tale. What is not true of the Hindu folk-tale cannot be
+true of its Celtic or Teutonic or Scandinavian parallel, and yet in
+the most recent study of Celtic tradition, Mr. Squire takes its mythic
+origin for granted, and works through his ingenious statement without
+let or hindrance from other points of view. But even his
+thorough-going methods compel him to stop short at certain points, and
+to admit that he has come across historic fact. Thus he agrees that
+the Fir-Bolgs "were not really gods but the pre-Aryan race which the
+Gaels, when they landed in Ireland, found already in occupation,"[148]
+and yet when he treats of the fight of the Fir-Bolgs with the Tuatha
+de Danann, and is confronted with Sir William Wilde's proofs that the
+monuments on the plain of Moytura are in agreement with the traditions
+concerning them, and point to the account of the battle being
+historical,[149] all that Mr. Squire can admit is that "certainly the
+coincidences are curious." He disposes of them on the ground that the
+"people of the goddess Danu are too obviously mythical to make it
+worth while to seek any standing ground for them in the world of
+reality." That standing ground might be found connected with the
+Tuatha de Danann in many places, but Mr. Squire will have it that it
+is impossible, because "it was about this period that the mythology of
+Ireland was being rewoven into spurious history."[150] It is not,
+however, upon the mistakes of other inquirers[151] that the
+mythologists may rest a good claim for their own view. The _Historia
+Britonum_ of Geoffrey of Monmouth disposes of neither the myths nor
+the history of the Celts. It shows myth in its secondary position, in
+the handling of those who would make it all history, just as now there
+are scholars who would make it all myth. In front of the legends
+attaching to persons and places is the history of these persons and
+places. Behind these legends lies the domain of the unattached and
+primitive folk-tale, Mr. Campbell's _Highland Tales_, Kennedy's
+_Fireside Stories of Ireland_, and those English tales which have been
+rescued by Mr. Clodd and others. This makes it impossible to see in
+the hero-legends naught else than the intangible realm of Celtic gods
+and goddesses.
+
+Equally impossible is it to create for them a home in a system of
+"state religion," and yet a state religion is a necessary part of the
+evidence for mythological origins.[152] There was no Celtic state.
+Emphatically this was so. Everything we know about the Celts of
+Britain, both before and after the Roman conquest, both in Britain,
+where the Roman power was upheld for four centuries, and in Ireland,
+where the Roman power never penetrated, the Celts were possessed of a
+tribal, not a state polity; lived in tribal strongholds, not in Celtic
+cities; occupied tribal territories, not countries formed into states;
+elected tribal chiefs in primitive fashion, and not kings with state
+ceremonial; and when they come under the dominion of an incipient
+state policy after the conquest of the English and the Northmen, their
+laws are promulgated and codified, and show that both Welsh and Irish
+codes are tribal, not state law.
+
+Not only do I fail to discover a state religion of the Celts, but I do
+not find it among the Teutons. There is greater evidence of
+discrepancies than of agreement in all the European religions, but
+these have not been dwelt upon by scholars. Professor York Powell, in
+one of his illuminating studies on Teutonic heathendom, is the only
+authority I know of who argues against the idea of a systematised
+religion. "It is important that we should at once throw aside the idea
+that there was any _system_, any organized pantheon in the religion of
+these peoples. Their tribes were small and isolated, and each had its
+own peculiar gods and observances, although the mould of each faith
+was somewhat similar. Hence there were varieties of religious customs
+among the Goths, Swedes, Saxons, and Angles."[153]
+
+[Illustration: ALTAR DEDICATED TO THE FIELD DEITIES OF BRITAIN
+FOUND AT CASTLE HILL ON THE WALL OF ANTONINUS PIUS]
+
+Now if there was no state there could be no state religion. What
+existed of worship and religion was tribal. These are the historical
+facts, which have been neglected by students of myth and saga. I
+shall have to point out in greater detail presently what these tribal
+conditions mean to studies in folklore, but the word of warning and
+protest must come here, for it is unconsciously the conception of a
+Celtic state religion which gives even the semblance of possibility
+for Celtic mythology to be found in every hero-legend. It is, in
+short, the neglect of this among other historical facts which has led
+the folklorist into error of a somewhat magnificent kind. He attempts
+to create out of the myths of a people a mythology which provides gods
+to be worshipped, faiths to be organised, and beliefs to be the
+standards of life and conduct. Thus, as I have pointed out
+elsewhere,[154] Sir John Rhys has, in his acute identification of the
+worship of the water-god Lud on the Thames and of Nod on the
+Severn,[155] introduced the idea of a great Celtic worship established
+on these two great rivers as parts of a definite system of Celtic
+religion, whereas examination proves that the parallel faiths of two
+perfectly distinct Celtic tribes, the Silures on the Severn and the
+Trinovantes on the Thames, were welded into a common worship of the
+god of the waters by the masters of Celtic Britain, the Romans. There
+was no Celtic organisation which commanded both Severn and Thames
+until the Romans occupied the country, and occupying the country they
+adopted into their own religion the native gods and, fortunately for
+us, recorded their adoption in the pavements of their houses or their
+temples.[156]
+
+Mr. A. B. Cook goes much further than Sir John Rhys. He attempts to
+dig out the European sky-god from all sorts of queer places, all sorts
+of forgotten records, thereby producing a wealth of folklore parallels
+for which every student must be profoundly thankful. But he does not
+make it anywhere clear that this universal god was gloriously apparent
+to his worshippers. There is no established connection between the
+sky-god and those who worshipped the sky-god, and we seek in vain
+amidst all the brilliant researches, which have been held to produce
+evidence of the sky-god, for evidence that he was worshipped by the
+Aryan-speaking Celt and Teuton. In point of fact, we never get at the
+worshippers at all. There is the assumption of a state mythology
+without any evidence for the existence of the state.
+
+In place of this obvious necessity we get an immense abstraction,
+worked out with all the subtle ingenuity and learning of the Cambridge
+professor. Mr. Cook has, in fact, used the materials he has collected
+with such amazing care to project therefrom just those mythological
+conceptions which Celt and Teuton would have worked out for themselves
+if they, like the Hindu and the Greek, had developed the state while
+they were still free to develop their own native beliefs. This they
+never did, and so their fire worship did not advance beyond its early
+stages. It was separated from nature worship to become the servant of
+the European tribes. It helped them to develop tribal and family
+institutions. It produced for them a tribal and family worship. It did
+not get beyond this, because Roman institutions and Christianity stood
+in the way and prevented tribal fire worship from becoming
+anthropomorphised into a mythology. This need not cause us to doubt
+that the analogies claimed by these scholars are true analogies. There
+were among the Celtic peoples, as among other branches of the race to
+which Celt, Greek, Teuton, Scandinavian, and Hindu belonged, the
+incipient elements which would go to make up a national or state
+mythology, when the nation or the state emerged, as it did emerge in
+the case of Greece and of Rome, from its tribal originals. But the
+Celtic state did not emerge from tribalism in Britain; the Celtic
+heroes were always tribal heroes. They were, as Hereward and Arthur
+were, real human flesh and blood, fighting and raiding and loving and
+feasting in their tribal fashion as the later heroes did in their
+national fashion; because of their success as tribal heroes they had
+attached to them the tribal myths; because they died as nobly as
+Cuchulain died they left imperishable records among those for whom
+they died. They were more than gods to the Celtic tribesman--they were
+kinsmen.
+
+The false conception of a state religion before there was a state,
+appears in other studies not primarily based upon folklore research,
+and not having in view anthropological results. It is the basis of the
+remarkable researches of Sir Norman Lockyer as to the astrological and
+solar origin of Stonehenge and other circles, and in his chapter which
+deals with the question, "Where did the British worship originate?" he
+finds himself bound to the theory of a borrowed civilisation which
+established the solar system.[157] This borrowed civilisation is
+Egyptian, but it is too much to ask mythology to supply not only a
+complete system of belief but a civilisation which belongs to it. What
+is needed is independent evidence of the civilisation. Without such
+independent evidence it is impossible to accept the deduction drawn
+only from one sphere of information.
+
+The error of transferring to the domain of mythology events and
+occurrences which belong to history, is followed by an error of
+another sort, namely, the transferring to some general department of
+human belief the particular beliefs of a people, or of tribes of
+people. It is wrong to continue to label particular cults as nature
+myths, when they have already been transferred from that position to a
+more definite position among the beliefs of a people. Thus even so
+good a scholar as Mr. A. B. Cook, rightly interpreting Greek evidence
+of the hill-top fires and of the house fire, yet denies to the exactly
+corresponding Irish evidence the same interpretation, and argues that
+"the ritual of Samain, at which all the hearths in Ireland were
+supplied with fresh fire from a common centre at Tlachtga [is] almost
+certainly solar," and that "we shall not be far wrong if we suppose
+that the solar fires of Beltaine were the ritual of the sky god
+connected with the Ash of Uisnech."[158] Mr. Frazer, too, has
+interpreted these bonfires as mainly sun charms, and he sees in the
+Balder myth, and in the peasant customs all over Europe, which he
+asserts illustrate this myth, an ancient ritual which originally
+marked the beginning of the new year, when the tree spirit, or spirit
+of vegetation, was burned, the special reasons why the deity of
+vegetation should die by fire being that as "light and heat are
+necessary to vegetable growth, on the principle of sympathetic magic,
+by subjecting the personal representative of vegetation to their
+influence you secure a supply of these necessaries for trees and
+crops."[159] Mr. Frazer goes far afield for evidence. He does not see
+that the fire ceremonies which he collects from all Europe have a
+specialised significance, even in their last stages of existence as
+survivals, which is not found among the Incas, the African tribes, the
+hill tribes of India, and the Chinese, whom he cites as providing the
+required parallels. Parallel practices are not necessarily evidence of
+parallels in culture, and it is the failure to locate properly the
+several examples in relationship to each other which produces a loose
+and inadequate conception of the relics of fire worship in European
+countries, and the refusal to recognise its special place as the cult
+of a tribal people.[160] Another example of this fundamental error
+takes us in the very opposite direction to that of Dr. Frazer. Thus
+Dr. Gummere, in a recent study dealing with Germanic origins,[161]
+sees nothing in the fire cult of the Indo-European people but a
+branch, and apparently an undeveloped branch, of general nature
+worship, not specially Germanic or Indo-European, not specialised by
+the tribes and clans of these people into a cult far more closely
+connected with their doings and their life than mere participation in
+the general primitive nature worship could have afforded.
+
+The danger of searching for a general system of belief and worship
+from the beliefs and rites of peoples not ethnically, geographically,
+or politically connected is very great, and I venture to think that
+even Mr. Frazer's remarkable researches into the agricultural rites of
+European peoples do not take count of one important consideration. I
+think his constructive hypothesis is too complex in process and too
+systematic in form to have been the actual living faith of the varied
+paganism of the European peoples. It would have meant as organised an
+institution as the Christian Church itself, and of this there is no
+evidence whatever. It would have meant an exclusive agricultural
+ceremony, and of this there is strong evidence to the contrary. It
+would have meant a deep system of philosophy, penetrating from the
+highest to the lowest of the people, and of this there is no evidence.
+The plain fact is that the historical conditions have been altogether
+left out of consideration in these matters, and we consequently do not
+get a complete study. We get the advocate's position. The case for the
+mythological interpretation of folklore has been put with full
+strength, but it is not the entire case.
+
+
+V
+
+This short survey of the relationship of tradition to history would
+not answer its purpose if we did not consider the complementary
+position which history bears to tradition. This may best be done by
+reference to the period before that occupied by contemporary native
+record. The history here alluded to is, properly speaking, only
+derived from one source, namely, the works of foreign or outside
+authorities. It is written by observers from a civilised country,
+travelling among the more primitive peoples of another land, and the
+Greek and Latin authors who relate particulars of early Britain were
+of this class. Their narratives have to be compared with the
+traditions written down as history by professed historians, who lived
+long after the events happened to which the traditions are said to
+relate, but who recorded the traditions of the people preserved in the
+monasteries by devotees who were of the people, or by the songs and
+rhymes which, as Henry of Huntingdon states explicitly, were used for
+the purpose.
+
+Both the observations of the foreign historians and travellers and the
+recorded traditions from native sources have been treated with scant
+courtesy whenever they cannot be explained according to the views of
+each particular inquirer into the period to which they refer. They
+have been alternatively the subject of dispute or neglect by students
+for a long series of years. They consist of items which do not fit in
+with Celtic or Teutonic institutions as we know them from other and
+more detailed sources. They offend against the national pride because
+they tell of a condition of savagery. They do not appeal to the
+historian, because the historian knows little and cares nothing at all
+about the condition of savagery. If, therefore, they are not rejected
+as true history, they are purposely neglected. They are in any event
+never taken into consideration by the right method, and they stand
+over for examination by any one who will take the trouble to deal with
+them by the light and test of modern research.
+
+It is not my purpose to deal with these matters now, but it is
+advisable that we should try to understand two things--first, how they
+have been dealt with by the historian; secondly, their true place in
+history.
+
+The Greek and Latin authors who have stated of peoples living in
+Britain many characteristics which do not belong to civilisation or
+even to the borders of civilisation, range from Pytheas the Greek in
+the middle of the fourth century before our era down to the Latin
+poets of the early fifth century anno Domini. They all refer to the
+British savage. He is cannibalistic, incestuous, naked, possesses his
+wives in common, lives on wild fruits and not cultivated cereals,
+indulges in head-hunting, has no settled living-place which can be
+called a house, and generally betrays the characteristics of pure
+savagery.[162] Altogether there is a fairly substantial range of
+material for the formation of a reasonable conception of the condition
+of savagery in Britain.
+
+[Illustration: ROMAN SCULPTURED STONE FOUND AT ARNIEBOG, CUMBERNAULD,
+DUMBARTONSHIRE, SHOWING A NAKED BRITON AS A CAPTIVE]
+
+We need not dwell long upon the earlier of our historians who have
+neglected or contested the statements of the authorities they use.
+They hardly possessed the material for scientific treatment, and
+personal predilections were the governing factors of any opinion which
+is expressed. John Milton, in his brave attempt to tell the story of
+early England, does not so much as allude to these disagreeable
+points. Hume disdainfully passes by the whole subject and practically
+begins with the Norman conquest. Lappenberg says of the group marriage
+of the Britons that it "is probably a mere Roman fable."[163] Innes
+accepts the views of the classical authorities and argues from them in
+his own peculiar way,[164] but Sullivan will have it that the
+materials afforded from classical sources are worthless: "they consist
+of mere hearsay reports without any sure foundation, and in many cases
+not in harmony with the results of modern linguistic and archaeological
+investigations."[165] Neither Turner nor Palgrave has any doubt as to
+the authority of these early accounts,[166] and Dr. Giles accepts the
+accounts which he so usefully collected from the original
+authorities.[167]
+
+The modern historian cannot, however, be so incidentally treated. He
+lives in the age of the comparative sciences and of anthropological
+research. He sometimes uses, though in a half-hearted and incomplete
+fashion, the results of inquirers in these fields of research, but he
+nowhere deals with the problem fully. His sins are not general, but
+special. He agrees with one statement of his original authority and
+disagrees with another, and we are left with a chaos of opinion
+founded upon no accepted principle. If the earlier historians accepted
+or rejected historical records without much reason for either course,
+the later historians have no right to follow them. The terms "savage"
+and "barbarian," indulged in by the Greek and Roman writers, cannot be
+rejected by modern authorities simply because they are too harsh. They
+cannot be considered merely in the nature of accusations against the
+standing and position of our ancestors, made by advocates anxious to
+blacken the national character. Even scholars like Mr. Skene, Mr.
+Elton, and Sir John Rhys, though inclined to weigh these passages by
+the light of ethnographic research, throw something like doubt upon
+the exact extent to which they may be taken as evidence. Mr. Elton,
+though admitting that the early "romances of travel" afford some
+evidence as to the habits of our barbarian ancestors, cannot quite get
+as far in his belief as to think that the account of "the Irish tribes
+who thought it right to devour their parents" is much more than a
+traveller's tale.[168] Sir John Rhys is not quite sure that the
+account by Caesar of the communal marriages of the British is "not a
+passage from some Greek book of imaginary travels among imaginary
+barbarians which Caesar had in his mind,"[169] though he notes
+elsewhere that "the vocabulary of the Celts will be searched in vain
+for a word for son or daughter as distinguished from boy or girl" as a
+fact of no little negative importance in relation to Caesar's "ugly
+account;"[170] and he has similar doubts to express, noteworthy among
+them being the passage from Pliny which illustrates the Godiva
+story.[171] Mr. Skene lays stress upon the fact that Tacitus "neither
+alludes to the practice of their staining their bodies with woad nor
+to the supposed community of women among them;" and he offers some
+kind of excuse for the Roman evidence as to the tattooing with
+representations of animals,[172] evidence which Sir John Rhys, too, is
+chary of accepting in its full sense. Mr. Pearson reluctantly accepts
+Caesar's account of the group marriage and the human sacrifice of the
+Druids, but he ignores all else, including the attested cannibalism of
+the Atticotti, though he mentions that tribe in another
+connection.[173] Sir James Ramsay agrees that the Britons tattooed
+their bodies with woad, recognises the fact that their matrimonial
+customs were polyandric, and that brother-and-sister marriage
+obtained, and generally accepts the prevalent ideas as to Celtic
+Druidism with its sacrificial rites and the system of "state worship."
+He rests his views for much of this upon the anthropological evidence
+in support of it.[174] Mr. Lang on behalf of Scotland, and Dr. Joyce
+on behalf of Ireland, have their say on the evidence. Mr. Lang seems
+to accept Caesar's evidence "if correctly reported," throws doubts upon
+the ethnological value of such customs, and declares roundly that to
+found theories upon such evidence as archaeology provides "is the
+province of another science, not of history."[175] Dr. Joyce says that
+in early Greek and Roman writers there is not much reliable
+information about Ireland, though he believes them when they talk of
+students from Britain residing in Ireland and of books existing in
+Ireland in the fourth century.[176]
+
+This meagre result from the historians seems to me to be most
+unfortunate. Even when the testimony of early writers is accepted, it
+is accepted without the necessary filling in which such an acceptance
+warrants. Bare acceptance does not tell us much. Each recorded fact
+has a relationship to surrounding facts, should lead us to associated
+facts which, escaping observation by early writers, can nevertheless
+be restored. In history they are isolated and unconnected, because of
+the faults of the historian who records them. Anthropologically they
+belong to a wider grouping, reveal a connection with each other which
+is otherwise unsuspected, and prepare themselves for treatment on a
+larger platform. The historian has used them for the unprofitable
+controversy ranging round the question of early Celtic civilisation,
+whereas they clearly belong to the history of early man, and even the
+folklorist does not disdain to cast them on one side when they do not
+suit his purpose.[177]
+
+It is still more unfortunate that Sir Henry Maine should have sought
+to enhance the value of his Indian evidence by contrasting it with
+what he calls "the slippery testimony concerning savages which is
+gathered from travellers' tales,"[178] and that Mr. Herbert Spencer
+should have replied to this in an angry note, declaring that he was
+aware "that in the eyes of most, antiquity gives sacredness to
+testimony, and that so what were travellers' tales when they were
+written in Roman days have come in our days to be regarded as of
+higher authority than like tales written by recent or living
+travellers."[179] The scorn passed upon "travellers' tales," the
+application of the term "romance" to the early descriptions of
+voyages, have done the same amount of mischief to these early chapters
+of history as the constant disbelief in the value of tradition has
+done to the testimony of folklore.
+
+Now I do not recall these controversies, or lay stress upon what
+appear to me to be the shortcomings of the historian and folklorist in
+their relationship to each other, for the purpose of reawakening old
+antagonisms. I have merely selected a few illustrations of the present
+position of the subject in order that it may be seen how essential it
+is to proceed on other lines. All the items which have formed the
+subject of dispute, together with others which have escaped
+attention--items which have found their way into history by accident,
+which are by nature fragmentary and isolated, which do not connect up
+with anything that is distinctively Celtic or Teutonic, and which do
+not apparently fit in with any standard common to themselves--must
+command attention if only because they alone cannot be cut out of
+history when items standing side by side with them are allowed to
+remain, and in the end it can, I think, be shown that they command
+attention because of their inherent value.
+
+The method of investigation as to the importance and significance of
+these earliest historical records must be anthropological. They are in
+point of fact so much anthropological data relating to Britain. It is
+no use calling them history, and then defining that history as bad
+history simply because as history the recorded facts do not appear to
+be credible. As a matter of fact they belong to the prehistory period
+of Britain, and to test their value scientific methods are required.
+
+In the first place, anthropology shows that there is no _prima facie_
+necessity for calling them Celtic, thus identifying them with that
+portion of our ancestry which is Celtic in race; for there is evidence
+of a non-Celtic race existing in prehistoric times, and existing down
+to within historic times, if not to modern times. Mr. Willis Bund has
+recently summarised the evidence from archaeology, philology, and
+tradition as it appears in a particularly valuable local study of
+ancient Cardiganshire, stating it "to be agreed that there was more
+than one race of early inhabitants, and two of the sources say that
+there was an original race and at least two distinct races of
+invaders," and further, "that whoever the original inhabitants were
+they were not Celts."[180] These original inhabitants, who were not
+Celts, have left their remains in the barrows and megalithic monuments
+which still exist in various parts of the country, and anthropologists
+show that they have not entirely disappeared from among the race
+distinctions observable among the people of these islands. If it is
+possible to proceed from this to another stage, and to show from the
+British evidence what Mr. Risley has so well illustrated from the
+Indian evidence, namely, that gradations of race types as shown by
+anthropometrical indices correspond with gradations of social
+precedence and social organisation,[181] it may yet be possible to
+prove that the people who were not Celts were the people with whom
+originated those recorded customs and beliefs which are rejected as
+too savage for the Celt. Unfortunately, we know nothing about them,
+except the isolated scraps which are to be picked up from the early
+historians. This compels us to turn to other sources of information,
+and when we do this we find that British folklore preserves in
+traditional custom, rite, belief, and folk-tale, parallels to each and
+every item of savagery mentioned by the early historians of Britain;
+and further, that anthropology shows clearly enough that among the
+customs and beliefs of primitive races there are to be found parallels
+to every item of custom and belief recorded of early Britain. This
+gets rid of one of our greatest difficulties, and disposes of Dr.
+Sullivan's unwarranted assertion to the contrary (_ante_, p. 113). The
+recorded customs and beliefs of early Britain are proved by this means
+not to be impossible or improbable factors in the elements of the
+British prehistoric race. It will not be possible to term them
+inventions of romance or of false testimony, simply on the ground that
+they are not found elsewhere. On the contrary it will, I think, be
+difficult to resist the conclusion that inventions such as these,
+covering a wide and ascertained area of sociological and early
+religious development, could hardly have been made by historians
+having the limited range of knowledge possessed by the native and
+classical writers who are responsible for the facts. It is an easy,
+but not a satisfactory method of criticism to declare what is not to
+one's liking to be invention and romance, and it has until late years
+been difficult to combat such an argument. The battle has raged round
+wordy disputes, the merits of which are governed by the abilities of
+the respective disputants; that this is no longer possible is due to
+the fact that there have entered into the fray the methods and results
+of folklore which prevent the terms invention and romance from being
+applied, except where there is good independent reason for their use.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+I have now dealt with all the points which appear to be necessary in
+order to show the inherent relationship of folklore to history, and I
+have shown causes for resisting the claims of mythology to appropriate
+what it chooses of folklore, and then to reject all the rest from
+consideration. I have dealt (1) with examples of local traditions and
+hero-traditions, in their relation to history and historical
+conditions; (2) with the folk-tale in its retention of details of
+early historic conditions, and of the picture of early tribal
+organisation, and in that its structure is based upon the events of
+savage social conceptions; (3) with the early laws and rules of tribal
+society preserved by tradition and accepted in historical times; (4)
+with the claims of mythology to interpret the meaning of folk-tales,
+and the reasons for rejecting this claim; and (5) with the treatment
+by historians of statements by classical writers as to the condition
+of the peoples inhabiting Britain before the dawn of civilisation. I
+think it will be admitted that, without pretending in any way to have
+exhausted the evidence, or even to have thoroughly comprehended and
+satisfactorily stated it under each of these heads, a very
+considerable claim has been made out for the historical value of
+folklore. If so much has been gained it will rest with folklorists to
+pursue investigations on these lines, and it will remain with the
+historian to consider the results wherever his research leads him into
+domains where the evidence of folklore is obtainable.
+
+It will be seen that the problems which the two sciences, history and
+folklore, have to solve in conjunction are not a few and that they are
+extremely complex. They cannot be solved if history and folklore are
+separated; they may be solved if the professors in each work together,
+both recognising what there is of value in the other. History in its
+earliest stages is either entirely dependent upon foreign
+authorities, or it has to follow the practice of the earlier and
+unscientific historian and to deny that there is any history, or at
+all events any history worth recording, before the advent, perhaps the
+accidental advent, of an historian on native ground. History in its
+later stages is dependent upon the personal tastes or ability of each
+historian for the record of events and facts. Folklore in its earliest
+stages has brought down from the most ancient times memories of
+ancient polity, faith, custom, rite, and thought. In its later stages
+it has preserved custom, rite, and belief amid the attacks of the
+progressive civilisation which has been developed, and it has clothed
+heroes of later times with the well-worn trappings of those of old.
+Combined history and folklore can restore much of the picture of early
+times, and can work through the fulness of later times with some
+degree of success. There is needed for this work, however, a clear
+conception of the position properly held by both sciences, together
+with established rules of research. This is more particularly needed
+in the department of folklore. I do not pretend to be able to
+formulate these rules. In the subjects dealt with in this chapter I
+have indicated a few of the points which must be raised, and my object
+will be in the remaining chapters to set forth some of the conditions
+which it appears to me necessary to consider in connection with the
+problems with which folklore is concerned as one of the historical
+sciences.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Mr. Kemble gives an important illustration of this proposition in
+his _Saxons in England_, i. 331.
+
+[2] I would refer the reader to Prof. York Powell's brilliant lecture
+on "A Survey of Modern History," printed in his biography by Mr. Oliver
+Elton, ii. 1-13, for an admirable summary of this view.
+
+[3] _View of the State of Ireland_, 1595, p. 478.
+
+[4] Asser's _Life of Alfred_, by W. H. Stevenson, 262.
+
+[5] It is not worth while unduly emphasising this point, but the
+peculiar habit of classing fictional literature as folklore and
+thereupon condemning the value of tradition is very prevalent. Mr.
+Nutt, in dealing with the Troy stories in British history, adopts this
+method, and denies the existence of historic tradition on the strength
+of it, _Folklore_, xii. 336-9.
+
+[6] This expression was recently allowed in our old friend _Notes and
+Queries_ in a singularly unsuitable case, 10th ser. vii. 344.
+
+[7] I am not sure this is always the fault of those who are not
+folklorists. I recently came across a dictum of one of the most
+distinguished folklorists, Mr. Andrew Lang, which is certainly much in
+the same direction. "As a rule tradition is the noxious ivy that creeps
+about historical truth, and needs to be stripped off with a ruthless
+hand. Tradition is a collection of venerable and romantic blunders. But
+a tradition which clings to a permanent object in the landscape, a tall
+stone, a grassy, artificial tumulus, or even an old tree, may be
+unexpectedly correct."--_Morning Post_, 2 November, 1906.
+
+[8] It is worth while referring to Mr. MacRitchie's article in _Trans.
+International Folklore Congress_ on the historical aspect of Folklore;
+but Professor York Powell has said the strongest word in its favour in
+his all too short address as President of the Folklore Society, see
+_Folklore_, xv. 12-23.
+
+[9] Chapter xi. of Tylor's _Early History of Mankind_.
+
+[10] Spenser, _View of the State of Ireland_, 1595 (Morley reprint),
+77.
+
+[11] Perhaps the most remarkable testimony to the foundation of the
+folk-tale and ballad in the events of history is to be found in a
+statement made to the _Tribune_, 14 September, 1906, by Mr. Mitra, once
+proprietor and editor of the _Deccan Post_, with regard to the
+agitation against the partition of Bengal into two provinces. Mr. Mitra
+deliberately states that "the best test of finding out Hindu feeling
+towards the British Government is to see whether there are any ballads
+or nursery rhymes in the Bengali language against the British. You can
+have it from me, and I challenge contradiction, that there is no single
+ballad or nursery rhyme in the Bengali language which is against the
+British." This is where the soul of the people speaks out.
+
+[12] It is printed, and I have used this print, in Blomefield's
+_History of Norfolk_ (1769), iii. 506, from which source I quote the
+facts concerning it. Sir William Dugdale's account goes on to connect
+it with a monument in the church, but this part of the local version is
+to be considered presently.
+
+[13] See the _Diary_ printed by the Surtees Society, p. 220.
+
+[14] The legend was also printed in that popular folk-book, _New Help
+to Discourse_, so often printed between 1619 and 1656, and Mr. Axon
+transcribed this version for the _Antiquary_, xi. 167-168; and see my
+notes in _Gent. Mag. Lib. English Traditions_, 332-336.
+
+[15] I happen to possess the original cutting of this version preserved
+among my great-grandfather's papers.
+
+[16] These words are, "I am not a Bigot in Dreams, yet I cannot help
+acknowledging the Relation of the above made a strong Impression on
+me."
+
+[17] _Leeds Mercury_, January 3rd, 1885, communicated by Mr. Wm.
+Grainge of Harrogate.
+
+[18] Mr. Axon says it is current in Lancashire and in Cornwall,
+_Antiquary_, xi. 168; Sir John Rhys gives two Welsh versions in his
+_Celtic Folklore_, ii. 458-462, 464-466; a Yorkshire version in ballad
+form is to be found in Castillo's _Poems in the North Yorkshire
+Dialect_ (1878), under the title of "T' Lealholm Chap's lucky dreeam,"
+_Antiquary_, xii. 121; an Ayrshire variant relates to the building of
+Dundonald Castle, and is given in Chambers's _Pop. Rhymes of Scotland_,
+236.
+
+[19] Blomefield, _Hist. of Norfolk_, iii. 507, suggests that the animal
+carving represents a bear. There is nothing to confirm this and readers
+may judge for themselves by reference to the illustrations, which are
+from photographs taken in Swaffham Church.
+
+[20] I discussed the details in the _Antiquary_, vol. x. pp. 202-205.
+
+[21] This story was communicated by "W.F." to the _St. James's
+Gazette_, March 15th, 1888. Its continuation, in order to point a
+moral, does not belong to the real story, which is contained in the
+part I have quoted.
+
+[22] _Saga Library_, _Heimskringla_, iii. 126.
+
+[23] These have been collected and commented upon with his usual
+learning and research, by Mr. Hartland in the _Antiquary_, xv. 45-48.
+Blomefield, in his _History of Norfolk_, iii. 507, points out that the
+same story is found in Johannes Fungerus' _Etymologicon Latino-Graecum_,
+pp. 1110-1111, though it is here narrated of a man at Dort in Holland,
+and in _Histoires admirables de nostre temps_, par Simon Goulart,
+Geneva, 1614, iii. p. 366. Professor Cowell, in the third volume of the
+_Cambridge Antiquarian Society Transactions_, p. 320, has printed a
+remarkable parallel of the story which is to be found in the great
+Persian metaphysical and religious poem called the Masnavi, written by
+Jalaluddin, who died about 1260. J. Grimm discussed these
+treasure-on-the-bridge stories in _Kleinere Schriften_, iii. 414-428,
+and did not attach much value to them.
+
+[24] It is not unimportant in this connection to find that London
+itself assumes an exceptional place in tradition. Mr. Frazer notes a
+German legend about London, _Golden Bough_ (2nd ed.), iii. 235;
+Pausanias, v. 292. Mr. Dale has drawn attention to the Anglo-Saxon
+attitude towards Roman buildings in his _National Life in Early English
+Literature_, 35.
+
+[25] See _Archaeologia_, xxv. 600; xxix. 147; xl. 54; _Arch. Journ._, i.
+112.
+
+[26] I have worked this point out in my _Governance of London_.
+
+[27] Bishop Kennett, quoted in _Notes and Queries_, fourth series, ix.
+258.
+
+[28] Mommsen's account of the Pontifex Maximus should be consulted,
+_Hist. Rome_, i. 178; and _cf._ Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, 114, 147,
+214.
+
+[29] Mrs. Gomme, _Traditional Games_, i. 347.
+
+[30] Bingley, _North Wales_, 1814, p. 252.
+
+[31] See my _Folklore Relics of Early Village Life_, 29; Tylor,
+_Primitive Culture_, i. 97. This case was reported in the newspapers at
+the time of its occurrence. It came to England from the _London and
+China Telegraph_, from which the _Newcastle Chronicle_, 9 February,
+1889, copied the following statement:--
+
+"The boatmen on the Ganges, near Rajmenal, somehow came to believe that
+the Government required a hundred thousand human heads as the
+foundation for a great bridge, and that the Government officers were
+going about the river in search of heads. A hunting party, consisting
+of four Europeans, happening to pass in a boat, were set upon by the
+one hundred and twenty boatmen, with the cry 'Gulla Katta,' or
+cut-throats, and only escaped with their lives after the greatest
+difficulty."
+
+[32] I have worked out this fact in my _Governance of London_, 46-68,
+202-229.
+
+[33] See Turner, _Hist. of Anglo-Saxons_, ii. 207-222; _Y Cymmrodor_,
+xi. 61-101.
+
+[34] A passage in William of Malmesbury points to the fact of the
+Bretons in the time of Athelstan looking upon themselves as exiles
+from the land of their fathers. Radhod, a prefect of the church at
+Avranches, writes to King Athelstan as "Rex gloriose exultator
+ecclesiae ... deprecamur atque humiliter invocamus qui in exulatu et
+captivitate nostris meritis et peccatis, in Francia commoramur" etc.,
+_De Gestis Regum Anglorum_ (Rolls Ed.), i. 154.
+
+[35] Rhys, _Celtic Folklore_, ii. 466. Sir John Rhys acknowledges his
+indebtedness to me for lending him my Swaffham notes, but at that time
+I had not formed the views stated above and Sir John Rhys confessed his
+difficulty in classifying and characterising these stories (p. 456).
+
+[36] In the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, anno 418, and in _Ethelward's
+Chronicle_, A.D. 418, it is recorded that "those of the Roman race who
+were left in Britain bury their treasures in pits, thinking that
+hereafter they might have better fortune, which never was the case."
+
+[37] Buried treasure legends are worth examining carefully, especially
+with reference to their geographical distribution, with a view of
+ascertaining how far they follow the direction of the Roman, English,
+Danish and Norman Conquests. See Henderson, _Folklore of Northern
+Counties_, 320, for Yorkshire examples, and _Folklore Record_, i. 16,
+for an interesting Sussex example.
+
+The Danish part of Lincoln, near Sleaford, has numerous treasure
+legends, see Rev. G. Oliver, _Existing Remains of Ancient Britons
+between Lincoln and Sleaford_, pp. 29 _et seq._
+
+Mr. W. J. Andrew has proved in the _British Numismatic Journal_ (1st
+ser. i. 9-59) that traditions of buried treasure may be verified a
+thousand years after the laying down of the hoard. This has reference
+to the famous Cuerdale find of coins. The people of Walton-le-Dale, on
+the Ribble, had a legend that if you stood on a certain headland and
+looked up the valley to Ribchester "you would gaze over the greatest
+treasure that England had ever seen." The farmers tried excavations,
+and the divining rod is said to have been used.
+
+The tradition was true. In May, 1840, the hoard was accidentally found,
+near Cuerdale Hall, within forty yards of the stream, by men who were
+repairing the southern bank. A willow tree, still in its prime, was
+planted to mark the spot. We do not know how much bullion was scattered
+by the finders, but there was recovered a mass of ingots, armlets,
+chains, rings, and so on, amounting to 1000 oz., with over 7000 silver
+coins. They lay in a crumbling leaden case, within a decomposed chest
+of wood. There were about 1060 English silver coins, whereof 919 were
+of the reign of King Alfred. There were 2020 from Northumbrian
+ecclesiastical mints, and 2534 of King Canute, with 1047 foreign coins,
+mainly French. The treasure had belonged to the Scandinavian invaders
+in the host of the Danish Kings of Northumbria, and very many bore the
+mark of York, the Danish capital. The chest was the treasure-chest of
+the Danes. The money had been seized in England, 890-897; on French
+coasts, 897-910; and collected among the Danes of Northumbria about
+911. In that year, we know, the Danes raided Mercia, and were followed
+by the English King and thoroughly defeated. Their treasurer, Osberth,
+was killed, and it is argued that the Danes fell back by the Roman
+road, and were trying to cross into Northumbria by the ford at
+Cuerdale, but that, the ford being dangerous, they were obliged to bury
+their treasure-chest forty yards on the southern bank of the river.
+They were unable to cross, were cooped up in a bend of the stream, and
+were all put to the sword. Mr. Lang discussed this from the folklore
+point of view in the _Morning Post_, 2nd November, 1906, and concludes
+that "granting that none who knew the site of the deposit escaped, the
+theory marches well, and quite accounts for the presence of the hoard
+where it was found. The Danish rearguard defending the line of the
+Darwen would know that their treasure was hurried forward and probably
+concealed, but would not know the exact spot."
+
+Another good example is recorded in the _Antiquary_, xiv. 228. Further
+Henderson notes that the Borderers of England and Scotland entrusted
+their buried treasure to the brownie (_Folklore of Northern Counties_,
+248). This is exactly the same idea which exists throughout India.
+"Hidden treasures are under the special guardianship of supernatural
+beings. The Singhalese, however, divide the charge between demons and
+cobra capellas. Various charms are resorted to by those who wish to
+gain the treasures. A puja is sufficient with the cobras, but the
+demons require a sacrifice. Blood of a human being is the most
+important, but the Kappowas have hitherto confined themselves to a
+sacrifice of a white cock, combining its blood with their own, drawn by
+a slight puncture in the hand or foot. A Tamil, however, has resorted
+to human sacrifice as instanced by a case reported in the _Ceylon
+Times_."--_Indian Antiquary_, 1873. ii. p. 125.
+
+[38] Morris, _Heimskringla_, ii. 13.
+
+[39] Laing's _Heimskringla_, ii. 260.
+
+[40] Rhys, _The Arthurian Legend_, 7. Squire, in his recent _Mythology
+of the British Islands_, states the case for "the mythological coming
+of Arthur" in cap. xxi. of his book.
+
+[41] As, for instance, in the case of Taliesin and Ossian, see Squire,
+_Mythology of the British Islands_, 318; Rhys, _Celtic Mythology_, 551;
+Nutt's Notes to _Mabinogion_.
+
+I suppose the most ancient example of the duplication process is that
+of Dion Cassius (iii. 5), who suggests an earlier Romulus and Remus in
+order to account for the early occupation of the Palatine Hill at Rome.
+Middleton's _Anc. Rome_, 45.
+
+[42] It is interesting to find that, with independent investigation,
+Mr. Bury explains on the lines I adopt the traditional part of the life
+of St. Patrick. See his _Life of St. Patrick_, p. 111.
+
+[43] Freeman, _Hist. Norm. Conq._, iv. 467.
+
+[44] Wright, _Essays_, i. 244, notes this point; see also Freeman,
+_Hist. Norm. Conq._, iv. 828, and the preface to my edition of
+Macfarlane's _Camp of Refuge_ (Historical Novels Series), where I have
+discussed this subject at length.
+
+[45] _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, iii. 52.
+
+[46] Russell, _Kett's Rebellion_, p. 6.
+
+[47] Kemble's _Horae Ferales_, 108.
+
+[48] Perhaps the most interesting example in a minor way comes from
+Shrewsbury. In the Abbey Church, forming part of a font, is the upper
+stone of a cross (supposed to have been the Weeping Cross) which was
+discovered at St. Giles's churchyard. It had been immemorially fixed in
+the ditch bank, and all traces of its origin were quite lost, except
+that an old lady, who was born in 1724, remembered having seen in her
+youth, persons kneeling before this stone and praying. The transmission
+of the tradition through very nearly three centuries proved correct,
+for on its being loosened by the frosts of a severe winter, it fell,
+and its religious distinction became immediately apparent from the
+sculpture with which it was adorned.--_Eddowes' Shrewsbury Journal_,
+5th October, 1889.
+
+[49] _Gent. Mag. Lib. Popular Superstitions_, 121. The importance of
+this tradition may be tested by reference to my book on the _Governance
+of London_, 96-98.
+
+[50] _Archaeologia_, xxvi. 369-370. One could give many additional
+examples from all parts of the country, and undoubtedly they are worth
+collecting. I cannot refrain from quoting the following, as it is from
+an out-of-the-way source. At Seagry, in Wilts, is an ancient farm, one
+field of which was known as "Peter's Orchard." The author of a local
+history records the following: "It has been handed down from generation
+to generation that in a field on this farm a church was built on the
+site of an ancient heathen burial ground. In order to test the accuracy
+of this tradition, in the autumn of 1882 I had excavations made on the
+spot, which I will now describe. The field contains about ten acres,
+and presents a very singular appearance. In removing the sods, about
+two feet from the surface we discovered extensive stone foundations,
+extending for a considerable distance over the field. From the charred
+appearance of the stones they had evidently suffered from fire, thus
+supporting the tradition of some of the oldest inhabitants that the
+ancient church had been destroyed by fire. On continuing the search we
+found, about two feet below these foundations, a quantity of early
+British pottery, the remains of broken urns, some charred bones, and
+heads of small spears. The following is an extract from a letter which
+I have received from a gentleman, whose family have been connected with
+this parish for over two hundred years, and who has given me great
+assistance. He says: My father was born at Startley in 1784, and
+remained there until about 1840. Both he and my grandfather were deeply
+imbued with old folklore. I well remember them constantly speaking of
+the firm belief handed down to them of the heathen burial places at
+Seagry, and of the supposed ruins of a church and some religious house
+at Seagry. I think the discoveries made (on the very spot mentioned by
+tradition) in August, 1882, are abundant proof that after the lapse of
+more than nine centuries actual verification of the carefully
+transmitted tradition has at last been found."--_Bath Herald_, 1st
+September, 1883. If references to other examples were needed I should
+like to note Sir William Wilde's illustration as to "how far the
+legend, the fairy tale, the local tradition, or the popular
+superstition may have been derived from absolute historic
+fact."--_Lough Corrib_, 121, 123.
+
+[51] _Echoes from the Counties_ (1880), p. 30.
+
+[52] Grierson, _The Silent Trade_ (1903).
+
+[53] Pearson's _Chances of Death_, ii. 90. The reader should consult
+Dr. Pearson's entire study on this subject, chapters ix. and x., which
+may be compared with Mr. MacCulloch's _Childhood of Fiction_, 5-15, and
+more particularly with Mr. Hartland's _Science of Fairy Tales_.
+
+[54] In 1881 I read a paper before the Folklore Society on "Some
+Incidents in the story of the Three Noodles by means of reference to
+facts," _Folklore Record_, iv. 211, and in 1883 I published in the
+_Antiquary_, two papers on "Notes on Incidents in Folk-tales," based
+upon the same idea.
+
+[55] Introduction, p. lxix.
+
+[56] Introduction, p. lxxvii.
+
+[57] Page 12.
+
+[58] _Ibid._, p. 26.
+
+[59] _Ibid._, p. 5.
+
+[60] _Tales of the Highlands_, i. p. 251.
+
+[61] Kennedy, _loc. cit._, p. 77.
+
+[62] _Ibid._, p. 90.
+
+[63] See Beda, _Hist. Ecclesia_, lib. i. cap. 25.
+
+[64] See vol. i. p. 253.
+
+[65] Miss Frere's _Old Deccan Days_, p. 279.
+
+[66] AElian, _Var. Hist._, lib. xiii. cap. xxxiii.
+
+[67] _Folklore Record_, vol. iv. p. 57.
+
+[68] _Asiatic Researches_, xvii. p. 502.
+
+[69] _Folklore Record_, vol. iii. p. 284.
+
+[70] Campbell's _Popular Tales of the West Highlands_, i. 308.
+
+[71] Joyce, _Old Celtic Romances_, 38, 75, 153, 177, 270. In the _Silva
+Gadelica_, by Mr. Standish O'Grady, the assembly is described sitting
+in a circle, vol. ii. p. 159, and Tara is also described, vol. ii. 264,
+358, 360, 384.
+
+[72] Miss Cox's admirable study and analysis of the Cinderella
+group of stories includes the Catskin variants, which number
+seventy-seven.--_Cinderella_, pp. 53-79.
+
+[73] _Studies in Ancient History_, p. 62.
+
+[74] Sproat's _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, p. 96.
+
+[75] See his _Early Hebrew Life_, p. 85.
+
+[76] Frazer, _Adonis, Attis, and Osiris_, 27-28.
+
+[77] Todd and Herbert, _Irish Version of Nennius_, p. 89.
+
+[78] _Indian Antiq._, iii. 32.
+
+[79] _Laws of Manu_ (Buehler), ix. 127; _Apastamba Gautama_ (Buehler),
+xxviii. 18.
+
+[80] Sir Henry Maine in his _Early Law and Custom_, p. 91.
+
+[81] A most remarkable instance of an actual case of running away from
+a marriage, resulting in adventures which might easily become folk-tale
+adventures if the story were once started on its traditional life, is
+to be found in Shooter's _Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_, pp.
+60-71.
+
+[82] _West Highland Tales_, vol. i. p. lxix.
+
+[83] Kennedy's _Fireside Stories of Ireland_, p. 64.
+
+[84] _Old Deccan Days_, p. 52.
+
+[85] _Ibid._, p. 233.
+
+[86] "Standing-place."
+
+[87] _Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, _loc. cit._
+
+[88] _New Statistical Account of Scotland_, xiv. 273.
+
+[89] Ure's _Agriculture of Kinross_, 57.
+
+[90] _Archaeologia_, l. 195-214.
+
+[91] Du Chaillu's _Land of the Midnight Sun_, i. 393.
+
+[92] Tupper, _Punjab Customary Law_, ii. 188.
+
+[93] _Cobden Club Essays--Primogeniture._
+
+[94] Morris, _Saga Library_, ii. 194.
+
+[95] _Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, ii. 336.
+
+[96] Elton, _Origins of English History_, 91; _cf._ Du Chaillu, _Land
+of the Midnight Sun_, i. 393; Morris's _Sagas_, ii. 194.
+
+[97] Breeks, _Hill Tribes of India_, 108.
+
+[98] Mavor's _Collection of Voyages_, iv. 41.
+
+[99] _Anecdotes and Traditions_ (Camden Soc.), 85.
+
+[100] _Mythologie der Volkssagen und Volksmaerchen._
+
+[101] Geiger, _Hist. Sweden_, 31, 32.
+
+[102] Elton, _Origins of English History_, 92.
+
+[103] Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme_, 14.
+
+[104] Nutt, _Legend of the Holy Grail_, 44.
+
+[105] _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1850, i. 250-252.
+
+[106] _Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, ii. 337.
+
+[107] Elton's _Origins_, 92.
+
+[108] Mr. Jacobs (_Folklore_, i. 405) objected to my interpretation of
+this story because--first, the Latin rhyme appearing in the Gaelic
+tale, the twelfth-century Latin story and the German inscription "tell
+for the origination of the story in one single place in historic
+times;" and, secondly, because a Kashmir story (Knowles' _Folk-tales of
+Kashmir_, 241), based on the same main incident, omits the minor
+incident of the mallet altogether. The answer to the first objection is
+that the Latin rhyme has been attached, in historic times, to the
+ancient folk-tale; and to the second objection, that the Kashmir story
+preserves the main incident of surrender of property upon reaching old
+age, and omits the more savage incident of killing, because the Kashmir
+people are in a stage of culture which still allowed of the surrender
+of property, but, like the Scandinavians, did not allow of the killing
+of the aged. Similarly, an English parallel to this form of the variant
+is preserved by De la Pryme in his _Diary_ (Surtees Society), 162. It
+must be remembered that the Kashmiris occupy a land which is referred
+to by Herodotos (iii. 99-105) as in the possession of people who killed
+their aged (_cf._ Latham, _Ethnology of India_, 199); and if my reading
+of the evidence is correct, this is also the case of the Highland
+peasant.
+
+[109] Dr. Pearson advocates statistical methods in his _Chances of
+Death_, ii. 58, 75-77, and shows by examples the value of them.
+
+[110] MacCulloch, _Childhood of Fiction_: "Some of the things which in
+these old-world stories form their fascination, have had their origin
+in sordid fact and reality" (p. vii).
+
+[111] Buehler, _Laws of Manu_, i.: "In Vedic mythology Manu is the heros
+eponymos of the human race and by his nature belongs both to gods and
+to men" (p. 57). _Cf._ Burnell and Hopkins, _Ordinances of Manu_, p.
+25.
+
+[112] _Early Law and Custom_, 5.
+
+[113] Pausanias, iii. 2(4).
+
+[114] Maine, _Ancient Law_, 4; Grote, _Hist. of Greece_, iii. 101.
+
+[115] Ortolan, _Hist. Roman Law_, 50; Maine, _Early Law and Custom_, 6.
+
+[116] Morris, _Saga Library_, i. p. xxx; Dasent, _Burnt Njal_, i. xlvi.
+
+[117] _Early Law and Custom_, 162.
+
+[118] Manx Society Publications, xviii. 21-22.
+
+[119] Strabo, lib. xv. cap. 1, pp. 709, 717; J. D. Mayne, _Hindu Law
+and Usage_, 4, 13.
+
+[120] Mackenzie, _Roman Law_, 11; _cf._ Pais, _Anc. Legends of Roman
+Hist._, 139.
+
+[121] Dasent, _Burnt Njal_, i. p. lvii, and Vigfusson and Powell,
+_Origines Islandicae_, i. 348.
+
+[122] _Anc. Laws of Ireland_, iv. p. vii.
+
+[123] This appears very strongly in the famous twelfth-century law case
+which Longchamp pleaded so successfully. _Rotuli curia Regis_, i. p.
+lxii.
+
+[124] _Early Law and Custom_, 9; _cf._ Burnell and Hopkins, _Ordinances
+of Manu_, pp. xx, xxxi. It is worth while quoting here the following
+interesting note from a letter from the Marquis di Spineto printed in
+Clarke's _Travels_, viii. 417:--
+
+"From the most remote antiquity men joined together, and wishing either
+to amuse themselves or to celebrate the praises of their gods sang
+short poems to a fixed tune. Indeed, generally speaking, _the laws by
+which they were governed_, the events which had made the greatest
+impression on their minds, the praises which they bestowed upon their
+gods or on their heroes were all sung long before they were written,
+and I need not mention that according to Aristotle this is the reason
+why the Greeks gave the same appellation to laws and to songs."
+
+[125] The references are all given in Smith's _Dict. of Greek and Roman
+Antiquities_ sub [Greek: nomos]. Aristotle in the _Problems_, 19, 28,
+definitely says, "Before the use of letters men sang their laws that
+they might not forget them, as the custom continues yet among the
+Agathyrsoi."
+
+[126] Lib. xii. cap. ii. 9.
+
+[127] _Hist. English Commonwealth_, 43.
+
+[128] _Anc. Laws of Ireland_, iv. pp. viii, x.
+
+[129] Hampson's _Origines Patriciae_, 106-107; Kemble, line 5763 _et
+seq._
+
+[130] Proctor's _History of the Book of Common Prayer_, p. 410.
+
+[131] _Hist. Eng. Commonwealth_, ii. p. cxxxvi. Littleton points out
+the legal antiquity and importance of these words: "no conveyance can
+be made without them." See Wheatley's _Book of Common Prayer_ (quoting
+Littleton), p. 406.
+
+[132] The York manual had the additional clause, "for fairer for
+fouler." See Wheatley, _loc. cit._, p. 406.
+
+[133] Palgrave, _loc. cit._
+
+[134] _Ibid._
+
+[135] _Manuale et processionale ad usum insiquis ecclesiae Evoracensis_,
+Surtees Society, 1875. See also _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1752, p. 171;
+Proctor's _History of the Book of Common Prayer_, p. 409, for other
+examples.
+
+[136] Palgrave, _English Commonwealth_, i. 43.
+
+[137] Chambers, _Popular Rhymes of Scotland_, 115.
+
+[138] Sinclair's _Stat. Acc. of Scotland_, x. 534.
+
+[139] Chambers, _Book of Days_, January 19; Nichols, _Fuller's
+Worthies_, 494.
+
+[140] _Diary of De la Pryme_ (Surtees Society), 126. It may be noted
+here that Kelly, _Curiosities of Indo-European Traditions_, 179, notes
+the preservation of an ancient law for the preservation of the oak and
+the hazel in a traditional proverbial rhyme.
+
+[141] Hazlitt, _Tenures of Land_, 80; other examples refer to the
+Hundred of Cholmer and Dancing, in Essex, 75; to Kilmersdon, in
+Somersetshire, 182; to Hopton, in Salop, 165. John of Gaunt is
+responsible for many of these curious and interesting remains of tribal
+antiquity. Bisley's _Handbook of North Devon_, 28, refers to one
+relating to the manor of Umberleigh, near Barnstaple, and I have a note
+from Mr. Edmund Wrigglesworth, of Hull, of a parallel to this being
+preserved by tradition only. There is a tradition respecting the estate
+of Sutton Park, near Biggleswade, Bedfordshire, which states that it
+formerly belonged to John of Gaunt, who gave it to an ancestor of the
+present proprietor, one Roger Burgoyne, by the following grant:--
+
+      "I, John of Gaunt,
+      Do give and do grant,
+      To Roger Burgoyne
+      And the heirs of his loin
+      Both Sutton and Potton
+      Until the world's rotten."
+
+Potton was a neighbouring village to Sutton. There is a moated site in
+the park called "John o' Gaunt's Castle," see _Notes and Queries_,
+tenth series, vi. 466. _Cf._ Aubrey, _Collections for Wilts_, 185, for
+an example at Midgehall; Cowell's _Law Interpreter_, 1607, and the
+_Dictionarum Rusticum_, 1704, for the custom of East and West Enborn,
+in Berks, which was made famous by Addison's _Spectator_ in 1714.
+
+[142] Sometimes these are called "burlesque conveyances." See an
+example quoted in _Hist. MSS. Commission_, v. 459.
+
+[143] It is well to bear in mind the great force of ancient tribal law,
+which was personal, upon localities. Nottingham is divided into two
+parts, one having primogeniture and the other junior right as the rule
+of descent. Southampton and Exeter have also local divisions. But
+perhaps the most striking example is at Breslau, where there
+co-existed, until 1st January, 1840, five different particular laws and
+observances in regard to succession, the property of spouses, etc., the
+application of which was limited to certain territorial jurisdictions;
+not unfrequently the law varied from house to house, and it even
+happened that one house was situated on the borders of different laws,
+to each of which, therefore, it belonged in part; Savigny, _Private
+Int. Law_, cap. i. sect. iv.
