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diff --git a/old/21410.txt b/old/21410.txt deleted file mode 100644 index a81122f..0000000 --- a/old/21410.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,2914 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Isle Of Pines (1668), by Henry Neville - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Isle Of Pines (1668) - and, An Essay in Bibliography by W. C. Ford - -Author: Henry Neville - -Commentator: Worthington Chauncey Ford - -Release Date: July 7, 2007 [EBook #21410] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ISLE OF PINES (1668) *** - - - - -Produced by David Widger - - - - - - -THE ISLE OF PINES - -By Henry Neville - -1668 - -An Essay in Bibliography - -by WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD - -Boston - -The Club of Odd Volumes 1920 - -COPYRIGHT, 1920, BY THE CLUB OF ODD VOLUMES - - - - -TO - -Charles Lemuel Nichols - -lover of books - -colleague - -FRIEND - - - -ETEXT TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: Numbers enclosed in square brackets are the -page numbers of the 1920 edition. Numbers enclosed in double curly -brackets are the page numbers of the original 1668 edition. A damaged -and incomplete bibliography and index in several languages has been -included only as page-images. - -The long S in the text files have been changed to the ordinary small S, -however the accompanying html file uses the unicode character for the -long S as in the original printed document. DW - - - - -Contents: - -THE ISLE OF PINES - -THE DOWSE COPIES - -THE EUROPEAN EDITIONS - -DUTCH EDITIONS - -FRENCH EDITIONS - -ITALIAN EDITION - -GERMAN EDITIONS - -THE S.G. NOT A CAMBRIDGE IMPRINT - -THE COMBINED PARTS - -THE PUBLISHERS - -NOT AN AMERICAN ITEM - -THE AUTHOR - -THE STORY - -INTERPRETATIONS - -DEFOE AND THE "ISLE OF PINES" - -THE ISLE OF PINES, The combined Parts as issued in 1668 - - - - -PREFATORY NOTE - -My curiosity on the "Isle of Pines" was aroused by the sale of a copy in -London and New York in 1917, and was increased by the discovery of two -distinct issues in the Dowse Library, in the Massachusetts Historical -Society. As my material grew in bulk and the history of this hoax -perpetrated in the seventeenth century developed, I thought it of -sufficient interest to communicate an outline of the story to the -Club of Odd Volumes, of Boston, October 23, 1918. The results of my -investigations are more fully given in the present volume. I acknowledge -my indebtedness to the essay of Max Hippe, "Eine vor-De-foesche -Englische Robinsonade," published in Eugen Koelbing's "Englische Studien" -xix. 66. WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD - -Boston, February, 1920 - - - - -THE ISLE OF PINES - -OR, - -A late Discovery of a fourth ISLAND in Terra Australis, Incognita. - -BEING - -A True Relation of certain English persons, Who in the dayes of Queen -Elizabeth making a Voyage to the East India, were cast-away, and wracked -on the Island near to the Coast of Australis, and all drowned, except -one Man and four Women, whereof one was a Negro. And now lately Ann Dom. -1667, A Dutch Ship driven by foul weather there, by chance have found -their Posterity (speaking good English) to amount to ten or twelve -thousand persons, as they suppose. The whole Relation follows, written, -and left by the Man himself a little before his death, and declared to -the Dutch by His Grandchild. - - - - -THE ISLE OF PINES - -[3]The scene opens in Cambridge, Massachusetts, in the year 1668, where -in one of the college buildings a contest between two rival printers had -been waged for some years. Marmaduke Johnson, a trained and experienced -printer, to whose ability the Indian Bible is largely due, had ceased to -be the printer of the corporation, or Society for the Propagation of -the Gospel in New England, but still had a press and, what was better, a -fresh outfit of type, sent over by the corporation and entrusted to the -keeping of John Eliot, the Apostle. Samuel Green had become a printer, -though without previous training, and was at this time printer to the -college, a position of vantage against a rival, because it must have -carried with it countenance from the authorities in Boston, and public -printing then as now constituted an item to a press of some income -and some perquisites. By seeking to marry Green's daughter before his -English wife had ceased to be, Johnson had created a prejudice, public -as well as private, against himself.{1} - - 1 Mass. Hist Soc. Proceedings, xx. 265. - -Each wished to set up a press in Boston itself, but the General Court, -probably for police reasons, had ordered that there should be no -printing but at Cambridge, and that what was printed there should be -approved by any two of four gentlemen appointed by the Court. It thus -appeared that each printer possessed a certain superiority over his -rival. In the matter of types Johnson was favored, as he had new -types and was a trained printer; but these advantages were partially -[4]neutralized by indolence and by Green's better standing before the -magistrates.{1} - -In England the excesses of the printing-press during the civil war -and commonwealth led to a somewhat strict though erratically applied -censorship under the restoration. A publication must be licensed, -and the Company of Stationers still sought, for reasons of profit, to -control printers by regulating their production. The licensing agent in -chief was a character of picturesque uncertainty and spasmodic action, -Roger L'Estrange, half fanatic, half politician, half hack writer, -in fact half in many respects and whole only in the resulting -contradictions of purpose and performance. On one point he was strong--a -desire to suppress unlicensed printing. So when in 1668 warrant was -given to him to make search for unauthorized printing, he entered into -the hunt with the zeal of a Loyola and the wishes of a Torquemada, -harrying and rushing his prey and breathing threats of extreme rigor -of fine, prison, pillory, and stake against the unfortunates who had -neglected, in most cases because of the cost, to obtain the stamp of the -licenser.{2} - -New England was at this time England in little, with troubles of its -own; but, having imitated the mother country in introducing supervision -of the press, it also started in to investigate the printers of the -colony, two in number, seeking to win a smile of approval from the -foolish man on the throne. With due solemnity the inquisition was -[5]made. Green could show that all then passing through his press had -been properly licensed. - - 1 See the chapters on Green and Johnson in Littlefield, - The Early Massachusetts Press, 197, 209. - - 2 L'Estrange was called the "Devil's blood hound." Col. S. - P., Dom. 1663-1664, 616. - -Johnson, less fortunate, was caught with one unlicensed piece--"The Isle -of Pines." A fine of five pounds was imposed upon him, as effectual in -suppressing him as though it had been one of five thousand pounds. He -could now turn with relish to two books then on his press, "Meditations -on Death and Eternity" and the "Righteous Man's Evidence for Heaven;" -for Massachusetts Bay, with its then powerful rule of divinity without -religion, or religion without mercy, held out small hope of his meeting -such a fine within the expedition of his natural life. But he made his -submission, petitioned the General Court in properly repentant language, -acknowledged his fault, his crime, and promised amendment{1} The fine -was not collected, and the principal result of the incident was to -further the very natural union of Johnson and Green, but with Johnson as -the lesser member in importance. - -No copy of Marmaduke Johnson's issue of the "Isle of Pines" has come -to light in a period of 248 years. It might well be supposed that -the authorities caught him before the tract had gone to press, and so -snuffed it out completely. Our sapient bibliographers have dismissed the -matter in rounded phrase: "'The Isle of Pines' was a small pamphlet -of the Baron Munchausen order, which in its day passed through several -editions in England and on the Continent,"{2} a description which would -fit a hundred titles of the period. In July, 1917, Sotheby announced the -sale of a portion of the Americana collected by [6]"Bishop White Kennett -(1660-1728) and given by him to the Society for the Propagation of the -Gospel in Foreign Parts." - - 1 The petition it in Littlefield, i. 248. - - 2 Mats. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xi. 247. - -Lot No. 113 was described as follows: - -[Neville (Henry)] The Isle of Pines, or a late Discovery of a fourth -Island in Terra Australis, Incognita, being a True Relation of certain -English persons who in the dayes of Queen Elizabeth, making a Voyage to -the East Indies, were cast away and wracked upon the Island, wanting the -frontispiece, head-line of title and some pagination cut into, Bishop -Kenneths signature on title. sm. 4to S. G. for Allen Banks, 1668. - -The pamphlet was sold, I am told, for fourteen shillings,{1} and resold -shortly after to a New York bookseller for fifty-five dollars. He was -attracted by the imprint, which read in full, "London, by S. G. for -Allen Banks and Charles Harper at the Flower-Deluice near Cripplegate -Church." The general appearance of the pamphlet was unlike even the -moderately good issues of the English press, and the "by S. G." not only -did not answer to any London printer of the day, except Sarah Griffin, -"a printer in the Old Bailey,"{2} but was in form and usage exactly what -could be found on a number of the issues of the press of Samuel Green, -of Cambridge, Massachusetts. - - 1 The sale took place July 30, 1917. - - 2 Only once does her name occur in the Term Catalogues, - when in February, 1673, the prints George Buchanan' - Psalmorum Davidis Paraphrasis Poetica, which told for two - shillings a copy. Samuel Gellibrand was not a printer but a - bookseller, with a shop "at the Ball in St. Paul's - Churchyard." - -On comparing the first page of the text of his purchase with the same -page of an acknowledged London issue of the "Isle of Pines" [7]in the -John Carter Brown Library,{1} the bookseller concluded that the two were -entirely different publications. - -An expert cataloguer connected with one of the large auction firms of -New York then took up the subject. After a study of the tract he -became assured that it could only have been printed by Samuel Green, -of Cambridge, and he brought forward facts and comparisons which seemed -conclusive and for which he deserves much credit. It was a clever bit of -bibliographical work. With such an endorsement as to rarity and -quality the pamphlet was again put to the test of the auction room. The -cataloguer stated his case in sufficient fulness of detail and the -first page of the text was reproduced.{2} Naturally the discovery sent -a little thrill through the mad-house of bibliography. The tract was -knocked down for $400 to a bookseller from Hartford, Connecticut, -presumably for some local collection. The incident would have passed -from memory had it not been for one of those accidents to which even the -amateur bibliographer is liable. - - 1 No. 5 in the Bibliography, page 93, infra. - - 2 Nuggets of American History, American Art Association, - November 19, 1917. The Isle of Pines was lot 142, and was - introduced by the words, "Cambridge Press in New England." - The catalogue was prepared by Mr. F. W. Coar. - -In the bitter days of the winter of 1917-18 the working force of the -Massachusetts Historical Society was contracted into one room--the -Dowse Library--where was at least a semblance [8]of warmth in the open -fireplace. - - - - -THE DOWSE COPIES - -One afternoon, when I had finished my work and the others had left, I -picked up the catalogue of the Dowse Library and began idly to turn over -its leaves. Incidentally, that catalogue is characteristic of the older -methods of the Society. As is known to the elect, no book in the Dowse -Library can ever leave the room in which it now rests, and of the -catalogue twenty-five copies were printed and never circulated. If the -library had been left in the Dowse house in Cambridgeport, its existence -and contents could not have been more successfully hidden from the -world. While reading the titles in a very casual way, my eye was caught -by one which gave me a start. It read: - -Sloetten (Cornelius van). The Isle of Pines; or a Late Discovery of a -Fourth Island in Terra Australis Incognita. London, printed by G. S. -for Allen Banks, 1668. With a New and Further Discovery of the Isle of -Pines, 1668; and a duplicate of the Isle of Pines. 