+
+[144] _Academy_, February, 1884; _Percy Reliques_, edit. Wheatley, i.
+384.
+
+[145] _Trans. British. Association_, 1847, p. 321.
+
+[146] Series No. V., published in 1895.
+
+[147] _Philological Society Papers_, 1870-2, pp. 18, 248; Dr. Murray
+gives the air in an appendix. See also a note by Mr. Danby Fry in the
+_Antiquary_, viii. 164-6, 269-70; and _The Hawick Tradition_, by R. S.
+Craig and Adam Laing, published at Hawick in 1898.
+
+[148] Squire, _Mythology of the British Islands_, 69.
+
+[149] Wilde, _Lough Corrib_, 210-248. Sir William Wilde has studied the
+details of this great fight with great care, and it is impossible to
+ignore his evidence as to the monuments of it being extant to this day
+among the recorded antiquities of Ireland. The battle lasted four days.
+The first day the Fir-Bolg had the best of the fighting, and
+pillar-stones erected to the heroes who fell are still in situ.
+Clogh-Fadha-Cunga, or long stone of Cong, which stood on the old road
+to the east of that village and a portion of which, six feet long, is
+still in an adjoining wall, being erected to Adleo of the Dananians,
+and Clogh-Fadha-Neal, or long stone of the Neale, at the junction of
+the roads passing northwards from Cross and Cong, commemorating the
+place where the king stood during the battle. After the battle each
+Fir-Bolg carried with him a stone and the head of a Danann to their
+king who erected a great cairn to commemorate the event, and this must
+be the cairn of Ballymagibbon which stands on the road passing from
+Cong to Cross. The well of Mean Uisge is identified as that mentioned
+in the MS. accounts of the battle, connected with a striking incident.
+After a careful examination of the locality, says Sir William Wilde,
+with a transcript of the ancient MS. in his hand, he was convinced of
+the identity of a stone heap standing within a circle as the place
+where the body of the loyal Fir-Bolg youth was burned. The second day's
+battle surged northwards, and at the western shores of Lough Mask,
+Slainge Finn, the king's son, pursuing the two sons of Cailchu and
+their followers, slew them there, and "seventeen flag stones were stuck
+in the ground in commemoration of their death," and by the margin of
+the lake in the island of Inish-Eogan there stands this remarkable
+monument to this hour. The line of the Fir-Bolg camp can still be
+traced with wonderful accuracy. Caher-Speenan, the thorny fort, was a
+part of this camp, and still exists. More to the south-east, on the
+hill of Tongegee, are the remains of Caher-na-gree, the pleasant fort,
+and still further to the east are Lisheen, or little earthen fort, and
+Caher-Phaetre, pewter fort. Other forts also exist to give evidence both
+of the Fir-Bolg and the Danann lines. The Danann monuments are situate
+in the fields opposite the glebes of Nymphsfield. Five remarkable stone
+circles still remain within the compass of a square mile, and there are
+traces of others. The Fir-Bolgs were defeated on the fourth day and
+their king Eochy fell fighting to the last. "A lofty cairn was raised
+over his body, and called Carn Eathach, from his name." On the grassy
+hill of Killower, or Carn, overlooking Lough Mask, stands to this hour
+the most remarkable cairn in the west of Ireland, and there is little
+doubt this is the one referred to in the ancient tradition as
+commemorating the death of the last Fir-Bolg king in Erin.
+
+[150] Squire, _op. cit._, 76, 138.
+
+[151] Squire, _op. cit._, 230.
+
+[152] Squire, _Mythology_, 399.
+
+[153] See _Life and Writings_ by Oliver Elton, ii. 224.
+
+[154] _Governance of London_, 110-113.
+
+[155] _Celtic Heathendom_, 125-133.
+
+[156] See Bathurst, _Roman Antiquities of Lydney Park_, plates viii.,
+xiii., for the famous example dealt with by Sir John Rhys; and Stuart,
+_Caledonia Romana_, 309, plate ix. fig. 2, for a dedication to the
+"Deities of Britain."
+
+[157] See his _Stonehenge and Other British Stone Monuments_, chap.
+xxii.
+
+[158] See _Folklore_, xv. 306-311, for the Greek evidence; and xvii.
+30, 164, for the Irish evidence.
+
+[159] Frazer, _Golden Bough_ (2nd ed.), iii. 236-316. Mr. Frazer,
+however, is inclined to review his explanation of bonfires as
+sun-charms; see his _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, 151, note 4.
+
+[160] The specialisation of the fire cult is illustrated by the Hindu
+myth of the Angiras, see Wilson, _Rig Veda Sanhita_, i. p. xxix.
+
+[161] Gummere, _Germanic Origins_, 400-2.
+
+[162] It will be convenient to give the references for the various
+details of savage life in Britain. The original extracts are all given
+in _Monumenta Historica Britannica_ and in Giles' _History of Ancient
+Britons_, vol. ii. Ireland--cannibalism: Strabo, iv. cap. 5, 4, p. 201,
+Diodoros, v. 32; promiscuous intercourse: Strabo; birth ceremony:
+Solinus, xxii. Scotland--human sacrifice: Solinus, xxii.; promiscuous
+intercourse, Solinus, cap. xxii., Xiphilinus from Dio in _Mon. Brit.
+Hist._, p. lx., and St. Jerome adv. Jovin., v. ii. 201; nakedness,
+Herodian in _Mon. Brit. Hist._, p. lxiv, and Xiphilinus, _ibid._, p.
+lx. Britain--head-hunting, Strabo, iv. 1-4, pp. 199-201, Diodoros, v.
+29; tattooing, Caesar, _De bello Gallico_, v. 12, Pliny, _Nat. Hist._,
+xxii. i. (2); promiscuous intercourse, Caesar, _ibid._, v. 14,
+Xiphilinus in _Mon. Brit. Hist._, p. lvii.
+
+[163] _History of England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings_, i. 14.
+
+[164] Innes' _Critical Essay_, 45, 51, 56, 240.
+
+[165] O'Curry's _Manners and Customs of Ancient Irish_, i. p. vi. Dr.
+Whitley Stokes has criticised O'Curry's translations as bad, "not from
+ignorance, but to a desire to conceal a fact militating against
+theories of early Irish civilisation."--_Revue Celtique_, iii. 90-101.
+
+[166] Turner, _Hist. of Anglo-Saxons_, i. 64-74; Palgrave, _Eng. Com._,
+i. 467-8.
+
+[167] Giles' _History of Anc. Britons_, i. 231, referring to parallel
+customs among the Chinese.
+
+[168] Elton, _Origins of English History_, 82.
+
+[169] Rhys, _Celtic Britain_, 55.
+
+[170] _Celtic Heathendom_, 320, note.
+
+[171] I have dealt with this in my _Ethnology in Folklore_, 36-40.
+
+[172] Skene, _Celtic Scotland_, i. 59, 84.
+
+[173] Pearson, _Hist. of England during the Early and Middle Ages_, i.
+15, 21, 35.
+
+[174] Ramsay, _Foundations of England_, i. 9, 11, 30.
+
+[175] Lang, _Hist. of Scotland_, i. 3-5.
+
+[176] Joyce, _Social Hist. of Ireland_, i. 19.
+
+[177] In addition to Mr. Lang and Dr. Joyce, who are folklorists as
+well as historians, and who as we have seen do deal with these records
+scientifically, the folklorist goes out of his way to reject these
+records. Thus Mr. Squire says that "the imputation" which Caesar makes
+as to polyandrous customs "cannot be said to have been proved,"
+_Mythology of the British Islands_, 30.
+
+[178] _Village Communities_, 17.
+
+[179] _Principles of Sociology_, i. 714.
+
+[180] _Arch. Cambrensis_, 6th ser. v. 3.
+
+[181] _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, xx. 259.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+MATERIALS AND METHODS
+
+
+The materials of folklore consist of traditional tales (so called) and
+traditional customs and superstitions (so called), the feature of both
+groups being that at the time of first being recorded and reduced to
+writing they existed only by the force of tradition. There is no fixed
+time for the record. It is sometimes quite early, as, for instance,
+the examples which come to us from historians; it is generally quite
+late, namely, the great mass of examples which, during the past
+century or so, have been collected directly from the lips or
+observances of the people, sometimes by the curious traveller or
+antiquary, lately by the professed folklorist.
+
+The consideration of the relationship of history and folklore has
+cleared the ground for definitions and method. Before the material of
+which folklore consists can be considered by the light of method, we
+must get rid of definitions which are often applied to folklore in its
+attributed sense. Folk-tales are not fiction or art, were not invented
+for amusement, are not myth in the sense of being imaginative
+only.[182] Customs and superstitions are not the result of ignorance
+and stupidity. These attributes are true only if folk-tales, customs,
+and superstitions are compared with the literary productions and with
+the science and the culture of advanced civilisation; and this
+comparison is exactly that which should never be undertaken, though
+unfortunately it is that which is most generally adopted. The
+folk-tale may be lent on occasion to the artist--to Mr. Lang, to Mr.
+Jacobs, and their many copyists; and these artists may rejoice at the
+wonderful results of the unconscious art that resides in these
+products of tradition, but the folk-tale must not be wholly
+surrendered. It does not belong to them. It does not belong to art at
+all, but to science. That it is artistic in form is an addition to its
+characteristics, but has nothing whatever to do with its fundamental
+features. Similarly with legend. It may be lent to Malory, to
+Tennyson, to Longfellow, to the literary bards of the romance period,
+for the purpose of weaving together their story of the wonderful; but
+it must not be surrendered to the romancist, and, above all things,
+the romances must never be allowed to enter the domain of folklore.
+Romances may be stripped of their legends so that the source of
+legendary material may be fully utilised, but the romances themselves
+belong to literature, and must remain within their own portals. And so
+with customs. They may be pleasing and reveal some of the beauties of
+the older joyousness of life which has passed away, it is to be
+regretted, from modern civilisation; they may be revived in May-day
+celebrations, in pageants, in providing our schools with games which
+tell of the romance of living. But they do not belong to the lover of
+the beautiful or to the revivalists. Equally with the folk-tale they
+belong to science. And so also with superstitions. The Psychical
+Research Society, the spiritualists, the professional successors of
+the mediaeval witch and wizard, may turn their attention to traditional
+superstitions; but the folklorist refuses to hand them over, and
+claims them for science.
+
+This use of traditional material for modern purposes is not the only
+danger to proper definitions. There is also its appearance in the
+earlier stages of literature. The traditional narrative, the myth, the
+folk-tale or the legend, is not dependent upon the text in which it
+appears for the first time. That text, as we have it, was not written
+down by contemporary or nearly contemporary authority. Before it had
+become a written document it had lived long as oral tradition.[183] In
+some cases the written document is itself centuries old, the record
+of some early chronicler or some early writer who did not make the
+record for tradition's sake. In other cases the written document is
+quite modern, the record of a professed lover of tradition. This
+unequal method of recording tradition is the main source of the
+difficulty in the way of those who cannot accept tradition as a record
+of fact. In all cases the test of its value and the interpretation of
+its testimony are matters which need special study and examination
+before the exact value of each tradition is capable of being
+determined. The date when and the circumstances in which a tradition
+is first reduced to literary form are important factors in the
+evidence as to the credibility of the particular form in which the
+tradition is preserved; but they are not all the factors, nor do they
+of themselves afford better evidence when they are comparatively
+ancient than forms of much later date and of circumstances far
+different. It cannot be too often impressed upon the student of
+tradition that the tradition itself affords the chief if not the only
+sure evidence of its age, its origin, and its meaning; for the
+preservation of tradition is due to such varied influences that the
+mere fact of preservation, or the particular method or date of
+preservation, cannot be relied upon to give the necessary authority
+for the authenticity of the tradition. Tradition can never assume the
+position of written history, because it does not owe its origin, but
+only its preservation, to writing.
+
+Documentary material is examined as to its palaeographical features, as
+to the testimony afforded by its author or assumed author, as to its
+credibility in dealing with contemporary events or persons, as to its
+date, and in other ways according to the nature of the document.
+Traditional material has nothing to do with all this. It has no
+palaeography; it has no author, and if a personal author is assigned to
+any given fragment or element it is generally safe to ignore the
+tradition as the product of a later age; it does not deal with persons
+nor, as a rule, with specific events; it has no date. It has therefore
+to undergo a process of its own before it can be accepted as
+historical evidence, and this process, if somewhat tedious, is all the
+more necessary because of the tender material of which tradition is
+composed. This will be made clearer if we understand exactly what the
+different classes of tradition are and how they stand to each other.
+
+Considering the materials of folklore in their true sense and not
+their attributed sense then, we may proceed to say something as to
+methods. Definitions and rules are needed. No student can attack so
+immense a subject without the aid of such necessary machinery, and it
+is because the attempt has been so often made ill-equipped in this
+respect, that the science of folklore has suffered so much and has
+remained so long unrecognised. Already, in dealing with the
+relationship of history and folklore, one or two necessary
+distinctions in terms have been anticipated. We have discovered that
+the impersonal folk-tale is distinguished in a fundamental manner from
+the personal or local legend, and that the growth of mythology is a
+later process than the growth of myth. These distinctions need,
+however, to be systematised and brought into relationship with other
+necessary distinctions. The myth and the folk-tale are near
+relations, but they are not identical, and it is clear that we need to
+know something more about myth. Because mythic tradition has been
+found to include many traditions, which of late years have been
+claimed to belong to a definitely historical race of people, it must
+not be identified with history. This claim is based upon two facts,
+the presence of myth in the shape of the folk-tale and the
+preservation of much mythic tradition beyond the stage of thought to
+which it properly belongs by becoming attached to an historical event,
+or series of events, or to an historical personage, and in this way
+carrying on its life into historic periods and among historic peoples.
+The first position has resulted in a wholesale appropriation of the
+folk-tale to the cause of the mythologists; the second position has
+hitherto resulted either in a disastrous appropriation of the entire
+tradition to mythology, or in a still more disastrous rejection both
+of the tradition and the historical event round which it clusters.
+Historians doubting the myth doubt too the history; mythologists
+doubting the history reject the myth from all consideration, and in
+this way much is lost to history which properly belongs to it, and
+something is lost to myth.
+
+If, therefore, I have hitherto laid undue stress upon the foundation
+of tradition in the actual facts of life, and upon the close
+association of tradition with historic fact, it is because this side
+of the question has been so generally neglected. Everything has been
+turned on to the mythic side. Folk-tales have been claimed as the
+exclusive property of the mythologists, and those who have urged their
+foundation on the facts of real life have scarcely been listened to.
+There is, however, no ground for the converse process to be
+advocated. If tradition is not entirely mythology it is certainly not
+all founded on sociology, and the mythic tradition in the possession
+of a people advanced in culture has to be considered and accounted
+for. It is myth in contact with history, and the contact compels
+consideration of the result.
+
+
+I
+
+The first necessity is for definitions. Careful attention to what has
+already been said will reveal the fact that tradition contains three
+separate classes, and I would suggest definition of these classes by a
+precise application of terms already in use: The _myth_ belongs to the
+most primitive stages of human thought, and is the recognisable
+explanation of some natural phenomenon, some forgotten or unknown
+object of human origin, or some event of lasting influence; the
+_folk-tale_ is a survival preserved amidst culture-surroundings of a
+more advanced stage, and deals with events and ideas of primitive
+times in terms of the experience or of episodes in the lives of
+unnamed human beings; the _legend_ belongs to an historical personage,
+locality, or event. These are new definitions, and are suggested in
+order to give some sort of exactness to the terms in use. All these
+terms--myth, folk-tale, and legend--are now used indiscriminately with
+no particular definiteness. The possession of three such distinct
+terms forms an asset which should be put to its full use, and this
+cannot be done until we agree upon a definite meaning for each.
+
+The first place must be given to mythic tradition. This is not
+special to our own, or to any one branch of the human race. It belongs
+to all--to the Hindu, the Greek, the Slav, the Teuton, the Celt, the
+Semite, and the savage. It goes back to a period of human history
+which has only tradition for its authority, in respect of which no
+contemporary records exist, and which relates to a time when the
+ancestors of now scattered peoples lived together, and when they were
+struggling from the position of obedient slaves to all the fears which
+unknown nature inflicted on them, to that of observers of the forces
+of nature.
+
+Traditions which are properly classed as myth are those which are too
+ancient to be identified with historical personages, and too little
+realistic to be a relation of historical episodes. They are rather the
+explanations given by primitive philosophers of events which were
+beyond their ken, and yet needed and claimed explanation. In this
+class of tradition we are in touch with the struggles of the earliest
+ancestors of man to learn about the unknown. Our own research in the
+realms of the unknown we dignify by the name and glories of science.
+The research of our remote ancestors was of like kind, though the
+domain of the unknown was so different from our own. It was primitive
+science.
+
+The best type of this class of myth is, I think, the creation
+myth.[184] Everywhere, almost, man has for a moment stood apart and
+asked himself the question, Whence am I?--stood apart from the
+struggle for existence when that struggle was in its most severe
+stages. The answer he has given himself was the answer of the Darwin
+of his period. From the narrow observation of the natural man and his
+surroundings, governed by the enormous impressions of his own life,
+the answer has obviously not been scientific in our sense of the term.
+But it was scientific. It was the science of primitive man, and if we
+have to reject it as science not so good as our science, nay, as not
+science at all judged by our standard, we must not deny to primitive
+man the claim of having preceded modern man in his observation and
+interpretation of the world of nature.
+
+The range of the creation myth is almost world-wide. It includes
+examples from all quarters, and examples of great beauty as well as of
+singular, almost grotesque hideousness; the New Zealand myth is surely
+the best type of the former, and perhaps the Fijian of the latter. As
+Mr. Lang says: "all the cosmogonic myths waver between the theory of
+construction, or rather of reconstruction and the theory of evolution
+very rudely conceived."[185]
+
+It is not necessary to quote a large number of examples, because I am
+not concerned with their variety nor with their essentials. I am only
+anxious to point out their existence as evidence of the scientific
+character of primitive myth.[186] It is not to the point to say that
+the science was all wrong. What is to the point is to say that the
+attempt was made to get at the origin of man and his destiny. Mr. Lang
+thinks that "the origin of the world and of man is naturally a problem
+which has excited the curiosity of the least developed minds," but in
+the use of the term "naturally," I think the stupendous nature of the
+effort made by the least developed minds is entirely neglected, and we
+miss the opportunity of measuring what this effort might mean.
+
+When savages ask themselves, as they certainly _do_ ask themselves,
+whence the sky, whence the winds, the sun, moon, stars, sea, rivers,
+mountains and other natural objects, they reply in terms of good logic
+applied to deficient knowledge. All the knowledge they possess is that
+based upon their own material senses. And therefore, when they apply
+that knowledge to subjects outside their own personality, they deal
+with them in terms of their own personality. How did the sky get up
+there, above their heads--the sky evidently so lovingly fond of the
+earth, so intimately connected with the earth?
+
+The New Zealand answer to these questions is a great one, by whatever
+standard it is measured. Heaven and earth, they say, were husband and
+wife, so locked in close embrace that darkness everywhere prevailed.
+Their children were ever thinking amongst themselves what might be the
+difference between darkness and light. At last, worn out by the
+continued darkness, they consulted amongst themselves whether they
+should slay their parents, Rangi and Papa, _i.e._ heaven and earth, or
+whether they should rend them apart. The fiercest of their children
+exclaimed, "Let us slay them!" but the forest, another of the sons,
+said, "Nay, not so. It is better to rend them apart, and to let
+heaven stand far above us and the earth to lie under our feet. Let the
+sky become as a stranger to us, but the earth remain close to us as
+our nursing-mother." The brothers consented to this proposal with the
+exception of Tawhiri-ma-tea, the father of winds and storms; thus five
+of the brothers consented and one would not agree. Then each of the
+brothers tries to rend his parents, heaven and earth, asunder. First
+the father of cultivated food tries and fails; then the father of fish
+and reptiles; then the father of uncultivated food; then the father of
+fierce human beings. Then at last slowly uprises Tane-mahuta, the
+father of forests, birds, and insects, and he struggles with his
+parents; in vain he strives to rend them apart with his hands and
+arms. Lo, he pauses; his head is now firmly planted on his mother, the
+earth; his feet he raises up and rests against his father, the skies;
+he strains his back and limbs with mighty effort, and at last are rent
+apart Rangi and Papa, who shriek aloud with cries and groans. But
+Tane-mahuta pauses not, he regards not their shrieks and cries; far,
+far beneath him he presses down the earth; far, far above him he
+thrusts up the sky. Then were discovered a multitude of human beings
+whom heaven and earth had begotten, and who had hitherto lain
+concealed. But Tawhiri-ma-tea, the wind and storm, the brother who had
+not consented, is angry at this rending apart of his parents, and he
+rises and follows his father, the sky, and fights fiercely with the
+earth and his brothers.[187]
+
+The explanation of this myth is simple. Unaided by the facts of
+science, the New Zealand savages could only think of the facts of
+their own experience. Only two personalities could produce the various
+products of the world; therefore the earth was the mother and the sky
+the father. But they are now separated and apart. Only a personality
+could have separated, and the forest, root-sown in the earth,
+branch-up in the sky, is evidently the means of this separation. And
+so, satisfactorily to their own minds, these rude savages settled the
+question of the origin of heaven and earth.
+
+The close similarity of this to the story of Kronos has frequently
+been pointed out; but a Greek story is always worth repeating. Near
+the beginning of things Earth gave birth to Heaven. Later, Heaven
+became the husband of Earth, and they had many children. Some of these
+became the gods of the various elements, among whom were Okeanos, and
+Hyperion, the sun. The youngest child was Kronos of crooked counsel,
+who ever hated his mighty sire. Now the children of Heaven and Earth
+were concealed in the hollows of Earth, and both the Earth and her
+children resented this. At last they conspired against their father,
+Heaven, and, taking their mother into the counsels, she produced Iron
+and bade her children avenge her wrongs. Fear fell upon all of them
+except Kronos, and he determined to separate his parents, and with his
+iron weapon he effected his object. All the brothers rejoiced except
+one, Okeanos, and he remained faithful to his father.[188]
+
+It would be well for the sake of the story itself to give a creation
+myth from India, but I shall have other use for it than its particular
+charm.
+
+      "'In the beginning, when Twashtri came to the creation
+      of woman, he found that he had exhausted his materials
+      in the making of man, and that no solid elements were
+      left. In this dilemma, after profound meditation, he
+      did as follows. He took the rotundity of the moon, and
+      the curves of creepers, and the clinging of tendrils,
+      and the trembling of grass, and the slenderness of the
+      reed, and the bloom of flowers, and the lightness of
+      leaves, and the tapering of the elephant's trunk, and
+      the glances of deer, and the clustering of rows of
+      bees, and the joyous gaiety of sunbeams, and the
+      weeping of clouds, and the fickleness of the winds,
+      and the timidity of the hare, and the vanity of the
+      peacock, and the softness of the parrot's bosom, and
+      the hardness of adamant, and the sweetness of honey,
+      and the cruelty of the tiger, and the warm glow of
+      fire, and the coldness of snow, and the chattering of
+      jays, and the cooing of the _kokila_, and the
+      hypocrisy of the crane, and the fidelity of the
+      _chakrawaka_, and compounding all these together, he
+      made woman and gave her to man. But after one week,
+      man came to him and said: Lord, this creature that you
+      have given me makes my life miserable. She chatters
+      incessantly and teases me beyond endurance, never
+      leaving me alone; and she requires incessant
+      attention, and takes all my time up, and cries about
+      nothing, and is always idle; and so I have come to
+      give her back again, as I cannot live with her. So
+      Twashtri said: Very well; and he took her back. Then
+      after another week, man came again to him and said:
+      Lord, I find that my life is very lonely, since I
+      gave you back that creature. I remember how she used
+      to dance and sing to me, and look at me out of the
+      corner of her eye, and play with me, and cling to me;
+      and her laughter was music, and she was beautiful to
+      look at, and soft to touch; so give her back to me
+      again. So Twashtri said: Very well; and gave her back
+      again. Then after only three days, man came back to
+      him again and said: Lord, I know not how it is; but
+      after all I have come to the conclusion that she is
+      more of a trouble than a pleasure to me; so please
+      take her back again. But Twashtri said: Out on you! Be
+      off! I will have no more of this. You must manage how
+      you can. Then man said: But I cannot live with her.
+      And Twashtri replied: Neither could you live without
+      her. And he turned his back on man, and went on with
+      his work. Then man said: What is to be done? for I
+      cannot live either with her or without her.'"[189]
+
+Now this myth has, so far as its central fact is concerned, its
+counterpart in Celtic folklore. In the Welsh Mabinogi of Math, son of
+Mathonwy, it is related how Arianrod laid a destiny upon her son, whom
+she would not recognise, that he should never have a wife of the race
+that now inhabits the earth, and how Gwydion declared that he should
+have a wife notwithstanding. "They went thereupon unto Math, the son
+of Mathonwy, and complained unto him most bitterly of Arianrod. Well,
+said Math, we will seek, I and thou, by charms and magic, to form a
+wife for him out of flowers. So they took the blossoms of the oak, and
+the blossoms of the broom, and the blossoms of the meadow-sweet, and
+produced from them a maiden, the fairest and most graceful that man
+ever saw." No one can doubt that this interesting fragment of Welsh
+tradition takes us back to a creation legend of the same order as the
+Indian legend, and that the two widely separated parallels belong to
+the period when men were carving out for themselves theories as to the
+origin of women in relation to men.
+
+It is impossible to deny a place among these myths of creation to the
+Hebrew tradition of Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. The first
+chapter of Genesis is the answer which the early Hebrews gave to the
+scientific question as to the origin of man. How much it cost them to
+arrive at this conclusion one cannot guess, one only knows that it has
+become a glory to the ages of Hebrew history, as well as to the
+civilisation of Christianity. Unfortunately it has become much more.
+The science of the primitive Hebrew has been adopted as the God-given
+revelation to all mankind. It is the function of folklore to correct
+this error, to restore the Hebrew tradition to its proper place among
+the myths of the world which have answered the cry of early man for
+the knowledge of his origin. There is no degradation here. Science is
+no longer in doubt as to the origin of man within the evolutionary
+process of the natural world, and it rightly rejects the first chapter
+of Genesis as of value to modern research. But science should accept
+it as a chapter in the history of anthropology, a chapter which has
+only proved not to be true, because of the limited range of early man
+in the facts about man, but a chapter, nevertheless, which has the
+inherent value of a faithful record of man's search after truth. This
+is a great position. This is the revelation which is made to us from
+the first chapter of Genesis, and when the theologian is bold and able
+enough to step outside the formularies of his ancient faith, and reach
+the magnificent world of thought which lies in front of him by the
+revelations of scientific discovery, he will consider the
+anthropological interpretation of the Hebrew Bible as one of the
+necessary elements of his equipment. There is on present lines a
+whole world of thought between science and religion, although they
+both have the same object. They both seek the great unknown. Science,
+however, gives up all efforts in the past which have proved futile and
+erroneous, cheerfully surrenders all errors of research and
+interpretation, starts investigation afresh, begins new discoveries,
+and rewrites the story they have to tell. Religion, on the other hand,
+comes to a full stop when once she has made or accepted a discovery,
+when once she has pronounced that the great unknown has become known
+to her votaries and supporters. She is skilful to use the results of
+science up to the point where they serve her purpose, and to use the
+terms of science in order to build up her shattering position. But she
+does not advance. She does not accept the first chapter of Genesis as
+a wonderful revelation of the early stages of human investigation into
+the realms of the unknown, but still keeps to her old formula of a
+revelation of the deity as to the origin of man, and she does not see
+that by this attitude she is lessening every day her capacity for
+teaching truth.
+
+I think the attitude of science to the Hebrew tradition is only a
+little less unfortunate than that of religion. Professor Huxley
+employed all the resources of his great knowledge to disprove the
+scientific accuracy of the tradition, and when one rereads his
+chapters on this subject[190] one wonders at the absence of the sense
+of proportion. Perhaps it was necessary, considering the place which
+the Hebrew tradition occupies in civilised thought, to show its utter
+inconsistency with the facts of nature, but it was equally necessary
+to show that it has its place in the history of human thought. The
+folklorist replaces it among the myths of creation, and then proceeds
+to analyse and value it. The Hebrew is shown by the myth he adopted to
+have frankly acknowledged that the origin of man and of the world was
+undiscoverable by him. Whatever older myths he once possessed, he
+discarded them in favour of a mythic God-creator, and this is only
+another way of stating that the mystery of man's origin could not, to
+the Hebrew mind, be met by such a myth as the New Zealander believed
+in, or as the Kumis believed in, but could only be met by the larger
+conception of a special creation. The Hebrew could not find his answer
+in nature, so he appealed to super-nature. His God was the unknown
+God, and the realm of the unknown God was the unknowable. Though in
+terms this may not be the interpretation of the Hebrew creation myth,
+its ultimate resolve is this; and because modern science has
+penetrated beyond this confession of the unknown origin of man to the
+evolution of man, it should not therefore treat contemptuously the
+effort of early Hebrew science. Because it is not possible to admit
+this effort as part of modern science, it must not be rejected from
+the entire region of science. It must be respected as one of the many
+efforts which have made possible the last effort of all which
+proclaims that man has kinship with all the animal world.
+
+These points illustrate the unsatisfactory attitude of science and
+religion to myth. There is still to notice the unsatisfactory
+attitude of the folklorist. Wrong interpretation of special classes of
+myth is, of course, to be anticipated in the commencement of a great
+study such as folklore; but there are also wrong interpretations of
+the fundamental basis of myth. Thus even Mr. Frazer, with all his vast
+research into savage thought and action, doubts the possession of good
+logical faculty by mankind. If mankind, he says, had always been
+logical and wise, history would not be a long chronicle of folly and
+crime.[191] But surely we cannot doubt man's logical powers. They have
+been too strong for his facts. He has applied mercilessly all the
+powers of his logical faculties upon isolated observations of
+phenomena, and it is this limited application which has produced the
+folly and crime. I venture to think that civilised man shares with the
+savage of to-day, and with the primitive ancestors of all mankind, the
+charge of applying perfectly good logic to an insufficiency of facts,
+and producing therefrom fresh chapters of folly and crime.
+
+If myth is correctly defined as primitive science, as I have ventured
+to suggest, it is important to know how it assumes a place among the
+traditions of a people. Primitive science was also primitive belief.
+If it accounted for the origin of mankind, of the sun, moon, and
+stars, of the earth and the trees, it accounted for them as creations
+of a higher power than man, or, at all events, of a great and
+specially endowed man, and higher powers than man were of the unknown
+realm. The unknown was the awful. Primitive science and primitive
+belief were therefore on one and the same plane.[192] They were
+subjects to be treated with reverence and with awe. The story into
+which the myth was so frequently woven is not a story to those who
+believe in the truth of the myth. It assumes the personal shape,
+because the personal is the only machinery by which primitive man is
+capable of expressing himself. It was held only by tradition, because
+tradition was the only means of transmitting it, and it was of a
+sacred character, because sacred things and beliefs were the only
+forces which influenced primitive thought. When it was repeated to new
+generations of learners, it was not a case of story-telling--it was a
+matter of the profoundest importance. Everywhere among the lowest
+savagery we find the secrets of the group kept from all but the
+initiated, and these secrets are the traditions which have become
+sacred, traditions expressed sometimes in ceremonial, sometimes in
+rites, sometimes in narratives. Thus the mythological and religious
+knowledge of the Bushmen is imparted in dances, and when a man is
+ignorant of some myth, he will say, "I do not dance that dance,"
+meaning that he does not belong to the group which preserves that
+particular sacred chapter.[193] The Ashantees have an interesting
+creation myth which is stated to be the foundation of all their
+religious opinions.[194] Mr. Howitt, in his important chapter on
+"Beliefs and Burial Practices,"[195] seems to me to exactly interpret
+the savage mind. The first thing he notes is the belief--a belief that
+"the earth is flat, surmounted by the solid vault of the sky," that
+"there is water all round the flat earth," that the sun is a woman,
+and that the moon was once a man who lived on earth, and so on. Then,
+secondly, he notes the manner in which these beliefs are translated to
+and held by the people, the myth in point of fact--unfortunately, Mr.
+Howitt calls it a legend--wherein it is perfectly obvious that the
+Australian is interpreting the facts of nature in the only language
+known to him to be applicable, namely, that of his own personality.
+Messrs. Spencer and Gillen produce much the same kind of
+evidence,[196] and describe a ceremony among the northern tribes
+connected with the myth of the sun, which ends in a newly initiated
+youth being brought up, "shown the decorations, and had everything
+explained to him."[197] Among the central tribes the same authorities
+describe minutely the initiation ceremonies, during which the initiate
+boy "is instructed for the first time in any of the sacred matters
+referring to totems, and it is by means of the performances which are
+concerned with certain animals, or rather, apparently with the
+animals, but in reality with Alcheringa individuals who were the
+direct transformations of such animals, that the traditions dealing
+with this subject, which is of the greatest importance in the eyes of
+the natives, are firmly impressed upon the mind of the novice, to whom
+everything which he sees and hears is new and surrounded with an air
+of mystery."[198] Sir George Grey, speaking of the traditions of the
+Maori which he collected, says his reader will be in "the position of
+one who listens to a heathen and savage high priest, explaining to him
+in his own words and in his own energetic manner, the traditions in
+which he earnestly believes, and unfolding the religious opinions upon
+which the faith and hopes of his race rest."[199] This "school of
+mythology and history," as it is significantly termed in John White's
+_Ancient History of the Maori_, was "Whare-Kura, the sacred school in
+which the sons of high priests were taught our mythology and history,"
+and it "stood facing the east in the precincts of the sacred place of
+Mua." The school was opened by the priests in the autumn, and
+continued from sunset to midnight every night for four or five months
+in succession. The chief priest sat next to the door. It was his duty
+to commence the proceedings by repeating a portion of history; the
+other priests followed in succession, according to rank. On the south
+side sat the old and most accomplished priests, "whose duty it was to
+insist on a critical and verbatim rehearsal of all the ancient
+lore."[200] The American-Indian account, by the Iroquois, of how myths
+were told to an ancient chief and an assembly of the people on a
+circular open space in a deep forest, wherein was a large wheel-shaped
+stone, from beneath which came a voice which told the tale of the
+former world, and how the first people became what they are at
+present,[201] is in exact accord with this evidence. The priestly
+novice among the Indians of British Guiana is taught the traditions of
+the tribe, while the medicine man of the Bororo in Brazil has to learn
+certain ritual songs and the languages of birds, beasts, and
+trees.[202]
+
+I do not want to press the point too far, because evidence is not easy
+to get on account of the incomplete fashion in which it has been
+collected and presented to the student. The records of native life are
+divided off into chapters arranged, not on the basis of native ideas,
+but on the basis of civilised ideas, and from this cause we get myth
+and belief in different chapters as if they had no connection with
+each other; we get myths treated as if they were but the
+fancy-begotten amusements of the individual, instead of the serious
+ideas of the collective people about the elements of nature to which
+they have directed their attention. Mr. J. A. Farrer comes practically
+to this correct conclusion,[203] while Mr. Jevons seems to me to have
+arrived at the same result in spite of some false intermediate steps,
+due to his failure to discriminate between myth and mythology.[204]
+Failures of this kind are of almost infinite loss to scientific
+research. They stop the results which might flow from the stages
+correctly reached, and hide the full significance which arises from
+the fact that man's aspirations are always so much in excess of his
+accomplished acts. Poetry, philosophy, prayer, worship, are all short
+of the ideal; and the question may surely arise whether the actual
+accomplishments of man in civilisation, as compared with those of man
+in savagery, afford any sort of indication of the distance between
+man's accomplishment and his aspiration at any age. If man has never
+travelled at one moment of time, or at one definite period of life,
+all this distance in thought, it may still be possible to use this
+distance between savage and cultured accomplishment as a standard of
+measurement between accomplishment and ideal, wherever the material
+for such a purpose is available. If folklorists will keep such a
+possibility in mind, whenever they are called upon to investigate
+myth, it will at all events save them from proceeding upon lines which
+cannot lead to progress in the investigation of human history.
+
+The primitive myth does not include all that properly comes within the
+definition of myth. There must be included the myth formed to explain
+a rite or ceremony, which originating in most ancient times has been
+kept up at the instance of a particular religion or cult, but the
+meaning and intent of which has been forgotten amidst the progress of
+a later civilisation. Pausanias is the great storehouse of such myths
+as this, and Mr. Lang has, more than any other scholar, examined and
+explained the process which has gone on.
+
+There is also included in this secondary class of myth, the myths upon
+which are founded the great systems of mythology. The Hindu mythology,
+in spite of all that has been done to place it on the pedestal of
+primitive original thought, is definitely relegated to the secondary
+position by its best exponents. The Vedic religion is tribal in form,
+and in the pre-mythological stage.[205] In the Ramayana and
+Mahabharata, on the contrary, "we trace unequivocal indications of a
+departure from the elemental worship of the Vedas, and the origin or
+elaboration of legends which form the great body of the mythological
+religion of the Hindus."[206] The pre-mythological and the
+mythological stages of Hindu religion, therefore, are both
+discoverable from the traditional literature which has descended from
+both ages, and this fact is important in the classification of the
+various phases of tradition. When once it is admitted that the
+beginnings of mythology are to be traced in one section of the people
+who are supposed to derive a common system of mythology from a common
+home, future research will hesitate to interpret, as Kuhn and Max
+Mueller and their school have done, the traditions of Celts, Teutons,
+and Scandinavians as the detritus of ancient mythologies instead of
+the beginnings of what, under favourable conditions, might have grown
+into mythologies. Mythological tradition is essentially a secondary
+not a primary stage. This fact is overlooked by many authorities, and
+I have noted some of the unfortunate results. It is not overlooked by
+those who study the principles of their subject as well as the
+details. Thus, as Robertson-Smith has so well explained, "mythology
+was no essential part of ancient religion, for it had no sacred
+sanction and no binding force on the worshippers.... Belief in a
+certain series of myths was neither obligatory as a part of true
+religion, nor was it supposed that by believing a man acquired
+religious merit and conciliated the favour of the gods. What was
+obligatory or meritorious was the exact performance of certain sacred
+acts prescribed by religious tradition. This being so, it follows that
+mythology ought not to take the prominent place that is too often
+assigned to it in the scientific study of ancient faiths."[207] This
+is exactly the position, and all that I have advanced for the purpose
+of aiming at a classification of the various kinds of tradition is in
+accord with this view.
+
+All that I am anxious to prove, all that it is possible to prove, from
+these considerations of the position occupied by myth, is that myths
+constitute a part of the serious life of the people. They belong to
+the men and women, perhaps some of them to the men only and others to
+the women only, but essentially to the life of the people.
+
+I do not think that even Mr. Hartland in his special study of the
+subject has quite understood this. He begins at a later period in the
+history of tradition, the period of story-telling proper, when myths
+have become folk-tales,[208] and he treats this period as the earliest
+instead of the secondary stage of myth. In this stage something has
+happened to push myth back from the centre of the people's life to a
+lesser position--a new religious influence, a new civilisation, a new
+home, any one of the many influences, or any combination of
+influences, which have affected peoples and sent them along the paths
+of evolution and progress.
+
+It is in this way that we come upon the folk-tale. The folk-tale is
+secondary to the myth. It is the primitive myth dislodged from its
+primitive place. It has become a part of the life of the people,
+independently of its primary form and object and in a different
+sense. The mythic or historic fact has been obscured, or has been
+displaced from the life of the people. But the myth lives on through
+the affections of the people for the traditions of their older life.
+They love to tell the story which their ancestors revered as myth even
+though it has lost its oldest and most impressive significance. The
+artistic setting of it, born of the years through which it has lived,
+fashioned by the minds which have handed it down and embellished it
+through the generations, has helped its life. It has become the fairy
+tale or the nursery tale. It is told to grown-up people, not as belief
+but as what was once believed; it is told to children, not to men; to
+lovers of romance, not to worshippers of the unknown; it is told by
+mothers and nurses, not by philosophers or priestesses; in the
+gathering ground of home life, or in the nursery, not in the hushed
+sanctity of a great wonder.[209]
+
+The influence of changing conditions upon the position of mythic
+tradition is well illustrated by Dr. Rivers in his account of the
+Todas. This people, he says, "are rapidly forgetting their folk-tales
+and the legends of their gods [that is, their myths], while their
+ceremonial remains to a large extent intact and seems likely to
+continue so for some time." Dr. Rivers attributes this to the effect
+of intercourse with other people. This intercourse has had no
+missionary results and has not therefore affected their religious
+rites and ceremonies, but has shown itself largely in the form of loss
+of interest in the stories of the past.[210] In other words, and in
+accordance with the definitions I am suggesting, the primitive myths
+of the Todas have definitely assumed a secondary position as
+folk-tale, and not a strong position at that, while religion has clung
+to rite and formula.
+
+Primitive myth dislodged in this fashion is sometimes preserved in a
+special manner and for religious purposes in its ancient setting as a
+belief, or as a tradition belonging to sacred places and appertaining
+to sacred things. This is what has happened to the Genesis myth of the
+Hebrews; it has also happened to some of the sacred myths of the
+Hindus, and perhaps to some of the sacred myths of the Greeks. In this
+position the myth may even be reduced to writing, and where this
+happens all the sacredness appertaining to tradition is transferred to
+the written instrument.
+
+Thus in Arkadia, Pausanias tells us, was a temple of Demeter, and
+every second year, when they were celebrating what they called the
+greater mysteries, they took out certain writings which bore on the
+mysteries, and having read them in the hearing of the initiated, put
+them back in their place that same night.[211] In India examples occur
+of land being held for telling stories at the Uchaos or festivals of
+the goddess Devi.[212] The colleges of Rome, composed of men specially
+skilled in religious lore, and charged with the preservation of
+traditional rules regarding the more general religious observances,
+the proper fulfilment of which implied a certain amount of
+information, and rendered it necessary for the state in its own
+interest to provide the faithful transmission of that information,
+have been described by Mommsen.[213]
+
+I pass to the third class of tradition, namely, the legend, and this
+need not detain us long. We have already illustrated it by the notes
+on history and folklore, and by its very nature it belongs essentially
+to the historic age. In dealing with legend, there is first to
+determine whether its characters are historical, or are unknown to
+history. If the former, there is next to disengage those parts of the
+tradition which, by their parallels to other traditions, or by their
+nature, may be safely certified as not belonging to the historical
+hero or to the period of the historical hero. If the latter, the
+details must be analysed to see what elements of culture are contained
+therein. In both cases tradition will have served a purpose, and that
+purpose must be sought. Tradition does not attach itself to an
+historical personage without cause. There is necessity for it, and in
+the case of Hereward the necessity was proved to have been the great
+gap in the history of a national hero. Tradition does not preserve
+details of primitive culture-history without cause, and in the
+examples already quoted it has been shown that this cause rests upon
+the indissoluble links which the uncultured peasant of to-day has with
+the pre-cultured past of his race. He will have forgotten all about
+his tribal life and its consequences, but will retain legends which
+are founded upon tribal life. He will have lost touch with ideas which
+proclaim that man or woman not of his tribe is an enemy to be feared
+or attacked, but will gladly relate legends which deal with events
+growing out of a state of perpetual strife among the ancestors of
+people now in friendship. He will not understand the personal tie of
+ancient times, but will listen to the legends attached to places in
+such strange fashion as to make places seem to possess a personal life
+full of events and happenings. He will know nothing of giants and
+ogres, but will love the legends which tell of heroes meeting and
+conquering such beings. The history of the school books is nothing to
+him, but the history unknowingly contained in the legends is very
+real, and is applied over and over again to such later events as by
+force of circumstances become stamped upon the popular mind and thus
+succeed in displacing the original. It would be an important
+contribution to history to have these legends collected and examined
+by a competent authority. They would be beacon lights of national
+history preserved in legend.
+
+It will be readily conceded, I think, that in attempting these
+definitions of the various classes of tradition, and in illustrating
+them from the records of man's life in various parts of the world, it
+has been impossible for me to deal with certain points in the problem
+before us. In particular I have not considered the favourite subject
+of the diffusion of folk-tales. I do not believe in a general system
+of diffusion, such a system, I mean, as would suffice to account for
+the parallels to be found in almost all countries.[214] I think
+diffusion occupies a very small part indeed of the problem, and that
+it only takes place in late historical times. It is a large subject,
+and I have virtually stated my answer to the theory of diffusion in
+the definitions and classifications which I have ventured to put
+forward. It may be considered by some that other facts in the
+conditions of myth, folk-tale, and legend would not confirm the
+general outline I have given of the three classes of tradition to
+which I have applied these terms; and of course there are many side
+issues in so great a problem. I would not urge the correctness of the
+views I have put forward as applicable to every part of the world, or
+to every phase in the history of tradition; but I would urge that in
+the great centres of traditional life they are practically the only
+means of arriving at the position occupied by tradition, and that in
+all cases they form a working hypothesis upon which future inquirers
+may well base their researches.
+
+
+II
+
+Of late years there have been placed alongside of the traditional
+myth, folk-tale, and legend many other products of tradition--customs,
+ceremonies, practices, and beliefs, and it has been argued, and argued
+strongly and convincingly, that the tradition which has brought down
+the saga and song as far-off echoes of an otherwise unrecorded past
+has also brought down these other elements which must also belong to
+the same distant past. This argument is now no longer seriously
+disputed. But there still remains open for discussion the exact kind
+of evidence which these elements of tradition supply, the particular
+period or people from which they have descended, the particular
+department of history to which they relate. All this is highly
+disputed.
+
+Folklore has in this department been greatly aided by Dr. Tylor's
+impressive terminology, whereby the custom, ceremony, practice, and
+belief which have come down by tradition are classed as "survivals."
+This term implies an ancient origin, and the necessary work of the
+student is to get back to the original. Until very lately the fact of
+survival has carried with it the presumption of ancient origin, but
+Mr. Crawley has raised an objection which I think it is well to meet.
+He urges that "the history of religious phenomena exemplifies in the
+most striking manner the continuity of modern and primitive culture;
+but there is a tendency on the part of students to underestimate this
+continuity, and, by explaining it away on a theory of survivals, to
+lose the only opportunity we have of deducing the permanent elements
+of human nature."
+
+This sentence at once prepares us for much that follows; but Mr.
+Crawley leaves the point itself untouched, except by implication,
+until he is in the middle of his book, and then we have his dictum
+that "it may be finally asserted that nothing which has to do with
+human needs ever survives as a mere survival."[215] It will at once be
+seen that we have here a new estimate of the force which survivals
+play in the evidence of human progress. They prove the continuity of
+modern and primitive culture. They are part and parcel of modern life,
+filling a vacuum which has not been filled by modern thought, carrying
+on, therefore, the standard of religious belief and religious ideal
+from point to point until they can be replaced by newer ideas and
+concepts. This definition of survivals is very bold. It answers Mr.
+Crawley's purpose and argument in a way which no other fact in human
+history, so far as we can judge, could answer it. It is the basis upon
+which his whole argument is founded. Occupying such an important
+place, it should have received explicit investigation, instead of
+being treated as a sort of side issue of incidental importance.
+
+When explicit investigation is undertaken, Mr. Crawley's case must, I
+think, break down. Survivals are carried along the stream of time by
+people whose culture-status is on a level with the culture in which
+the survivals originated. It matters not that these people are placed
+in the midst of a higher civilisation or alongside of a higher
+civilisation. When once the higher civilisation penetrates to them,
+the survival is lost. There is not continuity between modern and
+primitive thought here, but, on the contrary, there is strong
+antagonism, ending with the defeat and death of the primitive
+survival. This is the evidence wherever survivals can be studied,
+whether in the midst of our own civilisation, or even of primitive
+civilisations, which constantly exhibit traces of older beliefs and
+ideas being pushed out of existence by newer. It is, indeed, a mistake
+to suppose, as some authorities apparently do, that survivals can only
+be studied when they are embedded in a high civilisation. It is almost
+a more fruitful method to study them when they appear in the lower
+strata; and even in such a case as the Australian aborigines I think
+that it is the neglect of observing survivals that has led to some of
+the erroneous theories which have recently been advanced against
+Messrs. Spencer and Gillen's conclusions.
+
+For the purpose of examining survivals in custom, rite, and belief, we
+have nothing more than a series of notes of customs and beliefs
+obtaining among the lower and lowest classes of the people, and not
+being the direct teaching of any religious or academic body. These
+notes are very unequal in value, owing to the manner in which they
+have been made. They are often accidental, they are seldom if ever the
+result of trained observation, and they are often mixed up with
+theories as to their origin and relationship to modern society and
+modern religious beliefs. To a great extent the two first of these
+apparent defects are real safeguards, for they certify to the
+genuineness of the record, a certificate which is more needed in this
+branch of inquiry than perhaps in any other. But with regard to the
+third defect there is considerable danger. An inquirer with an object
+is so apt to find what he wishes to find, either by the exercise of
+his own credulity or the ingenuous extension of inquiry into answer;
+whereas the inquirer who is content to note with the simplicity of
+those who occupy themselves by collecting what others have not
+collected, may be deficient in the details he gives, but is seldom
+wrong or violently wrong in what he has recorded. In every direction,
+however, great caution is needed, and especially where any section of
+custom and belief has already been the subject of inquiry. It is
+indeed almost safe to say that all research into custom and belief,
+even that of such masters as Tylor, Lang, Hartland, Frazer, and
+others, needs re-examination before we can finally and unreservedly
+accept the conclusions which have been arrived at.
+
+Such an examination must be directed towards obtaining some necessary
+points in the life-history of each custom, rite, and belief. We have
+to approach this part of our work guided by the fact that folklore
+cannot by any possibility develop. The doctrine of evolution is so
+strong upon us that we are apt to apply its leading idea insensibly to
+almost every branch of human history. But folklore being what it is,
+namely the survival of traditional ideas or practices among a people
+whose principal members have passed beyond the stage of civilisation
+which those ideas and practices once represented, it is impossible for
+it to have any development. When the original ideas and practices
+which it represents were current as the standard form of culture,
+their future history was then to be looked for along the lines of
+development. But so soon as they dropped back behind the standard of
+culture, whatever the cause and whenever the event happened, then
+their future history could only be traced along the lines of decay and
+disintegration. We are acquainted with some of the laws which mark the
+development of primitive culture, but we have paid no attention to the
+influences which mark the existence of survivals in culture. For this
+purpose we must first ascertain what are the component parts of each
+custom or superstition; secondly, we must classify the various
+elements in each example; and thirdly, we must group the various
+examples into classes which associate with each other in motif and
+character.
+
+By this treble process we shall have before us examples of the changes
+in folklore, and demonstrably they are changes of decay, not of
+development. By grouping and arranging these changes it may be
+possible to ascertain and set down the laws of change--for that there
+are laws I am nearly certain. It is these laws which must be
+discovered before we can go very far forward in our studies. Every
+item of custom and superstition must be tested by analysis to find out
+under which power it lives on in survival, and according to the result
+in each case, so may we hope to find out something about the original
+from which the survival has descended.
+
+Each folklore item, in point of fact, has a life history of its own,
+and a place in relationship to other items. Just as the biography of
+each separate word in our language has been investigated in order to
+get at Aryan speech as the interpretation of Aryan thought, so must
+the biography of each custom, superstition, or story be investigated
+in order to get at Aryan belief or something older than Aryan belief.
+We must try to ascertain whether each item represents primitive belief
+by direct descent, by symbolisation, or by changes which may be
+discovered by some law equivalent to Grimm's law in the study of
+language.
+
+Analysis of each custom, rite, or belief will show it to consist of
+three distinct parts, which I would distinguish by the following
+names:--
+
+1. The formula.
+
+2. The purpose.
+
+3. The penalty or result.
+
+It will be found that these three component parts are not equally
+tenacious of their original form in all examples. In one example we
+may find the formula either actually or symbolically perfect, while
+the purpose and penalty may not be easily distinguishable. Or it may
+happen that the formula remains fairly perfect; the purpose may be set
+down to the desire of doing what has always been done, and the penalty
+may be given as luck or ill-luck. Of course, further variations are
+possible, but these are usually the more general forms.
+
+I will give an example or two of these phases of change or degradation
+in folklore. First, then, where the formula is complete, or nearly so,
+and the purpose and penalty have both disappeared. At Carrickfergus it
+was formerly the custom for mothers, when giving their child the
+breast for the last time, to put an egg in its hand and sit on the
+threshold of the outer door with a leg on each side, and this ceremony
+was usually done on a Sunday. Undoubtedly I think we have here a very
+nearly perfect formula; but what is its purpose, and what is the
+penalty for non-observance? Upon both these latter points the example
+is silent, and before they can be restored we must search among the
+other fragments of threshold customs and see whether they exist either
+separately from the formula or with a less perfect example. Secondly,
+where the formula has disappeared and the purpose and penalty remain,
+nearly the whole range of those floating beliefs and superstitions
+which occupy so largely the collections of folklore would supply
+examples. But I will select one example which will be to the point.
+When the Manx cottager looks for the traces of a foot in the ashes of
+his firegrate for the purpose of seeing in what direction the toes
+point, the penalty being that, if they point to the door, a death will
+occur, if to the fireplace, a birth,[216] there is no trace of the
+ancient formula. It is true we may find the missing formula in other
+lands; for instance, among some of the Indian tribes of Bombay. There
+the formula is elaborate and complete, while the purpose and the
+penalty are exactly the same as in the Isle of Man. But this hasty
+travelling to other lands is not, I contend, legitimate in the first
+place. We must begin by seeing whether there is not some other item of
+folklore, perhaps now not even connected with the house-fire group of
+customs and superstitions, whose true place is that of the lost
+formula of this interesting Manx custom. And when once we have taught
+ourselves the way to restore these lost formulae to their rightful
+places, the explanation of the mere waifs and strays of folklore will
+be attended with some approach to scientific accuracy, and we shall
+then be in a position to get rid of that shibboleth so dear to the
+non-folklore critic, that all these things we deal with are "mere
+superstitions."