1 vol. small 4to, -calf supr., gilt leaves. A most interesting, rare, and valuable work. - -Even against the Editor of the Society the Dowse books are kept behind -lock and key, though he is not under more than ordinary suspicion. So -I was obliged to wait till the next day before my curiosity could be -satisfied. I then found a thin volume, less than one-third of an inch -in thickness, containing two copies of this very tract which the auction -expert had identified as an issue of the "Isle of Pines" by Green, and -a London issue of a second part of the "Isle of Pines," with the name of -Cornelius Van Sloetten, as author. For more than fifty years this little -volume had reposed in this well-known yet almost forgotten [9]library, -and no one had suspected or questioned the nature of its contents. - -For full fifty years it had been in the care and at the call of Dr. -Samuel A. Green, who claimed to be an expert on New England imprints of -the seventeenth century, and one of the great wishes of whose life had -been to establish his descent from this very printer, Samuel Green. Two -copies within the same covers, of a tract long sought and of which only -a single example had come to light in two centuries and a half--was not -that alone something of a bibliographical coup? - -I read two of the pieces--one of the Green issues and the second part as -printed in England--making a few notes for future use. On returning to -the matter some weeks later I found to my annoyance that every reference -to the Green tract but one was wrong as to the page. Cold, haste, or -weariness will account for a single or possibly two errors of reference, -but to have a whole series--except one--go wrong pointed to failing eyes -or mind. Very much put out, I read the tract a second time and corrected -the page references, carefully checking up the result. Some days after I -again took up the matter, and in verifying my first quotation found that -I had again put down the wrong page number, and was surprised to find -that the correct page was the one I had first given. This proved to -be the case in all the references--except one. A book which could thus -change its page numbering from week to week was bewitched--or I was -careless. It occurred to me to compare the two copies of the tract as -published by Green. The title-pages were exactly alike--not differing by -so much as a fly speck, but one copy contained ten pages of text and the -other only nine. - -More [10]than that, the general style and the types were quite different -One was printed in a well-known broad but somewhat used type, such as -could be seen in Green's printing, and the other in a finer font with -much italic. There was no possibility of confusing the two issues. Only -one conclusion was possible. I had in this volume the publication by -Green, and the original issue by Marmaduke Johnson, but with Green's -title-page. So for we seem to rest upon solid ground. It may be surmised -that Green set up his "Isle of Pines" in rivalry to Johnson, but did not -incur the discipline of the authorities; or that he had set it up and -also took over Johnson's edition, using his own title-page; and in -either case it is possible that a simple subterfuge, the imprint, "by -S. G. for Allen Banks and Charles Harper," a London combination of -publishers, caused the tract to escape the attention of the examining -local censors. Here was another step in developing the history of -this tract--the discovery of one of Johnson's issues, except for the -title-page. So far as the American connection is concerned, it only -remains to discover a Johnson issue with a Johnson title-page, for in -his apology and submission to the General Court he states that he had -"affixed" his name to the pamphlet. - - - - -THE EUROPEAN EDITIONS - -The European connection is also not without interest, for the skit--the -first part of the "Isle of Pines," published without name of author--had -an extraordinary run. - -In 1493 a little [11]four-leaved translation into Latin of a Columbus -letter announcing the discovery of islands in the west--De insulis nuper -inventis--ran over Europe, startling the age by a simple relation which -proved a marvellous tale as taken up by Vespuccius, Cortes, and a host -of successors.{1} For a century the darkness of a new found continent -slowly lifted and the record was collected in Ramusio, in De Bry, in -Hulsius, and in Hakluyt, never felling treasuries of the wonderful, -veritable schools for the adventurous. Another century had shown that, -so fer from decreasing in greatness and in opportunities, the field of -discovery had not begun to be tested, and in the summer of 1668 a new -island--the Isle of Pines--was flashed before the London crowd, and -proved that the flame of quest with danger was still burning. A new -island! The interest was international, for nations had already long -fought over the old discovered lands. - - 1 The intelligent industry of Mr. Wilberforce Eames has - identified eleven issues of the letter of Columbus, printed - in 1493, in Barcelona, Rome, Basle, Paris, and Antwerp; and - twelve issues of the Novus Mundus of Vespucci us, printed - in 1504, in Augsburg, Paris, Nuremberg, Cologne, Antwerp, - and Venice. An earlier and even more extraordinary - distribution of a letter of news is that of the letter - purporting to be addressed by Prester John to the Emperor - Manuel, which circulated through Europe about 1165. "How - great was the popularity and diffusion of this letter," - writes Sir Henry Yule, "may be judged in some degree from - the fad that Zarncke in his treatise on Prester John gives a - list of close on 100 mss. of it Of these there are eight in - the British Museum, ten at Vienna, thirteen in the great - Paris Library, and fifteen at Munich. There are also several - renderings in old German verse." The cause of this - popularity was the hope offered by the reported exploits of - Prester John of a counterpoise to the Mohammedan power. - Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., xxii. 305. - -An even greater contest was being waged for commerce, and with the -experience of Spain in gathering the precious metals [12]from new -found lands, every discovery of hitherto uncharted territory opened -the possibility of wealth and an exchange of commodities, if rapine -and piracy could not be practised. The merchant was an adventurer, and -politics, quite as much as trade, controlled his movements; for the line -between trader, buccaneer, and pirate faded away before conditions which -made treaties of no importance and peaceful relations dependent upon an -absence of the hope of gain. A state of war was not necessary to prepare -the way for attack and plunder in those far distant oceans, and the -merchantman sailed armed and ready to inflict as well as to repel -aggression, only too willing to descend upon a weaker vessel or a -helpless settlement of a power which had come to be regarded as a -"natural enemy." So in Holland and in Germany the leaflets containing -the story of the Isle of Pines were received with mingled feelings, -exciting a desire to share in the possible benefits to be gained or -extorted from natives of the new lands, or from those who had the first -opportunity to exploit a virgin territory. On the first receipt of those -leaflets merchants held back their vessels about to sail, to await -more definite information on this fourth island of the Terra Australis -incognita. - -[13]An examination of the known issues of the tract proves this interest -and offers an almost unique study in bibliography; for I doubt if any -publication made in the second half of the seventeenth century--even -a state paper of importance, as a treaty--attained such speedy and -widespread recognition. A list of the various issues will be found in -an appendix: it only remains to call attention to a few of the many -novelties and variant characteristics of the editions. - - - - -DUTCH EDITIONS - -In June and July, 1668, four tracts on the Isle of Pines from the same -pen were licensed and published in London, which may for convenience -be designated the first and second parts of the narrative, and the two -parts in continuation. From London the tract soon passed to Holland, -which had ever been a greedy consumer of voyages of discovery, for the -greatness of that nation depended upon the sea, at once its most potent -enemy and friend.{1} Three Dutch editions have been found, the earliest -in point of time being that made by Jacob Vinckel, [14]of Amsterdam. - - 1 Holland was the centre of map publication as the twenty - yean before 1668 saw the issue of atlases by Jansson, Blaeu, - Mercator, Doncker, Cellarius, Loon, Visscher, and Goos, all - published at Amsterdam. Phillips' list for this period gives - atlases published elsewhere--those of Boissevin (Paris, - 1653), Lubin (Paris, 1659), Nicolosi (Rome, 1660), Dudley - (Florence, 1661), Du Val (Paris, 1662), Jollain (Paris - 1667), Cluver (Wolfen-buttel, 1667?) and Ortelius (Venice, - 1667). - -His second title is an exact translation of the second title of the -London first part. This version, however, omitted an essential part of -the relation. The London second title is also that of the issue made at -Amsterdam by Jacob Stichter, being the Vinckel version, word for word, -and almost line for line, but the type used is the gothic, and the -spelling of words is not the same. Further, Stichter was possessed of -some imagination and decorated his title-page with a map of a part of -the island, showing ranges of hills, a harbor or mouth of a river, with -conventional soundings, and two towns or settlements. As each of these -issues contains only eight pages of text, the first London part only was -known to the publishers. The third Dutch edition was put out by Joannes -Naeranus, at Rotterdam, and in a foreword he gives the following reason -for issuing the tract: - -To the Reader A part of the present relation is also printed by Jacob -Vinckel at Amsterdam, being defective in omitting one of the -principal things, so do we give here a true copy which was sent to us -authoritatively out of England, but in that language, in order that the -curious reader may not be deceived by the poor translation, and for -that reason this very astonishing history fall under suspicion. Lastly, -admire God's wondrous guidance, and farewell. - -His publication contains twenty pages of text, and is not an accurate -translation of the English tract in parts, but rather a paraphrase of -the text. To make the confusion the greater, he [15]expressly states on -the title-page that he used a copy received from London, and gives the -London imprint which will fit only the first London part. For "by S. G." -appears only on the title-page of that part. - - - - -FRENCH EDITIONS - -From Amsterdam and under date July 19, 1668, a summary of the earlier -Dutch issue with two paragraphs of introduction was sent to Paris, and -was printed in a four-page pamphlet by Sebastien Marbre Cramoisy, the -king's printer, whose name is so honorably connected with the Jesuit -Relations--stories as remarkable as any offered in the "Isle of Pines" -and of immeasurable value on the earliest years of recorded history -in our New England. Even this summary, thus definitely dated, offers -problems. The location of the island is given in general terms in -the half-title as "below the equinoctial line," and in the text as in -"xxviii or xxix degrees of Antartique latitude." Nowhere in the first -London part is either location used, and in the second London part, -which bears nearly the same date as the Cramoisy summary--July -22--twenty degrees of latitude is given. The writer of the summary thus -allowed himself some freedom. - -A second French edition, without imprint, contains eleven pages and is -a translation of the first London part, paraphrased in sentences, but -on the whole a close rendering of the English text There never was -a title-page to this issue--the first page having the signature-mark -A--yet with eleven pages only, it [16]would seem fit that a title-page -should round out the twelve for the convenience of printing. - - - - -ITALIAN EDITION - -The Italian issue, made by Giacomo Didini, in Bologna and Venice, is a -literal translation of Cramoisy's publication, and bears the same date, -at Amsterdam, July 19, 1668. The original probably came from Paris, -though it is possible that some Dutch merchant in Amsterdam sent a -circular letter on the discovered Isle to his correspondents in Paris -and Venice. It is unsafe to conjecture in such matters, for an Amsterdam -issue may yet be found which will give, word for word, the French and -Italian versions. Our ignorance on the press of the continent of those -times, and especially the want of files of "corantos," or news sheets, -close a wide field of research to the American inquirer. The catalogue -of the British Museum gives 1669 as the probable year of issue. I see no -good reason for rejecting 1668 as the more probable year. If the tract -could go from London to Cambridge, in New England, in three months, it -could pass from Amsterdam to Italy, by land or by sea, in an equal time. - - - - -GERMAN EDITIONS - -From Holland the relation also penetrated the German states, finding -ready welcome and arousing eager curiosity. Hippe regards the tract -issued by Wilhelm Serlin, at Frankfort on the Main, as the first of the -German publications, and, being translated [17]from the Dutch, he -shows that the translator used both the Amsterdam and the Rotterdam -publications.