+
+Thirdly, when the formula is complete, or nearly so, and the purpose
+and penalty become generalised. At St. Edmundsbury a white bull, which
+enjoyed full ease and plenty in the fields, and was never yoked to the
+plough or employed in any service, was led in procession in the chief
+streets of the town to the principal gate of the monastery, attended
+by all the monks singing and a shouting crowd. Knowing what Grimm has
+collected concerning the worship of the white bull, knowing what is
+performed in India to this day, there is no doubt that this formula of
+the white bull at St. Edmundsbury has been preserved in very good
+condition. The purpose of it was, however, not so satisfactory. It is
+said to have taken place whenever a married woman wished to have a
+child; and the penalty is lost in the obvious generalisation that not
+to perform the ceremony is not to obtain the desired end.[217]
+
+The second process, that of classification of the various elements in
+each example, will reveal some characteristics of folklore, which, so
+far as I know, have never yet been taken count of. One very important
+characteristic is the prevalence of a particular belief attached to
+different objects in different places. Thus Sir John Rhys in his
+examination of Manx folklore stopped short in his explanation of the
+superstition of the first-foot, because he had heard that, while in
+the Isle of Man it was attached to a dark man, elsewhere it was
+attached to a fair man. Of the examples where, on New Year's morning,
+it is held to be unlucky to meet a dark person, I may mention
+Lincolnshire, Durham, Yorkshire, and Northumberland. It is, on the
+contrary, _lucky_ to meet, as first-foot, a dark-haired man in
+Lancashire, the Isle of Man, and Aberdeenshire.[218] In these cases we
+get the element of "dark" or "fair" as the varying factor of the
+superstition; but instances occur in Sutherlandshire, the West of
+Scotland, and in Durham, where the varying factor rests upon sex--a
+man being lucky and a woman being unlucky.
+
+Similarly of the well-known superstition about telling the bees of the
+death of their owner, in Berkshire, Bucks, Cheshire, Cornwall,
+Cumberland, Lincolnshire, Lancashire, Monmouthshire, Notts,
+Northumberland, Shropshire, Somersetshire, Suffolk, Surrey, Sussex,
+Wilts, Worcestershire, it appears that a relative may perform the
+ceremony, or sometimes a servant merely, while in Derbyshire, Hants,
+Northants, Rutland, and Yorkshire it must be the heir or successor of
+the deceased owner. Again, while in the above places the death of the
+owner is told to the bees, in other places it is told to the cattle,
+and in Cornwall to the trees;[219] and, in other places, marriages as
+well as death are told to the bees.[220]
+
+In some cases the transfer from one object to another of a particular
+superstition is a matter of absolute observation. Thus, the labourers
+in Norfolk considered it a presage of death to miss a "bout" in corn
+or seed sowing. The superstition is now transferred to the drill,
+which has only been invented for a century. Again, in Ireland, it is
+now considered unlucky to give any one a light for his pipe on
+May-day--a very modern superstition, apparently. But the pipe in this
+case has been the means of preserving the old superstition found in
+many places of not giving a light from the homestead fire.
+
+I will just refer to one other example, the well-known custom of
+offering rags at sacred wells. Sir John Rhys thought that the object
+of these scraps of clothing being placed at the well was for
+transferring the disease from the sick person to some one else. But I
+ventured to oppose this idea, and considered that they were offerings,
+pure and simple, to the spirit of the well, and referred to examples
+in confirmation. Among other items, I have come across an account of
+an Irish "station," as it is called, at a sacred well, the details of
+which fully bear out my view as to the nature of the rags deposited at
+the shrine being offerings to the local deity. One of the devotees, in
+true Irish fashion, made his offering accompanied by the following
+words: "To St. Columbkill--I offer up this button, a bit o' the
+waistband o' my own breeches, an' a taste o' my wife's petticoat, in
+remimbrance of us havin' made this holy station; an' may they rise up
+in glory to prove it for us in the last day."[221] I shall not attempt
+to account for the presence of the usual Irish humour in this, to the
+devotee, most solemn offering; but I point out the undoubted nature of
+the offerings and their service in the identification of their
+owners--a service which implies their power to bear witness in
+spirit-land to the pilgrimage of those who deposited them during
+lifetime at the sacred well.[222]
+
+Now, in all these cases there is an original and a secondary, or
+derivative, form of the superstition, and it is our object to trace
+out which is which. Do the rags deposited at wells symbolise offerings
+to the local deity? If so, they bring us within measurable distance of
+a cult which rests upon faith in the power of natural objects to harm
+or render aid to human beings. Does the question of first-foot rest
+upon the colour of the hair or upon the sex of the person? I think,
+looking at all the examples I have been able to examine, that colour
+is really the older basis of the superstition, and, if so,
+ethnological considerations are doubtless the root of it. Again, if
+the eldest son of the deceased owner of bees appears in the earliest
+form of the death-telling ceremony, we have an interesting fragment of
+the primitive house-ritual of our ancestors.
+
+When, however, we come upon the worship of local deities, when we can
+suggest ethnological elements in folklore, and when we can speak of
+the house-father, and can see that duties are imposed upon him by
+traditional custom, unknown to any rules of civilised society, we are
+in the presence of facts older than those of historic times. It is
+thus that folklore so frequently points back to the past before the
+age of history. Over and over again we pause before the facts of
+folklore, which, however explained, always lead us back to some
+unexplored epoch of history, some undated period, which has not
+revealed its heroes, but which has left us a heritage of its mental
+strivings.
+
+The method of using these notes of custom, rite, and belief for
+scientific purposes is therefore a very important matter. It is
+essential that each single item should be treated definitely and
+separately from all other items, and, further, that the exact wording
+of the original note upon each separate item should be kept intact.
+There must be no juggling with the record, no emendations such as
+students of early literary work are so fond of attempting. Whatever
+the record, it must be accepted. The original account of every custom
+and belief is a corpus, not to be tampered with except for the purpose
+of scientific analysis, and then after that purpose has been effected
+all the parts must be put together again, and the original restored to
+its form.
+
+The handling of each custom or belief and of its separate parts in
+this way enables us, in the first place, to disentangle it from the
+particular personal or social stratum in which it happens to have been
+preserved. It may have become attached to a place, an object, a
+season, a class of persons, a rule of life, and may have been
+preserved by means of this attachment. But because every item of
+folklore of the same nature is not attached to the same agent
+wherever that particular item has been preserved, it is important not
+to stereotype an accidental association as a permanent one. Moreover,
+the modern association is not necessarily the ancient association, and
+there is the further difficulty created by writers on folklore
+classifying into chapters of their own creation the items they collect
+or discuss.[223] In the second place, we are enabled to prepare each
+item of folklore for the place to which it may ultimately be found to
+belong. The first step in this preparation is to get together all the
+examples of any one custom, rite, or belief which have been preserved,
+and to compare these examples with each other, first as to common
+features of likeness, secondly as to features of unlikeness. By this
+process we are able to restore what may be deficient from the
+insufficiency of any particular record--and such a restoration is
+above all things essential--and to present for examination not an
+isolated specimen but a series of specimens, each of which helps to
+bring back to observation some portion of the original. The
+reconstruction of the original is thus brought within sight.
+
+Generally, it may be stated that the points of likeness determine and
+classify all the examples of one custom or belief; the points of
+unlikeness indicate the line of decay inherent in survivals.
+
+This partial equation and partial divergence between different
+examples of the same custom or belief allows a very important point to
+be made in the study of survivals. We can estimate the value of the
+elements which equate in any number of examples, and the value of the
+elements which diverge; and by noting how these values differ in the
+various examples we shall discover the extent of the overlapping of
+example with example, which is of the utmost importance. A given
+custom consists, say, of six elements, which by their constancy among
+all the examples and by their special characteristics may be
+considered as primary elements, in the form in which the custom has
+survived. Let us call these primary elements by algebraical signs,
+a, b, c, d, e, f. A second example of the same custom has
+four of these elements, a, b, c, d, and two divergences, which
+may be considered as secondary elements, and which we will call by the
+signs g, h. A third example has elements a, b, and divergences
+g, h, i, k. A further example has none of the primary elements,
+but only divergences g, h, i, l, m. Then the statement of the case
+is reduced to the following:--
+
+      1 = a, b, c, d, e, f.
+      2 =       a, b, c, d + g, h.
+      3 =             a, b + g, h, i, k.
+      4 =                  + g, h, i, l, m.
+
+The first conclusion to be drawn from this is that the overlapping of
+the several examples (No. 1 overlapping No. 2 at a, b, c, d,
+No. 2 overlapping No. 3 at a, b + g, h, No. 3 overlapping No.
+4 at + g, h, i) shows all these several examples to be but
+variations of one original custom, example No. 4, though possessing
+none of the elements of example No. 1, being the same custom as
+example No. 1. Secondly, the divergences g to m mark the line of
+decay which this particular custom has undergone since it ceased to
+belong to the dominant culture of the people, and dropped back into
+the position of a survival from a former culture preserved only by a
+fragment of the people.[224]
+
+The first of these conclusions is not affected by the order in which
+the examples are arranged; whether we begin with No. 4 or with No. 1,
+the relationship of each example to the others, thus proved to be in
+intimate association, is the same. The second conclusion is
+necessarily dependent upon what we take to be "primary elements" and
+"secondary elements;" and the question is how can these be determined?
+As a rule it will be found that the primary elements are the most
+constant parts of the whole group of examples, appearing more
+frequently, possessing greater adherence to a common form, changing
+(when they do change) with slighter variations; while the secondary
+elements, on the other hand, assume many different varieties of form,
+are by no means of constant occurrence, and do not even amongst
+themselves tend to a common form. The primary elements, therefore,
+constitute the form of the custom which represents the oldest part of
+the survival. They alone will help us to determine the origin of the
+custom, whether by features represented in the elements thus brought
+together or by comparison with ancient custom elsewhere or with
+survivals elsewhere similarly reconstituted. Altogether these
+elements, thus linked together by the tie of common attributes, are
+parts of one organic whole, and it is on this reconstructed organism
+we have to rely for the evidence from tradition.
+
+When any given custom or belief has undergone this double process of
+analysis of its component parts and classification of its several
+elements, another process has to be undertaken, namely, to ascertain
+its association with other customs or beliefs, in the same country or
+among the same people, each of which customs or beliefs, being treated
+in exactly the same manner, is found to exhibit some degree of
+relationship in origin, condition, or purpose to the whole group under
+examination. In this way classification, analysis, and association go
+hand in hand as the necessary methods of studying survivals. Without
+analysis we cannot properly arrive at a classification; without
+classification we cannot work out the association of survivals.
+
+The process is perhaps highly technical and complicated. It may not be
+of interest to all to discuss the process by which results are
+attained when what is most desired are the results themselves. But in
+truth the two parts of this study cannot well be separated. To judge
+of the validity of the results one must know what the process has
+been, and too often results are jumped at without warrant; items of
+custom and usage or of belief and myth are docketed as belonging to a
+given phase of culture, a given group of people, when they have no
+right to such a place in the history of man. It is not only
+distasteful to the inquirer, but almost impossible to dislodge any
+item of folklore once so placed, and thus much of the value of the
+material supplied by folklore is lost or discounted.
+
+Custom, rite, and belief treated in this fashion become veritable
+monuments of history--a history too ancient to have been recorded in
+script, too much an essential part of the folk-life to have been lost
+to tradition. We may hope to restore therefrom the surviving mosaic of
+ancient institutions, ancient law, and ancient religion, and we may
+further hope, with this mosaic to work upon, to restore much of the
+entire fabric which has been lying so many centuries beneath the
+accumulated and accumulating mass of new developments representing the
+civilisation of the Western world.
+
+
+III
+
+It is only here that we can discover the point where we may properly
+commence the work of comparative folklore. An item of folklore which
+stands isolated is practically of no use for scientific investigation.
+It may be, as we have seen, that the myth is in its primary stage as a
+sacred belief among primitive people, in its secondary or folk-tale
+stage as a sacred memory of what was once believed, in its final or
+legendary stage when it does duty in preserving the memory of a hero
+or a place of abiding interest. It may be, as we have seen, that the
+custom, rite, or belief is a mere formula without purpose or result, a
+mere traditional expression of a purpose without formula or result, a
+mere statement of result without formula or purpose. We must know the
+exact position of each item before we begin to compare, or we may be
+comparing absolutely unlike things. The exact position of each item of
+folklore is not to be found from one isolated example. It has first to
+be restored to its association with all the known examples of its
+kind, so that the earliest and most complete form may be recorded.
+That is the true position to which it has been reduced as a survival.
+This restored and complete example is then in a position to be
+compared either with similar survivals in other countries on the same
+level of culture, or within the same ethnological or political sphere
+of influence, or with living customs, rites, or beliefs of peoples of
+a more backward state of culture or in a savage state of culture.
+Comparison of this kind is of value. Comparison of a less technical or
+comprehensive kind may be of value in the hands of a great master; but
+it is often not only valueless but mischievous in the hands of less
+experienced writers, who think that comparison is justified wherever
+similarity is discovered.
+
+Similarity in form, however, does not necessarily mean similarity in
+origin. It does not mean similarity in motive. Customs and rites which
+are alike in practice can be shown to have originated from quite
+different causes, to express quite different motifs, and cannot
+therefore be held to belong to a common class, the elements of which
+are comparable. Thus to take a very considerable custom, to be found
+both in folk-tales and in usage, the succession of the youngest son,
+it is pretty clear that among European peoples it originated in the
+tribal practice of the elder sons going out of the tribal household to
+found tribal households of their own, thus leaving the youngest to
+inherit the original homestead. But among savage peoples where the
+youngest son inherits the homestead, he does not do so because of a
+tribal custom such as that to be found in the European evidence. It is
+because of the conditions of the marriage rites. Thus among the Kafir
+peoples of South Africa
+
+      "the young man of the commonality, who being a young
+      man has had but little or no means of displaying his
+      sagacity--a quality with them most frequently
+      synonymous with cunning--commences for himself in a
+      small way. Hence, too, being polygamous, and his wives
+      being bought with cattle, his first wife is taken from
+      a position accordant with that of a young, untried,
+      and poor or comparatively poor man. Hence also it
+      happens that his wives increase in number, and in--so
+      to speak--position, in accordance with his wealth, and
+      with his reputation for wisdom and sagacity, which may
+      have raised him to the rank of headman of a district,
+      and one of the Chief's counsellors. It is, therefore,
+      only when old in years that he takes to himself his
+      'great wife,' one of greater social and racial
+      position than were his previous wives, and her son,
+      that is, her eldest son, who is consequently the
+      father's youngest or nearly his youngest, becomes his
+      'great son,' and par excellence the heir. If the
+      father be a Chief, this son becomes the Chief at his
+      father's death.
+
+      "As, however, subordinate heirs, the father after some
+      consultation and ceremony chooses out of his other
+      sons, secondly 'the son of his right hand,' and
+      thirdly, 'the son of his grandfather.' If the father
+      be a Chief, these two are after his death accounted as
+      Chiefs in the tribe, subordinate to the 'great son,'
+      and even if through their superior energy, the size of
+      the tribe requiring emigration to pastures new, or
+      other causes, one or both of them break off, and with
+      their respective inheritance or following form a
+      separate tribe or tribes, yet they are federally bound
+      to their great brother, and their successors to his
+      successors, and recognise him as their supreme or
+      national Chief. Thus Krili, the Chief of the
+      Amagcaleka tribe across the Kei, was also paramount
+      Chief of all the Amaxosas, including his own tribe,
+      and those this side the Kei, who are divided into the
+      two great divisions--each of which includes several
+      tribes--of the Amangquika and Amandhlambi, which
+      latter has among it the Amagqunukwebi, a tribe of
+      Caffre intermingled with Hottentot blood, and
+      therefore rather looked down upon."[225]
+
+Dr. Nicholson, from whom I quote this evidence, goes on to say that
+the
+
+      "custom then of the heirship of the youngest, appears
+      to me to have not unlikely grown up among a polygamous
+      race, and to have arisen both from considerations of
+      self security and from those of race and rank."
+
+Quite independently of Dr. Nicholson I had come to the same
+conclusion;[226] and Dr. Nicholson, after handsomely acknowledging my
+priority in the "discovery," very properly alludes to the not
+unimportant fact of two workers in the same field coming to like
+conclusions. It is remarkable that the same distinction between the
+succession of the youngest son and of the son of the youngest wife
+appears in folk-tales.[227] Now clearly it would be quite wrong to
+suggest a parallel between the heirship of the youngest among the
+Kafir peoples of Africa and heirship of the youngest among the tribal
+people of early Europe. They are not comparable at all points, and it
+is just where the point of comparison fails that it becomes so
+important to science.[228]
+
+I will take one other example, and this is the important practice of
+human sacrifice which looms so largely in anthropological research,
+and which is considered by so good an authority as Schrader to have
+taken a prominent place among the Aryans,[229] though he takes his
+examples, not from language, but from the unexamined customs of the
+Greeks, Romans, northerns, Indians, and Persians. We know more about
+the development of sacrifice now that Professor Robertson Smith has
+dealt with the Semitic part of the evidence. Without resting on the
+fact that the occurrence of human sacrifice in a country occupied by
+Aryan-speaking people does not, of itself alone, imply that the rite
+was Aryan, it is far more important to point out that among the higher
+races "the feeling that the slaying involves a grave responsibility
+and must be justified by divine permission" appears, and "care was
+taken to slay the victim without bloodshed, or to make believe that it
+had killed itself."[230] This feeling marks distinctly the Greek
+sacrifice as at Thargelia and in the Leukadian ceremony, the Roman
+sacrifice at the Tarpeian Rock, the sacrifice at the Valhalla rock of
+the northerns, while among the Hindus there is much to show that the
+idea of human sacrifice in some of the early writings is a literary
+borrowing from the Hebrews; and that if it ever prevailed among the
+Aryas of India it was very early superseded by the sacrifice of
+animals.[231] Colonel Dalton has given good reasons for his views
+"that the Hindus derived from the aboriginal races the practice of
+human sacrifices."[232] Although, then, Greek ritual and Greek myth
+are full of legends which tell of sacrifices once human, but
+afterwards commuted into sacrifices where some other victim is slain
+or the dummy of a man is destroyed;[233] although the significant
+Hindu ceremonial of so throwing the limbs of an animal slaughtered to
+be burnt with the dead that every limb lies upon a corresponding part
+of the corpse;[234] although Teuton, Celt, and Norse[235] are credited
+with the practice by authorities not to be questioned, it appears by
+the evidence that the European form of human sacrifice has little in
+common with the savage form except in the nature of the victim. It
+occurred, as Grimm states, when some great disaster, some heinous
+crime, had to be retrieved or purged, a kind of sacrifice, says Mr.
+Lang, not necessarily savage except in its cruelty; and the victims
+were not tribesmen, but captive enemies, purchased slaves, or great
+criminals.
+
+These two examples will serve as warning against the too general
+acceptance of the custom and belief of savage and barbaric races, as
+identical with the custom and belief of early or primitive man. Such
+identification is in the main correct; but it is correct not because
+it has been proved by the best methods to be so, but because, of all
+possible explanations, this is the only one that meets the general
+position in a satisfactory manner. In many cases, however, it is
+monstrously incorrect, and it is the incorrect conclusion which weighs
+far more against the acceptance of the results of folklore than do the
+correct conclusions in its favour.
+
+The work which has to be accomplished by the comparative method of
+research is of such magnitude that it needs to be considered. The
+labour and research might in point of volume be out of proportion to
+the results, and it may be questioned, as it has already been
+questioned by inference, whether it is worth the while. The first
+answer to this objection is that all historical investigation is
+justified, however much the labour, however extensive the research.
+Secondly, considering the very few results which the study of folklore
+has hitherto produced upon the investigations into prehistoric Europe,
+it must be worth while for the student of custom and belief to conduct
+his experiments upon a recognised plan in order to get at the secret
+of man's place in the struggle for existence, which is determined more
+by psychological than by physical phenomena. Thirdly, if the psychical
+anthropology of prehistoric times is to be sought for in the customs
+and beliefs of modern savages, it is of vital importance to
+anthropological science that this should be established by methods
+exactly defined. Whatever of traditional custom and belief is capable
+of bearing the test and of being definitely labelled as belonging to
+prehistoric man, becomes thereafter the data for the psychical
+anthropology of civilised man. Edmund Spenser understood this when his
+official duties took him among the "wild" Irish. "All the customs of
+the Irish," he says, "which I have often noted and compared with that
+I have read, would minister occasion of a most ample discourse of the
+original of them, and the antiquity of that people, which in truth I
+think to be more ancient than most that I know in this end of the
+world; so as if it were in the handling of some man of sound judgment
+and plentiful reading, it would be most pleasant and profitable."[236]
+
+Comparative folklore, then, to be of value must be based upon
+scientific principles. The unmeaning custom or belief of the peasantry
+of the Western world of civilisation must not be taken into the
+domains of savagery or barbarism for an explanation without any
+thought as to what this action really signifies to the history of the
+custom or belief in question. No doubt the explanation thus afforded
+is correct in most cases, and perhaps it was necessary to begin with
+the comparative method in order to understand the importance and scope
+of the study of apparently worthless material. A new stage in
+comparative folklore must now be entered upon. It must be understood
+what the effective comparison of a traditional peasant custom or
+belief with a savage custom or belief really amounts to. The process
+includes the comparison of an isolated custom or belief belonging,
+perhaps secretly, to a particular place, a particular class of
+persons, or perhaps a particular family or person, with a custom or
+belief which is part of a whole system belonging to a savage race or
+tribe; of a custom or belief whose only sanction is tradition, the
+conservative instinct to do what has been done by one's ancestors,
+with a custom or belief whose sanction is the professed and
+established polity or religion of a people; of a custom or belief
+which is embedded in a civilisation, of which it is not a part and to
+which it is antagonistic, with a custom or belief which helps to make
+up the civilisation of which it is part. In carrying out such a
+comparison, therefore, a very long journey back into the past of the
+civilised race has been performed. For unless it be admitted that
+civilised people consciously borrow from savages and barbaric peoples
+or constantly revert to a savage original type of mental and social
+condition, the effect of such a comparison is to take back the custom
+or belief of the modern peasant to a date when a people of savage or
+barbaric culture occupied the country now occupied by their
+descendants, the peasants in question, and to equate the custom or
+belief of this ancient savage or barbaric culture with the custom or
+belief of modern savage or barbaric culture. The line of comparison is
+not therefore simply drawn level from civilisation to savagery; but it
+consists, first, of two vertical lines from civilisation and savagery
+respectively, drawn to a height scaled to represent the antiquity of
+savage culture in modern Europe, and then the level horizontal line
+drawn to join the two vertical lines. Thus the line of comparison is
+
+      Ancient savagery                Ancient savagery
+             +-------------------------------+
+             |                               |
+             |                               |
+             |                               |
+             |                               |
+          Savagery                     Civilisation
+
+We thus arrive at some conception of the work to be accomplished by
+and involved in comparative folklore. The results are worth the work.
+They relate to stages of culture in the countries of civilisation
+which are recoverable by no other means. The stages of culture are
+practically lost to history. In ancient Greek and Roman history, and
+in ancient Scandinavian history, there are priceless fragments of
+information which tell us much. But these fragments are not the
+complete story, and they belong to relatively small areas of European
+history. Every nation has the right to go back as far in its history
+as it is possible to reach. It can only do this by the help of
+comparative folklore. In our own country we have seen how history
+breaks down, and yet historical records in Britain are perhaps the
+richest in Europe. The traditional materials known to us as folklore
+are the only means left to us, and we can only properly avail
+ourselves of these when we have mastered the methods of science which
+it is necessary to use in their investigation.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[182] Mr. MacCulloch, in the title of his interesting book, the
+_Childhood of Fiction_, has emphasised this mischievous idea. I am not
+convinced to the contrary by the evidence he gives as to the popularity
+of the folk-tale among all peoples (p. 2). Indeed, the book itself is
+an emphatic testimony against its title. Mr. MacCulloch evidently began
+with the idea that the folk-tale belonged to the domain of fiction.
+Thus the opening words of his book are: "Folk-tales are the earliest
+form of romantic and imaginative literature--the unwritten fiction of
+early man and of primitive people in all parts of the world;" whereas
+as he nears the end of his study he observes: "Thus, in their origin,
+folk-tales may have had some other purpose than mere amusement; they
+may have embodied the traditions, histories, beliefs, ideas, and
+customs of men at an early stage of civilisation" (p. 451). Mr.
+MacCulloch himself proves this to be the case, and it is therefore all
+the more unfortunate that he should have stamped his very important
+study with the word "fiction."
+
+[183] A folk-tale of the Veys, a North African people, explains this
+view most graphically in its opening sentences. The narrator begins his
+tale by saying: "I speak of the long time past; hear! It is written in
+our old-time-palaver-books--I do not say _then_; in old time the Vey
+people had no books, but the old men told it to their children and they
+kept it; afterwards it was written" (_Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, N.S., vi.
+354). A parallel to this comes from Ireland: "What I have told your
+honour is true; and if it stands otherwise in books, it's the books
+which are wrong. Sure we've better authority than books, for we have it
+all handed down from generation to generation" (Kohl's _Travels in
+Ireland_, 140).
+
+[184] I am the more willing to take this as my illustration of myth
+because, strangely enough, Mr. MacCulloch has omitted it from the
+examples he uses in his _Childhood of Fiction_.
+
+[185] _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, i. 166.
+
+[186] Mr. Jeremiah Curtin has collected and published the _Creation
+Myths of Primitive America_ (London, 1899), and his introduction is a
+specially valuable study of the subject. I printed the Fijian myth from
+Williams' _Fiji and Fijians_, i. 204, and the Kumis myth from Lewin's
+_Wild Races of South-east India_, 225-6, in my _Handbook of Folklore_,
+137-139, and Mr. Lang, in cap. vi. of his _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_
+deals with a sufficient number of examples. _Cf._ also Tylor,
+_Primitive Culture_, cap. ix.
+
+[187] Grey, _Polynesian Mythology_, 1-15. I have only summarised the
+full legend on the lines adopted by Dr. Tylor.
+
+[188] On the Kronos myth consult Farnell, _Cults of the Greek States_,
+i. 23-31, who gives an admirable summary of the evidence as it at
+present stands; Harrison and Verrall, _Mythology and Monuments of Anc.
+Athens_, 192; Lang, _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, i. 295-323.
+
+[189] Mr. Crawley discovered this story in Mr. Bain's _A Digit of the
+Moon_, 13-15, and printed it in his _Mystic Rose_, 33-34.
+
+[190] "The Interpreters of Genesis and the Interpreters of Nature," and
+"Mr. Gladstone and Genesis," in _Science and Hebrew Tradition_, cap.
+iv. and v.
+
+[191] _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, 4, 25. Mr. Jevons, too, lays stress
+upon "the source of errors in religion" as human reason gone astray,
+_Introd. to Hist. of Religion_, 463.
+
+[192] Mr. Jevons practically arrives at this conclusion from a
+different standpoint. "Beliefs," he says, "are about facts, are
+statements about facts, statements that certain facts will be found to
+occur in a certain way or be of a certain kind" (_Introd. to Hist. of
+Religion_, 402). Mr. Curtin, _Creation Myths of Primitive America_ (p.
+xx), confirms the view I take.
+
+[193] Orpen, _Cape Monthly Magazine_. Quoted in Lang's _Myth, Ritual,
+and Religion_, i. 71.
+
+[194] This myth is, I think, worth giving, because of its obvious
+object to account for the difference between white and black races. It
+is as follows: "In the beginning of the world God created three white
+men and three white women, and three black men and three black women.
+In order that these twelve human souls might not thenceforth complain
+of Divine partiality and of their separate conditions, God elected that
+they should determine their own fates by their own choice of good and
+evil. A large calabash or gourd was placed by God upon the ground, and
+close to the side of the calabash was also placed a small folded piece
+of paper. God ruled that the black man should have the first choice. He
+chose the calabash, because he expected that the calabash, being so
+large, could not but contain everything needful for himself. He opened
+the calabash, and found a scrap of gold, a scrap of iron, and several
+other metals of which he did not understand the use. The white man had
+no option. He took, of course, the small folded piece of paper, and
+discovered that, on being unfolded, it revealed a boundless stock of
+knowledge. God then left the black men and women in the bush, and led
+the white men and women to the seashore. He did not forsake the white
+men and women, but communicated with them every night, and taught them
+how to construct a ship, and how to sail from Africa to another
+country. After a while they returned to Africa with various kinds of
+merchandise, which they bartered to the black men and women, who had
+the opportunity of being greater and wiser than the white men and
+women, but who, out of sheer avidity, had thrown away their chance."
+
+[195] _Native Tribes of South-east Australia_, cap. viii.
+
+[196] _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, cap. xxii.; _Native
+Tribes of Central Australia_, cap. xviii.
+
+[197] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, 624; _cf. Native Tribes of
+Central Australia_, 564.
+
+[198] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, 229.
+
+[199] Grey, _Polynesian Mythology_, p. xi. _Cf._ Taylor, _Te Ika a
+Maui_, where myths told by the priests are given in cap. vi. and vii.,
+and _Trans. Ethnological Soc._, new series, i. 45.
+
+[200] White's _Anc. Hist. of the Maori_, i. 8-13.
+
+[201] Curtin, _Creation Myths of Primitive America_, p. xxi.
+
+[202] Im Thurn, _Indians of Guiana_, 335; Landtman, _Origin of
+Priesthood_, 117.
+
+[203] _Primitive Manners and Customs_, cap. i. "Some Savage Myths and
+Beliefs," and cap. viii., "Fairy Lore of Savages."
+
+[204] _Introd. to Hist. of Religion_, 263. Of course I do not accept
+Mr. J. A. Stewart's "general remarks on the [Greek: mythologia] or
+story-telling myth" in his _Myths of Plato_, 4-17. All Mr. Stewart's
+research is literary in object and result, though he uses the materials
+of anthropology.
+
+[205] H. H. Wilson, _Rig Veda Sanhita_, i. p. xvii.
+
+[206] H. H. Wilson, _Vishnu Purana_, i. p. iv; _Rig Veda Sanhita_, i.
+p. xlv.
+
+[207] _Religion of the Semites_, 19.
+
+[208] Mr. Hartland passes rapidly in his opening chapter from the myth
+as primitive science to the myth as fairy tale, from the savage to the
+Celt (_Science of Fairy Tales_, pp. 1-5), and I do not think it is
+possible to make this leap without using the bridge which is to be
+constructed out of the differing positions occupied by the myth and the
+fairy tale.
+
+[209] It will be interesting, I think, to preserve here one or two
+instances of the actual practice of telling traditional tales in our
+own country. Mr. Hartland has referred to the subject in his _Science
+of Fairy Tales_, but the following instances are additional to those he
+has noted, and they refer directly back to the living custom. They are
+all from Scotland, and refer to the early part of last century. "In
+former times, when families, owing to distance and other circumstances,
+held little intercourse with each other through the day, numbers were
+in the habit of assembling together in the evening in one house, and
+spending the time in relating the tales of wonder which had been handed
+down to them by tradition" (Kiltearn in Ross and Cromarty; Sinclair,
+_Statistical Account of Scotland_, xiv. 323). "In the last generation
+every farm and hamlet possessed its oral recorder of tale and song. The
+pastoral habits of the people led them to seek recreation in listening
+to, and in rehearsing the tales of other times; and the senachie and
+the bard were held in high esteem" (Inverness-shire, _ibid._, xiv.
+168). "In the winter months, many of them are in the habit of visiting
+and spending the evenings in each other's houses in the different
+hamlets, repeating the songs of their native bard or listening to the
+legendary tales of some venerable senachie" (Durness in
+Sutherlandshire, _ibid._, xv. 95).
+
+[210] W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_, 3-4.
+
+[211] Pausanias, viii. cap. xv. Sec. 1.
+
+[212] _Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc._, ii. p. 218.
+
+[213] _Hist. of Rome_, i. pp. 177-179. _Cf._ Gunnar Landtman, _Origin
+of Priesthood_, p. 77.
+
+[214] Perhaps Mr. Lang's study of "Cinderella and the Diffusion of
+Tales" in _Folklore_, iv. 413 _et seq._, contains the best summary of
+the position.
+
+[215] Crawley, _Tree of Life_, 5, 144.
+
+[216] Train, _Hist. of Isle of Man_, ii. 115.
+
+[217] The ceremony is fully described in _Relics for the Curious_, i.
+31; _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1784 (see _Gent. Mag. Library_, xxiii.
+209), quoting from a tract first published in 1634; and see _Proc. Soc.
+Antiq. Scot._, x. 669.
+
+[218] See _Folklore_, iii. 253-264; Rhys, _Celtic Folklore_, i.
+337-341.
+
+[219] Couch, _Hist. of Polperro_, 168.
+
+[220] I have investigated the bee cult at some length, and it will form
+part of my study on _Tribal Custom_ which I am now preparing for
+publication.
+
+[221] Carleton, _Traits and Stories of the Irish Peasantry_.
+
+[222] Mr. Eden Phillpotts mentions in one of his Cornish stories
+exactly this conception. Rags were offered. "Just a rag tored off a
+petticoat or some such thing. They hanged 'em up around about on the
+thorn bushes, to shaw as they'd 'a' done more for the good saint if
+they'd had the power."--_Lying Prophets_, 60.
+
+[223] I gave an example of this false classification of folklore in
+accord with its apparent modern association in my preface to _Denham
+Tracts_, ii. p. ix. The left-leg stocking divination is not associated
+with dress, but with the left-hand as opposed to the right-hand augury,
+and I pointed out that the district of the Roman wall, the _locus_ of
+the Denham tracts, thus preserves the luck of the left, believed in by
+the Romans, in opposition to the luck of the right believed in by the
+Teutons. See Schrader, _Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_,
+253-7.
+
+[224] I elaborated this plan of comparative analysis in a report to the
+British Association at Liverpool, in 1896 (see pp. 626-656),
+illustrating it from the fire customs of Britain.
+
+[225] _Archaeological Review_, ii. 163-166; _cf._ the Rev. J. Macdonald
+in _Folklore_, iii. 338.
+
+[226] _Athenaeum_, 29th December, 1883; _Archaeologia_, vol. l. p. 213.
+
+[227] See MacCulloch's _Childhood of Fiction_, chap. xiii., where this
+distinction is noted, though its significance is not pointed out.
+
+[228] Dr. Rivers has dealt with a very similar case of dual origin in
+connection with bride capture, see _Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc._, 1907, p.
+624.
+
+[229] Schrader's _Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_, 422.
+
+[230] Robertson Smith's _Religion of the Semites_, 397.
+
+[231] Monier Williams, _Indian Wisdom_, pp. 29-31. The word-equations
+for sacrifice are given by Schrader, _op. cit._, 130, 415.
+
+[232] _Journ. Asiatic Soc. Bengal_, xxxiv. p. 7. On the influence of
+the aboriginal races _cf._ Monier Williams, _Indian Wisdom_, 312-313;
+Steel and Temple's _Wide Awake Stories_, 395; Campbell, _Tales of West
+Highlands_, l. p. xcviii.
+
+[233] Lang, _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, i. p. 271.
+
+[234] H. H. Wilson, _Religion of the Hindus_, ii. 289. I compare this
+with the custom of the cow following the coffin mentioned by Mannhardt,
+_Die Gotterwelt_, 320, and the soul shot or gift of a cow at death
+recorded by Brand, ii. 248.
+
+[235] _Cf._ Olaus Magnus, pp. 168, 169, for the significant Norse
+ceremony.
+
+[236] Spenser, _View of the State of Ireland_, 1595 (Morley reprint),
+73.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+PSYCHOLOGICAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+Although the great mass of folklore rests upon tradition and tradition
+alone, an important aid to tradition comes from certain psychological
+conditions which we must now consider. At an early stage all students
+of folklore will have discovered that it is not entirely to tradition
+that folklore is indebted for its material. There are still people
+capable of thinking, capable of believing, in the primitive way and in
+the primitive degree. Such people are of course the descendants of
+long ancestors of such people--people whose minds are not attuned to
+the civilisation around them; people, perhaps, whose minds have been
+to an extent stunted and kept back by the civilisation around them.
+There can be no doubt that civilisation and all it demands of mankind
+acts as a deterrent upon the minds of some living within the
+civilisation zone, and belonging apparently to the civilised society.
+This is the root cause of some of the lunacy and much of the crime
+which apparently exists as a necessary adjunct of civilisation, and it
+leads to various forms of thought inconsistent with the knowledge and
+ideas of the age. When these forms of thought are not concentrated
+into a new religious sect by the operation of social laws, they
+become what is sometimes called mere superstition, that kind of
+superstition which consists of using the same power of logic to a
+narrow set of facts which primitive man was in the habit of using, and
+thus repeating in this age the methods of primitive science. We cannot
+quite understand this in the age of railways and schools and
+inventions, but it will be understood better if we go back for only a
+generation or two to those parts of our country which are most remote
+from civilising influences, and obtain some information as to their
+condition.
+
+This cannot be better accomplished than by referring to a Scottish
+author writing, in 1835, of the superstitions then prevailing in
+Scotland. "Our whole genuine records," says Dalyell,
+
+      "teem with the most repulsive pictures of the
+      weakness, bigotry, turbulence, and fierce and
+      treacherous cruelty of the populace. False and corrupt
+      innovations of literature, a compound of facts and
+      fiction, intermingling the old and the new in
+      heterogeneous assemblage, would persuade us to think
+      much more of our forefathers than they thought of
+      themselves. Scotland, until the most modern date, was
+      an utter stranger to civilisation, presenting a
+      sterile country with a famished people, wasted by
+      hordes of mendicants readier to seize than to
+      solicit--void of ingenious arts and useful
+      manufactures, possessed of little skill and learning,
+      plunged in constant war and rapine, full of
+      insubordination, disturbing public rule and private
+      peace. For waving pendants, flowing draperies,
+      brilliant colours, eagles' feathers, herons' plumes,
+      feasts or festivals so splendid in imagination, let
+      naked limbs, scanty, sombre garments to elude
+      discovery by the foe, bits of heath stuck in bonnets
+      if they had them, precarious sustenance, abject
+      humility and all those hardships inseparable from
+      uncultivated tribes and countries be instituted as a
+      juster portrait of earlier generations."[237]
+
+This statement as to Scotland is correctly drawn from social
+conditions which have now passed away, but which, down to the
+beginning of last century, belonged to the ordinary life of the
+people. Thus it is recorded that
+
+      "over all the highlands of Scotland, and in this
+      county in common with others, the practice of building
+      what are called head-dykes was of very remote
+      antiquity. The head-dyke was drawn across the head of
+      a farm, when nature had marked the boundary betwixt
+      the green pastures and that portion of hill which was
+      covered totally or partially with heath. Above this
+      fence the young cattle, the horses, the sheep and
+      goats were kept in the summer months. The milch cows
+      were fed below, except during the time the farmer's
+      family removed to the distant grazings called
+      sheilings. Beyond the head-dyke little attention was
+      paid to boundaries. These enclosures exhibit the most
+      evident traces of extreme old age."[238]
+
+[Illustration: REPRESENTATION OF AN IRISH CHIEFTAIN SEATED AT DINNER, 1581
+FROM DERRICKE'S "IMAGE OF IRELAND"]
+
+In Ireland the same conditions obtained so late as the sixteenth
+century; the native Irish retained their wandering habits, tilling a
+piece of fertile land in the spring, then retiring with their herds to
+the booleys or dairy habitations, generally in the mountain districts
+in the summer, and moving about where the herbage afforded sustenance
+to their cattle.[239] An eighteenth-century traveller in Ireland
+was assured that the quarter called Connaught was "inhabited by a kind
+of savages," and there is record of the capture of a hairy dwarf near
+Longford, who appears hardly to belong to civilisation.[240] Similar
+conditions obtained in the northern counties of England, and in other
+parts.[241] Special circumstances kept the borderland outside the
+influences of ordinary civilised thought and control, and these
+circumstances have been recorded by an eighteenth-century observer,
+from whom I will quote one or two facts as to the mode of life of
+these people: "That they might be more invisible during their outrodes
+and consequently less liable to the effects of their enemies'
+vigilance, the colour of their cloathes resembled that of the scenes
+of their employment or of their season of action, that is, of a brown
+heath and cloudy evening. Thus examples of what might condemn their
+conduct were never offered to them, and immemorial custom seemed as it
+were to sanctify their wildness. Every border-man, almost without
+exception, was brought up in a state which we would call unhappy, and
+every circumstance of his life tended to confirm his partiality for an
+uncertain bed and unprovided diet."[242]
+
+The evidence which this acute observer collected led him to conclude
+that the "almost uniform train of circumstances which affected these
+countries from their border situation, and the little difference there
+was between one of the dark ages and another, strongly induce me to
+believe that the Northern people were little altered in manners from
+very remote times to those immediately preceding the reign of Queen
+Elizabeth," and this is confirmed by what we actually find from the
+report of the Commissioners appointed to settle the peace of the
+Marches by fixed and established ordinances, who collected "their
+ordinances from the traditional accounts of ancient usages that had
+been sanctified as laws by the length of time which they had endured.
+These laws were different from most others, nay, almost peculiar to
+the men to whom they belonged."[243]
+
+I need not continue these notes as to the backwardness of portions of
+the country compared with its general level of culture, because I have
+dealt with the evidence elsewhere.[244] What I am anxious to point out
+here is that the faculty of such people as these to think, not in
+terms of modern science but in terms of their own psychological
+conditions, must have been pronounced. If they ever put the question
+to themselves as to the origin of things, they would answer themselves
+according to the life impressions they were then receiving, and
+according to the limited range of their actual knowledge. As with the
+creators of the traditional myths, the scientific inquirers of
+primitive times, so with these non-advanced people of later times,
+they would deal with the problems they did not understand in fashions
+suitable to their own understanding. It has always appeared to me that
+the impressions of the surrounding life are not sufficiently regarded
+in their influence upon primitive thought. They press down upon the
+mind, and enclose it within barriers so that it can only act through
+these surroundings. Child-life is, in this respect, much the same as
+the life of primitive man. A child thinks and acts in terms of his
+nursery, his school, or his playground. Thus a memory of my own is to
+the point. When quite a child, probably about eight or nine years old,
+I was entrusted with the changing of a small cheque drawn by my father
+in a country town where we were staying. I had never seen a cheque
+before. I remember the ceremony of writing it and the care with which
+the necessary instructions were given to me, and I remember the
+amazement with which I received the golden sovereigns. But my mind
+dwelt upon this strange thing called a cheque, and after a time I
+deliberately came to the conclusion that my father was allowed to get
+money for these cheques on condition only that he wrote them without a
+mistake and without a blot. The conception is absurd until we come to
+analyse the cause of it. My young life at that time was receiving its
+greatest impressions, its all-absorbing impressions, from my school
+exercises in writing. It was a copybook life for the time being, and
+when I turned to ask my question as to origins, as every human being
+has asked himself in turn, I could express myself only in copybook
+terms. It is so with the primitive mind. It can only express itself in
+the terms of its greatest impressions, and it is in this way that
+primitive animism, sympathetic magic and other conceptions obtained
+from the results of anthropological research, are to be found in much
+the same degree wherever humanity is found in primitive conditions.
+As Mr. Hickson puts it so well: "Just as the little black baby of the
+negro, the brown baby of the Malay, the yellow baby of the Chinaman,
+are in face and form, in gestures and habits, as well as in the first
+articulate sound they mutter, very much alike, so the mind of man,
+whether he be Aryan or Malay, Mongolian or Negrito, has, in the course
+of its evolution, passed through stages which are practically
+identical. In the intellectual childhood of mankind natural phenomena,
+or some other causes, of which we are at present ignorant, have
+induced thoughts, stories, legends, and myths, that in their
+essentials are identical among all the races of the world with which
+we are acquainted;"[245] or to take one other example from the
+experience of travellers, Mr. Mitchell, speaking of the Australians,
+says: "I found a native still there, and on my advancing towards him
+with a twig he shook another twig at me, waving it over his head, and
+at the same time intimating with it that we must go back. He and the
+boy then threw up dust at us with their toes (_cf._ 2 Sam. xvi. 13).
+These various expressions of hostility and defiance were too
+intelligible to be mistaken. The expressive pantomime of the man
+showed the identity of the human mind, however distinct the races or
+different the language."[246]
+
+This identity is shown in many other ways to have been operating,
+perhaps to be operating still, upon minds not attuned to the
+civilisation around them. The resistance of agriculturists to change
+is well known.[247] The crooked ridges of the open-field system were
+believed to be necessary because they were supposed to deceive the
+devil,[248] while a superstitious dislike was entertained against
+winnowing machines, because they were supposed to interfere with the
+elements.[249] This is nothing but a modern example of sympathetic
+magic produced by the introduction of the new machine.
+
+I need not go through the researches of the masters of anthropology to
+explain what the psychological evidence exactly amounts to, and the
+realms of primitive thought and experience which it connotes.[250] It
+will, however, be useful for the purpose of our present study, if we
+can find among the peasantry of our country (perchance from those
+districts where we have noted conditions under which primitive thought
+might retain a continuous hold) examples of belief or superstition
+which belongs rather to psychological than to traditional influences.
+The interpretation of dreams, the belief in spirit apparitions, the
+practice of charms, all belong to this branch of our subject, though I
+shall illustrate the points I wish to bring out by reference to less
+common departments.
+
+It was only in the seventeenth century that a learned divine of the
+Church of England was shocked to hear one of his flock repeat the
+evidence of his pagan beliefs in language which is as explicit as it
+is amusing; and I shall not be accused of trifling with religious
+susceptibilities if I quote a passage from a sermon delivered and
+printed in 1659--a passage which shows not a departure from
+Christianity either through ignorance or from the result of
+philosophic study or contemplation, but a sheer non-advance to
+Christianity, a passage which shows us an English pagan of the
+seventeenth century.
+
+"Let me tell you a story," says the Reverend Mr. Pemble, "that I have
+heard from a reverend man out of the pulpit, a place where none should
+dare to tell a lye, of an old man above sixty, who lived and died in a
+parish where there had bin preaching almost all his time.... On his
+deathbed, being questioned by a minister touching his faith and hope
+in God, you would wonder to hear what answer he made: being demanded
+what he thought of God, he answers that he was a good old man; and
+what of Christ, that he was a towardly youth; and of his soule, that
+it was a great bone in his body; and what should become of his soule
+after he was dead, that if he had done well he should be put into a
+pleasant green meadow."[251]
+
+Of the four articles of this singular creed, the first two depict an
+absence of knowledge about the central features of Christian belief,
+the latter two denote the existence of knowledge about some belief not
+known to English scholars of that time. If it had so happened that
+the Reverend Mr. Pemble had thought fit to tell his audience only of
+the first two articles of this creed, it would have been difficult to
+resist the suggestion that they presented us merely with an example of
+stupid, or, perhaps, impudent, blasphemy caused by the events of the
+day. But the negative nature of the first two items of the creed is
+counterbalanced by the positive nature of the second two items; and
+thus this example shows us the importance of considering evidence as
+to all phases of non-belief in Christianity.
+
+Passing on to the two items of positive belief, it is to be noted that
+the soul resident in the body in the shape of a bone is no part of the
+early European belief, but equates rather with the savage idea which
+identifies the soul with some material part of the body, such as the
+eyes, the heart, or the liver; and it is interesting to note in this
+connection that the backbone is considered by some savage races,
+_e.g._, the New Zealanders, as especially sacred because the soul or
+spiritual essence of man resides in the spinal marrow.[252] And there
+is a well-known incident in folk-tales which seems to owe its origin
+to this group of ideas. This is where the hero having been killed, one
+of his bones tells the secret of his death, and thus acts the part of
+the soul-ghost.
+
+In the pleasant green fields we trace the old faiths of the
+agricultural peasantry which, put into the words of Hesiod, tell us
+that "for them earth yields her increase; for them the oaks hold in
+their summits acorns, and in their midmost branches bees. The flocks
+bear for them their fleecy burdens ... they live in _unchanged
+happiness_, and need not fly across the sea in impious ships"--faiths
+which are in striking contrast to the tribal warrior's conception as
+set forth by the Saxon thane of King Eadwine of Northumbria. "This
+life," said this poetical thane, "is like the passage of a bird from
+the darkness without into a lighted hall where you, O King, are seated
+at supper, while storms, and rain, and snow rage abroad. The sparrow
+flying in at our door and straightway out at another is, while within,
+safe from the storm; but soon it vanishes into the darkness whence it
+came."
+
+Such faiths as these, indeed, show us primitive ideas at their very
+roots. This seventeenth-century pagan depended upon himself for his
+faith. He worked out his own ideas as to the origin of soul and heaven
+and God and Christ. They were terms that had filtered down to him
+through the hard surroundings of his life, and he set to work to
+define them in the fashion of the primitive savage. We meet with other
+examples. Thus among the superstitions of Lancashire is one which
+tells us of the lingering belief in a long journey after death, when
+food is necessary to support the soul. A man having died of apoplexy,
+near Manchester, at a public dinner, one of the company was heard to
+remark: "Well, poor Joe, God rest his soul! He has at least gone to
+his long rest wi' a belly full o' good meat, and that's some
+consolation," and perhaps a still more remarkable instance is that of
+the woman buried in Cuxton Church, near Rochester, who directed by
+her will that the coffin was to have a lock and key, the key being
+placed in her dead hand, so that she might be able to release herself
+at pleasure.[253]
+
+These people simply did not understand civilised thought or civilised
+religion. To escape from the pressure of trying to understand they
+turned to think for themselves, and thinking for themselves merely
+brought them back to the standpoint of primitive thought. It could
+hardly be otherwise. The working of the human mind is on the same
+plane wherever and whenever it operates or has operated. The
+difference in results arises from the enlarged field of observation.
+When the Suffolk peasant set to work to account for the existence of
+stones on his field by asserting that the fields produced the stones,
+and for the origin of the so-called "pudding-stone" conglomerate, that
+it was a mother stone and the parent of the pebbles,[254] he was
+beginning a first treatise on geology; and when the Hampshire peasant
+attributes the origin of the tutsan berries to having germinated in
+the blood of slaughtered Danes,[255] other counties following the same
+thought, I am not at all sure that he is not beginning all over again
+the primitive conception of the origin of plants.
+
+[Illustration: LONG MEG AND HER DAUGHTERS]
+
+[Illustration: STONE CIRCLES ON STANTON MOOR]
+
+This beginning shows the mark of the primitive mind, and that it was
+operating in a country dominated by scientific thought is the
+phenomenon which makes it so important to consider psychological
+conditions among the problems of folklore. They account for some
+beliefs which may not contain elements of pure tradition. When the
+Mishmee Hill people of India affirm of a high white cliff at the foot
+of one of the hills that approaches the Burhampooter that it is the
+remains of the "marriage feast of Raja Sisopal with the daughter of the
+neighbouring king, named Bhismak, but she being stolen away by Krishna
+before the ceremony was completed, the whole of the viands were left
+uneaten and have since become consolidated into their present
+form,"[256] we can understand that the belief is in strict accord with
+the primitive conditions of thought of the Mishmee people. Can we
+understand the same conditions of the parallel English belief
+concerning the stone circle known as "Long Meg and her daughters,"[257]
+and of that at Stanton Drew;[258] or of the allied beliefs in Scotland
+that a huge upright stone, Clach Macmeas, in Loth, a parish of
+Sutherlandshire, was hurled to the bottom of the glen from the top of
+Ben Uarie by a giant youth when he was only one month old;[259] and in
+England that "the Hurlers," in Cornwall, were once men engaged in the
+game of hurling, and were turned into stone for playing on the Lord's
+Day; that the circle, known as "Nine Maidens," were maidens turned into
+stone for dancing on the Lord's Day;[260] that the stone circle at
+Stanton Drew represents serpents converted into stones by Keyna, a holy
+virgin of the fifth century;[261] and that the so-called snake stones
+found at Whitby were serpents turned into stones by the prayers of the
+Abbess Hilda.[262] These are only examples of the kind of beliefs
+entertained in all parts of the United Kingdom,[263] and they seem
+based upon psychological, rather than traditional conditions.
+
+The giant and the witch, or wizard, are terms applied to the unknown
+personal agent. "The two standing stones in the neighbourhood of West
+Skeld are said to be the metamorphosis of two wizards or giants, who
+were on their way to plunder and murder the inhabitants of West Skeld;
+but not having calculated their time with sufficient accuracy, before
+they could accomplish their purpose, or retrace their steps to their
+dark abodes, the first rays of the morning sun appeared, and they were
+immediately transformed, and remain to the present time in the shape
+of two tall moss-grown stones of ten feet in height."[264] This is
+paralleled by the Merionethshire example of a large drift of stones
+about midway up the Moelore in Llan Dwywe, which was believed to be
+due to a witch who "was carrying her apron full of stones for some
+purpose to the top of the hill, and the string of the apron broke, and
+all the stones dropped on the spot, where they still remain under the
+name of Fedogaid-y-Widdon."[265] Giant and witch in these cases are
+generic terms by which the popular mind has conveyed a conception of
+the origin of these strange and remarkable monuments, whether natural
+or constructed by a long-forgotten people; and we cannot doubt that
+such beliefs are generated by the peasantry of civilisation from a
+mental conception not far removed from that of the primitive savage.
+Neither their religion nor their education was concerned with such
+things, so the peasants turned to their own realm and created a myth
+of origins suitable to their limited range of knowledge.
+
+It may perhaps be urged that such beliefs as these are on the
+borderland of psychological and traditional influences. Witches and
+giants certainly belong to tradition, but on the other hand they are
+the common factors of the natural mind which readily attributes
+personal origins to impersonal objects. I am inclined on the whole to
+attribute the beliefs attachable to the unexplained boulders or
+unknown monoliths to the eternal questionings in the minds of the
+uncultured peasants of uncivilised countries similar to those of the
+unadvanced savage. That the peasant of civilisation should confine his
+questionings to the by-products of his surroundings and not to the
+greater subjects which occupy the minds of savages, is only because
+the greater subjects have already been answered for him by the
+Christian Church.[266]
+
+There is a point, however, where psychological and traditional
+conditions are in natural conjunction, and I will just refer to this.
+That matters of legal importance should be preserved by the agency of
+tradition has already been shown to belong to that part of history for
+which there are no contemporary records, and its importance in this
+connection has been proved. Equally important from the psychological
+side is the fact that law is also preserved by tradition where people
+are unaccustomed to the use of writing, or by reason of their
+occupation have little use for writing. To illustrate this, I will
+quote an excellent note preserved by a writer on Cornish
+superstitions.