{1} The Hamburg version claimed to be derived from the -English original, but it followed closely the Serlin translation from -the Dutch with modifications which might have been drawn from the -London tract. An edition not mentioned by Hippe or identified by any -bibliographer is in the John Carter Brown Library, and opens with the -statement that it is translated from the English and not from the Dutch. -It closely follows the text of the London first part. Very likely it is -the edition found at Copenhagen, if the similarity of titles offers an -indication of the contents. South Germany obtained its information from -France, and while neither of the two issues avowedly translated from the -French gives the place of publication, the fact that one is in Munich -and the other in Strassburg offers some reason to conjecture that they -came from the presses of those cities. The Munich issue is for the most -part a summary of what was in the first London issue, and, if translated -directly from a French version, must have been from one not now located, -for it is different from those in the list in this volume. Of the -Strassburg text, Hippe states that it follows the Rotterdam pamphlet -Finally, at Breslau is what calls itself a complete publication of the -combined parts from a copy obtained from London, but it is more probably -based upon the Dutch translations printed in Amsterdam and Rotterdam, -with additions drawn from the English.{2} - - 1 Hippe, 11. - - 2 On these German issues Hippe is full, but I have given - only what is needed to identify them. - -[18]One of the strangest uses made of the narrative of Pine is to be -found in Schoeben's translation into German of Jan Mocquet's "Voyages en -Africque," etc., a work of some estimation which had already twice been -published in France and once in a Dutch translation before Schoeben -printed his edition in 1688. As pages inserted quite arbitrarily -in Mocquets compilation, Schoeben gave Pine's story in full, with a -paragraph of introduction which not a little abuses the truth while -giving an additional color of truth. He asserted that while kept at -Lisbon by the Dutch blockade, he was thrown much in the company of an -Englishman, one of the Pine family, who were all regarded as notable -seamen. From this man, then awaiting an opportunity to sail for the -West Indies, our author heard a very strange story of the origin of the -Pines, a story then quite notorious at Lisbon. Then follows, with some -embroidery, a version of the Neville pamphlet, which is not like any -German translation seen by me, but so full as to extend over ten pages -of the volume. It ends with a reiteration of the wholly false manner -in which this story had been obtained. So bold an appropriation of the -narrative, with a provenience entirely new and as fictitious as the -story itself, and its bodily inclusion by an editor in a work of -recognized merit, where it is between two true recitals, cannot be -defended.{1} - - 1 Mocquet's work originally appeared in Rouen in 1645, and a - Dutch translation was published at Dordrecht in 1656. A - second French issue, apparently unchanged in text, was put - out at Rouen in 1665, and in 1618 Schoeben's edition, - printed at Luneberg by Johann Georg Lippers, preceded by - eight years an English translation made by Nathaniel Pullen. - The Pine tract appears, of course, only in Schoeben's - volume. - -The tract passed to Cambridge, Massachusetts, before or early in -September, and it would indeed be interesting to know [19]how and -through whose hands it passed before reaching Marmaduke Johnson--to his -undoing. Hezekiah Usher was the only bookseller in Boston at the time, -and possibly his son, John, may have been associated with him. They -ordered what they desired from London booksellers and publishers, and -may have received voluntary consignments of publications from London. -That would be a somewhat precarious venture, for nothing could be more -different than the reading markets in Boston and in London, especially -in the lighter products of the press. Had it come through the Ushers, -the title-page might state that it had been printed "by M. J. for -Hezekiah Usher," but in that event Usher would have suffered for not -obtaining the needed license. The probability is that Johnson was alone -responsible and was tempted by the hope of gain. - -These were all contemporary issues, coming from the press within six -months of the first appearance of the tract in London. So startling a -popularity, so widely shown, was a tribute to the opportunity rather -than to the contents of the piece. And the European interest continued -for a full century. In Germany it was included in a number of -collections of voyages, in Denmark it was printed in 1710 and 1789, -and in France Abbe Prevost took it for his compilation of 1767 on -discoveries. The English republication of 1778 has peculiar interest, -for it was due to no other than Thomas Hollis, the benefactor of the -library of Harvard College, who saw more in the tract than can now be -recognized, and induced Cadell to reprint it. - - - -[20] - -THE S.G. NOT A CAMBRIDGE IMPRINT - -In the absence of any positive objection, the conclusion of the auction -expert--that the S. G. imprint was one of Samuel Green of Cambridge, -Massachusetts--remained unquestioned. But a study of editions and of the -chronological sequence of the English issues offers a decided negative -to such a conclusion. The first part was licensed June 27, 1668. Van -Sloetten dated the second part July 22, 1668, and the issue of the -combined parts was licensed five days later, July 27. In the space -of just four weeks all three trads were licensed, and the actual -publication must have occurred within the same period of time. Such had -been the start obtained by the first part that on the continent it was -used for reprint and translation, almost to the neglect of the second -part, and, as we have seen, most of these translations appeared before -the end of 1668. Now the tract was not known in Massachusetts until -discovered by the inquest on printers in September, and a S. G. or -Samuel Green edition could hardly have come from the press before -October, even if not delayed by the proceedings against Johnson. Yet on -die title-page of the Dutch translation issued at Rotterdam in 1668, the -printer states at length that it is from a copy from London, by S. G. -for Allen Banks and Charles Harper, in the Lily near Cripplegate Church, -and in his note "To the Reader" he expressly repeats that he obtained -a copy of the work from London, in order to correct a faulty issue by -another Dutch printer. - -If S. G. was Samuel Green, we must suppose that one of his Cambridge -issues was shipped to Rotterdam in time to [21]be translated and -reprinted before the end of the year. In point of time the thing could -be done, but in point of probability it was impossible. Apart from his -own statement, there were a thousand to one chances in favor of the -Dutch printer obtaining the pamphlet from London; there were ten -thousand chances to one against his getting it from Massachusetts. I -reject the supposition that this was a Cambridge imprint for that reason -alone. - -Additional evidence hostile to the claim may be adduced. The copy of the -first tract in the British Museum is the S. G. for Banks and Harper.{1} - - 1 It is erroneously described as "an abridgment." - -No other London imprint is to be found there or in the larger libraries -of England. Of the three other copies located, that sold at audion (the -White Kennett copy) and that in the Massachusetts Historical Society -came direct from England, and the actual provenance of the copy in the -New York Historical Society is not known. It belonged to Rufus King, -long United States minister near the court of St James's, and is bound -with other tracts under a general title of "Topographical Collection, -Vol. I." The binding, Mr. Kelby tells me, is American. There is no mark -to show when or where King obtained the pamphlet, and the Society -did not receive it until 1906. That Rufus King belongs as much to -Massachusetts as to New York is too slight a foundation on which to -erect a claim that this particular tract was of Massachusetts origin. - -In no case, therefore, can an American setting to any one of the four -known copies of the S. G. "Isle of Pines" be [22]established.{1} The -probabilities are all against Samuel Green. The incident is a good -example of the danger of giving play to the imagination on an appearance -of a combination of fads cemented by interest. - -Thus disappears from our memory the certain identification of the S. G. -pamphlet as an early issue of the press in Cambridge, and with it goes -my identification of the Johnson pamphlet with the S. G. title-page--a -veritable pipe dream. It might be urged that as White Kennett was -collecting on America, it would be more than probable that he would -have had an American issue; but his own catalogue of 1713 describes the -nine-page tract, and that is our London edition. I might claim still -that my Johnson was a Johnson, with a London title-page; but the -typographical adornment on the first page of its text is just the same -as the adornment on the first page of the London issue--three rows -of fleur-de-lys, thirty-seven in each row, and the same kind of type -characters.{2} - - 1 Lowndes indexes it under George Pine, and describes a - nine-page trait--probably the one now in the British Museum. - He quotes a sale of a copy in it 60 (Puttkk) for L4.10s. He - indexes the combined parts under Sloetten, and notes a copy, - with the plate, sold in the White Knights sale for 1s.. - - 2 To attempt to reason from types or rule of thumb - measurements, however suggestive, leads to indefinite - conclusions. For example, the width of the type page of the - S. G. issue of the first part is exactly that of the English - issue of the second part, but the former has 33 tines to the - page and the latter a a. The width of the page in the - variant S. G. issue is narrower and there are 38 and 39 - lines to the page. But in the London second part the width - of page varies by a quarter of an inch. We have Marmaduke - Johnson's issue of Paine's Daily Meditations y issued in - 1670 in connection with S. G. The ornamental border of - fleur-de-lys is entirely different from those in the S. G. - Isle of Pines. A copy of Johnson's issue of Scottow's - translation of Bretz on the Anabaptists, printed in 1668, - the very year of the Isle of Pines, shows a different foot - of italics from that used in the Isle of Pines variant, - yet the roman characters in the two pieces seem identical, - and the width of page is exactly the same. - -So I bid farewell to my theory, [23]and can only congratulate myself on -having cleared one point--the London issue--and on having introduced -a new confusion by the discovery of a second London issue with an -identical title-page, a problem for the future to solve. I much doubt if -a true Johnson issue will ever be found, for I believe the action of the -authorities prevented its birth. - -In the library of Mr. Henry E. Huntington is a London issue of which -I do not find another example. It contains sixteen pages, and the -title-page gives neither printer's name nor place of publication. It may -be the first issue, or it may be a later re-issue of the tract, for the -type, especially the italic, is better than that in the S. G. issue. -The punctuation also is more carefully looked after, and the whole -appearance suggests an eighteenth century print. As the original was -duly licensed, there was no reason to suppress the names of printer or -booksellers. Nor could the contents of the piece call out controversy -or hostility from any political faction or religious following. It -was proper for the author to omit his name from the publication, if he -desired to remain unknown; but the publisher, having the support of the -licenser, had every reason to advertise his connexion with the tract, -although he could not have anticipated so ready an acceptance by the -public. While I place the Huntington pamphlet first in the bibliography, -I am more inclined to regard