+
+      "There is an old 'vulgar error'--that no man can swear
+      as a witness in a court of law to any thing he has
+      seen through glass. This is based upon the formerly
+      universal use of blown glass for windows, in which
+      glass the constant recurrence of the greenish, and
+      barely more than semi-transparent bull's eyes, so much
+      distorted the view that it was unsafe for a spectator
+      through glass to pledge his oath to what he saw going
+      on outside. Now, through our present glass, this
+      belief is relegated to the region of forgotten things,
+      but nevertheless it has hold on Westcountry people
+      still. I was, some years since, investigating the case
+      of a derelict ship which had been found off the Scilly
+      Islands, and towed by the pilots into a safe anchorage
+      for the night. Next morning the pilots going out to
+      complete their salvage, saw some men on board the
+      derelict casting off the anchor rope by which they had
+      secured her, but they distinctly declined to swear to
+      the truth of what they had seen, and it turned out
+      that they had seen through glass, by which they meant
+      a telescope. In the same case I found that when these
+      pilots (men intelligent much beyond the average, as
+      all Scillonians are) had, on boarding the derelict
+      (which had, of course, been deserted by her crew),
+      found a living dog, they had deliberately thrown it
+      overboard. They explained this act of cruelty to me by
+      saying that a ship was not derelict if on board of her
+      was found alive 'man, woman, child, dog, or cat.' And
+      it turned out, on after-investigation, that these were
+      the very words used in an obsolete Act of Parliament
+      of one of the early Plantagenet kings, forgotten
+      centuries ago by the English people, but borne in mind
+      as a living fact by the Scillonians."[267]
+
+In some special departments elementary psychological conditions
+operate in a considerable degree--operate to produce not waifs and
+strays of primitive thought and belief, but whole classes. Thus in the
+curious accretion of superstition around the objects connected with
+church worship, the same agencies are at work. The general
+characteristic of popular beliefs which originated with, or have grown
+up around the consecrated objects of the Church, is that such objects
+are beneficent in their action when employed for any given purpose.
+Thus, as Henderson says of the North of England, "a belief in the
+efficacy of the sacred elements in the Eucharist for the cure of
+bodily disease is widely spread." Silver rings, made from the
+offertory money, are very generally worn for the cure of epilepsy.
+Water that had been used in baptism was believed in West Scotland to
+have virtue to cure many distempers; it was a preventive against
+witchcraft, and eyes bathed with it would never see a ghost. Dalyell
+puts the evidence very succinctly. "Everything relative to sanctity
+was deemed a preservative. Hence the relics of saints, the touch of
+their clothes, of their tombs, and even portions of structures
+consecrated to divine offices were a safeguard near the person. A
+white marble altar in the church of Iona, almost entire towards the
+close of the seventeenth century, had disappeared late in the
+eighteenth, from its demolition in fragments to avert shipwreck." And
+so what has been consecrated, must not be desecrated. In
+Leicestershire and Northamptonshire there is a superstitious idea that
+the removal or exhumation of a body after interment bodes death or
+some terrible calamity to the surviving members of the deceased's
+family.[268]
+
+In the West of Ireland there were usually found upon the altars of the
+small missionary churches one or more oval stones, either natural
+waterwashed pebbles or artificially shaped and very smooth, and these
+were held in the highest veneration by the peasantry as having
+belonged to the founders of the churches, and were used for a variety
+of purposes, as the curing of diseases, taking oaths upon them,
+etc.[269] Similarly the using of any remains of destroyed churches for
+profane purposes was believed to bring misfortune,[270] while the land
+which once belonged to the church of St. Baramedan, in the parish of
+Kilbarrymeaden, county Waterford, "has long been highly venerated by
+the common people, who attribute to it many surprising virtues."[271]
+In 1849 the people of Carrick were in the habit of carrying away from
+the churchyard portions of the clay of a priest's grave and using it
+as a cure for several diseases, and they also boiled the clay from the
+grave of Father O'Connor with milk and drank it.[272] One of the
+superstitious fancies of the Connemara folk in 1825 was credulity with
+respect to the gospels, as they are called, which "they wear round
+their neck as a charm against danger and disease. These are prepared
+by the priest, and sold by him at the price of two or three
+tenpennies. It is considered sacrilege in the purchaser to part with
+them at any time, and it is believed that the charm proves of no
+efficacy to any but the individual for whose particular benefit the
+priest has blessed it. The charm is written on a scrap of paper and
+enclosed in a small cloth bag, marked on one side with the letters
+I. H. S. On one side of the paper is written the Lord's Prayer, and
+after it a great number of initial letters."[273]
+
+Such examples could be multiplied indefinitely, but no folklorist has
+properly classified such beliefs and endeavoured to ascertain their
+place in the science of folklore.[274] It is clear they have arisen
+not from tradition, but from a new force acting on minds which were
+not yet free to receive new influences without going back to old
+methods of thought.
+
+How completely the sanctity of the church exercises a constant
+influence upon the minds of men, thus substituting a new form of
+belief when older forms were thrust on one side by the advance of the
+new religion, is perhaps best illustrated by a practice in early
+Christian times for giving sanctity to the oath. Among the Jews the
+altar in the Temple was resorted to by litigants in order that the
+oath might be taken in the presence of Yahveh himself, and "so
+powerful was the impression of this upon the Christian mind, that in
+the early ages of the Church there was a popular superstition that an
+oath taken in a Jewish synagogue was more binding and more efficient
+than anywhere else."[275] In exactly the same way the altar of the
+Christian Church is used in popular belief after its use in Church
+ceremonial has been discontinued. Thus, to get in beneath the altar of
+St. Hilary Church, Anglesey, by means of an open panel and then turn
+round and come out is to ensure life for the coming year,[276] and the
+white marble altar in Iona which has been entirely demolished by
+fragments of it being used to avert shipwreck has already been
+referred to.[277] These are cases where there has been a throwing back
+from the new religion to the objects connected with the old religion,
+and they are paralleled by the practice of Protestants appealing to
+the Roman Catholic priesthood for protection against witchcraft, and
+of Nonconformists believing that the clergy of the Episcopal Church
+possess superior powers over evil spirits.[278]
+
+Psychological evidence is therefore important. One can never be quite
+sure to what extent civilised man is free from creating fresh myths in
+place of acquired scientific result, and to what extent this
+influences the production of primitive beliefs, or allows of the
+acceptance of traditional belief on new ground. The great mass of
+traditional belief has come through the ages traditionally, that is,
+from parent to child, from neighbour to neighbour, from class to
+class, from locality to locality, generation after generation.
+Occasionally this main current of the traditional life of a people is
+swollen by small side streams from fresh psychological sources.
+Individual examples, such as those I have cited, have perhaps always
+been present, but their effect must have died away with the passing of
+those with whom they originated. There are, however, stronger effects
+than these, coming not from individuals, but from classes. Thus the
+votaries and enemies of witchcraft produced a more lasting effect.
+Witchcraft, as Dr. Karl Pearson, I think, conclusively proves, and as
+I have helped to prove,[279] is founded upon traditional belief and
+custom, but its remarkable revival in the Middle Ages was in the main
+a psychological phenomenon. Traditional practices, traditional
+formulae, and traditional beliefs are no doubt the elements of
+witchcraft, but it was not the force of tradition which produced the
+miserable doings of the Middle Ages and of the seventeenth century
+against witches. These were due to a psychological force, partly
+generated by the newly acquired power of the people to read the Bible
+for themselves, and so to apply the witch stories of the Jews to
+neighbours of their own who possessed powers or peculiarities which
+they could not understand, and partly generated by the carrying on of
+traditional practices by certain families or groups of persons who
+could only acquire knowledge of such practices by initiation or family
+teaching. Lawyers, magistrates, judges, nobles, and monarchs are
+concerned with witchcraft. These are not minds which have been crushed
+by civilisation, but minds which have misunderstood it or have misused
+it. It is unnecessary, and it is of course impossible on this occasion
+to trace out the psychic issues which are contained in the facts of
+witchcraft, but it may be advisable to illustrate the point by one or
+two references.
+
+I will note a few modern examples of the belief in witchcraft:--
+
+      "In 1879 extraordinary stories were current among the
+      populace of Caergwrle. Mrs. Braithwaite supplied a
+      Mrs. Williams with milk, but afterwards refused to
+      serve her, and the cause was as follows: Mrs.
+      Braithwaite had up to that time been very successful
+      in churning her butter, but about a month ago the
+      butter would not come. She tried every known agency;
+      she washed and dried her bats, but all to no purpose.
+      The milk would not yield an ounce of butter. Under the
+      circumstances she said Mrs. Williams had witched her.
+      The neighbours believed it, and Mrs. Williams was
+      generally called a witch. Hearing these reports, Mrs.
+      Williams went to Mrs. Braithwaite to expostulate with
+      her, when Mrs. Braithwaite said, 'Out, witch! If you
+      don't leave here, I'll shoot you.' Mrs. Williams
+      thereupon applied to the Caergwrle bench of
+      magistrates for a protection order against Mrs.
+      Braithwaite. She assured the Bench she was in danger,
+      as every one believed she was a witch. The Clerk: What
+      do they say is the reason? Applicant: Because she
+      cannot churn the milk. Mr. Kryke: Do they see you
+      riding a broomstick? Applicant (seriously): No, sir.
+      The Bench instructed the police officer to caution
+      Mrs. Braithwaite against repeating the threats."[280]
+
+The next example is from Lancashire:--
+
+      "At the East Dereham Petty Sessions, William Bulwer,
+      of Etling Green, was charged with assaulting
+      Christiana Martins, a young girl, who resided near the
+      Etling Green toll-bar. Complainant deposed that she
+      was 18 years of age, and on Wednesday, the 2nd inst.,
+      the defendant came to her and abused her. The
+      complainant, who looks scarce more than a child,
+      repeated, despite the efforts of the magistrates'
+      clerk to stop her, and without being in the least
+      abashed, some of the worst language it was possible to
+      conceive--conversation of the most gross description,
+      alleged to have taken place between herself and the
+      defendant. They appeared to have got from words to
+      blows and, while trying to fasten the gate, the
+      defendant hit her across the hand with a stick. She
+      alleged that there was no cause for the abuse and the
+      assault, so far as she knew, and in reply to rigid
+      cross-examination as to the origin of the quarrel,
+      adhered to this statement. Mrs. Susannah Gathercole
+      also corroborated the statement as to the assault,
+      adding that the defendant said the complainant's
+      mother was a witch. Defendant then blazed forth in
+      righteous indignation, and, when the witness said she
+      knew no more about the origin of the quarrel, he said,
+      'Mrs. Martins is an old witch, gentlemen, that is what
+      she is, and she charmed me, and I got no sleep for her
+      for three nights, and one night at half-past eleven
+      o'clock, I got up because I could not sleep, and went
+      out and found a "walking toad" under a clod that had
+      been dug up with a three-pronged fork. That is why I
+      could not rest; she is a bad old woman; she put this
+      toad under there to charm me, and her daughter is just
+      as bad, gentlemen. She would bewitch any one; she
+      charmed me, and I got no rest day or night for her,
+      till I found this "walking toad" under the turf. She
+      dug a hole and put it there to charm me, gentlemen,
+      that is the truth. I got the toad out and put it in a
+      cloth, and took it upstairs and showed it to my
+      mother, and "throwed" it into the pit in the garden.
+      She went round this here "walking toad" after she had
+      buried it, and I could not rest by day or sleep by
+      night till I found it. The Bench: Do you go to church?
+      Defendant: Sometimes I go to church, and sometimes to
+      chapel, and sometimes I don't go nowhere. Her mother
+      is bad enough to do anything; and to go and put the
+      "walking toad" in the hole like that, for a man which
+      never did nothing to her, she is not fit to live,
+      gentlemen, to go and do such a thing; it is not as if
+      I had done anything to her. She looks at lots of
+      people, and I know she will do some one harm. The
+      Chairman: Do you know this man, Superintendent Symons?
+      Is he sane? Superintendent Symons: Yes, sir;
+      perfectly."[281]
+
+In Somerset belief in witchcraft still lingers in nooks and corners of
+the west, as appears from a case brought before the magistrates of the
+Wiveliscombe division.
+
+      "Sarah Smith, the wife of a marine store dealer,
+      residing at Golden Hill, was for some time ill and
+      confined to her bed. Finding that the local doctor
+      could not cure her, she sent for a witch doctor of
+      Taunton. He duly arrived by train on St. Thomas's day.
+      Smith inquired his charge, and was informed he usually
+      charged 11s., remarking that unless he took it from
+      the person affected his incantation would be of no
+      avail. Smith then handed it to his wife, who gave it
+      to the witch doctor, and he returned 1s. to her. He
+      then proceeded to foil the witch's power over his
+      patient by tapping her several times on the palm of
+      her hand with his finger, telling her that every tap
+      was a stab on the witch's heart. This was followed by
+      an incantation. He then gave her a parcel of herbs
+      (which evidently consisted of dried bay leaves and
+      peppermint), which she was to steep and drink. She was
+      to send to a blacksmith's shop and get a donkey's shoe
+      made, and nail it on her front door. He then
+      departed."[282]
+
+Such examples as these may be added to from various parts of the
+country, but they do not compare with the terrible case at Clonmel, in
+county Tipperary, which occurred in 1895. The evidence showed that the
+husband, father, and mother of the victim, together with several other
+persons, were concerned in this matter, and one of the witnesses, Mary
+Simpson, stated "that on the night of March 14th she saw Cleary
+forcibly administer herbs to his wife, and when the woman did not
+answer when called upon in the name of the Trinity to say who she was,
+she was placed on the fire by Cleary and the others. Mrs. Cleary did
+not appear to be in her right senses. She was raving."[283] The whole
+record of the trial is of the most amazing description, pointing back
+to a system of belief which, if based upon traditional practices, has
+been fed by entirely modern influences. Such records as these stretch
+back through the ages, and almost every village, certainly every
+county in the United Kingdom, has its records of trials for
+witchcraft, in which clergy and layman, judge, jury, and victim play
+strange parts, if we consider them as members of a civilised
+community. Superstition which has been preserved by the folk as sacred
+to their old faiths, preserved by tradition, has remained the
+cherished possession, generally in secret, of those who practise it.
+The belief in witchcraft is a different matter. Though it has
+traditional rites and practices it has been kept alive by a cruel and
+crude interpretation of its position among the faiths of the Bible,
+and it has thus received fresh life.
+
+The miserable records of witchcraft illustrate in a way no other
+subject can how the human mind, when untouched by the influences of
+advanced culture, has the tendency to revert to traditional culture,
+and they demonstrate how strongly embedded in human memory is the
+great mass of traditional culture. The outside civilisation, religious
+or scientific, has not penetrated far. Science has only just begun her
+great work, and religion has been spending most of her efforts in
+endeavouring to displace a set of beliefs which she calls
+superstition, by a set of superstitions which she calls revelation.
+Not only have the older faiths not been eradicated by this, but the
+older psychological conditions have not been made to disappear. The
+folklorist has to make note of this obviously significant fact, and
+must therefore deal with both sides of the question, the traditional
+and the psychological, and because by far the greater importance
+belongs to the former it does not do to neglect the importance, though
+the lesser importance, of the latter.
+
+It assists the student of tradition in many ways. People who will
+still explain for themselves in primitive fashion phenomena which they
+do not understand, and who remain content with such primitive
+explanations instead of relying upon the discoveries of science, are
+just the people to retain with strong persistence the traditional
+beliefs and ideas which they obtained from their fathers, and to
+acquire other traditional beliefs and ideas which they obtain from
+neighbours. One often wonders at the "amazing toughness" of tradition,
+and in the psychological conditions which have been indicated will be
+found one of the necessary explanations.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[237] Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, 197-198.
+
+[238] Robertson, _Agriculture of Inverness-shire_. For Argyllshire see
+_New Stat. Account of Scotland_, vii. 346; Brown, _Early Descriptions
+of Scotland_, 12, 49, 99.
+
+[239] Wilde, _Catalogue of Museum of Royal Irish Academy_, 99; Joyce,
+_Social Hist. of Anc. Ireland_, ii. 27.
+
+[240] _Tour in Ireland_, 1775, p. 144; _Gent. Mag._, v. 680.
+
+[241] Hutchinson, _Hist. of Cumberland_, i. 216.
+
+[242] James Clarke, _Survey of the Lakes_, 1789, p. xiii; _Berwickshire
+Nat. Field Club_, ix. 512.
+
+[243] Clarke, _Survey of the Lakes_, pp. x, xv. Referring to the
+statutes enacted as a result of the Commissioners' work the facts are
+as follows: There were certain franchises in North and South Tynedale
+and Hexhamshire, by virtue of which the King's writ did not run there.
+[Tynedale, though on the English side of the border, was an ancient
+franchise of the Kings of Scotland.] In 1293 Edward I. confirmed this
+grant in favour of John of Balliol (1 Rot. Parl., 114-16), and the
+inhabitants took advantage of this immunity to make forays and commit
+outrages in neighbouring counties. In the year 1414, at the Parliament
+holden at Leicester, "grievous complaints" of these outrages were made
+"by the Commons of the County of Northumberland." It was accordingly
+provided (2 Henry V., cap. 5) that process should be taken against such
+offenders under the common law until they were outlawed; and that then,
+upon a certificate of outlawry made to lords of franchises in North and
+South Tynedale and Hexhamshire, the offender's lands and goods should
+be forfeited. In 1421 the provisions of this statute were extended to
+like offenders in Rydesdale, where also the King's writ did not run (9
+Henry V., cap. 7). Still these excesses continued in Tynedale. By an
+enactment of Henry VII. (2 Henry VII., cap. 9) this "lordship and
+bounds" were annexed to the county of Northumberland. "Forasmuch," the
+preamble sets forth, "as the inhabitants and dwellers within the
+lordships and bounds of North and South Tyndale, not only in their own
+persons, but also oftentimes accompanied and confedered with Scottish
+ancient enemies to this realm, have at many seasons in time past
+committed and done, and yet daily and nightly commit and do, great and
+heinous murders, robberies, felonies, depredations, riots and other
+great trespasses upon the King our Sovereign lord's true and faithful
+liege people and subjects, inhabiters and dwellers within the shires of
+Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, Exhamshire [_sic_], the
+bishopric of Durham and in a part of Yorkshire, in which treasons,
+murders, robberies, felonies, and other the premises, have not in time
+past in any manner of form been punished after the order and course of
+the common law, by reason of such franchise as was used within the same
+while it was in the possession of any other lord or lords than our
+Sovereign lord, and thus for lack of punishment of these treasons,
+murders, robberies and felonies, the King's true and faithful liege
+people and subjects, inhabiters and dwellers within the shires and
+places before rehearsed, cannot be in any manner of surety of their
+bodies or goods, neither yet lie in their own houses, but either to be
+murdered or taken or carried into Scotland and there ransomed, to their
+great destruction of body and goods, and utter impoverishing for ever,
+unless due and hasty remedy be had and found," it is therefore provided
+that North and South Tynedale shall from thenceforth be gildable, and
+part of the shire of Northumberland, that no franchise shall stand good
+there, and the King's writ shall run, and his officers and all their
+warrants be obeyed there as in every other part of that shire. Further,
+lessees of lands within the bounds are to enter into recognisances in
+two sureties to appear and answer all charges.
+
+[244] See my _Ethnology in Folklore_, cap. vi.
+
+[245] Hickson, _North Celebes_, 240.
+
+[246] Mitchell's _Australian Expeditions_, i. 246.
+
+[247] See my _Village Community_, 18; Stewart's _Highlanders of
+Scotland_, i. 147, 228.
+
+[248] _Notes and Queries_, second series, iv. 487.
+
+[249] Wild, _Highlands, Orcadia and Skye_, 196.
+
+[250] The psychology of primitive races is now receiving scientific
+attention, thanks chiefly to Dr. Haddon and the scholars who
+accompanied him upon his Torres Straits expedition in 1898. The volume
+of the memoirs of this expedition which relates to psychology has
+already been published, and students should consult it as an example of
+scientific method.
+
+[251] One is reminded of the famous Shakespearian emendation whereby
+Falstaff on his death-bed "babbled o' green fields."
+
+[252] Shortland, _New Zealanders_, 107. An Algonquin backbone story is
+quoted by MacCulloch, _Childhood of Fiction_, 92, and he says, "the
+spine is held by many people to be the seat of life," 93 and _cf._ III.
+_Cf._ Frazer, _Adonis, Attis, and Osiris_, 277.
+
+[253] _Gent. Mag. Lib._, _Popular Superstitions_, 122.
+
+[254] _County Folklore, Suffolk_, 2.
+
+[255] _Hardwick's Science Gossip_, vi. 281; _cf._ Worsaae, _Danes and
+Norwegians_, 25.
+
+[256] _Journ. Asiatic Soc., Bengal_, xiv. 479.
+
+[257] King, _Munimenta Antiqua_, i. 195-6; _Gent. Mag. Lib._,
+_Archaeology_, i. 319-321; Hutchinson, _Hist. Cumberland_, i. 226.
+
+[258] _Arch. Journ._, xv. 204.
+
+[259] Sinclair, _Stat. Acct. of Scotland_, xv. 191.
+
+[260] _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, i. 2; _Gent. Mag. Lib._, _Archaeology_,
+i. 21.
+
+[261] _Archaeologia_, xxv. 198.
+
+[262] _Gent. Mag._, 1751, pp. 110, 182.
+
+[263] Some Irish examples are collected in _Folklore Record_, v.
+169-172.
+
+[264] Sinclair, _Stat. Acct. of Scotland_, xv. 111.
+
+[265] _Trans. Cymmrodorion Soc._ (1822), i. 170.
+
+[266] It is not worth while, perhaps, to pursue this part of our
+subject into further regions. It is to be sought for in innumerable
+pamphlets, such, for instance, as those relating to the Civil War.
+Beesley, _Hist. of Banbury_, 334, mentions one, the title of which I
+will quote: "A great Wonder in Heaven shewing the late Apparitions and
+prodigious noyses of War and Battels seen on Edge Hill neere Keinton,"
+and the contents are "Certified under the hands of William Wood Esq and
+Justice for the Peace in the said Countie, Samuel Marshall, Preacher of
+God's Word in Keinton, and other Persons of Qualitie." The date is
+exactly three months after the battle of Edgehill, "London, printed for
+Thomas Jackson, January 23rd, 1642-3."
+
+[267] _West of England Magazine_, February, 1888.
+
+[268] Henderson, _Folklore of the Northern Counties_, 146; Napier,
+_Folklore of West of Scotland_, 140; Dalyell, _Darker Superstitions of
+Scotland_, 142; _Choice Notes_ (_Folklore_), 8; Brand, iii. 300; Dyer,
+_English Folklore_, 146, 153 (Hereford, Lincoln, and Yorks).
+
+[269] Wilde, _Catalogue of Royal Irish Academy_, 131.
+
+[270] _Folklore Record_, iv. 105.
+
+[271] Rev. R. H. Ryland, _Hist. of Waterford_, 271.
+
+[272] Wilde, _Beauties of the Boyne_, 45; Croker, _Researches in South
+of Ireland_, 170; _Revue Celtique_, v. 358.
+
+[273] Blake, _Letters from the Irish Highlands_, 130-131.
+
+[274] _Church Folklore_, by Rev. J. E. Vaux, is a collection of
+material, and does not attempt to give any indication of its value.
+
+[275] Lea, _Superstition and Force_, 28.
+
+[276] _Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc._, xxv. 142; Rev. W. Bingley, _North
+Wales_, 216-217.
+
+[277] Sacheverell, _Voyage to Isle of Man_, 132.
+
+[278] Tylor, _Primitive Culture_, i. 115; Landt, _Origin of the
+Priesthood_, 85; Henderson, _Folklore of Northern Counties_, 32-33;
+_Folklore Record_, i. 46.
+
+[279] Pearson's _Chances of Death_, ii. cap. ix., "Woman as Witch;"
+Gomme, _Ethnology in Folklore_, 48-62.
+
+[280] _Daily Chronicle_, 15th February, 1879.
+
+[281] _Leigh Chronicle_, 19th April, 1879.
+
+[282] _Somerset County Gazette_, 22nd January, 1881.
+
+[283] _Standard_, 3rd April, 1895. The full details are reprinted in
+_Folklore_, vi. 373-384.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+ANTHROPOLOGICAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+In dealing with the folklore of any country, it is important to note
+the general bearing of anthropological conditions. The earliest
+inhabitants, to whom part of the folklore belonged, and the later
+peoples, to whom part belonged, have both arrived at their ultimate
+point of settlement in the country where we discover their folklore
+after being in touch with many points of the world's surface. They are
+both world-people as well as national people--they belonged to
+anthropology before they came under the dominion of history. This
+important fact is often or nearly always neglected. We are apt to
+treat of Greek and Roman and Briton, of Cretan, Scandinavian, and
+Russian, as bounded by the few thousands of years of life which have
+fixed them with their territorial names, and to ignore all that lies
+behind this historic period. There is, as a matter of fact, an immense
+period behind it, reckoned according to geological time in millions of
+years, and this period, longer in duration, more strenuous in its
+influences upon character and mind, containing more representatives in
+peoples, societies, and races than the later period, has affected the
+later period to a far greater extent than is generally conceded or
+understood. We cannot understand the later period without knowing
+something of the earlier period.
+
+There is more than this; for the dominating political races occupying
+European countries to-day were, in most cases, preceded by a
+non-political people. Thus, if we turn to Britain for illustration, we
+find evidence of a people physically allied with a race which cannot
+be identified with Celt or Teuton,[284] philologically allied with a
+people which spoke a non-Aryan language,[285] archaeologically allied
+with the prehistoric stone-circle and monolith builders,[286] and we
+find custom, belief, and myth in Britain retaining traces of a culture
+which is not Celtic and not Teutonic, and which contains survivals of
+the primitive system of totemism.[287] These four independent classes
+of evidence have to be combined if we would ascertain the true
+position they occupy in the history of Britain, and it is perfectly
+clear that, apart from general considerations, a direct appeal to
+anthropology is necessary to help out the deficiencies of both history
+and folklore. The questions involved in totemism alone compel us to
+this course. It is questionable whether there is any existing savage
+or barbaric people who are non-totemic in the sense of either not
+possessing the rudimentary beginnings of totemism, or not having once
+possessed a full system of totemism. Totemism, at one stage or another
+of its development, is, in fact, one of the universal elements of
+man's life, and all consideration of its traces in civilised countries
+must begin with some conception of its origin. Its origin must refer
+back to conditions of human life which are also universal. Special
+circumstances, special peoples, special areas could not have produced
+totemism unless we proceed to the somewhat violent conclusion that
+beginning in one area it has spread therefrom to all areas. I know of
+no authority who advocates such a theory and no evidence in its
+favour. We are left therefore with the proposition that the origin of
+totemism must be sought for in some universal condition of human life
+at one of its very early stages, which would have produced a state of
+things from which would inevitably arise the beliefs, customs, and
+social organisations which are included under the term totemism.
+
+There is therefore ample ground for a consideration of anthropological
+conditions as part of the necessary equipment of the study of folklore
+as an historical science. Unfortunately, authorities are now greatly
+divided on several important questions in anthropology, and it is not
+possible to speak with even a reasonable degree of certainty on many
+things. This compels further research than the mere statement of the
+present position, and I find myself obliged even for my present
+limited purpose to suggest many new points beyond the stage reached
+by present research. There is one advantage in this. It allows of a
+hypothesis by which to present the subject to the student, and a
+working hypothesis is always a great advantage where research is not
+founded entirely on actual observation by trained experts in the
+field. Where, therefore, I depart from the guidance of conclusions
+already arrived at by scholars in this department of research, it will
+be in order to substitute an opinion of my own which I think it is
+necessary to consider, and the whole study of the anthropological
+problems in their relation to folklore will assume the shape of a
+restatement of the entire case.
+
+I am aware that a subject of this magnitude is too weighty and
+far-reaching to be properly considered in a chapter of a book not
+devoted to the single purpose, but it is necessary to attempt a rough
+statement of the evidence, though it will take us somewhat beyond the
+ordinary domain of folklore; but, while dealing with the
+anthropological position at sufficient length to make a complicated
+subject clear, if I can do so, I shall limit both my arguments and the
+evidence in support of them to the narrowest limits.
+
+
+I
+
+Mr. Wallace, I think, supplies the dominant note of the
+anthropological position when he suggests, though in a strangely
+unsatisfactory terminology, that it is the conscious use by man of his
+experience which causes his superior mental endowments, and his
+superior range of development.[288] We must lay stress upon the
+important qualification "conscious." It is conscious use of experience
+which is the great factor in man's progress. It is the greatest
+possession of man in his beginning, and has remained his greatest
+possession ever since. His experience did not always lead him to the
+best paths of progress, but it has led him to progress.
+
+Even Mr. Wallace did not appreciate the full significance of this
+principle. The conscious adoption of a natural fact, of an observation
+from nature, or an assumed observation from nature, for social
+purposes, is an altogether different thing from the unconscious
+knowledge which man might have been possessed of, but which he never
+put to any use in his social development. Anthropologists must note
+not the natural facts known to later man or known to science, but the
+facts, or assumed facts, which early man consciously adopted for his
+purpose during the long period of his development from savage to
+civilised forms of life. The unconscious acts of mankind are of no
+use, or of very little use. It is only the conscious acts that will
+lead us along the lines of man's development. Man did not begin to
+build up his social system with the scientific fact of blood kinship
+through father and mother, but he evolved a theory of social
+relationship which served his purpose until the fact of blood kinship
+supplied a better basis. At almost the first point of origin in savage
+society we see man acting consciously, and it is amongst his conscious
+acts that we must place those traces of a sort of primitive
+legislation which have been found.[289]
+
+Now this being the basis of anthropological observation, we have to
+apply it to the question of man's earliest progress. It is at its base
+an economic question. Primitive economics dominated the movements and
+condition of early man in a far more thorough manner than modern
+economics affect civilisation, and between the two systems lies the
+whole history of man. It reveals man adapting the social unit to the
+productive powers of its food supply, and developing towards the
+adaptation of the productive powers of food supply to the social unit.
+In the various stages that accompany this great change, there is no
+defined separation of peoples according to stages of culture, savage,
+barbaric, or civilised. There is nothing to suggest that all peoples
+do not come from one centre of human life. On the contrary, the
+evidence is strong that the primal stages in human evolution are
+traceable in all the culture stages, and, therefore, that they fit in
+with the general conclusions of anthropologists and naturalists as to
+man's origin in one definite centre, and his gradual spreading out
+from that centre.
+
+I will take the chief conclusions arrived at in respect of this
+condition of birth at one centre and subsequent spreading out. Darwin
+has summarised the problem between the monogenists and polygenists in
+a manner which still ranks as a sufficient statement of the case, and
+his conclusion that "all the races of man are descended from a single
+primitive stock"[290] is accepted by the most prominent
+naturalists,[291] and confirmed by recent discoveries, which go to
+prove that this primitive stock began in miocene or pliocene times in
+the Indo-Malaysian intertropical lands.[292]
+
+Anthropologists, who have been deeply interested in the controversy
+ranging round the origin of man, have in a remarkable manner neglected
+to take into full account the most significant phenomenon of spreading
+out.[293] They either neglect it altogether, or they relegate it to so
+small a place in their argument as to become a practical neglect. They
+treat of man as if he were always in a stationary condition, and
+exclude the important condition of movement as an element in his
+development. Mr. Spencer's general dictum that geological changes and
+meteorological changes, as well as the consequent changes of flora and
+fauna, must have been causing over all parts of the earth perpetual
+emigrations and immigrations,[294] does not help much, because it
+refers to special and cataclysmic events. Lord Avebury, though
+stating the true case, unfortunately contents himself at the end of
+his book on prehistoric man with a short summary of the evidence as to
+the equipment of primitive man in mental and social qualities when he
+began the great movement, and gives only a few lines to his conclusion
+that "there can be no doubt that he originally crept over the earth's
+surface little by little, year by year, just, for instance, as the
+weeds of Europe are now gradually but surely creeping over the surface
+of Australia."[295]
+
+Mr. Keane is the first authority who thinks it appropriate to commence
+his treatise on man with an examination of the facts which show that
+"the world was peopled by migration from one centre by pleistocene
+man ... who moved about like other migrating faunas, unconsciously,
+everywhere following the lines of least resistance, advancing or
+receding, and acting generally on blind impulse rather than of set
+purpose;"[296] and it still remains with Dr. Latham to have formulated
+some fixed principles of the migratory movement in his admirable
+though, of course, wholly inadequate summary of man and his
+migrations. I will quote the passage in full: "So long as any
+continental extremities of the earth's surface remained
+unoccupied--the stream (or rather the enlarging circle of migration)
+not having yet reached them--the _primary_ migration is going on; and
+when all have got their complement, the primary migration is over.
+During this primary migration, the relations of man, thus placed in
+movement and in the full, early and guiltless exercise of his high
+function of subduing the earth, are in conflict with physical
+obstacles and with the resistance of the lower animals only. Unless,
+like Lot's wife, he turn back upon the peopled parts behind him, he
+has no relations with his fellow-men--at least none arising out of the
+claim of previous occupancy. In other words, during the primary
+migration, the world that lay before our progenitors was either brute
+or inanimate. But before many generations have passed away, all
+becomes full to overflowing, so that men must enlarge their boundaries
+at the expense of their fellows. The migrations that now take place
+are _secondary_. They differ from the primary in many respects. They
+are slower, because the resistance is that of humanity to humanity,
+and they are violent, because dispossession is the object. They are
+partial, abortive, followed by the fusion of different populations, or
+followed by their extermination as the case may be."[297] This
+passage, written so long ago as 1841, is still applicable to the facts
+of modern science, and there is only to add to it that the migration
+of man from a common centre, where life was easy, to all parts of the
+world, where life has been difficult, must have been undertaken in
+order to meet some great necessity, and must have become possible by
+reason of some great force which man alone possessed. The necessity
+was economic; the force was social development. If the movement has
+not been geographically ever forward, it has been ethnographically
+constant.[298] Movement always; sometimes the pressure has come from
+one direction, sometimes from another; sometimes it has caused
+compression and at other times expansion; sometimes it has sent
+humanity to inhabit regions that required generations of victims
+before it could hold its own. At all times the essential condition of
+life has been that of constant movement in face of antagonistic
+forces.[299] In whatever form the movement has come about, movement of
+a very definite character has taken place over an immense period of
+time, and sufficient to cover practically the whole earth with
+descendants from the original human stock. This conclusion is
+enormously strengthened by the accumulating evidence for the
+world-wide area covered by the remains of man's earliest weapon, the
+worked stone implement. It is everywhere. It is practically
+co-extensive with man's wanderings, and the greatness of the territory
+it covers marks it off as another of the universal relics of man's
+primitive life. Of no other weapon or instrument or associated object
+can this be said. The bow and arrow are unknown to the Australians and
+other peoples; pottery is unknown to the Bushmen and other peoples;
+the use of fire in cookery is not found among the South Sea Islanders,
+and is not claimed for other peoples.[300] We can get behind the
+development of these and other arts and come upon the ruder people who
+had not arrived at the stage they represent. But we cannot get behind
+the worked flint. It must have been the chief material cause of man's
+success in the migratory movement, and with the social development
+accompanying it must have made migration not only possible, but the
+only true method of meeting the earliest economic difficulties. It
+also provides us with the elements of a chronological basis. Behind
+palaeolithic times there is an immensity of time when man struggled
+with his economic difficulties and spread out slowly and painfully.
+During palaeolithic times the movement was more rapid and more general.
+Obstacles were overcome by palaeolithic man becoming superior to his
+enemies by the use of weapons, and use of weapons caused, or at all
+events aided, the development of social institutions capable of
+bearing the new force of movement.
+
+These two factors of economic necessity and social development are of
+equal importance in man's history, and they interlace at all points.
+They lead straight to the necessity for always taking count of the
+fact that man is primarily a migratory being, and that he has spread
+over the earth. Everywhere we find man. There is no habitable part of
+the world where he has not found a home. But we do not find him under
+equal conditions everywhere, and the different conditions afford
+evidence of the main lines of development. Roughly speaking, it may be
+put in this way. In the savage world the people appear as aborigines,
+that is to say, the first and only occupiers of the territory where
+they are located. In the barbaric world the condition of aboriginal
+settlement is tinged with the result of conquest, namely, the pushing
+out or absorption of the aboriginal folk in favour of a more powerful
+and conquering folk. In the political world, and in the political
+world only, there is not only the element of conquest, but the
+definite aim of conquest, which is to retain the aboriginal or
+conquered people as part of the political fabric necessary to the
+settlement of the conqueror, and at the same time to keep intact the
+superior position of the conqueror. In the savage world, society and
+religion are based upon locality; in the barbaric world there is the
+first sign of the element of kinship consciously used in the effort of
+conquest, which dies away gradually as successful settlement, by which
+conqueror and conquered become merged in one people, follows conquest;
+in the political world, and in the political world only, kinship is
+elevated into a necessary institution, is made sacred to the minds of
+tribesmen, and becomes an essential part of the religion of the tribe
+in order to keep the organisation of the tribal conquerors intact and
+free from the perils of dissolution when conquerors and conquered
+become members of one political unit. The savage and barbaric worlds
+are the homes of the backward peoples, the non-advanced or fossilised
+types of early humanity. The political world is the domain for the
+most part of the Aryan-speaking people, and of the Semitic people, and
+of those people who in Egypt within the Mediterranean area, and in
+China in the eastern Asian area, have built up civilisations which
+have only recently come under scientific observation.
+
+These distinctions are not made by anthropologists as a rule, yet I
+cannot but think they are in the main the true distinctions which must
+be made if we are to arrive at any general conception of the progress
+of man from savagery to civilisation. The distinctions which seem to
+hold the field against those I have suggested, are those of hunter,
+pastoral, and agricultural. I say seem to hold the field, because they
+have never been scientifically worked out. They are stated in
+textbooks and research work almost as an axiom of anthropology, but
+their claim to this position is singularly weak and unsatisfactory,
+and has never been scientifically established. They are only
+economical distinctions, not social, and they do not properly express
+related stages. Hunting, cattle keeping, and agriculture are found in
+almost all stages of social evolution, and I, for one, deny that in
+the order they are generally given, they express anything approaching
+to accurate indication of the line of human progress. The
+distinctions I have suggested do not, of course, contain everything
+indicative of human progress. They are the first broad outlines to be
+filled up by the details of special peoples, special areas, and
+special ages. They involve many sub-stages which need to be properly
+worked out, and for which a satisfactory terminology is required. In
+the meantime, as measuring-posts of man's line of progress, they
+express the most important fact about man, namely, that his present
+enforced stationary condition has followed upon an enormous period of
+enforced movement. That movement has finally resulted in the presence
+of man everywhere on the earth's surface. This has been followed by
+the continued moving of savage man within the limited areas to which
+he has been finally pushed; by the movement of barbaric man from one
+place of settlement to another place of settlement, again within
+limited areas; and by the movement of political man through countries
+and continents of vast extent, and the final overlordship of political
+man over savage and barbaric man whom he has subjected and used for
+his purpose of final settlement in the civilised form of settlement.
+It will be apparent from the terms I have used to express the three
+chief stages in man's progress, that I give a special significance to
+the use of blood kinship as a social force, and in the sequel I think
+this special significance will be justified.[301]
+
+No one can properly estimate the tremendous amount of movement which
+preceded these later limitations to movement. Savage and barbaric
+races are now hemmed in by the forces of modern civilisation. This was
+not the case even a few hundred years ago, and though we cannot say
+when constant movement all over the world was stayed, we can form some
+idea of the comparatively late period when this took place by a
+contemplation of the very recent growth of the political civilisations
+known to history. At the most, this can only be reckoned at some ten
+thousand years. At the back of this short stretch of time, or of the
+successive periods at which the new civilisations have arisen, there
+are recollections of great movements and great migrations. Egypt,
+Babylonia, India, Persia, Greece, and Rome have preserved these
+recollections by tradition, and tradition has been largely confirmed
+by archaeology. Celts and Teutons have preserved parallel traditions
+which are confirmed by history observed from without. These traditions
+and memorials of the migration period have not been scientifically
+examined in each case, but where scholars have touched upon them,
+great and unexpected results have been produced.[302]
+
+There was time enough, before these late and special movements which
+led to civilisation, for man, in the course of peopling the earth, to
+be brought at various stages to a standstill, and such a change in his
+life-history would have its own special results. One of the most
+momentous of these results is the fossilisation of social and mental
+conditions. Man stationary, or movable by custom within restricted
+areas, would live under conditions which must have produced forms of
+culture different from those under which man lived when he was always
+able to penetrate, not by custom but by the force of circumstances,
+into the unknown domain of unoccupied territory; and the fossilisation
+of his culture at various stages of development, in accord with the
+various periods of his being brought to a standstill, would be the
+most important result.[303] Whenever man was compelled to move onward
+the social forces which were demanded of him, as he proceeded from
+point to point, must have been quite different from those which he
+could have adopted if he had been allowed to stay in areas which
+suited him, if he could have selected his settlement grounds and
+awaited events. The calmness of the latter methods would perhaps have
+led to the unconscious development of social forms; the roughness of
+the actual method of constant movement led to the conscious adoption
+of social forms which has altered man's history. These considerations
+bring us to the conclusion that it is during the period of migratory
+movement that man has developed the social and religious elements with
+which the anthropologist finds him endowed, when at last in modern
+days he has been brought within the ken of scientific observation, and
+that therefore it is as a migratory not a stationary organism that the
+evolution of human society has to be studied, aided by the fact that
+enforced stationary conditions have produced in the savage world
+examples of perhaps the most remote as well as the more recent types
+of primitive humanity.
+
+This last possibility, however, is not admitted by the best
+authorities. They endeavour to use biological methods in order to get
+behind existing savagery for the earliest period of human savagery.
+Darwin is not satisfied with the evidence as to promiscuity, strong as
+it appeared to him to be, and he pronounced it to be "extremely
+improbable" in a state of nature, and falls back upon the evidence of
+the rudimentary stages of human existence, there being, as among the
+gorillas, but one adult male in the band, and "when the young male
+grows up, a contest takes place for the mastery, and the strongest, by
+killing and driving out the others, establishes himself as the head of
+the community."[304] Mr. McLennan nowhere states the evidence for his
+first stage of human society--the primitive horde without any ideas of
+kinship, and based upon a fellowship of common interests and
+dangers[305]--but arrives at it by argument deduced from the
+conditions of later stages of development, and from the necessary
+suppositions as to the pre-existing stage which must have led to the
+later. Mr. Westermarck leads us straight to the evidence of the lower
+animals, from which he arrives at the small groups of humans headed by
+the male, and provides us with the theory of a human pairing
+season.[306] Mr. Morgan claims that no exemplification of mankind in
+his assumed lower status of savagery remained to the historical
+period,[307] presumably meaning the anthropo-historical period. And
+finally, Mr. Lang definitely claims that conjecture, and conjecture
+alone, remains as the means of getting back to the earliest human
+origins.[308]
+
+There is great danger in relying too closely upon conjecture. We shall
+be repeating in anthropology what the analytical jurists accomplished
+in law and jurisprudence, and it will then soon become necessary to do
+for anthropology what Sir Henry Maine did for comparative
+jurisprudence, namely, demonstrate that the analytical method does not
+take us back to human origins, but to highly developed systems of
+society. Law, in the hands of the analytical jurists, is merely one
+part of the machinery of modern government. Social beginnings in the
+hands of conjectural anthropologists are merely abstractions with the
+whole history of man put on one side. Mr. Lang in leading the way
+towards the analytical method in anthropology has avoided many of its
+pitfalls, but his disciples are not so successful. Thus, when Mr.
+Thomas declares that "custom which has among them [primitive peoples]
+far more power than law among us, determines whether a man is of kin
+to his mother and her relatives alone, or to his father and father's
+relatives, or whether both sets of relatives are alike of kin to
+them,"[309] he is neglecting the whole significance and range of
+custom. His statement is true analytically, but it is not true
+anthropologically until we have ascertained what this custom to which
+he refers really is, whence it is derived, how it has obtained its
+force, what is its range of action, how it operates in differentiating
+among the various groups of mankind--in a word, what is the human
+history associated with this custom.
+
+We must, however, at certain points in anthropological inquiry have
+recourse to the conjectural method. Its value lies in the fact that it
+states, and states clearly, the issue which is before us, and it is
+always possible to take up the conjectural position and endeavour to
+ascertain whether the neglected facts of human history which it
+expresses can be recovered. Its danger lies in the neglect of certain
+anthropological principles which can only be noted from definite
+examples, and the significance of which can only be discovered by the
+handling of definite examples. I will refer to one or two of the
+principles which I have in mind. Thus, it is necessary to distinguish
+between what is a practice and what is a rule. A practice precedes a
+rule. A practice incidental to one stage of society must not be
+confused with a rule, similar to the practice, obtaining in a
+different stage of society. Again, it must be borne in mind that
+identity of practice is no certain evidence of parallel stages of
+culture, and already it has been pointed out that identical practices
+do not always come from the same causes. Thirdly, it has to be borne
+in mind that primitive peoples specialise in certain directions to an
+extreme extent, and correspondingly cause neglect in other directions.
+The normal, therefore, has to give way to the special, and it is the
+degree of specialisation and the degree of neglect which are measuring
+factors of progress; in other words, it is the conscious adoption of
+certain rules of life with which we alone have to do.
+
+These principles are apt to be wholly neglected, and, indeed, the
+last-mentioned element in the evolution of human society does not
+enter into the calculations of analytical anthropologists. They
+provide for the normal according to scientific ideas of what the
+normal is. They either neglect or openly reject what cannot be called
+abnormal, because it appears everywhere, but which they are inclined
+to treat as abnormal because it does not fit into their accepted lines
+of development. That which I have ventured to term specialisation and
+neglect is a great and important feature in anthropology. It obtains
+everywhere in more or less degree, and accounts for some of the
+apparently unaccountable facts in savage society, where we are
+frequently encountered by a comparatively high degree of culture
+associated with a cruel and debasing system of rites and practices
+which belong to the lowest savagery. Dr. Haddon has usefully suggested
+the term "differential evolution" for this phenomenon in the culture
+history of man,[310] and as I find myself in entire agreement with
+this distinguished anthropologist as to the facts[311] which call for
+a special terminology, I gladly adopt his valuable suggestion.
+
+It is advisable to explain this phenomenon by reference to examples, and
+I will take the point of specialisation first. Even where industrial
+arts have advanced far beyond the primitive stage we are considering, we
+have the case of the Ahts, with whom "though living only a few miles
+apart, the tribes practise different arts and have apparently distinct
+tribal characteristics. One tribe is skilful in shaping canoes, another
+in painting boards for ornamental work, or making ornaments for the
+person, or instruments for hunting and fishing. Individuals as a rule
+keep to the arts for which their tribe has some repute, and do not care
+to acquire those arts in which other tribes excel. There seems to be
+among all the tribes in the island a sort of recognised tribal monopoly
+in certain articles produced, or that have been long manufactured in
+their own district. For instance, a tribe that does not grow potatoes,
+or make a particular kind of mat, will go a long way year after year to
+barter for those articles, which if they liked they themselves could
+easily produce or manufacture."[312] The remarkable case of the Todas
+specialising in cattle rearing and dairy farming is another example.
+Other people, both higher and lower in civilisation than the Todas, keep
+cattle and know the value of milk, but it is reserved for the Todas
+alone to have used this particular economic basis of their existence as
+the basis also of their social formation and their religious life.[313]
+The result is that they neglect other forms of social existence. They
+are not totemists, though perhaps they have the undeveloped germs of
+totemistic beliefs.[314] Their classificatory system of relationship
+makes their actual kinship scarcely recognisable; they "have very
+definite restrictions on the freedom of individuals to marry," and have
+a two-class endogamous division, but their marriage rite is merely the
+selection of nominal fathers for their children.[315] Throughout the
+careful study which we now possess, thanks to Dr. Rivers, of this
+people, there is the dominant note of dairy economy superimposing itself
+upon all else, and even religion seems to be in a state of
+decadence.[316] I do not know that anywhere else could be found a
+stronger example of the results of extreme specialisation upon the
+social and mental condition of a people. As a rule such specialisation
+does not extend to a whole people, but rather to sections, as, for
+instance, among the Gold Coast tribes of Africa who "transmit the secret
+of their skill from father to son and keep the corporation to which they
+belong up to a due degree of closeness by avoiding intermarriage with
+any of the more unskilled labourers,"[317] and Dr. Bucher, who has
+worked out many of the earliest conditions of primitive economics,
+concludes that it may be safely claimed that every "tribe displays some
+favourite form of industrial activity in which its members surpass the
+other tribes."[318] This rule extends to the lowest type of man, as, for
+instance, among the Australians. Each tribe of the Narrinyeri, says
+Taplin, have been accustomed to make those articles which their tract of
+country enabled them to produce most easily; one tribe will make
+weapons, another mats, and a third nets, and then they barter them one
+with another.[319]
+
+The evidence for industrial evolution is full of cases such as these,
+and they are extremely important to note, because it is not the mere
+existence of particular customs or particular beliefs among different
+peoples which is the factor to take into account, but the use or
+non-use, and the extent of the use or non-use, to which the particular
+customs or beliefs are put in each case.[320] Let me turn from the
+phenomenon of over-specialisation to that of neglect, and for this
+purpose I will take the simple fact of blood kinship. Existing
+obviously everywhere through the mother, and not obviously but
+admittedly through the father among most primitive peoples, there are
+examples where both maternal kinship and paternal kinship are
+neglected factors in the construction of the social group. The Nahals
+of Khandesh, for instance, neglect kinship altogether, and exist
+perfectly wild among the mountains, subsisting chiefly on roots,
+fruits, and berries, though the children during infancy accompany the
+mother in her unattached freedom from male control,[321] just as
+Herodotos describes the condition of the Auseans "before the Hellenes
+were settled near them."[322] Similarly, among many primitive peoples,
+kinship with the mother is recognised while kinship with the father is
+purposely neglected as a social factor. Thus, among the Khasia Hill
+people, the husband visits his wife occasionally in her own home,
+where "he seems merely entertained to continue the family to which his
+wife belongs."[323] This statement, so peculiarly appropriate to my
+purpose, is not merely an accident of language. With the people allied
+to the Khasis, namely, the Syntengs and the people of Maoshai, "the
+husband does not go and live in his mother-in-law's house; he only
+visits her there. In Jowai, the husband came to his mother-in-law's
+house only after dark," and the explanation of the latest authority
+is that among these people "the man is nobody ... if he be a husband
+he is looked upon merely as _u shong kha_, a begetter."[324]
+
+The neglect of maternal and paternal kinship respectively in these two
+cases is obvious. They are recognised physically. But they are not
+used as part of the fabric of social institutions. Physical motherhood
+or fatherhood is nothing to these people, and one must learn to
+understand that there is wide difference between the mere physical
+fact of having a mother and father, and the political fact of using
+this kinship for social organisation. Savages who have not learnt the
+political significance have but the scantiest appreciation of the
+physical fact. The Australians, for instance, have no term to express
+the relationship between mother and child. This is because the
+physical fact is of no significance, and not as Mr. Thomas thinks
+because of the meagreness of the language.[325] Our field
+anthropologists do not quite understand the savage in this respect. It
+is of no use preparing a genealogical tree on the basis of civilised
+knowledge of genealogy if such a document is beyond the ken of the
+people to whom it relates. The information for it may be correctly
+collected, but if the whole structure is not within the compass of
+savage thought it is a misleading anthropological document. It is of
+no use translating a native term as "father," if father did not mean
+to the savage what it means to us. It might mean something so very
+different. With us, fatherhood connotes a definite individual with all
+sorts of social, economical, and political associations, but what
+does it mean to the savage? It may mean physical fatherhood and
+nothing more, and physical fatherhood may be a fact of the veriest
+insignificance. It may mean social fatherhood, where all men of a
+certain status are fathers to all children of the complementary
+status, and social fatherhood thus becomes much more than we can
+understand by the term father.
+
+We cannot ignore the evidence which over-specialisation in one
+direction and neglect in other directions supply to anthropology. It
+shows us that human societies cannot always be measured in the scale
+of culture by the most apparent of the social elements contained in
+them. The cannibalism of the Fijians, the art products of the Maori,
+the totemism of the Australian blacks, do not express all that makes
+up the culture of these people, although it too often happens that
+they are made to do duty for the several estimates of culture
+progress. It follows that a survey of the different human societies
+might reveal examples of the possible lowest in the scale as well as
+various advances from the lowest; or in lieu of whole societies in the
+lowest scale, there might be revealed unexceptional examples of the
+possible lowest elements of culture within societies not wholly in the
+lowest scale. It will be seen how valuable an asset this must be in
+anthropological research. It justifies those who assert that existing
+savagery or existing survival will supply evidence of man at the very
+earliest stages of existence. It is the root idea of Dr. Tylor's
+method of research, and it is an essential feature in the science of
+folklore.
+
+Evidence of this nature, however, needs to be exhaustively collected,
+and to be subjected to the most careful examination, as otherwise it
+may be used for the merest _a priori_ argument of the most mischievous
+and inconclusive description. It involves consideration of whole human
+groups rather than of particular sections of each human group, of the
+whole corpus of social, religious, and economical elements residing in
+each human group rather than of the separated items. Each human group,
+having its specialised and dormant elements, must be treated as an
+organism and not as a bundle of separable items, each one of which the
+student may use or let alone as he desires. That which is
+anthropological evidence is the indivisible organism, and whenever,
+for convenience of treatment and considerations of space, particular
+elements only are used in evidence, they must be qualified, and the
+use to which they are provisionally put for scientific purposes must
+be checked, by the associated elements with which the particular
+elements are connected.
+
+The human groups thus called upon to surrender their contributions to
+the history of man are of various formations, and consist of various
+kinds of social units. There is no one term which can properly be
+applied to all, and it will have been noted that I have carefully
+avoided giving the human groups hitherto dealt with any particular
+name, and only under protest have I admitted the terms used by the
+authorities I have quoted. I think the term "tribe" is not applicable
+to savage society, for it is used to denote peoples in all degrees of
+social evolution, and merely stands for the group which is known by a
+given name, or roams over a given district. But the use of this term
+is not so productive of harm as the use of the term "family," because
+of the universal application of this term to the smallest social unit
+of the civilised world, and because of the fundamental difference of
+structure of the units which roughly answer to the definition of
+family in various parts of the world. It is no use in scientific
+matters to use terms of inexact reference. As much as almost anything
+else it has led to false conclusions as to the evolution of the
+family, conclusions which seem to entangle even the best authorities
+in a mass of contradictions. I cannot think of a family group in
+savagery with father, mother, sons, and daughters, all delightfully
+known to each other, in terms which also belong to the civilised
+family, and still less can I think of these terms being used to take
+in the extended grouping of local kinships. One of our greatest
+difficulties, indeed, is the indiscriminate use of kinship terms by
+our descriptive authorities. We are never quite sure whether the
+physical relationships included in them convey anything whatever to
+the savage. If he knows of the physical fact, he does not use it
+politically, for blood kinship as a political force is late, not
+early, and the early tie was dependent upon quite other circumstances.
+Over and over again it will be found stated by established authorities
+that the family was the primal unit, the grouped families forming the
+larger clan, the grouped clans forming the larger tribe. This is Sir
+Henry Maine's famous formula, and it is the basis of his investigation
+into early law and custom.[326] It is founded upon the false
+conception of the family in early history, and upon a too narrow
+interpretation of the stages of evolution. When we are dealing with
+savage society, the terms family and tribe do not connote the same
+institution as when we are dealing with higher forms of civilisation.
+There is something roughly corresponding to these groupings in both
+systems, but they do not actually equate. When we pass to the Semitic
+and the Aryan-speaking peoples, both the family and tribe have assumed
+a definite place in the polity of the races which is not to be found
+outside these peoples.
+
+So strongly has the family impressed itself upon the thought of the
+age that students of man in his earliest ages are found stating that
+"the family is the most ancient and the most sacred of human
+institutions."[327] This proposition, however, is not only denied by
+other authorities, as, for instance, Mr. Jevons, who affirms that "the
+family is a comparatively late institution in the history of
+society,"[328] but it rests upon the merely analytical basis of
+research, separated entirely from those facts of man's history which
+are discoverable by the means just now suggested. One is, of course,
+quite prepared to find the family among civilisations older than the
+Indo-European, and yet to find that it is a comparatively late
+institution among Indo-European peoples. As a matter of fact, this is
+the case; for the two kinds of family, the family as seen in savage
+society and the family as it appears among the antiquities of the
+Indo-European people, are totally distinct in origin, in compass, and
+in force; while welded between the two kinds of family is the whole
+institution of the tribe. It is no use introducing the theory adopted
+by Grote, Niebuhr, Mommsen, Thirlwall, Maine, and other authorities
+who have studied the legal antiquities of classical times, that the
+tribe is the aggregate of original family units. Later on I shall show
+that this cannot be the case. The larger kinship of the tribe is a
+primary unit of ancient society, which thrusts itself between the
+savage family and the civilised family, showing that the two types are
+separated by a long period of history during which the family did not
+exist.
+
+It has taken me some time to explain these points in anthropological
+science, which appear to me not to have received proper consideration
+at the hands of the masters of the science, but which are essential
+factors in the history of man and are necessary to a due consideration
+of the position occupied by folklore. The chief results obtained
+are:--
+
+      (1) Migratory man would deposit his most rudimentary
+      social type not at the point of starting his
+      migration, but at the furthest point therefrom.
+
+      (2) Custom due to the migratory period would continue
+      after real migratory movement had ceased, and from
+      this body of custom would be derived all later forms
+      of social custom.
+
+      (3) Non-kinship groups are more rudimentary than
+      kinship groups, and are still observable in savage
+      anthropology.
+
+      (4) Anthropological evidence must be based upon the
+      whole of the characteristics of human groups, not upon
+      special characteristics singled out for the purpose of
+      research.
+
+It is with these results we have to work. They will help us to see how
+far the facts of anthropology, which begin far behind the historical
+world, have to do with the problems presented by folklore as a science
+having to deal with the historical world.
+
+
+II
+
+We may now inquire where anthropology and folklore meet. It is
+significant in this connection that in order to reach back to the
+earliest ages of man, our first appeal seems to be to folklore. The
+appeal at present does not lead us far perhaps, but it certainly acts
+as a finger post in the inquiry, for Dr. Kollmann, rejecting the
+evidence of the Java _Pithecanthropus erectus_ as the earliest
+palaeontological evidence of man, advances the opinion that the direct
+antecedents of man should not be sought among the species of
+anthropoid apes of great height and with flat skulls, but much further
+back in the zoological scale, in the small monkeys with pointed
+skulls; from which, he believes, were developed the human pygmy races
+of prehistoric ages with pointed skulls, and from these pygmy races
+finally developed the human race of historic times. And he relies upon
+folklore for one part of his evidence, for it is this descent of man,
+he thinks, which explains the persistency with which mythology and
+folklore allude to the subject of pygmy people, as well as the
+relative frequency with which recently the fossils of small human
+beings belonging to prehistoric times have been discovered.[329] It
+must not be forgotten, too, that this remote period is found in
+another class of tradition, namely, that to which Dr. Tylor refers as
+containing the memory of the huge animals of the quaternary
+period.[330]
+
+It must be confessed that we do not get far with this evidence alone.
+If it proves that the true starting point is to be found in folklore,
+it also proves that folklore alone is not capable of working through
+the problem. Anthropology must aid here, and I will suggest the lines
+on which it appears to me it does this.
+
+Our first effort must be made by the evidence suggested by the
+conjectural method. This leads us to small human groups, each headed
+by a male who drives out all other males and himself remains with his
+females and his children. Sexual selection thus acts with primitive
+economics[331] in keeping the earliest groups small in numbers, and
+creating a spreading out from these groups of the males cast out. We
+have male supremacy in its crudest form accompanied by an enforced
+male celibacy, so far as the group in which the males are born is
+concerned, on the part of those who survive the struggle for supremacy
+and wander forth on their own account. Marking the stages from point
+to point, in order to arrive at a systematic method of stating the
+complex problem presented by the subject we are investigating, we can
+project from this earliest condition of man's life two important
+elements of social evolution, namely--
+
+      (a) Younger men are celibate within the natural
+      groups of human society, or are driven out therefrom.
+
+      (b) Men thus driven out will seek mates on their own
+      account, and will secure them partly from the original
+      group as far as they are permitted or are successful
+      in their attempts, and partly by capture from other
+      local groups.
+
+The first of these elements strongly emphasises the migratory
+character of the earliest human groups. The second shows how each
+group is relieved of the incubus of too great a number for the
+economic conditions by the double process of sending forth its young
+males, and of its younger females being captured by successful
+marauders.
+
+Let us take a fuller note of what the conditions of such a life might
+be. There is no tie of kinship operating as a social force within the
+groups; there is the unquestioned condition of hostility surrounding
+each group, and there is the enforced practice of providing mates by
+capture. Of these three conditions the most significant is undoubtedly
+the absence of the kinship tie. If then we use this as the basis for
+grouping the earliest examples of social organisation, we proceed to
+inquire whether there are any examples of kinless society in
+anthropological evidence.
+
+Following up the clue supplied by folklore, we may see whether the
+pygmy people of anthropological observation answer in any way to those
+conjectural conditions.[332] I think they do. Thus, we find that the
+pygmy people are in all cases on the extreme confines of the world's
+occupation ground; that they occupy the territory to which they have
+been pushed, not that which they have chosen. As the most primitive
+representatives, they are the last outposts of the migratory
+movements. Dr. Beke has preserved an account of the pygmies which even
+in its terminology assists in their identification as a type of the
+remotest stages of social existence. Dr. Beke obtained certain
+information about the countries south-west of Abyssinia, from which
+Latham quotes the following:--
+
+      "The people of Doko, both men and women, are said to
+      be no taller than boys nine or ten years old. They
+      never exceed that height even in the most advanced
+      age. They go quite naked; their principal foods are
+      ants, snakes, mice, and other things which commonly
+      are not used as food.... They also climb trees with
+      great skill to fetch down the fruits, and in doing
+      this they stretch their hands downwards and their legs
+      upwards.... They live mixed together; men and women
+      unite and separate as they please.... The mother
+      suckles the child only as long as she is unable to
+      find ants and snakes for its food; she abandons it as
+      soon as it can get its food by itself. No rank or
+      order exists among the Dokos. Nobody orders, nobody
+      obeys, nobody defends the country, nobody cares for
+      the welfare of the nation."[333]
+
+This evidence is confirmed in many directions. It coincides with the
+account by Herodotos of the expedition from Libya which met with a
+pygmy race,[334] and with a seventeenth-century account of a Dutch
+expedition to the north from the south, who "found a tribe of people
+very low in stature and very lean, entirely savage, without huts,
+cattle, or anything in the world except their lands and wild
+game."[335] Captain Burrows' account of the Congoland pygmies agrees
+in all essentials, and he particularly notes that they "have no ties
+of family affection such as those of mother to son or sister to
+brother, and seem to be wanting in all social qualities;" they have no
+religion and no fetich rites; no burial ceremony and no mourning for
+the dead; in short, he adds, "they are to my thinking the closest link
+with the original Darwinian anthropoid ape extant."[336] The evidence
+of the African pygmy people everywhere confirms these views, and
+differences of detail do not alter the general results.[337]
+
+[Illustration: CHINESE REPRESENTATION OF PYGMIES GOING ABOUT
+ARM-IN-ARM FOR MUTUAL PROTECTION]
+
+[Illustration: SEMANG OF KUALA KENERING, ULU PERAK]
+
+[Illustration: NEGRITO TYPE: SEMANG OF PERAK]
+
+Following this up we get the greatest assistance from Asia.[338] The
+Semang people of the Malay Peninsula are a short race, the male being
+four feet nine inches in height, with woolly and tufted hair, thick
+lips and flat nose, and their language is connected with the group
+of which the Khasi people is a member.[339] They subsist upon the
+birds and beasts of the forest, and roots, eating elephants,
+rhinoceros, monkeys, and rats. They are said to have chiefs among
+them, but all property is common. Their huts or temporary dwellings,
+for they have no fixed habitations but rove about like the beasts of
+the forest, consist of two posts stuck in the ground with a small
+cross-piece and a few leaves or branches of trees laid over to secure
+them from the weather, and their clothing consists chiefly of the
+inner bark of trees.[340] They use stone or slate implements. The
+authority for this information does not directly state their social
+formation, but in a footnote he compares them to the Negritos of the
+Philippine Islands, "who are divided into very small societies very
+little connected with each other." This is confirmed by Mr. Hugh
+Clifford, who relates a story told to him in the camp of the Semangs,
+which tells how these people were driven to their present
+resting-place, "not for love of these poor hunting grounds," but
+because they were thrust there by the Malays who stole their women.
+One further point is interesting; they have a legend of a people in
+their old home, composed of women only. "These women know not men, but
+but when the moon is at the full, they dance naked in the grassy
+places near the salt-licks; the evening wind is their only spouse, and
+through him they conceive and bear children."[341] All this has been
+confirmed and more than confirmed by the important researches of
+Messrs. Skeat and Blagden in their recently published work on these
+people. There is no necessity to do more than refer to the principal
+features brought out by these authorities. In the valuable notes on
+environment, we have the actual facts of the migratory movement drawn
+clearly for us;[342] their nomadic habits, rude nature-derived
+clothing, forest habitations and natural sources of food are
+described;[343] the evolution of their habitations from the natural
+shelters, rock shelters, caves, tree buttresses, branches, etc., is to
+be traced;[344] they belong to the old Stone Age, if not to a previous
+Wood and Bone Age;[345] they have no organised body of chiefs, and
+there is no formal recognition of kinship; marital relationship is
+preceded by great ante-nuptial freedom;[346] the name of every child
+is taken "from some tree which stands near the prospective birthplace
+of the child; as soon as the child is born, this name is shouted aloud
+by the _sage femme_, who then hands over the child to another woman,
+and buries the after-birth underneath the birth-tree or name-tree of
+the child; as soon as this has been done, the father cuts a series of
+notches in the tree, starting from the ground and terminating at the
+height of the breast;"[347] the child must not in later life injure
+any tree which belongs to the species of his birth-tree, and must not
+eat of its fruit. There is a theory to accompany this practice, for
+birds are believed to be vehicles for the introduction of the soul
+into the newborn child, and all human souls grow upon a soul-tree in
+the other world, whence they are fetched by a bird which is killed and
+eaten by the expectant mother;[348] but there seems to be no evidence
+of any religious cult or rite, and what there is of mythology or
+legend is probably borrowed.[349] The details in this case are of
+special importance, as they form a complete set of associated culture
+elements, and I shall have to return to them later on.
+
+[Illustration: SEMANG OF KEDAH HAVING A MEAL]
+
+I shall not attempt to exhaust the evidence to be derived from the
+pygmy people. What has been said of the examples I have chosen may in
+all essentials be said of the remaining examples. But it is perhaps
+advisable to be assured that the evidence of kinless people is not
+confined to the stunted and dwarfed races, for it has been argued that
+the pygmies are nothing but the ne'er-do-wells of the stronger races,
+and may not therefore be taken as true racial types. This may be true,
+but it does not affect my case, because I am not depending so much
+upon the physical characteristics of these people as upon their
+culture characteristics. These are definite and conclusive, and they
+are repeated among people of higher physical type. Thus the Jolas of
+the Gambia district have practically no government and no law; every
+man does as he chooses, and the most successful thief is considered
+the greatest man. There is no recognised punishment for murder or any
+other crime. Individual settlement is the only remedy, and the fittest
+survives. There is no formality in regard to marriage, or what passes
+for marriage, amongst them. Natural selection is observed on both
+sides, and the pair, after having ascertained a reciprocity of
+sentiment, at once cohabit. They do not intermarry with any other
+race.[350]
+
+It is possible to proceed from this to other regions of man's
+occupation ground. In America, the evidence of the modern savage is
+preceded by most interesting facts. If we compare Dr. Brinton's
+conclusions as to the spread of the American Indians from the north to
+the south, and as to the development of culture in the favoured
+districts being of the same origin as the undeveloped culture of the
+less favoured and of absolutely sterile districts, with Mr. Curtin's
+altogether independent conclusions as to the growth of the American
+creation myth with its cycle of first people peaceful and migratory,
+and its cycle of second people "containing accounts of conflicts which
+are ever recurrent," we are conscious that mythic and material remains
+of great movements of people are in absolute accord,[351] an accord
+which leads us to expect that the peoples who were pushed ever forward
+into the most desolate and most sterile districts of southern America
+would be the most nearly savage of all the American peoples. This is
+in agreement with Darwin's estimate of the Fuegians who wander about
+in groups of kinless society,[352] and it is in accord with other
+evidence. Thus the Zaparos, belonging to the great division of
+unchristianised Indians of the oriental province of Ecuador, have the
+fame of being most expert woodsmen and hunters. To communicate with
+one another in the wood, they generally imitate the whistle of the
+toman or partridge. They believe that they partake of the nature of
+the animals they devour. They are very disunited, and wander about in
+separate hordes. The stealing of women is much carried on even amongst
+themselves. A man runs away with his neighbour's wife or one of them,
+and secretes himself in some out of the way spot until he gathers
+information that she is replaced, when he can again make his
+appearance, finding the whole difficulty smoothed over. In their
+matrimonial relations they are very loose--monogamy, polygamy,
+communism, and promiscuity all apparently existing amongst them. They
+allow the women great liberty and frequently change their mates or
+simply discard them when they are perhaps taken up by another. They
+believe in a devil or evil spirit which haunts the woods, and call him
+Zamaro.[353]
+
+In all these cases, and I do not, of course, exhaust the evidence,
+there is enough to suggest that the social forms presented are of the
+most rudimentary kind. Conjecture has not and, I think, cannot get
+further back than such evidence as this. The social grouping is
+supported by outside influences rather than internal organisation;
+neither blood kinship nor marital kinship is recognised; hostility to
+all other groups and from other groups is the basis of inter-groupal
+life. To these significant characteristics has to be added the special
+birth custom and belief of the Semang pygmies. It is clear that the
+soul-bird belief and the tree-naming custom are different phases of
+one conception of social life, a conception definitely excluding
+recognition of blood kinship, and derived from the conscious adoption
+of an experience which has not reached the stage of blood kinship, but
+which includes a close association with natural objects. All this
+makes it advisable to take fuller count of pygmy culture than has
+hitherto been given to it. The pygmies have in truth always been a
+problem in man's history. From the time of Homer, Herodotos, and
+Aristotle, the pygmies have had their place among the observable types
+of man, or among the traditions to which observers have given
+credence. In modern times they have been accounted for either as
+peoples degraded from a higher level of culture, or as peoples who
+have never advanced. But whether we look upon these people as the last
+remnants of the primitive condition of hostility or whether they are
+reversions to that condition by reason of like causes, they bring
+before us what conjectural research has prepared us for. The first
+supposition is neither impossible nor incredible. The slow
+spreading-out in hostile regions would allow of the preservation of
+some examples of preference for unrestrained licence at the expense of
+constant hostility, in place of a modified peacefulness at the expense
+of restricted freedom in matters so dear to the human animal as sexual
+choice and power. The second supposition contains an element of human
+history which must find a place in anthropological research. The
+possible phases of social formation are very limited. If any section
+of mankind cannot develop in one direction, they will stagnate at the
+stage they have reached, or they will retrograde to one of the stages
+from which in times past they have proceeded. There is no other
+course, and the very limitations of primitive life prevent us from
+considering the possibility of any other course. Either of these
+alternatives allows us to consider the examples of hostile
+inter-grouping as sufficient to supply us with the vantage ground for
+observation of man in his earliest stages of existence. Perhaps each
+of them may contain somewhat of the truth. But whatever may be
+considered as the true cause of the pygmy level of culture, there is
+an underlying factor which must count most strongly in its
+determination, namely, that these people are the people who in the
+process of migration have been pushed out to the last strongholds of
+man. Whether they could not or would not conform to the newer
+condition of stationary or comparatively stationary society is not
+much to the point in presence of the fact that nowhere have they
+conformed to this standard of existence. Moreover we are entitled to
+the argument, which has been the main point advanced in connection
+with the anthropological problems we are discussing, that the most
+primitive type of man must of necessity be sought for, and can only be
+found at the extremes of the migration movement wherever that is
+discernible.[354]
+
+The question now becomes, can we by means of recognisable links
+proceed from the rudimentary kinless stage of society to the earliest
+stage of kinship society? This is a most difficult problem, but it
+must be solved. If the rudimentary kinless groups do indeed constitute
+a factor in human evolution, they are a most important factor. If they
+do not constitute such a factor, they can only be accidental
+productions, the sport of exceptional circumstances not in the line of
+evolution, and as such they are not of much use in anthropology. It
+will be seen, therefore, that the connection between rudimentary
+kinless society and the earliest, or representatives of the earliest,
+kinship society, is an essential part of an inquiry into origins.
+
+It may be approached first from the conjectural basis. On this basis
+it may be asserted that the victorious male of the primary groups
+would remain victorious only just so long as he could continue to
+adjust the conditions on the primary basis, and preserve his females
+to himself. New conditions would arise whenever the limitation of the
+food lands produced a degree of localisation of the hitherto movable
+groups. There would then have crept into human experience the
+necessity for something of common action among a wider range than the
+simple group. This is a new force, and social evolution is henceforth
+going to operate in addition to, perhaps to a limited extent in
+substitution of, the constant movement towards new food lands. The
+single male would no longer be the victorious male by himself; and
+sharing his power with other males meant the reduction of his power in
+his own group. Called away for something more than the defence of his
+own primary group of females, he would leave the females with the
+practical governance of the primary groups. This tendency would
+develop. Wherever the constant movement outwards became stayed by
+geographical or other influences, the groups which experienced the
+shock of stoppage would undergo change. The female in the various
+primary groups would become a static element, and the male alone would
+follow out in the more restricted area the older force of movement
+which he had learned during the period of unrestricted scope.[355] He
+would have to find his mates during his roamings, instead of the
+former condition of fighting for them during the group movements; and
+his relationship to the primary groups would be therefore
+fundamentally changed. From being the central dominant head, he would
+become a constantly shifting unit. The female under these conditions
+would become the centre of the new social unit, and the male would
+become the hunter for food and the fighter against enemies. The new
+social forces would thus consist of local units commanded by the
+female, and revolving units composed of the males, and there would
+arise therefrom cleavage between the economic conditions of the two
+sexes.
+
+That primitive economics bear the impress of sex cleavage is borne out
+by every class of evidence, and it is in this circumstance that we
+first come upon societies distinguished by containing two of the most
+important social elements, exogamy and totemism. Before, however,
+examining examples of societies containing the two elements of exogamy
+and totemism, it will be necessary to say something by way of
+preliminaries on these two elements themselves. They have rightly been
+made the subject of important special inquiry by anthropological
+scholars, as being in fact the key to the question of social
+evolution, and we shall clear the ground considerably by first of all
+turning to the principal authorities on the subject, and ascertaining
+the present position of the inquiry.
+
+I must however note, in the first place, that as I have stated the
+case, exogamy and totemism appear as two separate and distinct
+elements, whereas it is usual to consider exogamy as an essential part
+of totemism. I cannot, however, see that this is so. In advanced
+totemism, it is true, they are found as inseparable parts of one
+system, but they may well have started separately and coalesced later.
+In point of fact, all the evidence points in this direction, and if we
+cease to consider exogamy as a necessary element of totemism, we can
+advance investigation more rapidly and with greater accuracy.
+
+We come very quickly upon what may be termed natural exogamy. Male
+working with male outside the groups formed by women and the younger
+offspring would produce a natural exogamy, which would have followed
+upon the exogamy produced by hostile capture of women, and two streams
+of influence would thus tell in favour of the evolution of a system of
+formal exogamy, and Dr. Westermarck's theory of a natural avoidance of
+housemates, with all its wealth of evidence, helps us at this point.
+
+The position is not so clear as to totemism. If we begin, however,
+with a clear understanding that it is not a part of the machinery of
+exogamous grouping, but an independent growth of its own, we shall
+have gained an important point, for the contrary opinion has very
+often obscured the issue and prevented research in the right
+direction.
+
+It will be advisable to have before us the principal theories as to
+the origin of totemism. There are practically three--Mr. Frazer's, Mr.
+Lang's, and Mr. Baldwin Spencer's. Mr. Frazer considers totemism to be
+"in its essence nothing more or less than an early theory of
+conception, which presented itself to savage man at a time when he was
+still ignorant of the true cause of the propagation of the species."
+Mr. Frazer explains this theory further by saying that "naturally
+enough, when she is first aware of the mysterious movement within her,
+the mother fancies that something has that very moment passed into her
+body, and it is equally natural that in her attempt to ascertain what
+the thing is, she should fix upon some object that happened to be near
+her, or to engage her attention at the critical moment."[356]
+
+Mr. Lang rejects Mr. Frazer's theory _in toto_, and propounds his own
+as due to the naming of savage societies, and to a sort of natural
+exogamy produced by practically the same set of conditions as I have
+already described. Mr. Lang's totemism began in the primary groups,
+and began with exogamy as a necessary part of it. "Unessential to my
+system," says Mr. Lang, "is the question how the groups got animal
+names, as long as they got them, and did not remember how they got
+them, and as long as the names according to their way of thinking
+indicated an essential and mystic rapport between each group and its
+name-giving animal. No more than these three things--a group animal
+name of unknown origin; belief in a transcendental connection between
+all bearers human and bestial of the same name; and belief in the
+blood superstitions (the mystically sacred quality of the blood as
+life)--was needed to give rise to all the totemic creeds and practices
+including exogamy," and further, "we guess that for the sake of
+distinction, groups gave each other animal and plant names. These
+became stereotyped we conjecture, and their origin was forgotten. The
+belief that there must necessarily be some connection between animals
+and men of the same names led to speculation about the nature of the
+connection. The usual reply to the question was that the men and
+animals of the same name were akin by blood. The kinship _with
+animals_ being particularly mysterious was peculiarly sacred. From
+these ideas arose tabus, and among others that of totemic
+exogamy."[357]
+
+Mr. Baldwin Spencer, and with him Dr. Haddon, consider totemism to
+have arisen from economic conditions. Primitive human groups, says Dr.
+Haddon, "could never have been large, and the individuals comprising
+each group must have been closely related. In favourable areas each
+group would have a tendency to occupy a restricted range, owing to the
+disagreeable results which arose from encroaching on the territory
+over which another group wandered. Thus, it would inevitably come
+about that a certain animal or plant, or group of animals or plants,
+would be more abundant in the territory of one group than in that of
+another."[358]
+
+These theories are not necessarily mutually destructive, though they
+seem to me even collectively not to contain the full case for
+totemism. Mr. Frazer does not account for woman's isolation at the
+time of conceptual quickening, for the closeness of her observation of
+local phenomena, and for the separateness of her ideas from the actual
+facts of procreation. Mr. Lang overloads his case. He is accounting
+not for the origin of totemism, but for the origin of all, or almost
+all, that totemism contains in its most developed forms--"all the
+totemic creeds and practices including exogamy" as he says. He
+postulates a name-giving process by drawing upon the conceptions as to
+names by advanced savage thought, and he does not account for the fact
+that according to his theory, animals and plants must not only have
+been named, but named upon some sort of system known to a wide area of
+peoples, before totemistic names for the groups could have been given
+to them. Mr. Spencer's and Dr. Haddon's theory is perhaps open to the
+doubts caused by Mr. Lang's criticism of it that there is only one
+case of a known economic cause for totemism--an Australian case where
+two totem kins are said to have been so called "from having in former
+times principally subsisted on a small fish and a very small
+opossum;"[359] but on the other hand it does supply a _vera causa_,
+the actual evidence for which may well have passed away with the
+development of totemism, without leaving survivals.
+
+All these theories, however, are the result of considerable research
+and experience, and it is more than probable that they may each
+contain fragments of the truth which need the touch of combination to
+show how they stand in relation to the problem which they are
+propounded to solve. There are features of totemism which are not
+noticed by any of these distinguished authorities. By using the
+hitherto unnoticed features, I think it possible to produce a theory
+as to the origin of totemism, which will contain the essential
+features of those theories now prominently before the world.
+
+I will set down the order in which the problem can be approached from
+the standpoint already reached, and we may afterwards try to ascertain
+what proof is to be derived from totemic societies of the rudest type.
+
+Now totemism is essentially a system of social grouping, whose chief
+characteristic is that it is kinless--that is to say, the tie of
+totemism is not the tie of blood kinship, but the artificially created
+association with natural objects or animals. It takes no count of
+fatherhood, and only reckons with the physical fact of motherhood. It
+is not the actual fatherhood or the actual motherhood which is the
+fundamental basis of totemism, but the association with animal, plant,
+or other natural object. This is evidently the fact, whatever view is
+taken of totemism, and that totemism is, in its origin and principle,
+a kinless, not a kinship system, is the first fact of importance to
+bear in mind throughout all inquiry. Thus Messrs. Spencer and Gillen
+say "the identity of the human individual is often sunk in that of
+the animal or plant from which he is supposed to have originated."[360]
+
+The next fact of importance is that as it commences at birth time, it
+must be closely associated with the mother and her actions as mother.
+This leads us to the observation that it is through the agency of the
+mother that the totem name is conferred upon their children, and to
+the necessary antecedent fact that women must have themselves
+possessed the name they conferred--possessed, that is, either the name
+as a personal attribute and valued as such, or else the power of
+evolving the name and the capacity of using it with totemic
+significance. I conclude from this, therefore, that the search for the
+origin of totemism must be made from the women's side of the social
+group. Such a search would lead straight to the industrialism of early
+woman, from which originated the domestication of animals, the
+cultivation of fruits and cereals, and the appropriation of such trees
+and shrubs as were necessary to primitive economics.[361] The close
+and intimate relationship with human life which such animals, plants,
+and trees would assume under the social conditions which have been
+postulated as belonging to this earliest stage of evolution, and the
+aid which these friendly and always present companions would render at
+all times and under most circumstances, would generate and develop
+many of those savage conceptions which have become known to research.
+As human friends they would become part of humanity, just as
+Livingstone notes of an African people that they did not eat the beef
+which he offered to them because "they looked upon cattle as human and
+living at home like men,"[362] an idea which is also the basis of the
+custom in India not to taste fruit of a newly planted mangrove tree
+until it is formally "married" to some other tree.[363] These are but
+the fortunate instances where definite record in set terms has been
+made. At the back of them lies a whole collection of anthropomorphic
+conceptions, indulged in by man at all stages of his career.[364] As
+superhuman agencies for pregnancy and birth, they would do what the
+human father in the society we are contemplating could not be expected
+to do, for he would be seldom present during the long period of
+pregnancy; he would have shared with other males the privileges of
+sexual intercourse, and he would therefore not be so closely in
+companionship with the women of the local groups as the friendly
+animal, plant, or tree who did so much for the mothers. There would
+thus be formed the groundwork for the fashioning of that most
+incredible of all beliefs, well founded, as Mr. Hartland has proved
+both from tradition and belief,[365] that the human father was not
+father, and that other agencies were responsible for the birth of
+children.
+
+Gathering up the several threads of this argument, it seems to me that
+there is within this sphere of primitive thought and within these
+conditions of primitive life, ample room for the growth of all the
+main conceptions belonging to totemism; and it will be seen how
+necessary it is to separate totemism at its beginning from totemism in
+its most advanced stages. Totemism has not come to man fully equipped
+in all its parts. It is like every other human institution, the result
+of a long process of development, and the various stages of
+development are important parts of the evidence as to origins. At the
+beginning, it was clearly not connected with blood kinship and
+descent; it was as clearly not connected with any class system of
+marriage. But its beginnings would allow of these later growths, would
+perhaps almost engender these later growths.
+
+Thus, the primary notion of the totem birth of children would, when
+blood kinship and descent became a consciously accepted element in
+social development, easily slide into the belief of a totemic ancestor
+and kinship with the totem; the protection and assistance afforded by
+the totem to the women of the primary groups who became the mothers of
+new generations, would easily grow into a sort of worship of the
+totem; the adoption of the totem name from the circumstances of birth
+implying the origin of the name from within the group and not from
+without would, as aggregation took the place of segregation, give way
+before the association of groups of persons with common interests; the
+aggregate totem name would come to the separate local totems as soon
+as, but not before, aggregation had taken the place of segregation in
+the formation of the social system, and this was not at the earliest
+stage; the close association of the totems with groups of mothers who
+always took the fathers of their children from without the mother
+group, would readily develop into differentiating the mother totems
+within the group from the totems of the fathers without the group, and
+this differentiation would produce a special relationship between the
+sexes based upon the difference of totems instead of upon the sameness
+of them; and finally there would be produced first a two-class
+division founded on sex--all the mothers and all the fathers--and,
+only in a developed form, a two-class division founded on the accepted
+totem name.
+
+If this is a probable view of the course of totemic evolution, we may
+more confidently refer to its final stages for further evidence.
+Advanced totemic society shows a constant tendency to substitute
+blood kinship for the association with natural objects: first, blood
+kinship with the mother, then with the mother and the father, finally
+recognised through the father only. At this last stage, blood kinship
+has practically succeeded in expelling totemic association altogether
+in favour of tribal kinship by blood descent, for totemism with male
+descent as the basis of the social group is totemism in name only; the
+names of totemism remain but they are applied to kinship tribes or
+sections of tribes, and they do duty therefore as a convenient
+name-system without reference to their origin in definite association
+with the naming animal or plant; and it is already in position to
+surrender also the names and outward signs. Blood kinship is therefore
+the destroyer, not the generator, of totemism, and we are therefore
+compelled to get at the back of blood kinship if we want to find totem
+beginnings.
+
+This is an important aspect of the case, and it is one which, I think,
+cannot be ignored. We have found that rudimentary totemism was the
+basis of a social system founded on artificial associations with
+animal or plant, was therefore kinless in character; and we have found
+that when totemism has been carried on into a society developed upon
+the recognition of blood kinship, blood kinship became antagonistic to
+totemism, and ultimately displaced it. These two facts point to the
+rudimentary kinless system as the true origin of totemism.
+
+
+III
+
+Now we may test these conclusions by applying the theory they contain
+to an actual case of totemic society. It would be well to choose for
+this purpose a people who had specialised their totemic organisation,
+and there are only two supreme instances of this among the races of
+the world--the North American Indians and the Australians. Everywhere
+else, where totemism exists, it is not the dominant feature of the
+social organisation. In Asia and in Africa totemism is subordinate to,
+or at all events in close or equal association with, other elements,
+and we cannot be quite sure that we have in these cases pure totemism.
+North American totemism is in the most advanced stage. Australian
+totemism is to a very considerable degree less advanced, and it is
+therefore to Australian totemism I shall turn for evidence.
+
+But even here it is necessary to bear in mind that primitive as the
+Australians are, they are not so primitive as to be in the primary
+stages of totemic society. They have developed, and developed strongly
+along totemic lines, and we know that such development once started
+has the capacity to proceed far. What we have to do, therefore, is to
+attempt to penetrate beneath the range of development, to search for
+the social group at the farthest from the centre point from which
+migration started, to discover, if we can, relics of group hostility,
+hostile capture of women and of kinless society, all of which belong
+to the primary stage from which totemic development has taken place.
+If we can do this, we may hope to arrive at the origin of totemism,
+and we are more likely to accomplish it in the case of the Australians
+than with any other people. If we cannot, as Mr. Lang alleges,
+anywhere see "absolutely primitive man and a totemic system in the
+making,"[366] we may go back along the lines from which totemism has
+developed in Australian society and see somewhat of the process of the
+making.
+
+We may commence with evidence of the survival of the most primitive
+human trait, the condition of hostility among the local groups
+produced by the struggle for women. "The possession of a girl appears
+to be connected with all their ideas of fighting ... after a battle
+the girls do not always follow their fugitive husbands from the field,
+but frequently go over as a matter of course to the victors, even with
+young children on their backs."[367] Mr. Curr puts the evidence even
+more definitely in a primitive setting when he informs us of "the
+young bachelors of the tribe carrying off some of the girl wives of
+the grey-beards," leaving the old territory and settling at the first
+convenient place within thirty or forty miles of the old territory. I
+call this state of things "survival,"[368] because it is the existence
+in totemic society of the fundamental basis of pre-totemic society. It
+is checked in Australian totemic society by rules which show a strong
+development from the primitive. Thus the successful warrior may not
+take any of his captives to himself; "if a warrior took to himself a
+captive who belonged to a forbidden class, he would be hunted down
+like a wild beast," is the evidence of Mr. Fison, who allows it to be
+"a strong statement, but it rests upon strong evidence."[369] This is
+the exogamous class system operating even in the case of conflict,
+when men have resorted to their primitive instincts and their
+primitive methods.
+
+This discovery of primitive hostility accompanying the obtaining of
+wives leads us to look for other survivals of the earliest conditions,
+and we come upon mother-right groups in which the females in each
+local group are the sexual companions of males from outside their own
+social group. This is shown by the Kamilaroi organisation, where "a
+woman is married to a thousand miles of husbands."[370] This phrase
+may be textually an exaggeration of actual fact, but it undoubtedly
+expresses a condition of things which actually existed. Women in
+Australian society must look outside their class, and in general
+outside their totem, for their sexual mates, and they must expect to
+be claimed as rightful sexual mates by men whom they have never seen
+and who live at great distances. Carry this state of things but a few
+steps back, and we must come to a condition of localised female groups
+with males moving from group to group. Surely there is something more
+here than savage organisation. The something more is the development
+into a system of one of the results of the enforced migratory
+conditions of early man, namely, the migratory instincts of the males
+moving outside the female local groups and thus producing natural
+exogamy. This is what appears to me to be clearly a distinct element
+in the Australian system. But there is a new element in juxtaposition
+with it. The new element is the organisation into marriage
+classes--not every man from without, but only special men from
+without, are allowed the sexual companionship.
+
+Now in both these cases, where we have apparently penetrated to the
+most primitive conditions, we are also brought up abruptly against
+conditions which are not primitive, namely, the exogamous class system,
+and we are bound to conclude that this class system thus shows itself
+to be an intruding force which has not, however, been strong enough to
+quite obliterate the older forces of hostile marriage-capture and
+mother-right society.
+
+Our next quest is therefore to find out, if we can, an explanation of
+these two contrasted elements in Australian totemic society, and for
+this purpose it is advisable to still further narrow down the range of
+inquiry to one special section of the Australian peoples. For this
+purpose I shall take the Arunta. There has been much controversy about
+this people. Mr. Lang argues that the presence of exogamous classes
+and male descent shows the Arunta to be more advanced than other
+Australian peoples;[371] Messrs. Spencer and Gillen that the survival
+of totem beliefs, which are local and unconnected with the class
+system, proves them to be the least advanced. In this country Mr.
+Hartland and Mr. Thomas side with Mr. Lang; Mr. Frazer with Messrs.
+Spencer and Gillen.
+
+The first point of importance to note about the Arunta people is that
+they occupy the least favourable districts for food supply.[372] This
+means that they have been pushed there. They did not choose such a
+location--in other words, they are among the last units of the
+migration movements which peopled Australia; they are among the last
+people to have become stationary as a group, and to have been
+compelled to resort to the development of social organisation in lieu
+of constantly swarming off from the centre or from the last stopping
+place to the ends. This tells for primitive, not advanced, conditions.
+
+The next point is the totem system. Messrs. Spencer and Gillen,
+describing one special case as an example of the rest, give us the
+following particulars. The Arunta believe that the most marked
+features of the district they inhabit, the gaps and the gorges, were
+formed by their Alcheringa ancestors. These Alcheringa are represented
+as collected together in companies, each of which consisted of a
+certain number of individuals belonging to one particular totem. Each
+of these Alcheringa ancestors carried about with him or her one or
+more of the sacred stones called churinga. These are the general
+traditions related by the Arunta of to-day to explain their own
+customs, and let it be noted that the explanation does not necessarily
+lead us to the primitive conceptions of the Arunta people, but to
+their present conceptions as to unknown facts. The local example is
+found close to Alice Springs, where there are deposited a large number
+of churinga carried by the witchetty grub men and women. A large
+number of prominent rocks and boulders, and certain ancient gum
+trees, are the nanja trees and rocks of these spirits. If a woman
+conceives a child after having been near to this gap, it is one of
+these spirit individuals which has entered her body, and when born
+must of necessity be of the witchetty grub totem; "it is, in fact,
+nothing else but the reincarnation of one of the witchetty grub people
+of the Alcheringa;" the nanja tree, or stone, ever afterwards is the
+nanja of the child, and there is special connection between it and the
+child, injury to the nanja object meaning injury to the nanja
+man.[373] There is evidence that the reincarnation theory is not
+admissible,[374] and, indeed, it does not seem warranted on the facts
+presented by the authors. With this unnecessary element out of the
+way, then, there is left a system of local totemism, arising at birth
+and depending upon the mother, without reference in any way to the
+father, associated with natural features, rocks and trees, and showing
+in a special way a curious system of sex cleavage by the men of the
+group being the exclusive guardians of the sacred churinga, and the
+women the active power by which the churinga becomes connected with
+the newly-born member of the totem group.[375]
+
+Now at this point we may surely refer back to the custom and belief of
+the Semang people of the Malay Peninsula, and I suggest that we have
+the closest parallel between Semang belief and custom and Arunta
+totemism, not quite the same formula perhaps, but assuredly the same
+fundamental conception of every child at birth being in intimate
+association with objects of nature, and this association being the
+determining force of the newly-born man's social status and class,
+lasting all through life. In each case the kinless basis of totemism
+is thus fully shown. The totem names given by women, or assumed on
+account of the conditions attachable to women as mothers, did not
+extend to the human fathers. The fathers may be known or unknown to
+the mothers, but they did not become associated with the totems which
+the mothers associated with their children. To the extent of
+fatherhood, therefore, totemism of this type was clearly not based
+upon the natural fact of blood kinship, but upon the conscious
+adoption of a non-kinship form of society. To the extent of motherhood
+also it was not based upon blood kinship, for it was the local totem,
+not the mother's totem, which became the totem of the newly-born
+member of the group. We thus have an entirely non-kinship form of
+society to deal with, a kinless society, "where there is no necessary
+relationship of any kind between that of children and parents."[376]
+Primitive man consciously adapted certain of his observations of
+nature to his social needs, and among these observations the fact of
+actual blood kinship with father and mother played no part. It would
+appear therefore that totemism at its foundation was based upon a
+theoretical conception of relationship between man and animal or
+plant. Place of birth, association with natural objects, not
+motherhood and not fatherhood, are the determining factors.
+
+We may proceed to inquire as to the social form which has become
+evolved from this kinless system.
+
+In the case of the Semangs we have the kinless totemic belief and
+custom existing within a kinless society. In the case of the Arunta we
+have the kinless totemism existing in a society based on a kinless
+organisation still, but containing also full recognition of
+motherhood,[377] and perhaps recognition of physical fatherhood.[378]
+There is, therefore, an important distinction in the social position
+of the two parallel systems. Among the Semang people, their totemic
+belief and custom do not carry with them a superstructure of society.
+They form the substantive cult of the scattered social groups, which
+are kinless groups dependent upon ties local in character and derived
+from the conscious use of the facts of nature surrounding them. Among
+the Arunta people, on the contrary, the totem belief and custom are
+contained within a social system of extraordinary dimensions and
+proportions. Of course, the obvious questions to raise are--have the
+Semang people lost a once existing social system connected with their
+totemic cult? Have the Arunta people had imposed upon them a social
+system which has not destroyed their primitive totemic cult?
+
+To answer these questions I can only deal with the Semang evidence as
+it appears in researches of great authority and weight, and there is
+undoubtedly in all the evidence produced by Messrs. Skeat and
+Blagden, and the authorities they use, nothing whatever to suggest
+that Semang totemism once possessed above it an elaborate social
+organisation of the usual totemic type. There is indeed, the myth
+which points to a two-class exogamous division for marital
+purposes,[379] but there is more than myth for the unrestricted
+intercourse of the sexes both before and after marital rights.[380] In
+every other direction we get simple groups fashioned on no larger
+basis than nomadic roaming and journeying to fresh food grounds. On
+the other hand, there is much to suggest that the Arunta have a dual
+system of organisation; one, in which the primitive types are still
+surviving, the second, a more advanced type which covers but does not
+crush out the first. If this is so, it is clear that the parallel
+between Semang and Arunta totemism is considerably closer than at
+first appears.
+
+It will be necessary, therefore, to deal with the two principal signs
+of alleged Arunta progress, male descent and the exogamous classes. I
+see no evidence whatever of male descent; male ascendancy, a very
+different thing, appears, but there cannot strictly be male descent
+where fatherhood is unrecognised. And here I would interpose the
+remark that the use of the term descent, male descent and female
+descent, in these studies is far too indiscriminate.[381] Descent
+means succession by blood kinship by acknowledged sons or daughters,
+and this is exactly what does not always occur. Sonship and
+daughtership in our sense of the term are not always known to
+savagery. They were not known to the Arunta males, for fatherhood was
+not recognised by them and motherhood was not definitely used in the
+social sense. All that the Arunta can be said to have developed is a
+mother-right society with male ascendancy in the group.[382] Group
+sons succeeded to group fathers, but individual descent from father to
+son there is not.
+
+There remain the exogamous classes. In the first place, it is
+necessary to get rid of a difficulty raised by Mr. Lang. "In no tribe
+with female descent can a district have its local totem as among the
+Arunta.... This can only occur under male reckoning of descent."[383]
+But surely so acute an observer as Mr. Lang would see that with female
+descent right through, as it exists among the Khasia and Kocch people
+of Assam, local totem centres are just as possible as with male
+descent. Mr. Lang is conscious of some discrepancy here, for a little
+later on he repeats the statement that local totem centres "can only
+occur and exist under male reckoning of descent," but adds the
+significant qualification "in cases where the husbands do not go to
+the wives' region of abode."[384] This is the whole point. Where
+husbands do go to the wives' region of abode, as they do among the
+Khasis and the Kocch, female descent would allow of the formation of
+local totem centres. This is not far from the position of the Arunta.
+They are mother-right societies. The mother secures the totem name.
+The father, _de facto_, is not father according to the ideas of the
+Arunta people, is at best only one of a group of possible fathers
+according to the practices of the Arunta people. Therefore, the local
+totem centre is formed out of a system which may be called a
+mother-right system for the purpose of scientific description, but
+which is not even a mother-right system to the natives, because
+motherhood is not the foundation of the local group.
+
+Secondly, we have the important fact, which Mr. Lang has duly noted,
+though he does not apparently see its significance in the argument as
+to origins, that the class system "arose in a given centre and was
+propagated by emigrants and was borrowed by distant tribes."[385]
+Messrs. Spencer and Gillen distinctly affirm that the "division into
+eight has been adopted (or rather the names for the four new divisions
+have been) in recent times by the Arunta tribe from the Ilpirra tribe
+which adjoins the former on the north, and the use of them is at the
+present time spreading southwards."[386] This view is supported by the
+widespread organisation of eaglehawk and crow, and by the general
+homogeneity of Australian social forms. It is clear, therefore, that
+room is made for the external organisation of the class system and the
+consequent production of the dual characteristics of the Arunta--the
+joint product of the fossilisation of mother-right society at the end
+of the migration movement, and the superimposing upon this
+fossilisation, with its tendency towards the class system, of the
+fully organised class system. The two systems are not now fully welded
+in the Arunta group. Whatever view is taken of these, whether they be
+considered advanced or primal, the undoubted dualism has to be
+accounted for, and the best way of accounting for this dualism is, I
+submit, that of differential evolution. Further study of Messrs.
+Spencer and Gillen's work, together with the criticisms of various
+scholars, Mr. Lang, Mr. Hartland, Mr. Frazer, Mr. Thomas, and others,
+convinces me that the extreme artificiality of the class system is due
+partly to a want of understanding of the entire facts, and partly to
+the _ad hoc_ adoption by the natives themselves of new plans to meet
+difficulties which must arise out of a too close adhesion to their
+rules. Mr. Lang has allowed me to see a manuscript note of his, in
+which he points out that the inevitable result of the one totem to the
+one totem rule of marital relationship,--that is, totem A always
+intermarrying with totem B, males and females from both totems, and
+with no others,--is the consanguineous relationship of all the members
+of the two totems. The rule for non-consanguineous marriage has
+therefore broken down, and when it breaks down the Australian
+introduces a new rule which satisfies immediate necessities. When this
+in turn breaks down a further new rule is made, and this is the way I
+think the differing rules resulted. They represent, therefore, not
+varying degrees of culture progress, but only varying degrees of
+artificial social changes, and they spring from the oldest conditions
+of all where there is no class system at all.[387] Arunta society is
+not a "sport" under this view, but a product--a product to be
+accounted for and explained by anthropological rules, derived not only
+from Australian society but from the general facts of human society
+which have remained for observation by the science of to-day. The
+parallel between Semang and Arunta, therefore, helps us in two ways.
+It enables us to go back to Semang totemism as an example of primitive
+kinless society, and forward to Arunta totemism as an example of early
+development therefrom. We have, in point of fact, discovered the datum
+line of totemism. Upon this may be constructed the various examples
+according to their degrees of development, and we may thus see in
+detail the commencing elements of totemism as well as the means by
+which we may proceed from the commencing elements to the more advanced
+elements, and finally to the last stages of totemic society where
+blood kinship is fully recognised and used, where, in fact, totemic
+tribes as distinct from totemic peoples take their place in the
+world's history.
+
+
+IV
+
+I do not propose in this chapter to proceed further with this inquiry.
+It will not advance my object, nor is it absolutely necessary.
+Totemism in the full has been described adequately by Mr. Frazer in
+his valuable abstract of the evidence supplied from all parts of the
+world, and there is not much in dispute among the authorities when
+once the stage of origin is passed. There is danger, however, at the
+other extreme, namely, the attempt to discover totemism in impossible
+places in civilisation. Mr. Morgan has shown us totemic society in its
+highest form of development, untouched by other influences of
+sufficient consequence to divert its natural evolution. This, I think,
+is the merit of Mr. Morgan's great work, and not his attempt, his
+futile attempt as I think, to apply the principles of totemic society
+to the elucidation of societies that have long passed the stage of
+totemism. In particular, the great European civilisations are not
+totemic, nor are they to be seen passing from totemism. It is true
+that Mr. Lang, Mr. Grant Allen, and others have attempted to trace in
+certain features of Greek ritual and belief, and in certain tribal
+formations discoverable in Anglo-Saxon Britain, the relics of a living
+totemism in the civilised races of Europe;[388] but I do not believe
+either of these scholars would have endorsed his early conclusions in
+later studies. Mr. Grant Allen did not, so far as I know, repeat this
+theory after its first publication, and Mr. Lang has given many signs
+of being willing to withdraw it. The fact is, there is no necessity to
+think of Greek or English totem society because in Greece and England
+there are traces of totem beliefs. We may disengage them from their
+national position and put them back to the position they occupied
+before the coming of Greek or Englishman into the countries they have
+made their own.
+
+In that position there may well have been totemic peoples in Britain
+of the type we have been considering from Australia. I have already
+indicated that totemic survivals in folklore have been the subject of
+a special study of my own which still in the main stands good, and for
+which I have collected very many additional illustrations and proofs.
+I discovered that folklore contained some remarkably perfect examples
+of totemic belief and custom, and also a considerable array of
+scattered belief and custom connected with animals and plants which,
+unclassified, seemed to lead to no definite stage of culture history,
+yet when classified, undoubtedly led to totemism. The result was
+somewhat remarkable. At many points there are direct parallels to
+savage totemism, and the whole associated group of customs received
+adequate explanation only on the theory that it represented the
+detritus of a once existing totemic system of belief.
+
+The present study enables me to take the parallel to primitive
+totemism much closer. One of the perfect examples was of a local
+character. This was found in Ossory. Giraldus Cambrensis tells an
+extraordinary legend to the following effect: "A priest benighted in a
+wood on the borders of Meath was confronted by a wolf, who after some
+preliminary explanations gave this account of himself: There are two
+of us, a man and a woman, natives of Ossory, who through the curse of
+one Natalis, saint and abbot, are compelled every seven years to put
+off the human form and depart from the dwellings of men. Quitting
+entirely the human form, we assume that of wolves. At the end of the
+seven years, if they chance to survive, two others being substituted
+in their places, they return to their country and their former
+shape."[389] Here is a saintly legend introduced to explain the
+current tradition of the men of Ossory, that they periodically turned
+into wolves. Fynes Moryson, in 1603, ridiculed the beliefs of "some
+Irish who will be believed as men of credit," that men in Ossory were
+"yearly turned into wolves."[390] But an ancient Irish MS. puts the
+matter much more clearly in the statement that the "descendants of the
+wolf are in Ossory,"[391] while the evidence of Spenser and Camden
+explains the popular beliefs upon even more exact lines. Spenser says
+"that some of the Irish doe use to make the wolf their gossip;"[392]
+and Camden adds that they term them "Chari Christi, praying for them
+and wishing them well, and having contracted this intimacy, professed
+to have no fear from their four-footed allies." Fynes Moryson
+expressly mentions the popular dislike to killing wolves, and they
+were not extirpated until the eighteenth century.[393] Aubrey adds
+that "in Ireland they value the fang-tooth of an wolfe, which they set
+in silver and gold as we doe ye Coralls;"[394] and Camden notes the
+similar use of a bit of wolf's skin.[395]
+
+In the local superstitions of Ossory, therefore, we have several of
+the cardinal features of savage totemism, the descent from the
+totem-animal, the ascription to the totem of a sacred character, the
+belief in its protection, and a taboo against killing it. I will
+venture to suggest, however, that to these important features there is
+to be added a parallel in survival to the Semang and Arunta features
+where the local circumstances of birth are the determining forces
+which supply the totem name, for the relationship of "gossip,"
+"god-sib," is clearly of the same character as that of the soul-tree
+of the Semang and the alcheringa of the Australian.[396] The condition
+of survival has altered the detail of the parallel, but the parallel
+is on the same plane.
+
+The wolf as gossip to the men of Ossory leads us on to inquire whether
+any other animal had such close connections with human beings. In
+Erris, a part of Connaught, "the people consider that foxes perfectly
+understand human language, that they can be propitiated by kindness,
+and even moved by flattery. They not only make mittens for Reynard's
+feet to keep him warm in winter, and deposit these articles carefully
+near their holes, but they make them sponsors for their children,
+supposing that under the close and long-established relationship of
+Gossipred they will be induced to befriend them."[397] Thus it appears
+that the selfsame conception which the men of Ossory had in the
+thirteenth century for the wolf, the men of Erris had for the fox in
+the nineteenth century. No explanation from the dry details of the
+natural history of these animals is sufficient to account for this
+curious parallel, and we must turn to ancient beliefs for the
+explanation.
+
+The general attitude of the men of Erris towards the fox is confirmed
+as an attribute of totemism when we come to examine a special local
+form of it. This we can do by turning to Galway. The Claddagh fishermen
+in Galway would not go out to fish if they saw a fox: their rivals of
+a neighbouring village, not believing in the fox, do all they can
+to introduce a fox into the Claddagh village.[398] These people
+are peculiar in many respects, and are distinctively clannish. They
+retain their old clan-dress--blue cloaks and red petticoats--which
+distinguishes them from the rest of the county of Galway, and it may be
+conjectured that the present-day custom of naming from the names of
+fish--thus, Jack the hake, Bill the cod, Joe the eel, Pat the trout,
+Mat the turbot, etc.[399]--may be a remnant of the mental attitude of
+the folk towards that belief in kinship between men and animals which
+is at the basis of totemism. But, returning to the fox, we have in the
+belief that meeting this animal would prevent them from going out to
+fish, a parallel to the prohibition against looking at the totem which
+is to be found among savage people, and we have in the neighbours'
+disbelief in the fox and a corresponding belief in the hare,[400] that
+local distribution of different totems which is also found in savagery.
+But all these particulars about the relationship of the fox to the
+Claddagh fishermen receive unexpected light when we inquire into the
+biography of their local saint, named MacDara. This saint is the patron
+saint of the fishermen who, when passing MacDara's island, always dip
+their sails thrice to avoid being shipwrecked. But then, in the
+folk-belief, we have this remarkable fact, that MacDara's real name was
+Sinach, a fox[401]--an instance, it would seem, of a totem cult being
+transferred to a Christian saint. Thus, then, in the superstitions of
+these Claddagh fisherfolk we can trace the elements of totemism, the
+root of which is contained, first, in the nominal worship of a
+Christian saint, and second, in the actual worship of an animal, the
+fox.
+
+These examples of local totemism may be followed by a remarkable
+example of tribal or kinship totemism. It was noted by Mr. G. H.
+Kinahan in his researches for Irish folklore, and is mentioned quite
+incidentally among other items, the collector himself not fully
+perceiving the importance of his "find." This really enhances the
+value of the evidence, because it destroys any possibility of an
+objection to its validity--a really important matter, considering the
+remarkable character of this survival of totem-stocks in Western
+Europe. The exact words of Mr. Kinahan are as follows:--
+
+"In very ancient times some of the clan Coneely, one of the early
+septs of the county, were changed by 'art magick' into seals; since
+then no Coneely can kill a seal without afterwards having bad luck.