it as a publication made at a later time. - - - -[24] - -THE COMBINED PARTS - -The English edition of thirty-one pages in the John Carter Brown -Library, with an engraved frontispiece,{1} offers still further proof -that the S. G. issue was made in London. In place of being entirely -different from the S. G. tract, it is precisely the same so far as text -is concerned. For it is nothing more than the two parts combined, but -combined in a peculiar manner. The second part was opened at page 6 -and the first part inserted, entire and without change of text{2} This -insertion runs into page 16, where a sentence is inserted to carry on -the relation: "After the reading and delivering unto us a Coppy of this -Relation, then proceeded he on in his discourse." The rest of the text -of the second part follows, and pages 27-31 of the combined parts seem -to be the very type pages of pages 20-24 of the second part{3} In this -sandwich form one must read six pages before coming to the text of the -first part, and a careless reader, comparing only the respective first -pages, would conclude that a pamphlet of thirty-one pages could have no -likeness [25]to one of nine. - - 1 The plate in the copy in the John Carter Brown Library - does not belong to that issue, but is inserted in so clumsy - a manner as to prevent reproduction. The same plate is found - in a copy of the ten-page S.G. issue in the library of Mr. - Henry E. Huntington, and to all appearances belongs to that - issue. - - 2 The last sentence on page 6 of the second part read: - "Then proceeded he on in his discourse saying," and there - are no pages numbered 7 and 8, although there is no break in - the text, the catch-word on page 6 being the first word on - page 9. In the combined parts, the last words on page 6 - constitute a phrase: "which Copy hereafter followeth." - - 3 The only change made is in the heading of the Post-script, - which was wrongly printed in the second part as "Post- - script." On page 26 of the combined parts the words "except - burning" were inserted, not appearing in the second part. - -On typographical evidence it is safe to assume that the three pieces -came from the same press, and to assert that the second part and the -combined parts certainly did. The initials S. G. are found only on the -first part. - - - - -THE PUBLISHERS - -The imprints of the three parts agree that the booksellers or publishers -handling the editions were Allen Banks and Charles Harper. The first -part gives their shop as the "Flower-De-luice near Cripplegate Church," -the second part as the "Flower-de-luce" as before, and the combined -parts as "next door to the three Squerrills in Fleet-street, over -against St. Dunstans Church." The church is still there, with more than -two centuries of dirt and soot marking its walls since Neville wrote, -and Chancery and Fettar Lanes enable one to place quite accurately the -location of the booksellers' shop. Only three times do the names of -Banks and Harper appear as partners on the Stationers' Registers,{1} and -they separated about 1671, Banks going to the "St Peter at the West End -of St Pauls." If any judgment may be drawn from their publications after -ceasing to be partners, Banks leaned to light literature and may have -been responsible for taking up the "Isle of Pines." Yet Harper was -Neville's publisher in 1674 and in 1681, a fact which may indicate a -personal relation.{2} - - 1 Eyre and Rivington, ii. 386, 388, and 410. - - 2 Sec page 34, infra. - - - -[26] - -NOT AN AMERICAN ITEM - -By some curious chance this little pamphlet has come to be classed as -Americana. Bishop Kenneth's Catalogue may have been the source of this -error, leading collectors to believe that the item was a true relation -of an actual voyage, and possibly touching upon some phase of American -history or geography. The rarity of the pamphlet would not permit such a -belief to be readily corrected. The existence also of two Isles of Pines -in American waters may have aided the belief. - -One of these islands is off the southwestern end of Cuba. On his second -voyage, Columbus had sailed along the south coast of Cuba, and June -13,1494, reached an island, which he named Evangelista. Here he -encountered such difficulties among the shoals that he determined to -retrace his course to the eastward. But for that experience, he might -have reached the mainland of America on that voyage. The conquest of the -island of Cuba by Diego Velasquez in 1511 led to its exploration; but -geographers could only slowly appreciate what the islands really meant, -for they were as much misled by the reports of navigators as Columbus -had been by his prejudice in favor of Cathay. - -Toscanelli's map of the Atlantic Ocean (1474) gives many islands between -Cape Verde and the "coast of spices," of which "Cippangu" is the largest -and most important.{1} - - 1 This map, as reconstructed from Martin Behaim's globe, is - in Scottish Geographical Magazine, 1893. - -On Juan de laCosa's sea chart, 1500, Cuba is fairly drawn, with the sea -to the south dotted with islands without names. In a few years the mist -surrounding [27]the new world had so far been dispelled as to disclose a -quite accurate detail of the larger West Indian islands{1} and to offer -a continent to the west, one that placed Cipangu still far too much -to the east of the coast of Asia.{2} An island of some size off the -southwest of Cuba seems to have been intended at first for Jamaica, but -certainly as early as 1536 that island had passed to its true position -on the maps, and the island to the west is without a name. Nor can it -be confused with Yucatan, which for forty years was often drawn as an -island. On the so-called Wolfenbuttel-Spanish map of 1525-30 occurs the -name "J. de Pinos," probably the first occurrence of the name upon any -map in the sixteenth century. Two other maps of that time--Colon's and -Ribero's, dated respectively 1527 and 1529--call it "Y de Pinos," and on -the globe of Ulpius, to which the year 1542 is assigned, "de Pinos" -is clearly marked. Bellero's map, 1550, has an island "de pinolas." -Naturally, map-makers were slow to adopt new names, and in the numerous -editions of Ptolemy the label St Iago was retained almost to the end of -the century.