+Seals are called Coneelys, and on this account many of the name
+changed it to Connolly."[402] The same local tradition is mentioned by
+Hardiman in one of his notes to O'Flaherty's _Description of West or
+H-iar Connaught_,[403] but the note is equally significant of
+genuineness from the fact that the tradition is styled "a ridiculous
+story." It strengthens Mr. Kinahan's note in the following passage:
+"In some places the story has its believers, who would no more kill a
+seal, or eat of a slaughtered one, than they would of a human
+Coneely."
+
+The clan Coneely is mentioned both by Mr. Kinahan and by Mr. Hardiman
+as one of the oldest Irish septs; and that it is widely spread, and
+not congregated into one locality, is to be inferred from the
+description of the tradition as prevalent in Connaught, especially
+from Mr. Hardiman's words, describing that "in some places" the story
+has its believers now; and hence we may conclude that wherever the
+clan Coneely are situated there would exist this totem belief.
+
+The full significance of these facts may best be tested by reference
+to the conditions laid down by Dr. Robertson Smith for the discovery
+of the survivals of totemism among the Semitic races. These conditions
+are as follows:--
+
+      "'(1) The existence of stocks named after plants and
+      animals'--such stocks, it is necessary to add, being
+      scattered through many local tribes; (2) the
+      prevalence of the conception that the members of the
+      stock are of the blood of the eponym animal, or are
+      sprung from a plant of the species chosen as totem;
+      (3) the ascription to the totem of a sacred character
+      which may result in its being regarded as the god of
+      the stock, but at any rate makes it be regarded with
+      veneration, so that, for example, a totem animal is
+      not used as ordinary food. If we can find all these
+      things together in the same tribe, the proof of
+      totemism is complete; but even when this cannot be
+      done, the proof may be morally complete if all the
+      three marks of totemism are found well developed
+      within the same race. In many cases, however, we can
+      hardly expect to find all the marks of totemism in its
+      primitive form; the totem, for example, may have
+      become first an animal god, and then an
+      anthropomorphic god, with animal attributes or
+      associations merely."[404]
+
+Now in the Irish case all three of these conditions are found together
+in the same tribe, the clan Coneely, and it is impossible to overlook
+the importance of such a discovery. It proves from survivals in
+folklore that totemistic people once lived in ancient Ireland, just as
+the corresponding evidence proved that the ancient Semitic stock
+possessed the totemic organisation.
+
+We have now examined the most archaic forms of the survival of
+totemism in Britain. If we pass on to inquire whether we can detect
+the more scattered and decayed remnants of totem beliefs and customs,
+we turn to Mr. Frazer as our guide. From Mr. Frazer's review of the
+beliefs and customs incidental to the totemistic organisation of
+savage people, it is possible to extract a formula for ascertaining
+the classification of savage beliefs and practices incidental to
+totemism. This formula appears to me to properly fall into the
+following groups:--
+
+      (a) Descent from the totem.
+
+      (b) Restrictions against injuring the totem.
+
+      (c) Restrictions against using the totem for food.
+
+      (d) The petting and preservation of totems.
+
+      (e) The mourning for and burying of totems.
+
+      (f) Penalties for non-respect of totem.
+
+      (g) Assistance by the totem to his kin.
+
+      (_h_) Assumption of totem marks.
+
+      (_i_) Assumption of totem dress.
+
+      (_j_) Assumption of totem names.
+
+My suggestion is that if a reasonable proportion of the superstitions
+and customs attaching to animals and plants, preserved to us as
+folklore, can be classified under these heads this is exactly what
+might be expected if the origin of such superstitions and customs is
+to be sought for in a primitive system of totemism which prevailed
+amongst the people once occupying these islands. The clan Coneely and
+the Ossory wolves are proofs that such a system existed, and if such
+perfect survivals have been able to descend to modern times, in spite
+of the influences of civilisation, there is no _prima facie_ reason
+why the beliefs and customs incidental to such a system should not
+have survived, even though they are no longer to be identified with
+special clans. When once a primitive belief or custom becomes
+separated from its original surroundings, it would be liable to
+change. Thus, when the wolf totem of Ossory passes into a local
+cultus, we meet with the belief that human beings may be transformed
+into animal forms, as the derivative from the totem belief in descent
+from the wolf. Fortunately, the process by which this change took
+place is discernible in the Ossory example; but it will not be so in
+other examples, and we may therefore assume that the Ossory example
+represents the transitional form and apply it as a key to the origin
+of similar beliefs elsewhere.
+
+Again, if we endeavour to discover how the associated totem-beliefs of
+the clan Coneely would appear in folklore supposing they had been
+scattered by the influences of civilisation, we can see that at the
+various places where members of the clan had resided for some time
+there would be preserved fragments of the once perfect totem-belief.
+Thus, one place would retain traditions about a fabulous animal who
+could change into human form; another place would preserve beliefs
+about its being unlucky to kill a seal (or some other animal specially
+connected with the locality); another place would preserve a
+superstitious regard for the seal (or some other local animal) as an
+augury; and thus the process of transference of beliefs into folklore,
+from one form into other related forms, from one particular object
+connected with the clan to several objects connected with the
+localities, would go on from time to time, until the difficulty of
+tracing the original of the scattered beliefs and customs would be
+well-nigh insurmountable without some key. But having once proved the
+existence of such examples as the clan Coneely and the Ossory wolves,
+this difficulty, though still great, is very much lessened. Our method
+would be as follows. We first of all postulate that totem peoples did
+actually exist in ancient Britain, or whence such extraordinary
+survivals? We next examine and classify the beliefs and customs which
+are incidental to totemism in savage society, and having set these
+forth by the aid of Mr. Frazer's admirable study on the subject, we
+ascertain what parallels to these beliefs and customs may be found in
+the folklore of Britain. And then our position seems to be very
+clearly defined. We prove that in folklore certain customs and
+superstitions are identical, or nearly so, with the beliefs and
+customs of totemism among savage tribes, and we conclude that this
+identity in form proves an identity in origin, and therefore that
+this section of folklore originated from the totemistic people of
+early Britain.
+
+I shall not take up all these points on the present occasion,
+especially as they have in all essentials appeared in the study to
+which I have referred; but as an example of the scattering of totem
+beliefs I will refer to the well-known passage in Caesar (lib. v. cap.
+xii.), from which we learn that certain people in Britain were
+forbidden to eat the hare, the cock, or the goose, and see whether
+this does not receive its only explanation by reference to the totemic
+restriction against using the totem for food. Mr. Elton, with this
+passage in his mind, notices that "there were certain restrictions
+among the Britons and ancient Irish, by which particular nations or
+tribes were forbidden to kill or eat certain kinds of animals;" and he
+goes on to suggest that "it seems reasonable to connect the rule of
+abstaining from certain kinds of food with the superstitious belief
+that the tribes were descended from the animals from which their names
+and crests or badges were derived."[405]
+
+Let us see whether this reasonable conjecture holds good. The most
+famous example is that of Cuchulainn, the celebrated Irish chieftain,
+whose name means the hound of Culain. It is said that he might not eat
+of the flesh of the dog, and he came by his death after transgressing
+this totemistic taboo. The words of the manuscript known as the Book
+of Leinster are singularly significant in their illustration of this
+view. "And one of the things that Cuchulainn was bound not to do was
+going to a cooking hearth and consuming the food [_i.e._ the dog];
+and another of the things that he must not do was eating his
+namesake's flesh."[406] Diarmaid, whose name seems to be continued in
+the current popular Irish name for pig (Darby), was intimately
+associated with that animal, and his life depended on the life of the
+boar.[407] These examples are so much to the point that we may examine
+the cases mentioned by Caesar from the same standard.
+
+Mr. Frazer points out that even among existing totem-tribes the
+respect for the totem has lessened or disappeared, and among the
+results of this he notes instances where, if any one kills his totem,
+he apologises to the animal. Under such an interpretation as this, we
+may surely classify a "memorandum" made by Bishop White-Kennett about
+the hare, the first of the British totems mentioned by Caesar: "When
+one keepes a hare alive and feedeth him till he have occasion to eat
+him, if he telles before he kills him that he will doe so, the hare
+will thereupon be found dead, having killed himself."[408] But respect
+for the hare, in accordance with totem ideas, was carried further than
+this at Biddenham, where, on the 22nd September, a little procession
+of villagers carried a white rabbit [a substitute for hare] decorated
+with scarlet ribbons through the village, singing a hymn in honour of
+St. Agatha. All the young unmarried women who chanced to meet the
+procession extended the first two fingers of the left hand pointing
+towards the rabbit, at the same time repeating the following
+doggerel:--
+
+      Gustin, Gustin, lacks a bier,
+      Maidens, maidens, bury him here.[409]
+
+This points to a very ancient custom, not yet fully explained, but
+which clearly had for its object the reverential burying of a rabbit
+or hare. It is characteristic of the totem animal that it serves as an
+omen to its clansmen, and we find that the hare is an omen in Britain.
+Boudicca is said to have drawn an augury from a hare, taken from her
+bosom, and which when released pursued a course that was deemed
+fortunate for her attack upon the Roman army;[410] and in modern south
+Northamptonshire the running of a hare along the street or mainway of
+a village portends fire to some house in the immediate vicinity.[411]
+In 1648 Sir Thomas Browne tells us that in his time there were few
+above three-score years that were not perplexed when a hare crossed
+their path.[412] In Wilts and in Scotland it was unlucky to meet a
+hare, but the evil influence did not extend after the next meal had
+been taken.[413] Then, too, the prohibition against naming the totem
+object is found in north-east Scotland attached to the hare, whose
+name may not be pronounced at sea, and Mr. Gregor adds the significant
+fact that some animal names and certain family names were never
+pronounced by the inhabitants of some of the villages, each village
+having an aversion to one or more of the words.[414] A classification
+of the beliefs and customs connected with the hare takes us, indeed,
+to almost every phase of totemistic belief, and it is impossible to
+reject such a mass of cumulative evidence.
+
+Of the second of the British food taboos mentioned by Caesar we have
+the most perfect illustration in the instance of the Irish chieftain,
+Conaire, who, descended from a fowl, was interdicted from eating its
+flesh.[415]
+
+Turning next to the goose, we find that at Great Crosby, in
+Lancashire, there is held an annual festival which is called the
+"Goose Fair," and although it is accompanied by great feasting, the
+singular fact remains that the goose itself, in whose honour the feast
+seems to have been held, is considered too sacred to eat, and is never
+touched by the villagers.[416] In Scotland also the goose was never
+eaten, being too sacred for food.[417]
+
+Thus the hare, the fowl, and the goose have retained their sacred
+character in a special manner in various parts of the country, and I
+may add a further note of more general significance. In Scotland there
+exists a prejudice against eating hares and cocks and hens.[418] In
+the south-western parts of England the peasant would not eat hares,
+rabbits, wild-fowl, or poultry, and when asked whence this dislike
+proceeds, he asserts that it was derived from his father[419]--the
+traditional sanction which is so essential to folklore.[420]
+
+The ideas surrounding these three special animals might be easily
+extended to others, but I will only observe that Mr. Elton, noting
+both the classical and modern accounts of certain districts in
+Scotland and Ireland where fish, though abundant, is tabooed as food,
+quotes with approval a modern suggestion that this abstinence was a
+religious observance.[421] That fish are carved on numerous stones is
+a curious commentary on this assertion, while another point to be
+noted is that the inhabitants of the various islands have each their
+peculiar notions as to what fish are good for food. Some will eat
+skate, some dog-fish, some eat limpets and razor-fish, and as a matter
+of course, says Miss Gordon Cumming, those who do not, despise those
+who do.[422] A prejudice also existed against white cows in Scotland,
+and Dalyell ventures upon the acute supposition that this was on
+account of the unlawfulness of consuming the product of a consecrated
+animal.[423] These are not stray notes of inexperienced observers, and
+with two centuries between them it must be that they contain the
+essence of the people's conception--a conception which leads us back
+to totemism for its explanation.
+
+I do not think we could get closer to totemic beliefs and ideas than
+this, nor could we have a better example of the necessity of examining
+early historical data by anthropological tests and by folklore
+parallels. Caesar's words are unimportant by themselves. They convey
+nothing of any significance to the modern reader--a mere dietetic
+peculiarity which means nothing and counts for nothing. And yet it
+might be considered certain that Caesar knew that the details he
+recorded were of importance in the historical sense. He did not
+indicate what the importance was, probably because he was not aware of
+it; but because he was conscious that among the influences which
+counted with these people were the food taboos, he rightly recorded
+the facts. They have remained unconsidered trifles until now, when
+anthropology has brought them within the range of scientific
+observation, and they are now to be reckoned with as part of the
+material which tells of the culture conditions of a section of the
+early British peoples.
+
+I must here interpose a remark with reference to this grouping of the
+evidence. Apart from the significance of the superstitions as they are
+recorded in their bare condition among the peasantry, there is the
+additional fact to note that the superstition against eating or
+killing certain animals or birds, or against looking at them or naming
+them, etc., is not universal. It obtains in one place and not in
+another. If the injunction not to kill, injure, or eat a certain
+animal were simply the reflection of a universal practice, such a
+practice might originate in some attribute of the animal itself which
+characteristically would produce or tend to produce superstition. But
+the spread of this class of superstition in certain districts, and not
+in others, is indicative of an ancient origin, and it is exactly what
+might be expected to have been produced from totem-peoples.
+Unfortunately, neither the negative evidence of superstitious beliefs
+nor the local distribution of superstitious beliefs has ever been
+considered worthy of attention. But some little evidence is
+incidentally forthcoming, and I would submit that this may be taken as
+indicative of what might be obtained more fully by further research
+into this neglected aspect of folklore. I drew Miss Burne's attention
+to this subject, and she has noted some particulars in her valuable
+_Shropshire Folklore_.[424] But for the most part this portion of our
+evidence wants picking out by a long and tedious process from the mass
+of badly recorded facts about popular superstitions. I do not believe
+in the generally stated opinion that certain superstitions are
+universally believed or practised. It is difficult to prove a
+negative, and such evidence is not absolutely scientific, but when it
+comes in direct antithesis to positive, there does not seem any harm
+in accepting it. Every class of superstition wants tracing out
+geographically, and local variants want careful noting. I cannot doubt
+if this were properly done that many so-called universal superstitions
+would be found to be distinctly local. In the meantime, it is not with
+universal superstitions that we have to deal. It is primarily with
+those local variants which show us side by side the differences of
+belief. It is thus that we can afford evidence of that intermixture
+of totem-objects which is to be expected from the known facts of
+totem-beliefs and customs. Indeed, Mr. McLennan has laid it down that
+"we might expect that while here and there perhaps a tribe might
+appear with a single animal god, as a general rule tribes and nations
+should have as many animal and vegetable gods as there were distinct
+stocks in the population ... we should not expect to find the same
+animal dominant in all quarters, or worshipped even everywhere within
+the same nation."[425]
+
+It is important that we should thoroughly understand what these
+survivals of totemism in the British isles really mean. On the extreme
+west coast of Ireland, farthest away from the centres of civilisation,
+there are found these unique examples of a savage institution. The
+argument that they might have been transplanted thither by travellers
+from the far west, where totemism has developed to its highest form,
+cannot seriously be advanced. The argument that they might be the
+accidental form into which some merely superstitious fancies of
+ignorant peasants happened to have ultimately shaped themselves, is
+met by the mathematical demonstration that the ratio of chance against
+such a development would be well-nigh incalculable. The remaining
+argument is that they indicate the last outpost, or perhaps one of the
+last outposts, of a primitive savage organisation which once existed
+throughout these lands. This is the view that appears to me to be the
+only possible one to meet all the conditions of the case; one proof
+in support of this view being the discovery of evidence in other
+parts of the country which shows that totemism has left its stamp in
+more or less perfect form upon the traditional beliefs and practices
+of the nation. Though we are not able to identify further complete
+examples of the same type as the seal clan of Western Ireland, or the
+wolf people of Ossory, we should be able, if the explanation I have
+advanced of their origin be the correct one, to produce examples of
+the varying forms which such an institution as totemism must have
+assumed when it had been broken up by the advance of civilising
+influences. If the seal clan, or the wolf clan, is in truth the last
+outpost of a savage organisation, there will be in the lands less
+remote from the centres of civilisation some evidences of the break-up
+of savagery as it has been driven westward. Somewhere in tradition,
+somewhere in local observances of beliefs or superstition, there must
+still be echoes, more or less faint, but still echoes, from totemism.
+Having discovered these undoubted examples of totemism, the argument
+shifts its ground. We can no longer say that the theory of totemism
+may possibly explain some of the customs and traditions of the people.
+We are, by the logic of the position, compelled to say that custom and
+tradition must have preserved many relics of totemism, and that so far
+from seeking to explain custom and tradition by the theory of
+totemism, we must seek to explain the survival of totemism by custom
+and tradition. I lay stress on this view of the case because it is
+hard to combat the views of those who look upon "mere superstition" as
+no explanation of primitive originals. To us of the present day the
+beliefs of the peasantry are no doubt properly definable as "mere
+superstition." But when we examine it as folklore we are seeking for
+its origin, not for its modern aspect; we are asking how "mere
+superstition" first arose, and in what forms, not how it exists; we
+are pushing back the inquiry from to-day when it exists side by side
+with a philosophical and moral religion to the time when it existed as
+the sole substitute for philosophy and morals. Even if it is "mere
+superstition" it has a dateless history. It is not conceivable that it
+suddenly arose at a particular period before which "mere superstition"
+did not exist, and all, both peasant and chief, were philosophical and
+moral. It is not conceivable that the mere superstition of to-day has
+replaced bodily the mere superstition of other ages. Every succeeding
+age of progress has influenced it, no doubt, but not eradicated it,
+and hence the mere superstition of to-day has just such an unbroken
+continuity of history as language or institutions. That we are able to
+pick out from among its items undoubted forms of totemism, and that we
+may add to these complete examples a classified grouping of customs
+and beliefs in survival parallel to the customs and beliefs of savage
+totemism, affords proof that at least we may carry back that history
+to the era of totemism, at whatever point that era may cross the line
+of, or come into contact with, political history.
+
+This is the definite conclusion to be drawn from the anthropological
+interpretation of the presence of totemic beliefs among the survivals
+of folklore. The study of the anthropological conditions has occupied
+a wide range of thought and inquiry, but it leads us back to a safe
+basis for research, for it brings definitely within touch of that
+realm of man which lies outside the civilisation wherein folklore is
+embedded, the peoples who have made, and the peoples who are dominated
+by, that civilisation. The savage of Britain cannot with this evidence
+before us be considered as the mere product of the literature of
+Greece and Rome. He is part and parcel of the savagery of the human
+race. Anthropology has shown us that savagery reached the land we now
+call Britain as part of the general movement of people which has
+caused the whole earth to become a dwelling-place for man, and now
+that we know this we must appeal to anthropology whenever we find that
+the problems of folklore take us out of the culture period of a
+civilisation known to history.[426]
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+I append a synopsis of the culture-structure of the Semangs of the
+Malay Peninsula (references are to Skeat and Blagden's _Pagan Races of
+the Malay Peninsula_ where not otherwise specified), in order that the
+position claimed for the one section of totemic belief may be tested
+by the remaining characteristics of Semang culture. I claim that there
+is nothing that remains which is inconsistent with the interpretation
+given of the totemic items.
+
+_Physical_:--
+
+(a). Live exclusively in the forest surrounded by hostile fauna (i.
+13).
+
+(b). Food consists of such wild vegetable food as may happen to fall
+from time to time in season (i. 109, 341, 525), together with small
+mammals and birds (i. 112), fish (i. 113).
+
+(c). As soon as they have exhausted the sources of food in one
+neighbourhood they move on to the next (i. 109).
+
+(d). Fire obtained by friction (i. 111, 113), but meat is eaten raw
+(i. 112).
+
+(e). Nudity is alleged (_Journ. Indian Archipelago_, i. 252; ii.
+258); no satisfactory proof (i. 137); do not use skins of animals nor
+feathers of birds (i. 138); a girdle of fungus string (i. 138, 142,
+380); fringe of leaves suspended from a string (i. 139, 142);
+necklaces and ligatures of jungle fibre (i. 144, 145); women wear a
+comb made of bamboo as a charm against diseases (i. 149).
+
+(f). Habitations are rock shelters (i. 173), tree shelters afforded
+by branches of trees improved by construction of a weather screen (i.
+174); ground screen of palm leaves (i. 175).
+
+(g). Hunt successfully the largest animals, escaping easily up the
+trees (i. 202-204).
+
+(h). Knives made of bamboo, flakes and chips of stone, knives of
+bone (i. 249, 269); bow and arrow (i. 251, 255); not sufficiently
+advanced to have produced neolithic implements (i. 268); wooden spear
+(i. 270).
+
+(i). Ignorant of pottery, vessels made from big stems of bamboo (i.
+383).
+
+_Social_:--
+
+(j). Chief of the group is the principal medicine man, but is on an
+equal footing with his men, no caste and property is in common (i.
+497, 499).
+
+(k). Marriage rights are secured by the presentation of a jungle
+knife to the bride's parents and a girdle to the bride, and the bride
+never lets the girdle part from her for fear of its being used to her
+prejudice in some magic ceremony; adultery is punishable by death (ii.
+58, 59) [but this information was not obtained from the most primitive
+of the Semang people].
+
+(l). Semang women are common to all men (Newbold, _Political and
+Stat. Acc. of Settlements in Straits of Malacca_, ii. 379). Great
+ante-nuptial freedom (ii. 56, 218); "Of the Semang I have not had an
+opportunity of personally judging" (ii. 377, Newbold).
+
+[Illustration: TREE HUT, ULU BATU, ABOUT 12 MILES FROM KUALA LUMPUR,
+SELANGOR]
+
+(m). Eat dead kindred except head (Newbold, ii. 379); burial takes
+place in the ground, and the older practice was exposure in trees;
+the Semang have no dread of ghosts of the deceased (ii. 89, 91).
+
+(n). No sacred shrines or places (ii. 197).
+
+(o). Avoidance of mother-in-law (ii. 204).
+
+(p). Myth of the ringdove informing the children of the first woman
+that they had married within prohibited degrees of consanguinity, and
+advising them to separate and marry "other people" (ii. 218).
+
+(q). Myth as to ignorance of cause of birth being dispelled by the
+cocoanut monkey informing the first man and woman (ii. 218).
+
+(r). The Semang are almost ineradicably nomadic, have no fixed
+habitation, and rove about like the beasts of the forest (i. 172; ii.
+470).
+
+(s). Women and girls are not allowed to eat until the men and boys
+have finished their repast (i. 116); the men do most of the hunting
+and trapping, and the women take a large share in the collecting of
+roots and fruits; all the cooking is performed by the women and girls
+(i. 375).
+
+(t). They are split up into a large number of dialects, each of
+which is confined to a relatively small area, and it often happens
+that a little [clan] or even a single family uses a form of speech
+which is differentiated from other dialects to be practically
+unintelligible to all except the members of the little community
+itself (ii. 379).
+
+(u). Natural segregation of the [tribes] into small [clans] to some
+extent cut off from one another and surrounded by settled Malay
+communities (ii. 379).
+
+(v). The most thoroughly wild and uncivilised members of our race,
+regarded by the Malays as little better than brute beasts, with no
+recorded history (ii. 384).
+
+(w). Nomadic life of the Semang leads them over a considerable tract
+of country (ii. 388).
+
+_Psychical_:--
+
+(x). Decorative patterns on quivers representing natural objects,
+and possessing magical virtue to bring down various species of monkeys
+and apes and other small mammals (i. 417), and as charms for the men
+(i. 423).
+
+(y). Decorative pattern on magic comb worn by women to serve as a
+charm against venomous reptiles and insects, similar design for
+similar reason sometimes painted on the breast (i. 41, 420-436).
+
+(z). Child's name is taken from some tree which stands near the
+prospective birthplace of the child. As soon as the child is born this
+name is shouted aloud by the _sage femme_, who then hands over the
+child to another woman, who buries the afterbirth underneath the
+birth-tree or name-tree of the child. As soon as this is done the
+father cuts a series of notches in the tree, starting from the ground
+and terminating at the height of the breast. The cutting of these
+notches is intended to signalise the arrival on earth of a new human
+being, since it thus shows that Kari registers the souls that he has
+sent forth by notching the tree against which he leans. Trees thus
+"blazed" are never felled. The child must not in later life injure any
+tree which belongs to the species of his tree; for him all such trees
+are taboo, and he must not even eat their fruit, the only exception
+being when an expectant mother revisits her birth-tree. Every tree of
+its species is regarded as identical with the birth-tree (ii. 3, 4).
+When an East Semang dies his birth-tree dies too (ii. 5).
+
+(aa). The child's soul is conveyed in a bird, which always inhabits
+a tree of the species to which the birth-tree belongs. It flies from
+one tree of the species to another, following the as yet unborn body.
+The souls of first-born children are always young birds newly hatched,
+the offspring of the bird which contained the soul of the mother. If
+the mother does not eat the soul-bird during her accouchement the
+child will be stillborn or will die shortly after birth (ii. 4, 192,
+194, 216). She keeps the soul-bird within the birth-bamboo, and does
+not eat it all at once, but piecemeal (ii. 6). All human souls grow
+upon a soul-tree in the other world, whence they are fetched by a bird
+which was killed and eaten by the expectant mother (ii. 194).
+
+(bb). Semang religion, in spite of its recognition of a thunder-god
+(Kari) and certain minor deities (so called), has very little indeed
+in the way of ceremonial, and appears to consist mainly of mythology
+and legend. It shows remarkably few traces of demon worship, very
+little fear of ghosts of the deceased, and still less of any sort of
+animistic beliefs (ii. 174). [As the Kari is the deity common to the
+Semang and the people higher in culture than the Semang, it is
+difficult to trace out the primitive idea. The myths also show a
+common impress, "which is probably mainly due to the same savage
+Malay element" (ii. 183).]
+
+(cc). During a storm of thunder and lightning the Semang draw a few
+drops of blood from the region of the shin bone, mix it with a little
+water in a bamboo receptacle, and throw it up to the angry skies (ii.
+204).
+
+(dd). Pretend entire ignorance of a supreme being, but on pressure
+confessed to a very powerful yet benevolent being, the maker of the
+world (ii. 209).
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[284] Beddoe, _Races of Britain_, cap. ii., and _Journ. Anthrop.
+Inst._, xxxv. 236-7; Boyd-Dawkins, _Early Man in Britain_, cap. vii.
+viii. and ix.; Ripley, _Races of Europe_, cap. xii.
+
+[285] Rhys, _Celtic Britain_, 271; Rhys, _Celtic Heathendom_, _passim_;
+Rhys and Jones, _Welsh People_, cap. i. and Appendix B on "Pre-Aryan
+Syntax in Insular Celtic," by Professor Morris Jones.
+
+[286] Barrows, mounds, tumuli, stone circles, monoliths are generally
+admitted to belong to the Stone Age people before the Celts arrived,
+and when they are adequately investigated, as Mr. Arthur Evans has
+investigated Stonehenge (_Archaeological Review_, vol. ii. pp. 312-330),
+and the Rollright Stones (_Folklore_, vol. vi. pp. 5-51), the evidence
+of a prehistoric origin is unquestioned.
+
+[287] I have worked out the evidence for this in the _Archaeological
+Review_, vol. iii. pp. 217-242, 350-375, and though I do not endorse
+all I have written there, the main points are still, I think, good.
+
+[288] Wallace, _Darwinism_, cap. xv.
+
+[289] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes of Australia_, 12, 272, 324,
+368, 420.
+
+[290] _Descent of Man_, i. cap. vii. 176.
+
+[291] _Cf._ Topinard's _Anthropology_, part iii., "On the Origin of
+Man," pp. 515-535, for the details of the various authorities ranged on
+the sides of monogenists and polygenists.
+
+[292] Keane, _Man, Past and Present_, discusses the important evidence
+obtained by Dr. Dubois from Java, and Dr. Noetling from Upper Burma,
+pp. 5-8. It is only fair to that brilliant scholar, Dr. Latham, to
+point out that without the evidence before him to prove the point, he
+came to the same conclusion that the original home of man was
+"somewhere in intra-tropical Asia, and that it was the single locality
+of a single pair."--Latham, _Man and his Migrations_, 248.
+
+[293] The most recent example of this is Mr. Thomas's extraordinary
+treatment of the evidence of migration in Australia. It produces in his
+mind "novel conditions," but has effects which he cannot neglect, but
+which he strangely misinterprets. N. W. Thomas, _Kinship Organisations
+in Australia_, 27-28.
+
+[294] Spencer, _Principles of Sociology_, i. 18.
+
+[295] Lord Avebury, _Prehistoric Times_, 586.
+
+[296] _Man, Past and Present_, pp. 1, 8.
+
+[297] Latham, _Man and his Migrations_, 155-6.
+
+[298] The ethnographic movement is a very definite fact in
+anthropological evidence, though it has been little noted. Thus "the
+Coles are evidently a good pioneering race, fond of new clearings and
+the luxuriant and easily raised crops of the virgin soil, and have
+constitutions that thrive on malaria, so it is perhaps in the best
+interest of humanity and cause of civilisation that they be kept moving
+by continued Aryan propulsion. Ever armed with bow, arrows, and
+pole-axe, they are prepared to do battle with the beasts of the forest,
+holding even the king of the forest, the 'Bun Rajah,' that is, the
+tiger, in little fear."--Col. Dalton in _Journ. Asiatic Soc., Bengal_,
+xxxiv. 9.
+
+[299] Traditions of great migrations exist among most primitive races.
+Some of these contain unexpected corroboration from actual discoveries.
+Thus the natives of New Zealand had a tradition that their ancestors,
+when they arrived in their canoes some four centuries ago, buried some
+sacred things under a large tree. It is said that the tree was blown
+down in recent times and that the sacred things were discovered. Taplin
+records "a good specimen of the kind of migration which has taken place
+among the aborigines all over the continent" (_The Narrinyeri_, p. 4);
+and similar evidence could be produced in almost every direction. Mr.
+Mathew in _Eaglehawk and Crow_ deals with "the argument from mythology
+and tradition" as to the origin of the Australians in a very suggestive
+fashion (pp. 14-22). Stanley has preserved an African native tradition
+of local groups spreading out from the parent home _(Through the Dark
+Continent_, i. 346).
+
+[300] I am aware this is disputed by O. Peschel--_Races of Man_, 137
+_et seq._--but I think the evidence is sufficient; and it must be
+remembered that there is direct evidence of the most backward races not
+using the fire they possess for cooking, but always eating their animal
+food raw, as, for instance, the Semang people of the Malay Peninsula.
+(See Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_, i. 112.)
+The Andaman Islanders could not make fire, though they possessed and
+kept it alive. This shows that they must have borrowed it and did not
+previously possess it.--Quatrefages, _The Pygmies_, 108. Tylor, _Early
+History of Mankind_, cap. ix., should be consulted.
+
+[301] The term political is, I confess, a little awkward, owing to its
+specially modern use, but it is the only term which, in its early
+sense, expresses the stage of social development represented by a
+polity as distinct from a mere localisation.
+
+[302] It was one of the first efforts of the science of language to
+endeavour to trace out the original home of the so-called Aryas and
+their subsequent migrations. "Emigration," said Bunsen, "is the great
+agent in forming nations and languages" (_Philosophy of Hist._, i. 56);
+and Niebuhr, who has traced out most of the migrations of the Greek
+tribes, observes that "this migration of nations was formerly not
+mentioned anywhere" (_Anc. Hist._, ii. 212). Quite recently, Professor
+Flinders Petrie has worked at the question of European migrations in
+the Huxley lecture of 1907 (_Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, xxxvi. 189-232),
+his valuable maps showing "the movements of twenty of the principal
+peoples that entered Europe during the centuries of great movements
+that are best known to us" (204). In the meantime, the folklorist has
+much to do in this direction, and up to the present he has almost
+entirely ignored or misread the evidence. I do not know whether Mr.
+Nutt would still adhere to his conclusion that the myth embodied in the
+Celtic expulsion-and-return formula is undoubtedly solar (_Folklore
+Record_, iv. 42), but a restatement of Mr. Nutt's careful and elaborate
+analysis would lead me to trace the myth to the migration period of
+Aryan history, just as I agree with von Ihering that the _ver sacrum_
+of the Romans is a rite continued from the migration period to express
+in religious formulae, and on emergency to again carry out, the ancient
+practice of sending forth from an overstocked centre sufficient of the
+tribesmen and tribeswomen to leave those who remained economically
+well-conditioned (_The Evolution of the Aryan_, 249-290). Pheidon's law
+at Corinth, alluded to by Aristotle (_Pol._, ii. cap. vi.), could only
+be carried out by a sending out of the surplus. See also Aristotle,
+_Pol._, ii. cap. xii.; and Newman's note to the first reference,
+quoting similar laws elsewhere. Both the "junior-right" traditions and
+customs take us back to the same conditions. The occupation of fresh
+territories is an observable feature of the Russian mir (Wallace,
+_Russia_, i. 255; Laveleye _Primitive Property_, 34), and Mr. Chadwick
+has recently called attention to the corresponding Scandinavian
+evidence (_Origin of the English Nation_, 334).
+
+[303] Mr. J. R. Logan long ago pointed out that "the further we go
+back, we find ethnic characteristics more uniform," and further
+concluded that certain facts observed by himself "lead to the inference
+that the Archaic world was connected."--_Journ. Indian Archipelago_,
+iv. 290, 291.
+
+[304] _Descent of Man_, pp. 590, 591.
+
+[305] _Studies in Ancient History_, i. 84.
+
+[306] _History of Human Marriage_, cap. ii.
+
+[307] _Ancient Society_, p. 10.
+
+[308] _Secret of the Totem_, p. 32.
+
+[309] N. W. Thomas, _Kinship Organisation in Australia_, 4.
+
+[310] _Folklore_, xii. 232.
+
+[311] Both Dr. Haddon and myself made the same point on a criticism of
+Mr. Fraser's _Golden Bough_, mine being from the Aricia rites, and Dr.
+Haddon's from the savage parallels thereto. See _Folklore_, xii. 223,
+224, 232.
+
+[312] Sproat's _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, 19. The use of the
+term "tribe" in this quotation is, of course, descriptive only. There
+is no tribal constitution among the Ahts, and "group" would have been
+the preferable term.
+
+[313] Dr. W. H. Rivers' recently published work on the Todas is the
+best authority.
+
+[314] Rivers, _op. cit._, 432, 455.
+
+[315] Rivers, _op. cit._, cap. xxi. 504, 517.
+
+[316] Rivers, _op. cit._, 452-456.
+
+[317] Latham, _Descriptive Ethnology_, ii, 137.
+
+[318] Bucher, _Industrial Evolution_, 56.
+
+[319] Rev. George Taplin, _The Narrinyeri; South Australian
+Aborigines_, 40. _Cf._ Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-east Australia_,
+710-720; Grierson, _The Silent Trade_, 22.
+
+[320] _Cf._ Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Tribes of Malay Peninsula_, i,
+10.
+
+[321] Graham, _Bheel Tribes of Khandesh_, 3.
+
+[322] Herodotos, iv. 180.
+
+[323] _Journ. Asiatic Soc., Bengal_, xiii. 625.
+
+[324] Major Gurdon, _The Khasis_, 76, 82.
+
+[325] N. W. Thomas, _Kinship Organisations in Australia_, 124.
+
+[326] Fustel de Coulange's _Cite Antique_, cap. xiv. and xv., is,
+however, the most exaggerated example of this point of view.
+
+[327] Lang, _Social Origins_, 1. The latest exponent of anthropological
+principles affirms that "the family which exists in the lower stages of
+culture, though it is overshadowed by the other social phenomena, has
+persisted through all the manifold revolutions of society."--N. W.
+Thomas, _Kinship Organisations in Australia_, 1.
+
+[328] Jevons' _Introd. to Hist. of Religion_, 195.
+
+[329] See also Prof. Geikie in _Scottish Geographical Mag._ (Sept.
+1897).
+
+[330] _Early Hist. of Mankind_, 303; MacCulloch, _Childhood of
+Fiction_, 396; Gould, _Mythical Monsters_.
+
+[331] Mr. Westermarck has collected excellent evidence as to the
+economic influences upon savage society (_Hist. of Human Marriage_,
+39-49), and we may quite properly assume the same conditions for
+earliest man.
+
+[332] A very good summary of the pygmy peoples in all parts of the
+world is given by Mr. W. A. Reed in his useful _Negritos of Zambales_,
+13-22. _Cf._ Keane, _Man, Past and Present_, 118-121; Keane,
+_Ethnology_, 246-248; and Sir W. H. Flower, _Essays on Museums_, cap.
+xix.
+
+[333] Latham, _Man and his Migrations_, 55, 56. Dr. Beke was a most
+cautious observer, and I have consulted all his contributions to the
+_Journal of the Geographical Society_ (vol. xiii.) and have found no
+sign of his retraction of the evidence. His correspondence in the
+_Literary Gazette_ of 1843, p. 852, discusses the question of the Dokos
+being pygmies, but he adheres to his information as to the absence of
+social structure being correct.
+
+[334] Lib. ii. 32, 8; _cf._ Quatrefages, _The Pygmies_, cap. 1, "The
+Pygmies of the Ancients."
+
+[335] Lieut.-Col. Sutherland, _Memoir respecting the Kaffirs,
+Hottentots, and Bosjemans_, i. 67 (Cape Town, 1846).
+
+[336] Burrows, _The Land of Pygmies_, 182.
+
+[337] Mr. A. B. Lloyd's volume _In Dwarfland and Cannibal Country_, p.
+96, is the most recent evidence.
+
+[338] It is worth noting here that the Chinese traditions of the
+pygmies are exceedingly suggestive and curious. See Moseley, _Notes by
+a Naturalist_, 369.
+
+[339] Skeat and Blagden, _Malay Peninsula_, ii. 443.
+
+[340] _Journ. Indian Archipelago_, iv. 425-427; _cf._ _Journ. Anthrop.
+Inst._, xvi. 228; Wallace, _Malay Archipelago_, 452.
+
+[341] Clifford, _In Court and Kampong_, 171-181.
+
+[342] Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of Malay Peninsula_, i. 13.
+
+[343] _Op. cit._, i. 53-4, 139, 169, 172, 341.
+
+[344] _Op. cit._, i. 170.
+
+[345] _Op. cit._, i. 243-248, 268.
+
+[346] _Op. cit._, i. 494; ii. 56, 218.
+
+[347] _Op. cit._, ii. 3. Compare _Journ. Indian Archipelago_, iv. 427,
+"they are called after particular trees, that is, if a child is born
+under or near a cocoanut or durian, or any particular tree in the
+forest, it is named accordingly," and John Anderson, _Considerations
+relative to Malayan Peninsula_, 1824, p. xli.
+
+[348] _Op. cit._, ii. 4, 192, 194.
+
+[349] _Op. cit._, ii. 174, 209.
+
+[350] _Archaeological Review_, i. 13, from an official report published
+in a Government Blue Book.
+
+[351] Brinton, _The American Race_; Curtin, _Creation Myths of
+Primitive America_.
+
+[352] Darwin, _Journal of Researches_, 228.
+
+[353] _Anthropological Inst._, vii. 502-510.
+
+[354] Quatrefages, _The Pygmies_, 24, 48, 69.
+
+[355] There is ample evidence of this characteristic. Thus, of the
+Australians of Port Lincoln district, it is said that "the habit of
+constantly changing their place of rest is so great that they cannot
+overcome it even if staying where all their wants can be abundantly
+supplied."--_Trans. Roy. Soc., Victoria_, v. 178.
+
+[356] _Fortnightly Review_, lxxviii. 455.
+
+[357] _Secret of the Totem_, 125, 140.
+
+[358] _British Association Report_, 1902, p. 745. _Cf._ Spencer and
+Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, 160.
+
+[359] Lang, _Secret of the Totem_, 140, quoting Grey, _Vocabulary of
+the Dialects of South-west Australia_.
+
+[360] Spencer and Gillen, _Tribes of Central Australia_, 119.
+
+[361] The reader should consult Mason's _Women's Share in Primitive
+Culture_, and Bucher's _Industrial Evolution_, for evidence on this
+point.
+
+[362] Livingstone, _South Africa_, 462.
+
+[363] Sleeman, _Rambles of an Indian Official_, i. 43. "Banotsarg is
+the name given to the marriage ceremony performed in honour of a newly
+planted orchard, without which preliminary observance it is not proper
+to partake of its fruit. A man holding the Salagram personates the
+bridegroom, and another holding the sacred Tulsi personates the bride.
+After burning a hom or sacrificial fire, the officiating Brahmin puts
+the usual questions to the couple about to be united. The bride then
+perambulates a small spot marked out in the centre of the orchard.
+Proceeding from the south towards the west, she makes the circuit three
+times, followed at a short distance by the bridegroom holding in his
+hand a strip of her chadar of garment. After this, the bridegroom takes
+precedence, making his three circuits, and followed in like manner by
+his bride. The ceremony concludes with the usual offerings" (Elliot,
+_Folklore of North-west Provinces of India_, i. 234).
+
+[364] Myths explaining the domestication of animals belong to this
+stage of culture. The dog is a sacred animal among the Khasis, with
+certain totemic associations, and there is a very realistic and
+humanising myth relating how the dog came to be regarded as the friend
+of man (Gurdon, _The Khasis_, 51, 172-3). The Kyeng creation legend
+includes a good example of animal friendship with man (Lewin, _Wild
+Races of South-east India_, 238-9). The American creation myths afford
+remarkable testimony to this view of the case. "Game and fish of all
+sorts were under direct divine supervision ... maize or Indian corn is
+a transformed god who gave himself to be eaten to save men from hunger
+and death" (Curtin, _Creation Myths of Primitive America_, pp. xxvi,
+xxxviii). The Narrinyeri Australians "do not appear to have any story
+of the origin of the world, but nearly all animals they suppose
+anciently to have been men who performed great prodigies, and at last
+transformed themselves into different kinds of animals and stones"
+(Taplin, _The Narrinyeri_, 59).
+
+[365] _Legend of Perseus_, i. cap. vi.
+
+[366] _Secret of the Totem_, 29.
+
+[367] Mitchell, _Australian Expeditions_, i. 307; _cf._ Fison and
+Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, 200, 224; Taplin, _The Narrinyeri_, 10.
+
+[368] Curr, _Australian Race_, i. p. 193; _cf._ Smyth, _Aborigines of
+Victoria_, ii. p. 316.
+
+[369] Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, 66, 285, 289.
+
+[370] Fison and Howitt, _op. cit._, 68, 73.
+
+[371] Lang, _Secret of the Totem_, 64.
+
+[372] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes_, 7.
+
+[373] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes_, 120, 124, 133.
+
+[374] _Globus_, xci, a very important criticism of Spencer and Gillen's
+work.
+
+[375] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._, 139, 154.
+
+[376] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, 144.
+
+[377] _Globus_, xci, gives important evidence of traces of female descent
+among the Arunta.
+
+[378] There is conflict of testimony on this point. Spencer and Gillen
+deny that the Arunta recognise the fact of paternity in any way (see
+_Northern Tribes_, pp. xiii, 145, 330), and yet talk of the "actual
+father" in ceremonial functions (p. 361).
+
+[379] Skeat and Blagden, _Malay Peninsula_, ii. 218.
+
+[380] Newbold, _Political and State Acc. of Malacca_, ii.; Skeat and
+Blagden, _op. cit._, ii. 56.
+
+[381] Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes_, 36, give a useful
+note on this point.
+
+[382] In this they are exactly paralleled by the Khasi people of Assam,
+among whom we find a limited sort of male chiefship by succession
+through females, and an absolute succession to property by females by
+succession through females (Gurdon, _The Khasis_, 68, 88). Descent from
+the female is absolute in both cases, and all we get is male
+ascendancy.
+
+[383] _Secret of the Totem_, 73.
+
+[384] _Op. cit._, 79.
+
+[385] Lang, _Secret of the Totem_, 148.
+
+[386] _Central Tribes_, 72. Mrs. Langloh Parker's information as to the
+origin of the Euahlayi two-class division having arisen from an
+amalgamation of two distinct tribes, points to the same
+facts.--_Euahlayi Tribe_, 12.
+
+[387] Spencer and Gillen, _Tribes of Central Australia_, 96, 99, 106.
+
+[388] Lang's Introd. to Bolland's _Aristotle's Politics_ (1877), p.
+104; Grant Allen's _Anglo-Saxon Britain_ (1888), pp. 79-83.
+
+[389] _Topography of Ireland_, lib. ii. cap. 19.
+
+[390] _Hist. of Ireland_, ii. 361.
+
+[391] _Irish Nennius_, p. 205; Lang, _Custom and Myth_, p. 265; _Revue
+Celtique_, ii. 202.
+
+[392] _View of the State of Ireland_, p. 99.
+
+[393] Moryson, _Hist. of Ireland_, ii. 367.
+
+[394] Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme_, 204.
+
+[395] Camden, _Britannia_, iii. 455; iv. 459.
+
+[396] The significance of the word "gossip" is worth noting. Halliwell
+says it "signified a _relation_ or sponsor in baptism, all of whom were
+to each other and to the parents _God-sibs_, that is, _sib_, or related
+by means of religion." This meaning does not seem to have died out in
+the days of Spenser, and his use of the word to describe the
+relationship of the men of Ossory to wolves is very significant. For
+the history of this important word see Hearn's _Aryan Household_, 290.
+
+[397] Otway, _Sketches in Erris_, 383-4.
+
+[398] _Folklore Record_, iv. 98.
+
+[399] _Ulster Journ. Arch._, ii. 161, 162. They have also another
+primitive trait. Their trade emblems are carved on their tombstones.
+_Roy. Irish Acad._, vii. 260.
+
+[400] This I gather from _Ulster Journ. Arch._, ii. 164, where it is
+stated that the hare is unpropitious.
+
+[401] _Folklore Journal_, ii. 259.
+
+[402] _Folklore Journal_, ii. 259; _Folklore Record_, iv. 104. Miss
+Ffennell kindly informed me at the meeting of the Folklore Society
+where I read a paper on the subject, that she had frequently heard the
+islanders of Achill, off the coast of Ireland, state their belief that
+they were descended from seals.
+
+[403] Published by the _Irish Archaeological Society_, p. 27; there is a
+Seal Island off the coast of Donegal (Joyce, _Irish Place-Names_, ii.
+282); and some Shetland legends of the seal will be found in _Soc.
+Antiq. Scot._, i. 86-89. Seals are eaten for food in the island of
+Harris (see Martin, _Western Islands_, 36), and one called the Virgin
+Mary's Seal is offered to the minister (Reeves, _Adamnan Vita.
+Columb._, 78, note _g_). The attitude of the Irish to seals is shown by
+the two following notes:--"At Erris, in Ireland, seals are considered
+to be human beings under enchantment, and they consider it unlucky to
+have anything to do with seals, and to have one live near their
+dwelling is considered as productive of evil to life and property. A
+story current, in 1841, describes how a young fisherman came in a fog
+upon an island whereon lived these enchanted men in their human form,
+but when they quitted it they turned to seals again" (Otway, _Sketches
+of Erris_, 398, 403). Off Downpatrick Head they used to take seals, but
+have given up the practice, because once two young fellows had urged
+their curraghs into a cave where the seals were known to breed, and
+they were killing them right and left when, in the farthest end of the
+cave and sitting up on its bent tail in a corner, there sat an old
+seal. One of the boys was just making ready to strike him, when the
+seal cried out, "Och, boys! och, ma bouchals, spare your old
+grandfather, Darby O'Dowd." He then proceeded to tell the boys his
+story. "It's true I was dead and dacently buried, but here I am for my
+sins turned into a sale as other sinners are and will be, and if you
+put an end to me and skin me maybe it's worser I'll be, and go into a
+shark or a porpoise. Lave your ould forefather where he is, to live out
+his time as a sale. Maybe for your own sakes you will ever hereafter
+leave off following and parsecuting and murthering sales who may be
+nearer to yourselves nor you think." The story is universally believed,
+and on the strength of it the people have given up seal hunting (Otway,
+_Sketches of Erris_, 230).
+
+[404] _Kinship and Marriage in Arabia_, 188. _Cf._ Mr. Jacobs' articles
+in _Archaeological Review_, "Are there totem clans in the Old
+Testament?" vol. iii. pp. 145-164.
+
+[405] _Origins of English History_, 297.
+
+[406] _Proc. Roy. Irish Acad._, x. 436; Lang's _Custom and Myth_, 265;
+Elton's _Origins of English History_, 299-300; _Revue Celtique_, i. 50;
+iii. 176.
+
+[407] _Rev. Celtique_, vi. 232.
+
+[408] Aubrey's _Remaines of Gentilisme_, 102.
+
+[409] _Folklore Record_, i. 243.
+
+[410] Xiphilinus in _Mon. Hist. Brit._, p. lvii.
+
+[411] _Choice Notes, Folklore_, p. 16.
+
+[412] _Vulgar Errors_, p. 320.
+
+[413] Aubrey, _Gentilisme and Judaisme_, 109; Napier, _Folklore of West
+of Scotland_, 26. Consult Mr. Billson's valuable paper on "The Easter
+Hare" in _Folklore_, iii. 441-466.
+
+[414] Gregor, _Folklore of North-East Scotland_, 129, 199.
+
+[415] O'Curry, _Manners of the Anc. Irish_, i. p. ccclxx.
+
+[416] _Notes and Queries_, 3rd ser. iv. 82, 158; Dyer's _Popular
+Customs_, 384.
+
+[417] Gordon Cumming, _Hebrides_, 369.
+
+[418] Gordon Cumming, _Hebrides_, 369.
+
+[419] _Gentleman's Magazine Library, Pop. Sup._, 216.
+
+[420] It will be useful to refer to Mr. Thrupp's paper on "British
+Superstition as to Hares, Geese, and Poultry" in _Trans. Ethnological
+Society of London_, new ser. vol. v. pp. 162-167.
+
+[421] _Origins of English History_, 170.
+
+[422] Gordon Cumming, _Hebrides_, 365.
+
+[423] Dalyell's _Darker Superstitions of Scotland_, 431. It should be
+noted that Dalyell wrote before the age of scientific folklore, and
+therefore his observations are founded more upon conjectures derived
+from the practices and beliefs themselves than from any theory as to
+origins.
+
+[424] White horse, p. 208; black cat, p. 211, note 3; two magpies, p.
+224; crickets, p. 238; hawthorn, p. 244.
+
+[425] _Fortnightly Review_, xii. 562.
+
+[426] It is just possible that the value of investigating Australian
+totemism may prove to have a still more direct bearing upon British
+folklore, for Huxley's opinion as to the Australoid race is not
+entirely to be neglected. He argued that "The Australoid race are dark
+complexion, ranging through various shades of light and dark chocolate
+colour; dark or black eyes; the hair of the scalp black and soft, silky
+and wavy; the skull dolichocephalic. The great continent of Australia
+is the headquarters of the Australoid race.... The Dekkan, which is so
+remarkably isolated on the north by the valleys of the Ganges and
+Indus, beyond these by the Himalaya Mountains, and on the east and west
+by the sea, was originally inhabited, and is still largely peopled by
+men who completely come under the definition of the Australoid race
+given above. In Abyssinia and Egypt there is a smooth-haired,
+dark-complexioned, long-headed stock which I am strongly inclined to
+regard as a westward extension of the Australoid race. I would venture
+to suggest that the dark whites who stretch from Northern Hindostan
+through Western Asia, skirt both shores of the Mediterranean, and
+extend through Western Europe to Ireland, may have had their origin in
+a prolongation of the Australoid race, which has become modified by
+selection or intermixture" (Huxley in _Prehistoric Congress, 1868_, pp.
+92-94). This point of view is confirmed by Mr. Mathew's conclusions,
+_Eaglehawk and Crow_, cap. iii.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+SOCIOLOGICAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+Perhaps the most important part of the anthropological aspect of
+custom, rite, and belief in tradition is sociological. Perhaps, too,
+it is the most neglected. Inquirers into the origin of religion
+proceed one after the other to investigate the phenomena of early
+beliefs as they interpret the origin of religion, without one thought
+of the sociological conditions of the problem. They interpose, as I
+have already pointed out, the theory of a state religion, when such a
+foundation is incidentally found to be necessary to carry the imposing
+superstructure of Celtic mythology, but they do not pause to inquire
+whether the state, suddenly introduced into the argument, is a
+discoverable factor; or they proceed to erect their superstructure of
+religious origins without any social foundation whatever, and we are
+left with a great concept of abstract thought having no roots in the
+source from which it is supposed to be drawn. The sun-god and the
+dawn-god, even the All-father, are traced in the most primitive
+thought of man, but it is not deemed necessary to show in what
+relation these concepts stand to practical life. It is here I must
+refer back to Robertson-Smith's dictum on mythology, for it is the
+necessary preliminary to showing that belief cannot enter into life
+except through the sociological units into which all humanity fits
+itself; or rather, I would prefer Robertson-Smith's way of putting it,
+"the circle into which a man was born was not simply a human society,
+a circle of kinfolk and fellow-citizens, but embraced also certain
+divine beings, the gods of the family and the state, which to the
+ancient mind were as much a part of the particular community with
+which they stood connected as the human members of the social
+group."[427] Any proposal to examine a group of customs, beliefs, and
+rites which at their origin take us back to the earliest history of a
+country must, therefore, be considered from the sociological side. The
+great mass of the material to be used in such an inquiry is not
+ancient so far as its date of record is a test of antiquity, but it is
+ancient as traditional survival, and it is not possible to trace back
+custom and belief surviving in modern times to the earliest times,
+except through the medium of the institutions which formed the social
+basis of the peoples to whom such custom and belief belonged. A custom
+or belief exists as a living force before it sinks back into the
+position of a survival. It is the lingering effect of this living
+force which helps to preserve it for so many ages, and in the midst of
+such adverse circumstances, as a survival among other customs and
+beliefs existing under a different living force. It is not possible,
+therefore, to ascertain the origin of custom or belief in survival,
+except as a fragment of the social institution to which it originally
+belonged. No custom or belief has a life of its own separate from all
+other. It is joined to other customs and beliefs in indissoluble
+co-partnership, the whole group making up the institutions under which
+the race or people to whom they belong live and flourish. This, as we
+have already seen, is a most important principle in the study of
+survivals. Not only is it strictly true of all primitive peoples, but
+it is true of the early stages of more advanced communities.[428]
+Indeed it has been put into a phrase used long ago by an English
+writer on the manorial tenant, "His religion is a part of his
+copyhold,"[429] and when the jurist talks to us in highly technical
+language of lords, freeholders, villans, and serfs, we must bear in
+mind that at any rate these villans and serfs belonged to a social
+institution, one element of which was religion. So, too, must the
+folklorist bear in mind that it is not the individual belief he is
+concerned with, but with the belief that belongs to a community. It
+must be assumed that the true test of the antiquity of every custom or
+belief is its natural and easy assimilation with other customs and
+beliefs, equally with itself in the position of a survival, and the
+recognition of the whole group thus brought into relationship as
+belonging to the institutions of the people from whom it is derived.
+
+It is well to understand what this condition of things exactly means
+as an element in the study of early beliefs. It will be dealing with
+beliefs from their place in the social habitat; housing them, so to
+speak, within the groups of human beings with which they are
+connected. It will be considering them as part of the living organism
+which the social units of man have created. All this indicates a
+method of treating the subject entirely different from what has
+hitherto obtained. Students of early English institutions are content
+to construct elaborate arguments from the often conflicting testimony
+of historical authorities; students of early beliefs construct
+elaborate systems of religious thought far above the custom and rite
+with which they are dealing. The two branches of the same subject are
+never brought together to illustrate each other. Early institutions
+cannot be separated from early beliefs. Early beliefs cannot properly
+be separated from the society of which they form a component part. We
+require to know not only what beliefs a particular people possess, but
+in what manner these beliefs generate custom and rite and take their
+place among the influences which affect the social organism. Early man
+does not live individually. His life is part of a collective group.
+The group worships collectively as it lives collectively, and it is
+extremely important to work out the dual conditions. If the several
+items of custom and belief preserved by tradition are really ancient
+in their origin, they must be floating fragments, as it were, of an
+ancient _system_ of custom and belief--the cultus of the people among
+whom they originated. This cultus has been destroyed, struggling
+unsuccessfully against foreign and more vigorous systems of religion
+and society. To be of service to history each floating fragment of
+ancient custom and belief must not only be labelled "ancient," but it
+must be placed back in the system from which it has been torn away. To
+do this is to a great extent to restore the ancient system; and to
+restore an ancient system of culture, even if the restoration be only
+a mosaic and a shattered mosaic, is to bring into evidence the people
+to which it belongs.
+
+In the previous chapter it was necessary to lay somewhat special
+stress upon the system of social organisation known as totemism, which
+was not founded upon kinship. This was traced in survival among the
+pre-Celtic peoples of Britain. If we now turn to the Celts and Teutons
+of Britain we shall find that we have to deal with a social
+organisation founded definitely upon kinship; and if there are
+survivals of belief, custom, and rite, derived from this kinship
+system, existing side by side in the same culture area with survivals
+from the kinless system, it will be necessary to explain how two such
+opposite streams can have been kept flowing.
+
+It is not difficult in the case of countries occupied by Celtic or
+Teutonic peoples to ascertain what the particular institution was
+which linked together the beliefs of the people, though it is not easy
+to trace out all the phases of it. It is the tribe--that system of
+society which appears as the means by which Greek and Roman, Celt and
+Teuton, Scandinavian and Slav, Hindu and Persian, were able to
+conquer, overrun, and finally to settle in the lands which they have
+made their own. We know something of the Celtic tribe, less of the
+Teutonic tribe, but all we know is that it possesses features in
+common with the tribe of its kindred. There is no fact more certainly
+true as a result of comparative research than that the tribe is the
+common heritage of those people who have become the dominant rulers of
+the Indo-European world. I use this term "tribe" in no formal sense,
+not in the sense of its Roman derivation and use, which shows it quite
+as a secondary institution, but as the most convenient term to define
+that grouping of men with wives, families, and descendants, and all
+the essentials of independent life, which is found as a primal unit of
+European society in a state of unsettlement as regards land or
+country. The tie which bound all together was personal not local,
+kinship with a tribal god, kinship more or less real with
+fellow-tribesmen, kinship in status and rights. We meet with this
+tribal organisation everywhere in Indo-European history. It made
+movement from country to country possible. It made conquest possible.
+Celt and Teuton did not conquer in families any more than Greek or
+Hindu did. They conquered in tribes, and it was because of the
+strength of the tribal organisation during the period, first of
+migration and wandering and then of conquest, that the settlement
+after conquest was possible and was so strong. Everywhere we find
+these people conquerors and settlers. In India, in Iran, in Greece and
+Rome, in Scandinavia, in Celtic and Teutonic Europe, in Slavic Europe,
+they are moving tribes of conquerors come to settle and rule the
+people they conquer.[430] When Dr. Ridgeway asks whence came the
+Acheans,[431] he answers the question much in the same fashion as that
+in which Dr. Duncker describes the settlement on the Ganges:--
+
+      "The ancient population of the new states on the
+      Ganges was not entirely extirpated, expelled, or
+      enslaved. Life and freedom were allowed to those who
+      submitted and conformed to the law of the conqueror;
+      they might pass their lives as servants on the farms
+      of the Aryas (Manu, i. 91). But though the remnant of
+      this population was spared, the whole body of the
+      immigrants looked down on them with the pride of
+      conquerors--of superiority in arms, blood, and
+      character--and in contrast to them they called
+      themselves Vaicyas, i.e. tribesmen, comrades, in other
+      words those who belong to the community or body of
+      rulers. Whether the Vaicya belonged to the order of
+      the nobles, the minstrels and priests or peasants, was
+      a matter of indifference, he regarded the old
+      inhabitants as an inferior species of mankind.... In
+      the new states on the Ganges therefore the population
+      was separated into two sharply divided masses. How
+      could the conquerors mix with the conquered? How could
+      their pride stoop to any union with the despised
+      servants?"[432]
+
+These two divided masses thus so clearly described were, in fact,
+tribesmen and non-tribesmen, just that distinction which we meet with
+in Celtic and Teutonic law, and described in the same terms which
+Bishop Stubbs was obliged to use when he set forth the facts of the
+Teutonic invasion of Britain.
+
+The terms are indeed necessary terms. Tribesmen capable of retaining
+the tribal organisation during the period of migration and conquest
+did not lightly lose that organisation when they settled. In Sir
+Alfred Lyall's pure genealogic clan of Central India[433] I recognise
+the unbroken tribal formation before the family group has arisen as a
+political unit. In Mr. Tupper's argument against the conclusions of
+Sir Henry Maine I recognise the Hindu evidence that the tribe was the
+earliest social group, breaking up, as later influences arose, into
+village communities and joint families.[434] In Bishop Stubbs's
+masterly analysis of English constitutional history the tribe appears
+at the outset--"the invaders," he says, "came in families and kindreds
+and in the full organisation of their tribes ... the tribe was as
+complete when it had removed to Kent as when it stayed in Jutland; the
+magistrate was the ruler of the tribe not of the soil; the divisions
+were those of the folk and the host not of the land; the laws were the
+usage of the nation not of the territory."[435] And so I agree with
+Mr. Skene as to the Celtic tribe that "the tuath or tribe preceded the
+fine or clan,"[436] and with the editors of the Irish law tracts that
+"the tribe existed before the family came into being and continued to
+exist after the latter had been dissolved."[437]
+
+We need not go beyond this evidence. The tribe is the common form into
+which the early Indo-European peoples grouped themselves for the
+purpose of conquest and settlement. It was their primal unit. It may
+have been numerically large or small. It may have been the result of
+a combination of many smaller tribes into one great tribe. But in any
+case and under any conditions there stands out the tribal
+organisation, that great institutional force from which spring all
+later institutions. Its roots go back into the remotest past of
+Indo-European history; its active force caused the Indo-European
+people to become the mightiest in human history; its lasting results
+have scarcely yet ceased to shape the aspirations of political society
+and to affect the destinies of nations. The whole life of the early
+period was governed by tribal conditions--the political, social,
+legal, and even religious conceptions were tribal in form and
+expression.
+
+The tribal institution of the Aryan-speaking peoples includes a life
+outside the tribe. That was an outlaw's life, a kinless outcast, whom
+no tribesman would look upon or assist, whom every tribesman
+considered as an enemy until he had reduced him to the position of
+helot or slave, but for whom every tribe had a place in its
+organisation and a legal status in its constitution. But it was the
+legal status imposed by the master over the servant, and the kinless
+included not only the outcast from the tribe, but the conquered
+aboriginal who had never been within the tribe. It is important to
+notice this, for it to some extent measures the strength of the tribal
+organisation. It not only allowed for a special position for all
+tribesmen, but it allowed for that position to have a definite
+relationship to persons who were not tribesmen, and it is in the
+combined forces of tribesmen and non-tribesmen that the tribal
+organisation which swept over part of Asia and over all Europe obtains
+its greatest power. There are tribal systems outside the Semitic and
+the Indo-European, but these do not have the distinctive features that
+the tribal systems of these two great civilising peoples possess. Like
+the Semitic and Aryan tribal systems, savage tribes are fashioned for
+conquest, but, unlike them, they are not fashioned for settlement and
+resettlement, and perhaps again and again conquest and resettlement.
+They spent all their power, or most of their power, in their one great
+effort of conquest, and whether we turn to the American Indian tribes,
+to the African tribes, or to the Asiatic tribes we find the same facts
+of frequent dissipation of power after sudden and complete conquest of
+it. The tribal system which led to civilisation has a different
+history. It has, too, a different constitution in that to the strength
+of tribesmen was added the subordination--politically, industrially,
+and economically--of non-tribesmen. They were the people who, in the
+terms of the northern poem,
+
+        "Laid fences,
+      Enriched the plough lands,
+      Tended swine,
+      Herded goats,
+      Dug peat."[438]
+
+Unfortunately the institution of the tribe has never been properly
+studied by the great authorities in history, and students are left
+without guidance in this important matter. And yet in any attempt to
+get back to the earliest period of history in lands governed by an
+Aryan-speaking people we must proceed, can only proceed, on the basis
+of the tribe, and it is the failure to understand this which has made
+so much early history unsatisfactory and inconclusive and compels us
+to the conclusion that the master-hand is still needed to rewrite in
+terms of tribal history all that has been written in terms merely of
+political history.
+
+If, however, history from the written records is thus at fault, so too
+is history from the traditional records. No systematic effort has been
+made to treat the traditional story or the traditional custom and
+belief as part of the tribal history of our race, and yet in the few
+cases where it has been so treated the results are obviously
+satisfactory. I can illustrate the value of this point of view by an
+example drawn from the period which witnessed the earliest struggles
+of our race. I think with Mr. Keary that in those German stories
+"which delight above all things in that portrait of the youngest son
+of the house--he is the youngest of three--who is left behind despised
+and neglected when his brothers go forth to seek their fortunes," we
+have traces of a veritable fact, of an historical condition where the
+elder sons actually went forth to conquest and to settlement and the
+youngest son remained in the original home as the hearth-child.[439]
+The position of hearth-child, surviving as it does in our law of
+Borough English, is of great significance, and that we can by the aid
+of tradition reach a state of society which gave birth to it is a
+point of the greatest importance, even if we could go no further. But
+there is a stage beyond it. The majority of these youngest-son
+stories relate to events not to be identified with any particular
+tribe or people, but which belong to all the tribes and peoples whose
+course of conquest and settlement took the common form. But if apart
+from these all-world stories there exist stories, or if there be but
+one story which has become identified with an episode, a person, or a
+place belonging to a particular people, we may claim it as part of the
+history of that particular people. It may be that the general story
+has become specialised in this one case, or it may be that an entirely
+new story has sprung out of the special case. But whichever be the
+origin of such a story attached to a particular people, it must tell
+us something of that people at a period when its history was being
+made rather than recorded. What it tells may be very little, may not
+lead up to anything very great or definite, so far as later history is
+concerned; but that for the period to which it belongs it relates to
+an episode worthy to have been kept in the memories of the descendants
+of the chief actors in the events is the point to bear in mind.
+
+There is one such story which belongs to English history. One of the
+most famous of these youngest-son stories is that of Childe Rowland,
+and Mr. Jacobs, on examining its incidents and details, suggests that
+"our story may have a certain amount of historic basis and give a
+record which history fails to give of the very earliest conflict of
+races in these isles."[440] Mr. Jacobs gives good grounds for this
+conclusion, and shows up a picture of earliest English history which
+is certainly not contained elsewhere, and we are able by this means
+to pass from that large group of youngest-son stories, which have
+brought with them living testimony of an ancient institution of our
+race in its oldest home, to the narrower but more direct example which
+comes to us from events which happened just at the dawn of history in
+our own land. It is not necessary to emphasise the importance of this
+service to history at the instance of tradition, for it will be
+obvious to every student that many a struggle must have remained
+unrecorded and many a hero must have died unnamed in the events which
+belong to the period of tribal conquest and settlement. And to have
+still with us the far-off echo of these events is no slight
+encouragement to an inquiry which has for its object the
+reconstruction of the conditions under which such events took place.
+
+This would be all the better understood if we could get a concrete
+case for illustration, and, fortunately, this is possible by turning
+to the evidence of India. "What we know of the manner in which the
+states of Upper India were founded," says Sir Alfred Lyall,
+
+      "gives a very fair sample of the movements and changes
+      of the primitive world. When the dominant Rajput
+      families lost their dominion in the rich Gangetic
+      plains one part of their clan seems to have remained
+      in the conquered country, having submitted to the
+      foreigner, cultivating in strong communities of
+      villages and federations of villages and paying such
+      land tax as the ruler could extract. Another part of
+      the clan, probably the near kinsmen of the defeated
+      chief, followed his family into exile, and helped him
+      to carve out another, but a much poorer, dominion.
+      Here the chief built himself a fort upon the hill; his
+      clansmen slew or subdued the tribes they found in
+      possession of the soil, and the lands were all
+      parcelled off among the chief's kinsfolk, the
+      indigenous proprietors being subjected to payment of a
+      land tax, but not otherwise degraded. When the land
+      grew too strait for the support of the chief's family
+      or of the sept--that is, when there were no vacant
+      allotments, a landless son of the chief would assemble
+      a band, and set forth to make room for himself
+      elsewhere."[441]
+
+The evidence from India is fact, the evidence from England is
+tradition, and yet I do not think any student will deny that both fact
+and tradition are part and parcel of the same conditions of society,
+the same forces operating upon the same material. The conditions of
+society in both cases are tribal conditions, and the common factor
+having thus been discovered, it is possible to determine not only the
+inter-relationship between fact and tradition, but the means by which
+we may estimate the value of both.
+
+We cannot, however, stop here. I carry on the same argument from the
+traditional legend to the traditional custom and belief, and affirm
+that it is only by their position as part of the tribal system that
+custom and belief in survival must be tested. If they have descended
+from early Celtic or Teutonic custom and belief, they have descended
+from tribal custom and belief, and somewhere in the stages of descent
+will be found the link which connects them definitely with the tribe.
+That not all custom and belief has so descended is due to the fact
+that much of it belongs to the pre-Celtic period, which was not
+tribal; some of it, no doubt, to comparatively modern times, when, as
+we have already seen, superstition had taken the place of thought,
+while some phases of early belief belong to conditions which
+transcend the division between pre-Aryan and Aryan folk. On this I
+will say something by way of explanation presently. In the meantime it
+is an extremely important task to classify survivals into tribal and
+non-tribal groups. Those which belong to Celtic or Teutonic origins
+must show their tribal origin, for they could not have come into
+existence apart from the tribe, and apart from the tribe they could
+not have survived after the break-up of the tribe consequent upon the
+development of national and political life. Custom and belief which do
+not fit into the ancient tribal system, therefore, cannot be
+recognised as ancient Celtic or ancient Teutonic custom and belief,
+and contrariwise when it is seen that they naturally fall into this
+system it may be argued that there we must search for their origin.
+Our Anglo-Saxon forefathers have left a curious testimony to this view
+of the question in their word "holy" or wholesome. What is wholesome
+is so for the whole group. The Anglo-Saxon idea of holiness implies as
+its chief element relation to the tribal life.[442]
+
+The classification of survivals in folklore into tribal and non-tribal
+items is a lengthy and intricate process. Some years ago I made a
+start in a study of fire worship which I presented to the British
+Association,[443] and I hope shortly to be ready with a volume on
+_Tribal Custom_, which will embody a fuller study of fire worship and
+its accompanying beliefs, together with a complete study of all the
+remains of traditional custom, rite, and belief, which only as the
+detritus of the ancient tribal organisation receive adequate
+explanation of their presence in the midst of modern political and
+religious institutions. If I leave this part of my subject without
+further illustration in this present volume, I must add one important
+note upon the persistence of survivals of both kinless and kinship
+societies. I have shown that the tribal system of the advanced races
+included provision for non-tribesmen, provision which kept
+non-tribesmen outside the tribal bond, and at the same time kept them
+tied to the tribe by using them as the necessary dependent adjunct of
+the tribe, using them as bondmen and serfs in point of fact. This
+extremely important factor in the history of the tribal organisation,
+which has not been properly noticed by the few authorities who have
+investigated tribal institutions, receives additional importance when
+viewed from the standpoint of folklore, for it allows for the
+preservation of non-tribal cults side by side with tribal cults.
+Non-tribesmen preserved their custom, belief, and rite simply because
+they were not admitted to the custom, belief, and rite of the tribe,
+and this is the explanation of the existence, in survival, of folklore
+which goes back to pre-Celtic times. Some of this pre-Celtic folklore
+we have already had before us, and some of it I have studied in my
+_Ethnology in Folklore_. Later on I shall have something more to say
+on the subject. Here it is only necessary to emphasise the importance
+of having ascertained why it is that the Celtic conquerors of Britain
+and the earliest tribal conquerors of the Indo-European world
+generally permitted to live in their midst what in a sense was opposed
+to all that they believed, to all that they practised, to all that
+governed them in thought and action.
+
+I think this is a strong position upon which to conduct folklore
+research. It includes the whole of the historical position; it takes
+due count of historical facts instead of ignoring them. It is based
+upon a scientific conception of the meaning of a survival of culture.
+A survival is that which has been left stranded amidst the development
+that is going on around. Its future life is not one of development but
+of decay. We are not dealing with the evolution of society, but with
+the decaying fragments of a social system which has passed away. We
+have to trace out its line of decay from the point where it almost
+vanishes as the mere superstition or practice of a peasant or an
+outcast, back to phases where it exists in more strenuous fashion, and
+finally back to its original position as part and parcel of a living
+social fabric. Moreover, the strength of our position is based upon a
+scientific conception of the development of the nation or people among
+whom survivals exist. It is not all parts of the nation which develop
+at the same rate, at the same time, and for the same period. There are
+social strata in every country, and it is the observance of these
+strata which has made it possible for the inquirer of to-day to use
+the evidence they afford for historical purposes.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[427] _Religion of the Semites_, 30. It is worth while quoting here
+Merivale's note in his Boyle lectures, _Conversion of the Northern
+Nations_, 122. "Pagan temples were always the public works of nations
+and communities. They were national buildings dedicated to national
+purposes. The mediaeval churches, on the other hand, were the erection
+of individuals, monuments of personal piety, tokens of the hope of a
+personal reward." _Cf._ Stanley, _Hist. Westminster Abbey_, 12.
+
+[428] Mr. Granger has a very instructive passage on this point in his
+_Worship of the Romans_, 210-214; _cf._ Robertson-Smith, _Religion of
+the Semites_, lec. ii.; Mr. MacDonald, _Africana_, i. 64, notes, too,
+that "the natives worship not so much individually as in villages or
+communities." Prof. Sayce, studying early religion, says in its outward
+form it "was made up of rites and ceremonies which could only be
+performed collectively."--_Science of Language_, ii. 290.
+
+[429] Clarke's _Survey of the Lakes_, 36.
+
+[430] Pritchard's _Researches into the Physical Hist. of Mankind_, vol.
+iii., may still be consulted for an account of the tribal movements in
+Europe.
+
+[431] _Early Age of Greece_, i. cap. iv.
+
+[432] _History of Antiquity_, iv. 116-17.
+
+[433] _Asiatic Studies_, i. 173.
+
+[434] _Punjab Customary Law_, ii. 3-59. _Cf._ Baden-Powell's _Indian
+Vill. Com._, 230; Duncker, _Hist. Antiq._, iv. 115-17.
+
+[435] Stubbs's _Const. Hist._, i. 64. _Cf. Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law_,
+12.
+
+[436] _Celtic Scotland_, iii. 137, note 4.
+
+[437] _Anc. Laws of Ireland_, iv. p. 77. _Cf._ also Mr. Andrews' _Old
+English Manor_, p. 20, and Meyer, _Geschichte der Alterthums_, 2-3.
+
+[438] Du Chaillu, _The Viking Age_, i. 488.
+
+[439] Keary, _Origin of Primitive Belief_, 464-5. Mr. MacCulloch,
+_Childhood of Fiction_, devotes a chapter to the clever-youngest-son
+group of tales (cap. xiii.), which should be consulted.
+
+[440] _Folklore_, ii. 194.
+
+[441] Sir A. Lyall, _Asiatic Studies_, 184, and compare pp. 198, 208,
+211.
+
+[442] _Cf._ Granger, _Worship of the Romans_, 211. Mr. Granger uses
+terms which I do not quite accept, though his suggestion is entirely
+good in principle.
+
+[443] _Report of British Association_ (Liverpool Meeting).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+EUROPEAN CONDITIONS
+
+
+There are obviously conditions attaching to European culture history
+which do not apply elsewhere, and as obviously the most important,
+perhaps the only important one, which it is necessary to consider in
+connection with the problems of folklore is that resulting from the
+introduction of a non-European religion and the adoption of this
+religion as part of the state machinery in the several countries. This
+religion is, of course, Christianity. It came into the home of a
+decaying, corrupt, and impossible state religion wherever the Roman
+Empire was established and into the homes of purer and sterner faiths,
+faiths that had belonged to the people through all the years of
+conquest and settlement, migration and resettlement, wherever the
+empire of Rome had not become established.
+
+Until the advent of Christianity into Britain the Celtic peoples
+possessed their own customs, their own religious beliefs, their own
+usages. Until the Anglo-Saxons came into contact with Christianity in
+their new settlements in England, they also possessed their own
+customs, usages, and beliefs. So far as Celt and Teuton were
+responsible for continuing or allowing to continue the still older
+faiths, the faiths of savagery as we have accustomed ourselves to
+term them, they brought these faiths also into contact with
+Christianity, and Christianity dealt with the problem thus presented
+exactly as it dealt with the Celtic and Teutonic faiths, namely, by
+treating all alike as pagan, all equally to be set aside or used in
+any fashion that circumstances might demand. Let it be particularly
+noted that Christianity did not distinguish between the various shades
+of paganism. All that was not Christian was pagan.
+
+Christianity was both antagonistic to and tolerant of pagan custom and
+belief. In principle and purpose it was antagonistic. In practice it
+was tolerant where it could tolerate safely. At the centre it aimed at
+purity of Christian doctrine, locally it permitted pagan practices to
+be continued under Christian auspices. In the earliest days it set
+itself against all forms of idolatry and non-Christian practices; in
+later days, after the fifth century, says Gibbon,[444] it accepted
+both pagan practice and pagan ritual.
+
+The relationship of Christianity to paganism is, therefore, a very
+complex subject, and it would not be possible in this place to work
+out one tithe of it. Nor is it needed. The two cardinal facts with
+which we are now concerned are the principle of antagonism and the
+practice of toleration. As to the former there need not be any
+discussion on the fact. Everywhere throughout Europe its effect is to
+be seen. It formed the most solid and systematic arresting force
+against the natural development of pagan belief and practice, and it
+is this fact of arrested development in pagan belief and practice
+which is of great importance. We can ascertain the point of stoppage,
+note the stage of arrested development, and trace out the subsequent
+history of a custom, belief, or rite so arrested. As a survival in a
+state of arrested development, a custom or belief is observable
+throughout its later history. All it does is to decay, and decay
+slowly, and each stage of decay may oftentimes be discovered. On the
+other hand, if no arrest of development had taken place there would
+have been no survival and no decay. The custom or belief which is not
+arrested by an opposing culture becomes a part of the religion or of
+the institutions of the nation, and the history of its development
+becomes, as a rule, lost in the general advance of religion and
+politics--custom develops into law, belief develops into religion,
+rite develops into ceremonial, and tradition ceases to be the force
+which keeps them alive. The two classes of custom and belief thus
+contrasted are of different value to the student. The one is important
+because it contains the germs and goes back to the origin of existing
+institutions. The other is important because, having been arrested by
+a strong opposing force, unable to destroy it altogether, it remains
+as evidence of custom and belief at the time of its arrestment. It
+will be seen at once how far this evidence may take us. It stretches
+back into the remotest past. It survives in the stage at which it was
+arrested, not of course in the form in which it then appeared, but in
+the decayed form which years of existence beneath the ever-opposing
+forces of the established civilisation must have brought about.
+
+These opposing forces can be detected in working order. What can be
+more indicative of a dual system of belief than the cry of an old
+Scottish peasant when he came to worship at the sacred well?--"O Lord,
+Thou knowest that well would it be for me this day an I had stoopit my
+knees and my heart before Thee in spirit and in truth as often as I
+have stoopit them afore this well. But we maun keep the customs of our
+fathers." It appears over and over again in the lives of early
+Christian saints who were only just parting from a living pagan faith.
+Thus St. Bega was the patroness of St. Bees in Cumberland, where she
+left a holy bracelet which was long an object of profound veneration;
+and in a prefatory statement by the compiler of a small collection of
+her miracles, written in the twelfth century, we learn among other
+things that whosoever forswore himself upon her bracelet swiftly
+incurred the heaviest punishment of perjury or a speedy death. It is
+to be observed that Beagas, the French Bague, is the Anglo-Saxon
+denomination for rings, and Dr. William Bell suggests that holy St.
+Bega was but a personification of one of the holy rings which, having
+gained great hold upon the minds of the heathen Cumbrians, it was not
+politic in their first Christian missionaries wholly to subvert.[445]
+These rings are, of course, the doom rings of the Scandinavian temples
+which are so often referred to in the Sagas.[446]
+
+Baptism, an essentially Christian ceremony, might off-hand be supposed
+to contain nothing but evidence for Christianity. It might at most be
+expected that the details of the ceremony would contain relics of
+adapted pagan rites, and this we know is the case. But we can go
+beyond even this, and discover in the popular conception of the rite
+very clear indications of the early antagonism between Christianity
+and paganism--an antagonism which is certainly some eighteen hundred
+years old in this country, and though so old is still contained in the
+evidence of folklore.
+
+An analysis of baptismal folklore shows us that its most important
+section is contained under the group which deals with the effect of
+non-baptism. In England we have it prevailing in the border counties,
+in Cornwall, Devonshire, Durham, Lancashire, Middlesex,
+Northumberland, and Yorkshire, and in North-East Scotland, that
+children joined the ranks of the fairies if they died unchristened, or
+that their souls wandered about in the air, restless and unhappy,
+until Judgment Day. Various penalties attended the condition of
+non-baptism, but perhaps the most significant is the Northumberland
+custom of burying an unbaptised babe at the feet of an adult Christian
+corpse--surely a relic of the old sacrifice at a burial which is
+indicated so frequently in the graves of prehistoric times,
+particularly of the long-barrow period. In Ireland we have the effect
+of non-baptism in a still more grim form. In the sixteenth century the
+rude Irish used to leave the right arms of their male children
+unchristened, to the intent that they might give a more ungracious and
+deadly blow.[447]
+
+[Illustration: RITE OF BAPTISM, ON FONT AT DARENTH, KENT]
+
+These, and their allied and variant customs, are relics, not so much
+of the absorption by Christian baptism of rites belonging to early
+paganism as of the struggle between Christianity and paganism for the
+mastery, of the anathemas of Christians against pagans, and of the
+terrible answer of the pagan. And what are we to say to it? Is it that
+the struggle itself has lasted all these centuries, or only its
+memory? My belief is that the struggle itself has lasted in reality
+though not in name.
+
+But if we have been able to look through the very portals of
+Christianity to the regions of paganism behind, can we not boldly pass
+through altogether and recover from folklore much of the lost evidence
+of our prehistoric ancestors? I put the question in this way
+purposely, because it is the way which is indicated by the methods and
+data of folklore, and it is a question which has much to do with the
+different views held of the province of folklore.
+
+I will answer by referring to the pre-baptismal rites of washing. In
+Northumberland we meet with the analogue of the sixteenth-century
+Irish practice, for there the child's right hand is left unwashed that
+it may gather riches better[448]--the golden coin taking the place of
+the ancient weapon in this as in other phases of civilisation. Not
+only is the water used for this purpose heated in the old-fashioned
+way by placing red-hot irons in it (_i.e._ the modern equivalent for
+stone-boiling), but in Yorkshire we have the custom that the newborn
+infant must be placed in the arms of a maiden before any one else
+touches it, two practices represented exactly in the customs of the
+Canary Islanders, who were in the stone age of culture and are
+considered to be the last remnants of a race which once included
+Britain among its lands of occupation.[449]
+
+The Rev. C. O'Connor, in his third letter of Columbanus, gives a very
+interesting statement of Irish well-worship in a letter addressed to
+his brother, the late Owen O'Connor Don, and which shows the living
+antagonism between Christian and pagan belief. He says:--
+
+      "I have often enquired of your tenants what they
+      themselves thought of their pilgrimage to their wells
+      of Kill Orcht, Tobbar-Brighde, Tobbar-Muire, near
+      Elphin, and Moore, near Castlereagh, where multitudes
+      assemble annually to celebrate what they, in broken
+      English, termed Patterns; and when I pressed a very
+      old man--Owen Hester--to state what possible advantage
+      he expected to derive from the singular custom of
+      frequenting in particular such wells as were
+      contiguous to an old blasted oak, or an upright unhewn
+      stone, and what the meaning was of the yet more
+      singular custom of sticking rags in the branches of
+      such trees and spitting on them, his answer, and the
+      answer of the oldest men, was that their ancestors
+      always did it; that it was a preservative against
+      Geasa-Dravideacht, _i.e._ the sorceries of Druids;
+      that their cattle was preserved by it from infectious
+      disorders; that the davini maithe, _i.e._ the fairies,
+      were kept in good humour by it; and so thoroughly
+      persuaded were they of the sanctity of these pagan
+      practices that they would travel bareheaded and
+      barefooted from ten to twenty miles for the purpose of
+      crawling on their knees round these wells and upright
+      stones and oak trees westward as the sun travels, some
+      three times, some six, some nine, and so on, in uneven
+      numbers until their voluntary penances were completely
+      fulfilled. The waters of Logh-Con were deemed so
+      sacred from ancient usage that they would throw into
+      the lake whole rolls of butter as a preservation for
+      the milk of their cows against
+      Geasa-Dravideacht."[450]
+
+Scarcely less important than the effect of the antagonism of the
+Church in the production of arrested development is the effect of the
+toleration of the Church for pagan custom and belief. This toleration
+took the shape either of allowing the continuation of pagan custom and
+belief as a matter not affecting Christian doctrine or of actual
+absorption into Church practice and ritual. The story told to the full
+is a long and interesting one. And it still awaits the telling.
+Gibbon, in a few sentences, has told us the outline.[451] Other
+authorities have told us small episodes. I am, of course, not
+concerned here with anything more than to adduce sufficient evidence
+to establish the fact that Christian tolerance of paganism has been
+one of the assistant causes for the long continuance of pagan
+survivals.
+
+I shall not hesitate to begin by quoting at length a luminous passage
+from Grimm's great work. In the preface to his second edition he
+writes as follows:--
+
+      "Oftentimes the Church prudently permitted, or could
+      not prevent, that heathen and Christian things should
+      here and there run into one another; the clergy
+      themselves would not always succeed in marking off the
+      bounds of the two religions: their private leanings
+      might let some things pass which they found firmly
+      rooted in the multitude. In the language, together
+      with a stock of newly-imported Greek and Latin terms,
+      there still remained, even for ecclesiastical use, a
+      number of Teutonic words previously employed in
+      heathen services, just as the names of gods stood
+      ineradicable in the days of the week; to such words
+      old customs would still cling silent and unnoticed
+      and take a new lease of life. The festivals of the
+      people present a tough material: they are so closely
+      bound up with its habits of life that they will put up
+      with foreign additions if only to save a fragment of
+      festivities long loved and tried. In this way
+      Scandinavia, probably the Goths also for a time, and
+      the Anglo-Saxons down to a late period, retained the
+      heathenish Yule as all Teutonic Christians did the
+      sanctity of Easter-tide; and from these two the
+      Yule-boar and Yule-bread, the Easter pancake,
+      Easter-sword, Easter-fire, and Easter-dance could not
+      be separated. As faithfully were perpetuated the name
+      and in many cases the observances of Midsummer. New
+      Christian feasts, especially of saints, seem
+      purposely, as well as accidentally, to have been made
+      to fall on heathen holidays. Churches often rose
+      precisely where a heathen god or his sacred tree had
+      been pulled down, and the people trod their old paths
+      to the accustomed site; sometimes the very walls of
+      the heathen temple became those of the church, and
+      cases occur in which idol images still found a place
+      in a wall of the porch, or were set up outside the
+      door, as at Bamberg Cathedral there lie Slavic heathen
+      figures of animals inscribed with runes. Sacred hills
+      and fountains were rechristened after saints, to whom
+      their sanctity was transferred; sacred woods were
+      handed over to the newly-founded convent or the king,
+      and even under private ownership did not lose their
+      long-accustomed homage. Law usages, particularly the
+      ordeals and oath-takings, but also the beating of
+      bounds, consecrations, image processions, spells and
+      formulas, while retaining their heathen character,
+      were simply clothed in Christian forms. In some
+      customs there was little to change: the heathen
+      practice of sprinkling a newborn babe with water
+      closely resembled Christian baptism; the sign of the
+      hammer, that of the cross; and the erection of tree
+      crosses the irmensuls and world trees of
+      paganism."[452]
+
+This passage, written in 1844, has been abundantly illustrated by the
+research of specialists since that date, and, of course, Mr. Frazer's
+monumental work will occur to every reader. But, after all, the chief
+authority for the action of the Church towards paganism in this
+country is the famous letter of Pope Gregory to the Abbot Mellitus in
+A.D. 601, as preserved by the historian Beda. It is worth while
+quoting this once again, for it is an English historical document of
+priceless value. "We have been much concerned," writes the good St.
+Gregory,
+
+      "since the departure of our congregation that is with
+      you, because we have received no account of the
+      success of your journey. When, therefore, Almighty God
+      shall bring you to the most reverend Bishop Augustine
+      our brother, tell him what I have, upon mature
+      deliberation on the affair of the English, determined
+      upon, namely, that the temples of the idols [fana
+      idolorum] in that nation [gente] ought not to be
+      destroyed; but let the idols that are in them be
+      destroyed; let holy water be made and sprinkled upon
+      the said temples, let altars be erected and relics
+      placed. For if these temples be well built, it is
+      requisite that they be converted from the worship of
+      devils [daemonum] to the worship of the true God; that
+      the nation seeing that their temples are not destroyed
+      may remove error from their hearts, and knowing and
+      adoring the true God may the more familiarly resort to
+      the places to which they have been accustomed. And
+      because they have been used to slaughter many oxen in
+      the sacrifices to devils some solemnity must be
+      exchanged for them on this account, so that on the day
+      of the dedication, or the nativities of the holy
+      martyrs whose relics are there deposited, they may
+      build themselves huts of the boughs of trees, about
+      those churches which have been turned to that use from
+      temples and celebrate the solemnity with religious
+      feasting and no more offer beasts to the devil
+      [diabolo], but kill cattle to the praise of God in
+      their eating, and return thanks to the giver of all
+      things for their sustenance."[453]
+
+The church of St. Pancras at Canterbury is claimed to be one of the
+temples so preserved,[454] and there have survived down to our own
+times examples of the animal sacrifice which in early Christian days
+may well have been preserved by this famous edict.[455] But beyond
+these illustrations of the two stated objects of Pope Gregory's letter
+there are innumerable additional results from such a policy,[456]
+results which prove that British pagandom was not stamped out by edict
+or by sword, but was rather gradually borne down before the strength
+of the new religion--borne down and pushed into the background out of
+sight of the Church and the State, relegated to the cottage homes, the
+cattle-sheds and the cornfields, the countryside and the denizens
+thereof.[457]
+
+This is where we must search for it, and I think this important
+element in our studies will be better understood if we turn for one
+moment to the results of Christian contact with earlier belief in the
+one country where Christianity has set up its strongest political
+force, namely, Italy. Dr. Middleton wrote a series of remarkable
+letters which tell us much on this point, but before referring to
+this, I wish first to quote a hitherto buried record by an impartial
+observer[458] in the year 1704. It is a letter written from Venice to
+Sir Thomas Frankland, describing the travels and observations of a
+journey into Italy. The traveller writes:--
+
+      "I cannot leave Itally without making some general
+      observations upon the country in general, and first as
+      to their religion; it differs in name only now from
+      what it was in the time of the ancient heathen Romans.
+      I know this will sound very oddly with some sort of
+      people, but compare them together and then let any
+      reasonable man judge of the difference. The heathen
+      Itallians had their gods for peace and for war, for
+      plenty and poverty, for health and sickness, riches
+      and poverty, to whom they addressed themselves and
+      their wants; and the Christian Itallians have their
+      patron saints for each of these things, to whom they
+      also address according to their wants. The heathen
+      sacrificed bulls and other beasts, and the Christian
+      ones after the same manner a piece of bread, which a
+      picture in the garden of Aldobrandina at Rome, painted
+      in the time of Titus Vespasian, shews by the altar and
+      the priests' vestments to have been the same as used
+      now. The Pantheon at Rome was dedicated by the
+      ancients to all the gods, and by the moderns to all
+      the saints; the temple of Castor and Pollux at Rome is
+      now dedicated to Cosmo and Damian, also twin brothers.
+      The respect they pay to the Virgin Mary is far greater
+      than what they pay to the Son, and whatever English
+      Roman Catholics may be made to believe by their
+      priests or impose upon us, it is certain that the
+      devotion to the Madonnas in Itally is something more
+      than a bare representation of the Virgin Mary when
+      they desire her intercession. Miracles they pretend
+      not only to be wrought by the Madonnas themselves, but
+      there is far greater respect paid to a Madonna in one
+      place than another, whereas if this statue were only a
+      bare representation of the Virgin to keep them in mind
+      of her, the respect would be equal. I visited all the
+      famous ones, and it would fill a volume to tell you
+      the fopperies that's said of them. That of Loretto,
+      being what they say is the very house where the Virgin
+      lived, is not to be described, the riches are so
+      great, nor the devotion that's paid to the statue....
+      The Lady of Saronna is another famous one and very
+      rich; she is much handsomer than she of Loretto and a
+      whole church-full of the legend of the miracles she
+      hath wrought. She is in great reputation, and it's
+      thought will at last outtop the Lady of Loretto; there
+      is another near Leghorne that I also visited called
+      _La Madonna della Silva Nera_, to whom all Itallian
+      ships that enter that port make a present of thanks
+      for their happy voyage, and salute her with their
+      cannon, and most ships going out give her something
+      for her protection during their voyage. I could tire
+      you with she at the Annunciata at Florence, she within
+      a mile of Bollognia, for whom the magistracy have
+      piazza'd the road all the way from her station to the
+      city, that she may not be encumbered with sun or rain
+      when she makes them a visit, and hundreds more that
+      would fill a volume of fopperies that I had the
+      curiosity to see, but it would be imposing too much
+      upon your patience."[459]
+
+This only confirms Dr. Middleton's conclusions, which received the
+approval of Gibbon, and those of later writers. "As I descended from
+the Alps," writes the Rev. W. H. Blunt in 1823,
+
+      "I was admonished of my entrance into Italy by a
+      little chapel to the Madonna, built upon a rock by the
+      roadside, and from that time till I repassed this
+      chain of mountains I received almost hourly proof that
+      I was wandering amongst the descendants of that people
+      which is described by Cicero to have been the most
+      religious of mankind. Though the mixture of religion
+      with all the common events of life is anything but an
+      error, yet I could not avoid regretting that, like
+      their heathen ancestors, the modern Italians had
+      supplied the place of our great master mover by a
+      countless host of inferior agents."[460]
+
+Mr. Blunt goes on to give interesting details of the close connection
+between the modern religious festival, ceremony, or service, and those
+of classical times, and the conclusion is obvious. In modern days Dr.
+Mommsen has lent the sanction of his great authority to the
+identification of the birthday of Christ with that of Mithra,[461]
+and Mr. Leland has given such numerous identifications not only of the
+cults of pagan and Christian Italy, but of the god-names of ancient
+Rome with the saint-names or witch-names of modern times,[462] that it
+seems impossible to deny a place for this evidence. "It was," says
+Gibbon,
+
+      "the universal sentiment both of the Church and of
+      heretics that the daemons were the authors, the
+      patrons, and the objects of idolatry; those rebellious
+      spirits who had been degraded from the rank of angels
+      were still permitted to roam upon earth, to torment
+      the bodies and to seduce the minds of sinful men. It
+      was confessed, or at least it was imagined, that they
+      had distributed among themselves the most important
+      characters of Polytheism, one daemon assuming the name
+      of Jupiter, another of AEsculapius, a third of Venus,
+      and a fourth perhaps of Apollo."[463]
+
+This, then, is recognition and adoption of pagan beliefs, not the
+uprooting of them. If the Roman Jupiter was a Christian daemon, his
+existence at all events was recognised. But even this negative way of
+adopting the old beliefs gave way as the Church spread further. The
+tribe of daemons soon included the popular fairy, elf, and goblin. And
+then came the positive adoption of pagan customs. Gibbon describes how
+the early Christians refused to decorate their doors with garlands and
+lamps, and to take part in the ceremonial of lifting the bride over
+the threshold of the house.[464] Both these customs have survived in
+popular folklore, in spite of the recorded action of the early
+Church, and it would be curious to ascertain whether they have
+survived by the help of the Church. We cannot answer that question of
+historical evidence just now, but it is a question which, in its wider
+aspect, as including many other items of folklore, ought to be
+examined into. There is no doubt, however, that by analogy it can be
+answered, because we have ample evidence, if the writings of reformers
+may be taken as historical facts and not polemical imaginations, that
+many very important customs, among the richest as well as the poorest
+treasures of folklore, have been, so to speak, Christianised by the
+Church, and that the Church has taken part in and adopted
+non-Christian customs, the survivors of olden-time life in
+Europe.[465]
+
+Now it is clear from these considerations, and from the vast mass of
+information which is gradually being accumulated on the subject, that
+not only the arresting force of Christianity but also its toleration
+has assisted in the preservation of pre-Christian belief and custom.
+But the preservation has been in fragments only. The system which
+supported the older faith and might, if it had been allowed a natural
+growth, have produced a newer religion of its own, was completely
+shattered. It left no preservative force except that of tradition,
+the traditional instinct to do what has always been done, to believe
+what has always been believed. Pre-Christian belief and custom has
+thus become isolated beliefs and customs in survival. It has been
+broken up into innumerable fragments of unequal character, and
+containing unequal elements. It has been forced back into secret
+action wherever Christianity was wholly antagonistic, and hence
+primitive public worship has tended to become local worship, or
+household worship, or even personal worship, while all such worship
+which is not the authorised Church worship has tended to become
+superstition. Where Christianity was not wholly antagonistic, it
+absorbed rites, customs, and even beliefs, and these primitive
+survivals have taken their place in the evolution of Christian
+doctrine, and thus become lost to the students of Celtic and Teutonic
+antiquities. But even so, there are discoverable points where the
+dividing line between non-Christian and Christian belief has not been
+obliterated by the process of absorption. In all cases it is the duty
+of the student to note the stage of arrested development in the
+primitive rite, custom, or belief, whether it be caused by antagonism
+or by absorption. It is at this point, indeed, that the history of the
+survival begins. It is here that we have to turn from the polity, the
+religion, or cultus of a people to the belief, practices, or
+superstition of that portion of our nation which has not shared its
+progress from tribesmen to citizens, from paganism to Christianity,
+from vain imaginings to science and philosophy. It is from this point
+we have to turn from the dignity of courts, the doings of armies, and
+the results of commerce, to the doings, sayings, and ideas of the
+peasantry who cannot read, and who have depended upon tradition for
+all, or almost all, they know outside the formalities of law and
+Church.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[444] _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_ (Bury), iii. 214-15.
+
+[445] _Royal Irish Academy_, viii. 258; _Brit. Arch. Assoc._
+(Gloucester volume), 62.
+
+[446] "The Story of the Ere Dwellers," Morris, _Saga Library_, ii. 8.
+
+[447] Camden, _Britannia_, s.v. "Ireland."
+
+[448] Henderson, _Folklore of Northern Counties_, 16.
+
+[449] Glas, _Canary Islands_, 148.
+
+[450] Betham, _Gael and Cymbri_, pp. 236-8.
+
+[451] _Decline and Fall_, iii. p. 214 (edit. Bury).
+
+[452] Grimm, _Teutonic Mythology_, by Stallybrass, iii. pp. 35, 36. A
+passage from Hakon's Saga, quoted by Du Chaillu in his _Viking Age_, i.
+p. 464, shows that the northern peoples adopted the same measures.
+
+[453] Beda, lib. i. cap. 30; and consult Mr. Plummer's learned notes on
+this (vol. ii. 57-61).
+
+[454] Stanley, _Memorials of Canterbury_, 37-38.
+
+[455] _Cf._ my _Ethnology in Folklore_, 30-36, 136-140. Compare St.
+Patrick's dedication of pagan sacred stones to Christian
+purposes.--_Tripartite Life of St. Patrick_, i. 107.
+
+[456] Thus Henry of Huntingdon records that Redwald, King of the East
+Angles, after his conversion to Christianity, "set up altars to Christ
+and the devil in the same chapel" (lib. iii.).
+
+[457] _Cf._ Kemble, _Saxons in England_, i. 330-335. Dr. Hearn writes:
+"Even as the good Pope Gregory the Great permitted the newly converted
+English to retain their old temples and accustomed rites, attaching,
+however, to them another purpose and a new meaning, so his successors
+found means to utilize the simple beliefs of early animism. Long and
+vainly the Church struggled against this irresistible sentiment.
+Fifteen centuries ago it was charged against the Christians of that day
+that they appeased the shades of the dead with feasts like the
+Gentiles. In the Penitentials we find the prohibition of burning grains
+where a man had died. In the _Indiculus superstitionum et Paganiarum_
+among the Saxons complaint is made of the too ready canonisation of the
+dead; and the Church seems to have been much troubled to keep within
+reasonable bounds this tendency to indiscriminate apotheosis. At length
+a compromise was effected, and the Feast of All Souls converted to
+pious uses that wealth of sentiment which previously was lavished on
+the dead" (_The Aryan Household_, p. 60). And, to close this short note
+upon an important subject, Mr. Metcalfe, speaking of the old poetic
+literature of the pagan English, says: "It was kidnapped, and its
+features so altered and disguised as not to be recognisable. It was
+supplanted by Christian poetical legends and Bible lays produced in
+rivalry of the popular lays of their heathen predecessors. Finding that
+the people would listen to nothing but these old lays, the missionaries
+affected their spirit and language, and borrowed the words and phrases
+of heathenism" (Metcalfe's _Englishman and Scandinavian_, p. 155).
+
+[458] For some reason not apparent in the document itself, Mrs. S. C.
+Lomas, the editor of this report, says this interesting letter gives "a
+curious and evidently prejudiced description of the religious houses
+and observances." See preface to _Hist. MSS. Com. Report on the MSS. of
+Chequers Court, Bucks_, p. x.
+
+[459] _Hist. MSS. Com., Chequers Court Papers_, pp. 171-2.
+
+[460] _Vestiges of Ancient Manners and Customs in Italy_, p. 1.
+
+[461] _Corpus insc. Lat._, i. 409; and _cf._ Cumont's _Mysteries of
+Mithra_ (1903).
+
+[462] Leland, _Etruscan Roman Remains_ (1892).
+
+[463] _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_ (Bury), ii. 15.
+
+[464] _Decline and Fall_, ii. 17.
+
+[465] Evidence is scattered far and wide in most of the reliable
+studies in folklore. Two special books may be mentioned. A great
+storehouse of examples is to be found in _The Popish Kingdoms_, by
+Thomas Naogeorgus, Englyshed by Barnabe Googe, 1570, a new edition of
+which was published by Mr. R. C. Hope in 1880; and Mr. H. M. Bower has
+exhaustively examined one important Italian ceremony in his _The
+Elevation and Procession of the Ceri at Gubbio_, published by the
+Folklore Society in 1897.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+ETHNOLOGICAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+Already I have had to point out that an appeal to ethnological
+evidence is the means of avoiding the wholesale rejection of custom
+and belief recorded of early Britain, because it has been rejected as
+appertaining to the historic Celt. I will now proceed with the
+definite proposition that the survivals in folklore may be allocated
+and explained by their ethnological bearing.
+
+Some years ago I advanced this proposition in my little book entitled
+_Ethnology in Folklore_. Only haltingly have my conclusions been
+accepted, but I nowhere find them disproved,[466] while here and there
+I find good authorities appealing to the ethnological element in
+folklore to help them in their views. Mr. MacCulloch, for instance,
+prefers to go for the basis of the Osiris and Dionysius myths to an
+earlier custom than that favoured by Mr. Frazer and Mr. Grant Allen,
+namely, to the practices of the neolithic folk, in Egypt and over a
+wide tract of country which includes Britain, of dismembering the
+dead body previous to its burial.[467] Mr. Lang, Mr. Frazer, Mr.
+Hartland, and others are strangely reticent on this subject. That Mr.
+Lang should be content to trace a story from the Vedas, in which
+Urvasi tells Pururavas that he must never let her see him naked, to "a
+traditional Aryan law of nuptial etiquette,"[468] seems to be using
+the heaviest machinery for the smallest purposes, while for other and
+greater purposes he fails to find in ethnological distinctions,
+explanations which escape his research.[469] That Mr. Frazer should
+have been able to examine in so remarkable a manner the agricultural
+rites of European peoples, and only to have touched upon their
+ethnological bearings in one or two isolated cases, seems to me to be
+neglecting one of the obvious means of arriving at the solution of the
+problem he starts out to solve.[470]
+
+I do not want to discount these fragmentary appeals to the
+ethnological element in folklore. I accept them as evidence that the
+appeal has to be made. I would only urge that it may be done on more
+thorough lines, after due consideration of all the elements of the
+proposition and of all that it means to the study of folklore. We
+cannot surrender to the palaeontologist all that folklore contains in
+tradition and in custom as to pygmy peoples, or to the Egyptologist
+all that it contains as to dismemberment burial rites, without at the
+same time realising that if it is correct to refer these two groups of
+folklore respectively to the earliest ages of man's existence as man
+and to the neolithic stage of culture, they must be withdrawn from all
+other classification. We cannot use the same items of folklore in two
+totally different ways. The results of withdrawal are as important as
+the results of allocation, and the necessity for the correct docketing
+of all groups of folklore is thus at once illustrated.
+
+The first point in the argument for ethnological data being
+discoverable in folklore is that a survey of the survivals of custom,
+belief, and rites in any given country shows one marked feature, which
+results in a dividing line being drawn as between two distinct
+classes. This feature is the antagonism which is discoverable in these
+classes. On one side of the dividing line is a set of customs,
+beliefs, and rites which may be grouped together because they are
+consistent with each other, and on the other side is another set of
+customs, beliefs, and rites which may be grouped together on the same
+ground. But between these two sets of survivals there is no agreement.
+They are the negations of each other. They show absolutely different
+conceptions of all the phases of life and thought which they
+represent, and it is impossible to consider that they have both come
+from the same culture source. I have applied the test of ethnology to
+such cases in Britain, and this appears to answer the difficulty which
+their antagonism presents. It appears too to be the only answer.
+
+The subjects which show this antagonism are all of vital importance.
+They include friendly and inimical relations with the dead; marriage
+as a sacred tribal rite and marriage as a rule of polyandrous society;
+birth ceremonies which tell of admittance into a sacred circle of
+kinsmen, and birth ceremonies which breathe of revenge and hostility;
+the reverential treatment of the aged folk and the killing of them
+off; the preservation of human life as part of the tribal blood, and
+human sacrifice as a certain cure for all personal evils; the worship
+of waters as a strongly localised cult, preserved because it is local
+by whatsoever race or people are in occupation and in successive
+occupation of the locality; totemic beliefs connected with animals and
+plants contrasted with ideas entirely unconnected with totemism--all
+this, and much more which has yet to be collected and classified,
+reveals two distinct streams of thought which cannot by any process be
+taken back to one original source.
+
+This fact of definite antagonism between different sets of surviving
+beliefs existing together in one country leads to several very
+important conclusions. This is the case with the Irish Sids. These
+beings are said to be scattered over Ireland, and around them
+assembled for worship the family or clan of the deified patron. While
+there were thus a number of topical deities, each in a particular spot
+where he was to be invoked, the deities themselves with the rest of
+their non-deified but blessed brother spirits had as their special
+abode "Lands of the Living," the happy island or islands somewhere far
+away in the ocean. Now this Sid worship, we are told by Irish
+scholars, "had nothing to do with Druidism--in fact, was quite opposed
+to it," the Sids and the Druids being "frequently found at variance
+with each other in respect to mortals."[471]
+
+This is the commencing point of the evidence which proves Druidism to
+have belonged to the pre-Celtic people, though finding an adopted home
+among them. This is so important a subject and has been so strangely
+and inconsistently dealt with by most authorities that it will be well
+to indicate where we have to search for the non-Celtic, and therefore
+pre-Celtic, origin of Druidism. The Druidism revealed by classical
+authorities is, for the most part, the Druidism of continental peoples
+and not of Britain, and I hesitate to accept off-hand that it is
+proper to transfer the continental system to Britain and say that the
+two systems were one and the same. There is certainly no evidence from
+the British side which would justify such a course, and I think there
+is sufficient argument against it to suspend judgment until the whole
+subject is before us. If Professor Rhys is right in concluding that
+Druidism is at its roots a non-Celtic religion,[472] we must add to
+this that it was undoubtedly a non-Teutonic religion. Celts and
+Teutons were sufficiently near in all the elements of their
+civilisation for this want of parallel in their relationship to
+Druidism to be an additional argument against the Celts having
+originated this cult. And then the explanation of the differences
+between continental and British Druidism becomes comparatively easy to
+understand. The continental Celts, mixing more thoroughly with the
+pre-Celtic aborigines than did the British Celts, would have absorbed
+more of the pre-Celtic religion than the British Celts, and hence all
+the details which classical authorities have left us of continental
+Druidism appear as part of the Celtic religion, while in Britain these
+details are for the most part absent. But this is not all. There are
+certain rites in Britain noted by the early authorities which are not
+attached to any particular cult. They are not Druidic; they are not
+Celtic. They are, as a matter of fact, special examples of rites
+practised in only one locality, and accordingly referred to as
+something extraordinary and not general. From this it is clearly
+correct to argue that the British Celts had in their midst a cult
+which, if they did not destroy, they certainly did not absorb, and
+that therefore this cult being non-Celtic must have been pre-Celtic.
+
+I do not wish to argue this point out further than is necessary to
+explain the position which, it appears to me, Druidism occupies, and I
+will therefore only add a note as to the authorities for the
+statements I have advanced. The differences between continental and
+British Druidism are definite and pronounced,[473] the mixture of the
+continental Celts with the Iberic people, which they displaced, is
+attested, by ancient authority and modern anthropology,[474] while the
+only evidence of such a mixture in Britain is the prominently recorded
+instance of the Picts intermarrying with the Gael,[475] and this has
+to be set against the close distinction between tribesmen and
+non-tribesmen, which is such a remarkable feature of Celtic law;[476]
+the existence of local cults in early Britain having all the
+characteristics of a ruder and more savage origin, and not identified
+with Celticism, is a point derived from our early authorities.[477]
+These are the main facts of the case, and the subject has to be
+worked out in considerable detail before it can be settled.
+
+There is one other primary subject which bears upon the question of
+race distinctions in folklore. With the fact of conquest to reckon
+with, the relationship of the conqueror to the conquered is a matter
+to consider. In the European tribal system it was a definite
+relationship, so definite that the conquered, as we have seen, formed
+an essential part of the tribal organisation--the kinless slaves
+beneath the tribal kindred. There was a place for the kinless in the
+tribal economy and in the tribal laws. There was also a place for them
+in the tribal system of belief, and the mythic influence of the
+conquered is a subject that needs very careful consideration.
+
+It is an influence which appears in all parts of the world. Thus, to
+give a few instances, in New Guinea they have no idols, and apparently
+no idea of a supreme being or a good spirit. Their only religious
+ideas consist in a belief in evil spirits. They live a life of slavish
+fear to these, but seem to have no idea of propitiating them by
+sacrifice or prayer. They believe in the deathlessness of the soul. A
+death in the village is the occasion of bringing plenty of ghosts to
+escort their new companion, and perhaps fetch some one else. All night
+the friends of the deceased sit up and keep the drums going to drive
+away the spirits; they strike the fences and posts of houses all
+through the village with sticks. This is done to drive back the
+spirits to their own quarters on the adjacent mountain tops. But it is
+the spirits of the inland tribes, the aborigines of the country, that
+the coast tribes most fear. They believe, when the natives are in the
+neighbourhood, that the whole plain is full of spirits who come with
+them. All calamities are attributed to the power and malice of these
+evil spirits. Drought, famine, storm and flood, disease and death are
+all supposed to be brought by Vata and his hosts, so that the people
+are an easy prey to any designing individuals who claim power over
+these. Some disease charmers and rain-makers levy heavy toll on the
+people.[478]
+
+It appears that the native population of New Zealand was originally
+composed of two different races, which have retained some of their
+characteristic features, although in course of time they have in all
+other respects become mixed, and a number of intermediate varieties
+have thence resulted. From the existence of two races in New Zealand
+the conclusion might be drawn that the darker were the original
+proprietors of the soil anterior to the arrival of a stock of true
+Polynesian origin, that they were conquered by the latter and nearly
+exterminated. There is a district in the northern island, situated
+between Taupo and Hawke's Bay, called Urewera, consisting of steep and
+barren hills. The scattered inhabitants of this region have the renown
+of being the greatest witches in the country. They are very much
+feared, and have little connection with the neighbouring tribes, who
+avoid them if possible. If they come to the coast the natives there
+scarcely venture to refuse them anything for fear of incurring their
+displeasure. They are said to use the saliva of the people whom they
+intend to bewitch, and visitors carefully conceal their spittle to
+give them no opportunity of working their evil. Like our witches and
+sorcerers of old, they appear to be a very harmless people, and but
+little mixed up with the quarrels of their neighbours.[479] The
+Australians, according to Oldfield, ascribe spirit powers to those
+residing north of themselves and hold them in great dread.[480]
+
+In Asia the same idea prevails among the native races. Thus Colquhoun
+says,
+
+      "it was amusing to find the dread in which the Lawas
+      [a hill tribe] are held by both Burmese and Siamese.
+      This is due to a fear of being bitten by them and
+      dying of the bite. They are called by their Burmese
+      neighbours the 'man-bears.' A singular custom obtains
+      amongst these people which may perhaps partly account
+      for this superstition. On a certain night in the year
+      the youths and maidens meet together for the purpose
+      of pairing. Unacceptable youths are said to be bitten
+      severely if they make advances to the ladies."[481]
+
+The Semang pygmy people, afraid to approach the Malays even for
+purposes of barter, "learnt to work upon the superstition of the
+Malays by presenting them with medicines which they pretended to
+derive from particular shrubs and trees in the woods."[482] That this
+is a real superstition of the conquerors for the conquered is proved
+from other sources to which I have referred elsewhere.[483]
+
+In Africa it appears as a living force, and we are told that the
+stories current in the country of the Ukerewe, "about the witchcraft
+practised by the people of Ukara island, prove that those islanders
+have been at pains to spread abroad a good repute for themselves; that
+they are cunning, and aware that superstition is a weakness of human
+nature have sought to thrive upon it."[484]
+
+It appears in more definite form with the Hindus. The Kathkuri, or
+Katodi, have a belief that they are descended from the monkeys and
+bears which Adi Narayun in his tenth incarnation of Rama, took with
+him for the destruction of Rawun, King of Lanka, and he promised his
+allies that in the fourth age they should become human beings. They
+practise incantation, and encourage the awe with which the Hindu
+regards their imprecations, for a Hindu believes that a Katodi can
+transform himself into a tiger.[485]
+
+To this day the Aryans settled in Chota-Nagpore and Singbhoom firmly
+believe that the Moondahs have powers as wizards and witches, and can
+transform themselves into tigers and other beasts of prey with the
+view of devouring their enemies, and that they can witch away the
+lives of man and beast. They were in all probability one of the tribes
+that were most persistent in their hostility to the Aryan
+invaders.[486] In Ceylon the remnants of the aborigines are found in
+the forests and on the mountains, and are universally looked upon and
+feared as demons, the beliefs engendered therefrom being exactly
+parallel to the witch beliefs of our own country.[487]
+
+There is similar evidence among European peoples. Formerly in Sweden
+the name of Lapp seems to have been almost synonymous with that of
+sorcerer, and the same was the case with Finn. The inhabitants of the
+southern provinces of Sweden believed their countrymen in the north to
+have great experience in magic.[488] The famous Gundhild, of Saga
+renown, was believed to be a sorceress brought up among the
+Finns,[489] and even in respect of classical remains Mr. Warde Fowler
+"prefers to think of the Fauni as arising from the contact of the
+first clearers and cultivators of Italian soil with a wild aboriginal
+race of the hills and woods."[490]
+
+These facts are sufficient to show that the mythic influence of a
+conquered race is a factor which may assist in the discussion of the
+ethnological conditions of folklore, and it is obvious that they
+reveal a very powerful influence for the continuance of ancient ideas
+as well as for the creation of fresh examples of ancient ideas applied
+to new experiences. It is well in this connection to remember certain
+historical facts connected with the settlement of the English in
+Britain.
+
+From Freeman's _Old English History_ it appears that at the beginning
+of the seventh century "the tract of country which the English then
+ruled over south of the Humber, coincided almost exactly with the
+boundary of the Gaulish portion of Britain," as distinct from
+non-Aryan Britain. This apparent recognition of Celtic landmarks, says
+Professor Rhys, by the later invaders, "is a fact, the historical and
+political significance of which I leave to be weighed by others,"[491]
+and I venture to suggest that one important result is to show Britain
+to have contained an Aryan culture-ground and a non-Aryan
+culture-ground. If we try to step from one to the other we quickly
+discover the mythic relationship of conqueror to the conquered.
+
+[Illustration: SCENE FROM THE LIFE OF ST. GUTHLAC SHOWING THE ATTACKS
+OF THE DAEMONES]
+
+Thus in the Anglo-Saxon life of St. Guthlac we have an interesting
+glimpse into the conditions of the country and the attitude of the two
+hostile races, Celts and Teutons, to each other.
+
+      "There is in Britain a fen of immense size which
+      begins from the river Granta, not far from the city,
+      which is named Grantchester ... a man named Tatwine
+      said that he knew an island especially obscure, which
+      ofttimes many men had attempted to inhabit, but no
+      man could do it on account of manifold horrors and
+      fears, and the loneliness of the wild wilderness....
+      No man ever could inhabit it before the holy man
+      Guthlac came thither on account of the dwelling of the
+      accursed spirits there.... There was on the island a
+      great mound raised upon the earth, which same of yore
+      men had dug and broken up in hopes of treasure....
+      Then in the stillness of the night it happened
+      suddenly that there came great hosts of the accursed
+      spirits, and they filled the house with their coming,
+      and they poured in on every side from above and
+      beneath and everywhere. They were in countenance
+      horrible, and they had great heads and a long neck and
+      lean visage; they were filthy and squalid in their
+      beards, and they had rough ears and distorted face,
+      and fierce eyes and foul mouths: and their teeth were
+      like horses' tusks, and their throats were filled with
+      flame, and they were grating in their voice: they had
+      crooked shanks and knees, big and great behind, and
+      distorted toes, and shrieked hoarsely with their
+      voices, and they came with such immoderate noises and
+      immense horror that it seemed to him that all between
+      heaven and earth resounded with their dreadful cries.
+      Without delay, when they were come into the house,
+      they soon bound the holy man in all his limbs, and
+      they pulled and led him out of the cottage and brought
+      him to the black fen and threw and sunk him in the
+      muddy waters. After that they brought him to the wild
+      places of the wilderness, among the dense thickets of
+      brambles that all his body was torn. After they had a
+      long time thus tormented him in darkness they let him
+      abide and stand awhile, then commanded him to depart
+      from the wilderness, or if he would not do so they
+      would torment and try him with greater plagues."[492]
+
+These doings are not sufficiently remote from sober fact for us to be
+unable to detect human enemies in the supposed beings of the spirit
+world, and this conclusion is confirmed by a later passage in the same
+narrative describing Guthlac awakened from his sleep and hearing "a
+great host of the accursed spirits speaking in British [bryttisc] and
+he knew and understood their words because he had been erewhile in
+exile among them."[493] Guthlac in England is only experiencing what
+other saints experienced elsewhere,[494] and we cannot doubt we have
+in these reminiscences of saintly experience that mixture of fact with
+traditional belief which would follow the priests of the new religions
+from their native homes to the cell.
+
+It is necessary to consider another great element in human life with
+reference to its ethnological value, for folklore has always been
+intimately associated with it, and recently, owing to Mr. Frazer's
+brilliant researches, this branch of folklore has been almost unduly
+accentuated. I mean, of course, agriculture. Mr. Frazer has ignored
+the ethnological side of agriculture, and it has been appropriated by
+the student of economics as a purely historical institution. This has
+caused a special position to be given to agricultural rites and
+customs almost without question and certainly without examination, and
+it will be necessary to go rather closely into the subject in order to
+clear up the difficulties which present neglect has produced. I shall
+once again draw my illustrations from the British Isles.
+
+[Illustration: SCENE FROM THE LIFE OF ST. GUTHLAC SHOWING THE ATTACKS
+OF THE DAEMONES]
+
+I put my facts in this way: (1) In all parts of Great Britain there
+exist rites, customs, and usages connected with agriculture which are
+obviously and admittedly not of legislative or political origin,
+and which present details exactly similar to each other in
+_character_, but differing from each other in _status_; (2) that the
+difference in status is to be accounted for by the effects of
+successive conquests; (3) that the identity in character is not to be
+accounted for by reference to manorial history, because the area of
+manorial institutions is not coincident with the area of these rites,
+customs, and usages; (4) that exact parallels to them exist in India
+as integral portions of village institutions; (5) that the Indian
+parallels carry the subject a step further than the European examples
+because they are stamped with the mark of difference in race-origin,
+one portion belonging to the Aryan people and the other to the
+non-Aryan.
+
+I shall now pick out some examples, and explain from them the evidence
+which seems to me to prove that race-distinction is the key for the
+origin of these agricultural rites and usages in Europe as in India. I
+have dealt with these examples at some length in my book on the
+village community, and I shall only use such details as I require for
+my immediate purpose.
+
+My first point is that to get at the survivals of the village
+community in Britain it is not necessary to approach it through the
+medium of manorial history. Extremely ancient as I am inclined to
+think manorial history is, it is unquestionably loaded with an
+artificial terminology and with the chains so deftly forged by
+lawyers. An analysis of the chief features in the types of the English
+village community shows that the manorial element is by no means a
+common factor in the series. These types mark the transition from the
+tribal form to the village form. In Harris Island we have the chief
+with his free tribesmen around him, connected by blood kinship, living
+in scattered homesteads, just like the German tribes described by
+Tacitus. Under this tribal community is the embryo of the village
+community, consisting of smaller tenantry and cottar serfs, who live
+together in minute villages, holding their land in common and yearly
+distributing the holdings by lot. In this type the tribal constitution
+is the real factor, and the village constitution the subordinated
+factor as yet wholly undeveloped, scarcely indeed discernible except
+by very close scrutiny.
+
+At Kilmorie the tribal community is represented merely by the
+scattered homesteads. These are occupied by a joint farm-tenantry, who
+hold their lands upon the system of the village community. Here the
+village constitution has gradually entered into, so to speak, the
+tribal constitution, and has almost absorbed it.
+
+At Heisgier and Lauder the tribal community is represented by the last
+link under the process of dissolution, namely, the free council of the
+community by which the village rights are governed, while the village
+community has developed to a considerable extent.
+
+At Aston and at Malmesbury the old tribal constitution is still kept
+alive in a remarkable manner, and I will venture to quote from my book
+the account of the evolution at Aston of a tenantry from the older
+tribal constitution, because in this case we are actually dealing with
+a manor, and the evidence is unique so far as England is concerned.
+
+The first point is that the village organisation, the rights of
+assembly, the free open-air meetings, and the corporate action
+incident to the manor of Aston and Cote, attach themselves to the land
+divisions of sixteen hides, because although these hides had grown in
+1657 into a considerable tenancy, fortunately as a tenancy they kept
+their original unity in full force and so obstinately clung to their
+old system of government as to keep up by _representation_ the once
+undivided holding of the hide. If the organisation of the hide had
+itself disappeared, it still formed the basis of the village
+government, the sixteen hides sending up their sixteen _elected_
+representatives. How the tenancy grew out of the original sixteen
+homesteads may perhaps be conjecturally set forth. In the first place
+the owners of the yard-lands succeeded to the place originally
+occupied by the owners of the sixteen hides. Instead of the original
+sixteen group-owners we have therefore sixty-four individual owners,
+each yard-land having remained in possession of an owner. And then at
+succeeding stages of this dissolution we find the yard-lands broken up
+until, in 1848, "some farmers of Aston have only half or even a
+quarter of a yard-land, while some have as many as ten or eleven
+yard-lands in their single occupation." Then disintegration proceeded
+to the other proprietary rights, which, originally appendant to the
+homestead only, became appendant to the person and not to the
+residence, and are consequently "bought and sold as separate property,
+by which means it results that persons resident at Bampton, or even at
+great distance, have rights on Aston and Cote Common." And finally we
+lose all trace of the system, as described by Mr. Horde and as
+depicted by the representative character of the Sixteens, and in its
+place find that "there are some tenants who have rights in the common
+field and not in the pasture, and _vice versa_ several occupiers have
+the right of pasture who do not possess any portion of arable land in
+the common field," so that both yard-lands and hides have now
+disappeared, and absolute ownership of land has taken their place. Mr.
+Horde's MS. enables us to proceed back from modern tenancy-holding to
+the holding by yard-lands; the rights of election in the yard-lands
+enable us to proceed back to the original holding of the sixteen
+hides.
+
+At Hitchin, which is Mr. Seebohm's famous example, we meet with the
+manorial type. But its features are in no way peculiar. There is
+nothing which has not its counterpart, in more or less well-defined
+degree, in the other types which are not manorial. In short, the
+manorial framework within which it is enclosed does little more than
+fix the details into an immovable setting, accentuating some at the
+expense of others, legalising everything so as to bring it all under
+the iron sovereignty which was inaugurated by the Angevin kings.
+
+My suggestion is that these examples are but varying types of one
+original. The Teutonic people, and their Celtic predecessors, came to
+Britain with a tribal, not an agricultural, constitution. In the
+outlying parts of the land this tribal constitution settled down, and
+was only slightly affected by the economical conditions of the people
+they found there; in the more thickly populated parts this tribal
+constitution was superimposed upon an already existing village
+constitution in full vigour. We, therefore, find the tribal
+constitution everywhere--in almost perfect condition in the north, in
+Wales, and in Ireland; in less perfect condition in England. We also
+find the village constitution everywhere--in almost embryo form in the
+north, Wales, and in Ireland; in full vigour and force in England,
+especially in that area which, as already noted, has been identified
+as the constant occupation-ground of all the races who have settled in
+Britain.
+
+Now the factor which is most apparent in all these cases is the
+singular dual constitution which I have called tribal and village. It
+is only when we get to such cases as Rothwell and Hitchin that almost
+all traces of the tribal element are lost, the village element only
+remaining. But inasmuch as this village element is identical in
+_kind_, if not in degree, with the village element in the other types,
+and inasmuch as topographically they are closely connected, we are, I
+contend, justified in concluding that it is derived from the same
+original--an original which was composed of a tribal community with a
+village community in serfdom under it.
+
+This dual element should, I think, be translated into terms of
+ethnology by appealing to the parallel evidence of India. There the
+types of the village community are not, as was thought by Sir Henry
+Maine and others, homogeneous. There the dual element appears, the
+tribal community at the top of the system, the village community at
+the bottom of the system. But in India a new factor is introduced by
+the equation of the two elements with two different races--the tribal
+element being Aryan, and the village element non-Aryan. Race-origins
+are there still kept up and rigidly adhered to. They have not been
+crushed out, as in Europe, by political or economical activity.
+
+But if crushed out of prominent recognition in Europe, are we,
+therefore, to conclude that their relics do not exist in peasant
+custom? My argument is that we cannot have such close parallels in
+India and in England without seeing that they virtually tell the same
+story in both countries. It would require a great deal to prove that
+customs, which in India belong now to non-Aryan aborigines and are
+rejected by the Aryans, are in Europe the heritage of the Aryan race.
+
+The objections to my theory have been formulated by Mr. Ashley, who
+follows Mr. Seebohm and M. Fustel de Coulanges as an adherent of the
+chronological method of studying institutions. Like the old school of
+antiquaries, this new school of investigators into the history of
+institutions gets back to the period of Roman history, and there
+stops. Mr. Ashley suggests that because Caesar describes the Celtic
+Britons as pastoral, therefore agriculture in Britain must be
+post-Celtic. I will not stop to raise the question as to who were the
+tribes from which Caesar obtained his evidence. But it will suffice to
+point out that if Caesar is speaking of the Aryan Celts of Britain--and
+this much seems certain--he only proves of them what Tacitus proves of
+the Aryan Teutons, what the sagas prove of the Aryan Scandinavians,
+what the vedas prove of the Aryan Indians, what philology, in short,
+proves of the primitive Aryans generally, namely, that they were
+distinctly hunters and warriors, and hated and despised the tillers
+of the soil.
+
+It does not, in point of fact, then, help the question as to the
+origin of agricultural rites and usages to turn to Aryan history at
+all. In this emergency Roman history is appealed to. But this is just
+one of those cases where a small portion of the facts are squeezed in
+to do duty for the whole.
+
+Both M. Fustel de Coulanges and Mr. Seebohm think that if a Roman
+origin can be _prima facie_ shown for the economical side of
+agricultural institutions, there is nothing more to be said. But they
+leave out of consideration a whole set of connected institutions.
+Readers of Mr. Frazer's _Golden Bough_ are now in possession of facts
+which it would take a very long time to explain. They see that side by
+side with agricultural economics is agricultural religion, of great
+rudeness and barbarity, of considerable complexity, and bearing the
+stamp of immense antiquity. The same villagers who were the observers
+of those rules of economics which are thought to be due to Roman
+origin were also observers of ritual and usages which are known to be
+savage in theory and practice. Must we, then, say that all this ritual
+and usage are Roman? or must we go on ignoring them as elements in the
+argument as to the origin of agricultural institutions? One or the
+other of these alternatives must, I contend, be accepted by the
+inquirer.
+
+Because the State has chosen or been compelled for political reasons
+to lift up peasant economics into manorial legal rules, thus forcibly
+divorcing this portion of peasant life from its natural associations,
+there is no reason why students should fix upon this arbitrary
+proceeding as the point at which to begin their examination into the
+origin of village agriculture. Manorial tenants pay their dues to the
+lord, lot out their lands in intermixed strips, cultivate in common,
+and perform generally all those interesting functions of village life
+with which Mr. Seebohm has made us familiar. But, in close and
+intimate connection with these selfsame agricultural economical
+proceedings, it is the same body of manorial tenants who perform
+irrational and rude customs, who carry the last sheaf of corn
+represented in human or animal form, who sacrifice animals to their
+earth deities, who carry fire round fields and crops, who, in a
+scarcely disguised ritual, still worship deities which there is little
+difficulty in recognising as the counterparts of those religious
+goddesses of India who are worshipped and venerated by non-Aryan
+votaries. Christianity has not followed the lead of politics, and
+lifted all this portion of peasant agricultural life into something
+that is religious and definite. And because it remains sanctioned by
+tradition, we must, in considering origins, take it into account in
+conjunction with those economic practices which have been unduly
+emphasised in the history of village institutions. In India primitive
+economics and religion go hand in hand as part of the village life of
+the people; in England primitive economics and _survivals_ of old
+religions, which we call folklore, go hand in hand as part of the
+village life of the people. And it is not in the province of students
+to separate one from the other when they are considering the question
+of origin.
+
+This is practically the whole of my argument from the folklore point
+of view. But it is not the whole of the argument against the theory
+of the Roman origin of the village community. I cannot on this
+occasion re-state what this argument is, as it is set forth at some
+length in my book. But I should like to point out that it is in
+reality supported by arguments to be drawn from ethnological facts.
+Mr. Ashley surrenders to my view of the question the important point
+that ethnological data, derived from craniological investigation, fit
+in "very readily with the supposition that under the Celtic, and
+therefore under the Roman rule, the cultivating class was largely
+composed of the pre-Celtic race; and allows us to believe that the
+agricultural population was but little disturbed." Economically it was
+certainly not disturbed by the Romans. If the agricultural implements
+known to and used by the Romans were never used in Britain after their
+departure; if the old methods of land-surveying under the agrimensores
+is not to be traced in Britain as a continuing system; if wattle and
+daub, rude, uncarpentered trees turned root upwards to form roofs,
+were the leading principles of house-architecture, it cannot be
+alleged that the Romans left behind any permanent marks of their
+economical standard upon the "little disturbed agricultural
+population." Why, then, should they be credited with the introduction
+of a system of lordship and serf-bound tenants, when both lordship and
+serfdom are to be traced in lands where Roman power has never
+penetrated, under conditions almost exactly similar to the feudal
+elements in Europe? If it be accepted that the early agricultural
+population of Britain was non-Aryan; if we find non-Aryan agricultural
+rites and festivals surviving as folklore among the peasants of
+to-day; why should it be necessary, why should it be accepted as a
+reasonable hypothesis, to go to the imperial and advanced economics of
+Rome to account for those other elements in the composition of the
+village community which, equally with the rites and festivals, are to
+be found paralleled among the non-Aryan population living under an
+Aryan lordship in India? The only argument for such a process is one
+of convenience. It does so happen that the Roman theory _may_ account
+for some of the English phenomena. But, then, the Celtic and Teutonic,
+or Aryan theory also accounts for the same English phenomena, and,
+what is more, it accounts for other phenomena not reckoned by the
+Roman theory. My proposition is that the history of the village
+community in Britain is the history of the economical condition of the
+non-Aryan aborigines; that the history of the tribal community is the
+history of the Aryan conquerors, who appear as overlords; and that the
+Romans, except as another wave of Aryan conquerors at an advanced
+stage of civilisation, had very little to do with shaping the village
+institutions of Britain.[495]
+
+It is necessary before leaving this subject to take note of a point
+which may lead, and in fact has led to misconception of the argument.
+I have stated that all custom, rite, and belief which is Aryan custom,
+rite, and belief, as distinct from that which is pre-Aryan--pre-Celtic
+in our own country--must have a position in the tribal system, and I
+have said that custom, rite, and belief which cannot be traced back
+to the tribal system may be safely pronounced to be pre-tribal in
+origin and therefore pre-Celtic, to have survived, that is, from the
+people whom the Celts found in occupation of the country when first
+they landed on its shores. I did not interrupt my statement of the
+case to point out one important modification of it, because this
+modification has nothing to do with the great mass of custom and
+belief now surviving as folklore, but I will deal with this
+modification now so that I may clear up any misconception. We have
+already ascertained that over and above the custom and belief, which
+may be traced back to their tribal origins, there are both customs and
+beliefs which owe their origin to psychological conditions, and there
+are myths surviving as folk-tales or legends which owe their origin to
+the primitive philosophy of earliest man. Neither of these departments
+of folklore enters into the question of race development. The first
+may be called post-ethnologic because they arise in a political
+society of modern civilisation which transcends the boundaries of
+race; the second may be called pre-ethnologic, because they arise in a
+savage society before the great races had begun their distinctive
+evolution. The point about this class of belief is that it has never
+been called upon to do duty for social improvement and organisation,
+has never been specialised by the Celt or Teuton in Europe, nor by
+other branches of the same race. The myth alone of these two groups of
+folklore could have had an ethnological influence, and this must have
+been very slight. It remained in the mind of Aryan man, but has never
+descended to the arena of his practical life. It has influenced his
+practical life indirectly of course, but it has never become a brick
+in the building up of his practical life. This distinction between
+custom and belief which are tribal and custom and belief which are not
+tribal, is of vast importance. It has been urged against the
+classification of custom, rite, and belief into ethnological groups
+that it does not allow for the presence of a great mass of belief,
+primitive in character and undoubtedly Aryan, if not in origin at all
+events in fact. The objection is not valid. The custom, rite, and
+belief which can be classified as distinctively Aryan is that portion
+of the whole corpus of primitive custom, rite, and belief, which was
+used by the Aryan-speaking folk in the building up of their tribal
+organisation. They divorced it by this use from the general primitive
+conceptions, and developed it along special lines. It is in its
+special characteristics that this belief belongs to the tribal system
+of the Aryans, not in its general characteristics. Not every custom,
+rite, and belief was so used and developed. The specialisation caused
+the deliberate rejection or neglect of much custom, rite, and belief
+which was opposed to the new order of things, and did not affect the
+practical doings of Aryan life.
+
+There are thus three elements to consider: (1) the custom, rite, and
+belief specialised by the Aryan-speaking people in the formation and
+development of their tribal system; (2) the custom, rite, and belief
+rejected or neglected by the Aryan tribesmen; and (3) the belief which
+was not affected by or used for the tribal development, but which, not
+being directly antagonistic to it, remained with the primitive Aryan
+folk as survivals of their science and philosophy.
+
+For ethnological purposes we have only to do with the first group. It
+is definite, and it is capable of definite recognition within the
+tribe. When once it was brought into the tribal system it ceased to
+exist in the form in which it was known to general savage belief; it
+developed highly specialised forms, took its part in the formation of
+a great social force, a great fighting and conquering force, a great
+migratory force. In accomplishing this task it grew into a solid
+system, each part in touch with all other parts, each part an
+essential factor in the ever-active forces which it helped to fashion
+and control.
+
+It is in this wise that we must study its survivals wherever they are
+to be found, and the study must be concentrated within certain
+definite ethnographic areas. If I were to pursue the subject and
+choose for my study the folklore of Britain, I should have to object
+to the treatment accorded to British custom, rite, and belief by even
+so great an authority as Mr. Frazer, because they are used not as
+parts of a tribal system but as mere detritus of a primitive system of
+science, or philosophy. According to my views they had long since
+become separated from any such system and it is placing them in a
+wrong perspective, giving them a false value, associating them with
+elements to which they have no affinity to divorce them from their
+tribal connection. The custom, rite, and belief which were tribal,
+when they were brought to their present ethnographic area, cannot be
+considered in the varied forms of their survival except by restoration
+to the tribal organisation from which they were torn when they began
+their life as survivals.
+
+What I have endeavoured to explain in this way are the principles
+which should govern folklore research in relation to ethnological
+conditions. The differing races which made up the peoples of Europe
+before the era of political history must have left their distinctive
+remains in folklore, if folklore is rightly considered as the
+traditional survivals of the prehistory period. To get at and classify
+these remains we must be clear as to the problems which surround
+inquiry into them. The solution of these problems will place us in
+possession of a mass of survivals in folklore which are naturally
+associated with each other, and which stand apart from other survivals
+also naturally associated with each other. In these two masses we may
+detect the main influences of the great tribal races and the
+non-tribal races. We cannot, I think, get much beyond this. We may,
+perhaps, here and there, detect smaller race divisions--Celtic,
+Teutonic, Scandinavian or other distinctions, according to the area of
+investigation--but these will be less apparent, less determinable, and
+will not be so valuable to historical science as the larger division.
+To this we shall by proper investigation be indebted for the solution
+of many doubtful points of the prehistoric period, and it is in this
+respect that it will appeal to the student of folklore.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[466] Mr. Nutt's presidential address to the Folklore Society in 1899
+does not, I think, disprove my theory. It ignores it, and confines the
+problem to legend and folk-tale. Mr. Nutt's powerful, but not
+conclusive, study is to be found in _Folklore_, x. 71-86, and my reply
+and correspondence resulting therefrom are to be found at pp. 129-149.
+
+[467] MacCulloch, _Childhood of Fiction_, 90-101; Greenwell, _British
+Barrows_, 17, 18.
+
+[468] _Custom and Myth_, 76.
+
+[469] _Myth, Ritual and Religion_, ii. 215, compared with Gomme,
+_Ethnology in Folklore_, 16.
+
+[470] I have discussed this point at greater length in _Folklore_, xii.
+222-225.
+
+[471] Mr. J. O'Beirne Crowe in _Journ. Arch. and Hist. Assoc. of
+Ireland_, 3rd ser., i. 321.
+
+[472] Rhys, _Lectures on Welsh Philology_, 32; _Celtic Heathendom_,
+216; _Celtic Britain_, 67-75; Rhys and Brynmor-Jones, _Welsh People_,
+83.
+
+[473] The continental evidence has been collected together in
+convenient shape by modern scholars: thus Mr. Stock, in his work on
+_Caesar de bello Gallico_, notes and compares the evidence of Caesar,
+Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, Ammianus Marcellinus, Mela, Lucan, and Pliny
+as it has been interpreted by modern scholars (see pp. 107-113), and he
+is followed by Mr. T. Rice Holmes in his study of _Caesar's Conquest of
+Gaul_, pp. 532-536. The Druidic cult of belief in immortality,
+metempsychosis, ritual of the grove, augury, human sacrifice, is all
+set out and discussed. These are the continental Druidic beliefs and
+practices, and they may be compared with the Druidic Irish beliefs and
+practices in Eugene O'Curry's _Manners and Customs of the Ancient
+Irish_, lect. ix. and x. vol. ii. pp. 179-228, and Dr. Joyce's _Social
+History of Ancient Ireland_, i. 219-248, where "the points of agreement
+and difference between Irish and Gaulish Druids" are discussed. Mr.
+Elton notices the difference between the continental and the British
+Druids, but ascribes it to unequal development (_Origins of Eng.
+Hist._, 267-268). Caesar's well-known account of the wickerwork
+sacrifice is very circumstantial. It is not repeated by either Diodorus
+or Strabo, who both refer to individual human sacrifice. Pliny
+introduces the mistletoe, oak, and serpent cults, and the other three
+authorities are apparently dependent upon their predecessors.
+
+[474] The mixture of Celt and Iberian is very ably dealt with by Mr.
+Holmes in his _Caesar's Conquest of Gaul_, pp. 245-322, and by Ripley,
+_Races of Europe_, 461, 467, together with cap. vii. and xii.; see also
+Sergi, _Mediterranean Race_, cap. xii.
+
+[475] The intermarrying of the Picts with the Celts of the district
+they conquered is mentioned in all the chronicles as an important and
+significant rite, which determined the succession to the Pictish throne
+through the female side (Skene's _Chron. of the Picts and Scots_, 40,
+45, 126, 319, 328, 329). Beda, i. cap. i., mentions female succession.
+Skene discusses this point in _Celtic Scotland_, i. 232-235, and
+McLennan includes it in his evidence from anthropological data
+(_Studies in Anc. Hist._, 99).
+
+[476] Mr. Seebohm is the best authority for the importance of the
+non-tribesman in Celtic law (_Tribal System in Wales_, 54-60).
+
+[477] The local cults in Great Britain which are not Celtic in form,
+and do not seem to be connected with Celtic religion on any analogy,
+are those relating to Cromm Cruaich, referred to in the _Tripartite
+Life of St. Patrick_ (see Whitley Stokes in _Revue Celtique_, i. 260,
+xvi. 35-36; O'Curry, _MS. Materials of Anc. Irish History_, 538-9;
+Joyce, _Social History of Ancient Ireland_, i. 275-276; Rhys, _Celtic
+Heathendom_, 200-201). I do not follow Rhys in his identification of
+this cult as a part of the ceremonies on mounds, and suggest that Mr.
+Bury in his _Life of St. Patrick_, 123-125, gives the clue to the
+purely local character of this idol worship which I claim for it.
+Similarly the overthrow of the temple at Goodmanham, Godmundingham,
+described by Beda, ii. cap. 13, with its priest who was not allowed to
+carry arms, or to ride on any but a mare, is the destruction of a
+successful local cult, not of a national or tribal religion. I confess
+that Dr. Greenwell's observations in connection with his barrow
+discoveries (_British Barrows_, 286-331) are in favour of an early
+Anglican cultus, but I think his facts may be otherwise interpreted,
+and in any case they confirm my view of the special localisation of
+this cult.
+
+[478] Rev. W. G. Lawes in _Journ. Royal Geographical Soc._, new series,
+iii. 615. _Cf._ Romilly, _From my Verandah_, 249; _Journ. Indian
+Archipelago_ vi. 310, 329.
+
+[479] Dieffenbach, _Travels in New Zealand_, ii. 7, 10, 59.
+
+[480] _Trans. Ethnol. Soc._, new series, iii. 235.
+
+[481] Colquhoun's _Amongst the Shans_, 52; Bastian, _Oestl. Asien_, i.
+119.
+
+[482] Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_, i. 228;
+and compare Rev. P. Favre, _Account of Wild Tribes of the Malayan
+Peninsula_ (Paris, 1865), p. 95.
+
+[483] _Ethnology in Folklore_, 45; and see Tylor, _Primitive Culture_,
+i. 112-113.
+
+[484] Stanley, _Through the Dark Continent_, i. 253. _Cf._ Burrows,
+_Land of the Pigmies_, 180, for the state of fear which the pygmies
+cause to their neighbours.
+
+[485] Latham, _Descriptive Ethnology_, ii. 457.
+
+[486] _Journ. As. Soc. Bengal_, 1866, ii. 158; see also Geiger,
+_Civilisation of Eastern Iranians_, i. 20-21.
+
+[487] _Journ. Ceylon As. Soc._, 1865-1866, p. 3. _Journ. Ind.
+Archipelago_, i. 328; Tennant, _Ceylon_, i. 331; J. F. Campbell, _My
+Circular Notes_, 155-157.
+
+[488] Landtman, _Origin of Priesthood_, p. 82, quoting the original
+authorities.
+
+[489] Vigfusson and Powell, _Corpus Boreale_, ii. 38; and see i. 408.
+
+[490] _Roman Festivals_, 264.
+
+[491] Rhys, _Lectures on Welsh Philology_, 196.
+
+[492] _Life of St. Guthlac_, by Felix of Crowland, edit. C. W. Goodwin,
+pp. 21, 23, 27, 35.
+
+[493] _Life of St. Guthlac_, p. 43.
+
+[494] Wright, _Essays on Popular Superstitions of the Middle Ages_, ii.
+4-10.
+
+[495] The substance of this part of my subject, with more elaboration
+in detail, is taken from a paper I contributed to the _Transactions of
+the Folklore Congress_, 1891.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+aborigines, savage, 219
+Abyssinian pygmies, 241
+African pygmy people, 241-2
+aged, killing of the, 68-78
+agricultural custom, 49, 163, 188, 192, 220, 311, 339, 352-3, 359
+Ahts of Vancouver Island, 62, 228
+All Souls, feast of, 331
+allocation of folklore items, 340
+altar superstitions, 198, 200
+American Indian creation myths, 131, 141, 258
+American Indian traditions, 144, 246
+analysis of custom, 159
+Andaman islanders, 218
+animal traditions, 239
+animals, domestication of, 258
+antagonism in folklore, 340
+anthropological conditions, 208-302
+apparitions, 188
+arm, right, left unchristened, 324, 325
+arresting force of Christianity, 321, 322
+Arthur traditions, 29, 33-34
+Arunta people (Australians), 265-274
+Ashantee creation myth, 141, 142
+ashes, custom connected with, 160
+aspirations of man, 145
+association, law of, in folklore, 166-9
+Aston and Cote, manor, 355
+Australian evidence, 61, 142, 143, 156, 187, 213, 217, 230, 232, 251,
+    256, 258, 262-74, 347
+Australoid race, 296
+Avebury (Lord), quoted, 65, 215
+
+Balder myth, 108
+ballads, growth of, 13
+baptism, 323-4, 325, 328
+baptismal water, 197
+barbaric conquest, 219
+Beddgelert bridge tradition, 26
+Bedfordshire evidence, 95, 287
+bees, telling the, 162, 164
+Bega (St.), 323
+belief the foundation of myth, 140-6
+Beowulf, quoted, 89
+Berkshire evidence, 95, 162
+boar as a totem animal, 287
+Border civilisation, 31, 183-5
+Boudicca, hare portent of, 288
+bow and arrow, 218
+Breton tradition, 21-22, 28
+bridges, tradition concerning, 25, 26
+Britain, totemism in, 276-96
+Buckinghamshire evidence, 162
+bull (white) ceremony, 161
+Bund (Willis), quoted, 118
+burial superstition, 198, 324, 339
+Burmese evidence, 347
+Bury (J. B.), quoted, 35, 345
+Bushmen dances, 141
+
+Caesar, food taboos in Britain, 286-91
+Canary Islanders, custom, 325
+Catskin story, 59-66
+cattle, telling of death to, 162
+Celtic mythology, 103
+Celtic tribes of Britain, 25-28, 103-5, 111, 310
+Ceylon evidence, 31
+Chadwick (H. M.), quoted, 223
+charms, 188
+Cheshire evidence, 162
+child relationship to parents, 232
+child thought, 186, 187
+Childe Rowland story, 314-15
+children not related to parents, 61, 268, 271
+Christianity and paganism, 320-37
+church ceremony of marriage, 90-1
+church, sacred character of objects and buildings, 197-9
+churning superstition, 202
+civil war pamphlets, 195
+Claddagh fisherfolk, 279
+clan songs, 97
+class system in Australian totemism, 264, 265, 270, 272
+classification, false, of folklore, 166
+Clonmel witch case, 205
+club, for killing the aged, 74-76
+cock as a totem animal, 286, 289
+comparative folklore, 170-9
+conjectural method of inquiry, 225-6, 239, 250
+conquered, mythic influence of, 345-9
+conscious use of experience or observation, 211, 212
+conquest in man's history, 219
+Cook (A. B.), quoted, 106, 108
+Cornwall evidence, 20, 55, 162, 164, 193, 196, 324
+Crawley (E.), quoted, 155
+Crayford legend, 43
+creation myths, 130-9
+Cromm Cruaich, 344
+Cuchulain, totem descent of, 286
+Cuerdale hoard of coins, 30-31
+Cumberland evidence, 162, 184, 323
+custom, belief, and rite, 10, 123, 125, 154-70
+Cynuit, fight with Danes at, 5-6
+
+Danish conquest in tradition, 22, 31, 41, 192
+Darwin (C.), quoted, 213, 224, 247
+death beliefs, 191-2
+death, telling of, to bees, 162
+decay the principal force in folklore, 157-9, 319
+definitions, 129
+Demeter temple custom, 150
+Derbyshire evidence, 162
+descent, use of the term, 270
+Devonshire evidence, 5, 95, 96, 324
+differential evolution, 228
+diffusion of folk-tales, 153
+dog as a totem animal, 286
+doom rings, 323
+doors, decoration of, 334
+Dorsetshire evidence, 45, 94
+dreams, 13-20, 188
+Druidism, 341, 342-4
+duplication of myth, 33, 34
+Durham evidence, 162, 184, 324
+
+Easter-tide, 328
+economic influences upon early man, 219, 257
+Egyptian civilisation, 108
+Elton (C.), quoted, 73, 74, 78, 114, 286, 290, 344
+Essex evidence, 95
+ethnographic movements of man, 216
+ethnological conditions, 338-66
+Eucharist, sacred elements of, 197
+European conditions, 320-37
+European sky god, 106
+Evans (Arthur), quoted, 209
+Exeter custom, 96
+exogamy, 252, 271
+
+fact, basis of tradition upon, 10, 47-49
+fairs, 45
+family, the term, 235-7
+Farrer (J. A.), quoted, 145
+father kinship, 231, 259
+father and daughter marriage, 59-66
+female descent, 271
+festivals, pagan in origin, 328
+fictional literature, 6, 123, 145
+Fijian creation myth, 131
+Fir-Bolgs, 101
+fire, non-use of, 218
+fire worship, 106, 108, 160, 163, 317
+first foot custom, 162, 164
+fish as a totem, 290
+folklore, necessities of, 4-7
+folk-tales, 46-84, 123, 127, 129, 148-9
+food taboos in ancient Britain, 286
+formula of custom, 159
+fox totem in Connaught, 278-80
+Frazer (J.), quoted, 62, 108-9, 110, 140, 228, 253, 255, 265, 274, 283,
+    285, 287, 329, 338, 339, 365
+Fuegians, 247
+
+Gambia district, peoples of, 245
+Genesis creation myth, 137-8, 150
+geological age of man, 214
+giants, 194
+Gibbon (E.), quoted, 321, 327, 334
+Giles (Dr.), quoted, 113
+Gold coast natives, 230
+Gomme (Mrs.), quoted, 26
+goose as a totem animal, 286, 289
+Gospels used as charms, 199
+gossip, meaning of, 278
+Gregory (Pope), letter of, to Mellitus, 329-30
+Greek totemism, 275
+Greek laws, 85, 86, 87, 88
+Grey (Sir George), quoted, 143
+Grierson (P. J. H.), quoted, 45, 230
+Grimm, quoted, 7, 78-81, 327-8
+group (human) the unit of anthropological work, 234
+Guthlac (St.) legend, 350-2
+
+Haddon (A. C.), quoted, 188, 228, 253, 254
+Hampshire evidence, 96, 162, 192
+hare as a totem animal, 280, 287-9
+Harris, island of, 354
+Hartland (E. S.), quoted, 23, 148, 259, 265
+Hawick Common riding, 98-99
+Hebrew creation myth, 137-8
+Hereward in history and tradition, 35-40
+historians, neglect of folklore, 110-20
+historical material, 2-4
+history and folklore, 1-122, 315
+holy, the word, 317
+"holy mawle," 74
+horde, type of society, 225
+hostility among primitive groups of mankind, 264
+Howitt (A. W.), quoted, 142, 230
+hunting stage of society, 220
+Huxley (T. H.), quoted, 138
+
+idols in Christian churches, 328
+Indian evidence, 13, 27, 31, 52, 55, 63, 66, 72, 73, 78, 85, 86, 87,
+    101, 109, 119, 135-6, 146, 151, 174, 175, 193, 217, 229, 231, 258,
+    271, 309, 310, 315, 348, 349, 353, 357
+industrial evolution, 228-30
+Innis (Thomas), quoted, 113
+institutions and religion, 305, 306, 360
+Irish evidence, 11, 49, 50, 56-59, 88, 97, 108, 159, 163, 177, 182, 183,
+    198, 205, 276-82, 286, 287, 324, 330
+Italy, Christian and pagan beliefs in, 331-4, 335
+
+Java, remains of man in, 214
+Jevons (F. B.), quoted, 140, 141, 145, 236
+Jewish temple rite, 200
+Joyce (Dr.), quoted, 116
+junior right inheritance, 96, 172-4, 223, 313
+
+Keane (A. H.), quoted, 214, 215, 241
+Keary (J. F.), quoted, 313
+Kemble (J. M.), quoted, 3, 42, 89
+Kent evidence, 43, 191, 330
+Kentish laws, 92
+Kilmorie, 352
+kinship, 219, 220, 226, 230, 261
+kinlessness, 225, 231, 235, 240-7, 256, 261, 268
+Kronos myth, 134
+
+Lambeth pedlar legend, 20
+Lancashire evidence, 20, 162, 191, 289, 324
+lands, surrender of, to sons, 70-2
+Lang (A.), quoted, 7, 116, 131, 132, 153, 225, 226, 236, 253, 254,
+    255, 263, 265, 271, 272, 273, 275, 339
+Lapps as sorcerers, 349
+Lappenberg (J. M.), quoted, 113
+Latham (Dr.), quoted, 214, 215-16, 241
+Lauder, 354
+Law, traditional origin of, 84-100, 196, 328
+left and right superstition, 166
+legend, 124, 127, 129, 151-2
+legislation, primitive, 213, 273
+Leicestershire evidence, 198
+Lincolnshire evidence, 30, 162, 350-2
+Litlington tradition, 43
+local traditions, 13-33
+locality influence of, 219, 344
+Lockyer (Sir Norman), quoted, 107
+logic of primitive man, 140
+London Bridge legends, 13-33
+Lud, Celtic god, 105
+Lundinium (Roman), 24, 25, 105
+
+Mabinogion creation myth, 136
+MacCulloch (Mr.), quoted, 47, 82, 123, 173, 239, 313, 338
+Maine (Sir Henry), quoted, 85, 87, 117, 226, 235
+male descent, 269, 270
+male groups, 225, 239
+manorial evidence, 94-96, 305
+manumission formula, 92
+Manx custom, 160, 162
+Maori myths, 143, 144
+marriage ceremony, 90-91, 162
+marriage customs in folk-tales, 65
+materials and methods, 123-79
+McLennan (J. F.), quoted, 61, 65, 225, 293
+midsummer festivals, 328
+migratory movements of man, 214-17, 221, 222, 223, 224, 237, 251, 264,
+    266
+monogenists, 213
+Morgan (L. H.), quoted, 225, 275
+mother influence in totemism, 257, 267
+mother kinship, 231
+Moytura monuments, 101, 102
+Murray (Dr.), quoted, 98
+myth, 127, 129, 130-48
+mythology, 9, 100-10, 128, 146-8, 303
+
+names (totem), origin of, 260
+natural objects, interpretation of, 193
+neglect of observation, 231
+neolithic burial custom, 339
+New Guinea evidence, 345
+New Zealand myths, 131, 132-3, 190, 217, 346
+Nicholson (Dr.), quoted, 172, 173
+Nod, Celtic god, 105
+Nonconformist appeal to church, 200
+Norfolk evidence, 14-19, 42, 163
+Norse custom, 174, 175
+Norse tradition, 22-23, 32
+Northamptonshire evidence, 198, 288
+Northumberland evidence, 162, 324, 325
+_Notes and Queries_, quoted, 6
+Nottinghamshire evidence, 96, 162
+nursery rhymes, growth of, 13
+Nutt (A.), quoted, 6, 222, 339
+
+oath-taking customs, 200
+O'Curry (Eugene), quoted, 113
+offertory money, 197
+oral tradition, force of, 87, 125
+outlawry, 311
+oxen, slaughter of, 329
+
+palaeolithic implements, 217, 218
+Palgrave (Sir F.), quoted, 88, 113
+parallel practices as evidence of common origin, 109, 171-6, 227
+pastoral stage of society, 220, 358
+Pearson (Dr. Karl), quoted, 47, 78, 201
+Pearson (C. H.), quoted, 115
+Pedlar of Swaffham legend, 14-19
+personal traditions, 33-46
+Petrie (Flinders), quoted, 222
+Pictish marriage custom, 344
+political races, 209, 219, 221
+polygenists, 213
+pottery, 218
+Powell (York), quoted, 3, 8, 104
+practice and rule, 227
+pre-Celtic remains, 101, 118-20, 209, 275, 318, 350
+priest's grave superstition, 199
+priests of old religion regarded as magicians, 200
+promiscuity, 224
+Protestants appeal to Roman Catholicism, 200
+psychological conditions, 180-207
+purpose of custom, 159
+pygmy peoples, 238, 241-5, 248, 348
+
+Ramsay (Sir James), quoted, 115
+record of custom, 156, 165
+religion and folklore, 140
+religion and myth, 138
+religion and science, 138-9, 206
+result in custom, 159
+retrogression in human society, 249
+Rhodopis tradition, 53
+rhyming tenures, 94-95
+Rhys (Sir John), quoted, 29, 33, 34, 105, 114, 115, 161, 163, 209,
+    342, 345, 350
+Ridgeway (Prof.), quoted, 308
+right and left superstition, 166
+rites explained by myth, 146
+Rivers (Dr. W. H. R.), quoted, 150, 174, 229
+Robertson-Smith (W.), quoted, 147, 174, 282, 303, 304
+Rollright stones, 209
+Roman Britain, 25, 30, 105, 360-2
+romances, 124
+Rome, ancient customs of, 26, 34, 151, 332, 349
+
+sacrifice (human), 174-6
+savage customs in Britain, 112-16
+savage incidents in folk-tales, 78-82
+Scandinavian custom, 71, 223, 323, 328
+Scarborough warning, 93-94
+science, primitive, 130, 131
+Scottish evidence, 20, 48, 49, 50, 56, 65, 67-78, 92, 149, 162, 181,
+    182, 198, 288, 289, 290
+seal totem in Connaught, 280-2
+Semangs of Malay peninsula, 218, 242-5, 267, 269, 270, 278, 297-302,
+    348
+sermon quoted, 189
+sex cleavage in human evolution, 251, 260
+Shrewsbury Abbey Church, tradition, 43
+Shropshire evidence, 43, 95, 162, 292
+Sids, Irish, 341
+Skene (W. F.), quoted, 114, 115, 344
+sky-god, 106
+Slavonian tradition, 54
+snake stones of Whitby, 194
+sociological conditions, 303-19
+Somersetshire evidence, 45, 95, 162, 205
+soul resident in backbone, 189, 190
+Southampton custom, 96
+specialisation of culture, 227, 233, 364
+Spencer (Herbert), quoted, 117, 214
+Spencer and Gillen, quoted, 143, 265
+Spenser (Edmund), quoted, 4, 11, 177
+Squire (Mr.), quoted, 33, 34, 101-3, 117
+stationary conditions of life, 223, 224
+state religion, 103-5
+Stevenson (W. H.), quoted, 5
+Stewart (J. A.), quoted, 145
+stone circles, 107, 193, 194
+Stonehenge, 107, 209
+Suffolk evidence, 161, 162, 192
+Sullivan (W. R.), quoted, 113, 120
+Surrey evidence, 20, 162
+survivals, 154-5, 319, 336
+Sussex evidence, 41, 162
+
+tappie, tappie, tousie, 92
+telling tales, 149
+Teutonic religion, 104
+Teutonic tribes, 310
+Thomas (N. W.), quoted, 214, 226, 232, 236, 265
+threshold custom, 159, 334
+toad in witchcraft, 203
+Todas, loss of myth by, 150
+totemism, 209-10, 252, 253-61, 274-96
+transfer of superstition to different objects, 163, 325
+treasure legends, 13-24, 30
+trees, marriage of, India, 258
+tribal life in tradition, 51-59, 103-5
+tribal institutions, 307-18, 356, 364
+tribe, the term, 234, 308
+Tuatha de Danann, 101
+Turner (Sharon), quoted, 113
+Tylor (E. B.), quoted, 9, 133, 154, 200, 233, 239
+
+Upsall, Yorks, legend from, 19
+
+ver sacrum, 223
+Vortigern, 62
+
+water god, 105
+well worship, 163, 164, 323, 326
+Welsh evidence, 20, 26, 34, 162, 194, 200, 202
+Westermarck (Dr.), quoted, 225, 239
+Westmoreland evidence, 184
+Wilde (Sir W.), quoted, 45, 101
+William the Conqueror, Sussex tradition, 41
+Wiltshire evidence, 44, 45, 95, 162, 287, 288, 354
+witchcraft, 194, 201-6
+wolf totem in Ossory, 276-8
+women in early industrialism, 257
+Worcestershire evidence, 162
+
+Yorkshire evidence, 19, 20, 30, 78, 93, 162, 184, 194, 324, 325
+Yule-tide, 328
+
+Zulu folk-tales, 51, 64
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes:
+
+This book contains some archaic and variant spelling, which has been
+retained as printed. Hyphenation has been made consistent where
+appropriate, without note. Minor printer errors (missing or transposed
+letters or punctuation, etc.) have been amended. The list of amendments
+is included below.
+
+There are a few instances of oe ligatures; these have been rendered
+simply as oe. There are also a few Greek words, which have been
+transliterated in this version, in the form [Greek: word].
+
+Illustrations have been shifted slightly, so that they are not in the
+middle of paragraphs. The frontispiece illustration has been moved to
+follow the title page.
+
+
+Transcriber's List of Amendments:
+
+Page 42--ryhme amended to rhyme--"... the old rhyme is still
+remembered ..."
+
+Page 76--missing accent added to "vice versa".
+
+Page 92--signifiance amended to significance--"... rhythmical formulae
+which have legal significance."
+
+Page 118--missing accent added to "prima facie".
+
+Page 184--preceeding amended to preceding--"... those immediately
+preceding the reign ..."
+
+Page 198--bedesecrated amended to be desecrated--"must not be
+desecrated"
+
+Page 271--missing apostrophe added--"do not go to the wives' region of
+abode."
+
+Page 368--Firbolgs amended to Fir-Bolgs, in line with other
+occurrences.
+
+Footnote 358--missing period added at end of footnote.
+
+Footnote 416--Ser. made consistent with other occurrences--amended to
+"ser."
+
+Footnote 469--comma added--"Myth, Ritual and Religion".
+
+Footnote 473--precedessors amended to predecessors--"... apparently
+dependent upon their predecessors."
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Folklore as an Historical Science, by
+George Laurence Gomme
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FOLKLORE AS AN HISTORICAL SCIENCE ***
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