{3} On the Agnese map there are two islands, one named "S. -Tiago," the other "pinos," which introduced a new confusion, though he -was not followed by most geographers until Wytfliet, 1597, gave both -names to the same island--"S. Iago siue Y de Pinas"--in which he is -followed by Hondius, 1633.{4} Ortelius, 1579, [28]adopts "I Pinnorum," -while Linschoten, 1598, has "Pinas," and Herrera, 1601, "Pinos." - - 1 The Agnese Atlas of 1529 may be cited as an example. - - 2 See, for example, the so-called Stobnicza [Joannes, - Stobnicensis] map of 151a, and the Ptolemy of 1513 - (Strassburg). - - 3 Muenster, 1540. Cabot, 1544, and Desceller, 1546, give "Y - de Pinos." - - 4 Mr. P. Lee Phillips, to whom I am indebted for references - to atlases of the time, also supplies the following: - Lafreri, 1575 (?) "S. Tiagoj" Percacchi, 1576, "S. Tiago;" - Santa Cruz, 1541, "Ya de Pinosj" and Dudley, 1647, "I de - Pinos." Hakloyt (iii. 617) prints a "Ruttier" for the - West Indies, without date, but probably of the end of the - sixteenth century, which contains the following; "The - markes of Isla de Pinos. The Island of Pinos stretcheth it - selfe East and West, and is full of homocks, and if you - chance to see it at full sea, it will shew like 3 Islands, - as though there were divers soundes betweene them, and that - in the midst is the greatest; and in rowing with them, it - will make all a firme lande: and upon the East side of these - three homocks it will shewe all ragged; and on the West - side of them will appeare unto you a lowe point even with - the sea, and oftentimes you shall see the trees before you - shall discerne the point." - -When the name given by Columbus was dropped and by whom the island was -named "de Pinos" cannot be determined. - -Our colleague, Mr. Francis R. Hart, has called my attention to a second -Isle of Pines in American waters, being near Golden Island, which was -situated in the harbor or bay on which the Scot Darien expedition made -its settlement of New Edinburgh. The bay is still known as Caledonia -Bay, and the harbor as Porto Escoces, but the Isla de Pinas as well as a -river of the same name do not appear on maps of the region. The curious -may find references to the island in the printed accounts of the -unfortunate Darien colony. - -The Isle of Pines could thus be found on the map as an actual island in -the West Indies; but the "Isle of Pines" of our tract existed only -in the imagination of the writer. The mere fact of its having been -printed--but not published--in Cambridge, Massachusetts, does not -entitle it to be classed even indirectly as Americana, any more than -Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress or [29]Thomas a Kempis could be so marked on -the strength of their having a Massachusetts imprint Curiosities of the -American press they may be, but they serve only as crude measures of the -existing taste for literature since become recognized as classic. - -The dignified Calendar of State Papers in the Public Record Office, -London, gravely indexes a casual reference to the tract under West -Indies, and the impression that the author wrote of the Cuban island -probably accounts for the different editions in the John Carter Brown -Library, as well as for the price obtained for the White Kennett copy. -No possible reason can be found, however, for regarding the "Isle of -Pines" in any of its forms as Americana. - - - - -THE AUTHOR - -Thus far I have been concerned with externals, and before turning to the -contents of the tract itself in an endeavor to explain the extraordinary -popularity it enjoyed, something must be said of the author--Henry -Neville. Like most of the characters engaged in the politics of England -in the middle of the seventeenth century, he has suffered at the hands -of his biographer, Anthony a Wood,{1} merely because he belonged to -the opposite party--the crudest possible measure of merit For the odium -politicum and the odium theologicum are twin agents of detraction, and -the writing of history would be dull indeed were it not for the joy of -digging out an approximation to the truth from opposing opinions. Where -the material is so scanty it will be safer [30]to summarize what is -known, without attempting to pass finally upon Neville's position among -his contemporaries. - - 1 Athenae Oxoniemses (Bliss), iv. 413. - -The second son of Sir Henry Neville, and grandson of Sir Henry Neville -(1564?-1615), courtier and diplomatist under Elizabeth and James I, -Henry Neville was born in Billing-bear, Berkshire, in 1620. He became -a commoner of Merton College in 1635, and soon after migrated to -University College, where he passed some years but took no degree. He -travelled on the continent, becoming familiar with modern languages and -men, and returned to England in 1645, to recruit for Abingdon for the -parliament Wood states that Neville "was very great with Harry -Marten, Tho. Chaloner, Tho. Scot, Jam. Harrington and other zealous -commonwealths men." His association with them probably arose from his -membership of the council of state (1651), and also from his agreement -with them in their suspicions of Cromwell, who, in his opinion, "gaped -after the government by a single person." In consequence he was banished -from London in 1654, and on Oliver's death was returned to parliament -December 30,1658, as burgess for Reading. An attempt to exclude him on -charges of atheism and blasphemy failed. - -He was undoubtedly somewhat closely associated with James Harrington, -the author of "Oceana," and was regarded as a "strong doctrinaire -republican." He was a member of the club--the Rota--formed by Harrington -for discussing and disseminating his political views, a club which -continued in existence only a few months, from November, 1659, to -February, 1660; but its name is embalmed in one of Harrington's -essays--"The Rota"--published in 1660, and extracted from his "Art of -Law-giving," [31]which was itself an abridgment of the "Oceana." - -At this time, says Wood, Neville was "esteemed to be a man of good -parts, yet of a factious and turbulent spirit." On the restoration he -"sculk'd for a time," and, arrested for a supposed connection in the -Yorkshire rising of 1663, he was released for want of evidence against -him, retiring from all participation in politics. For twenty years -before his death he lived in lodgings in Silver Street, near Bloomsbury -market, and dying on September 20, 1694, he was buried in the parish -church of Warfield, Berkshire. By his wife, Elizabeth, daughter of -Richard Staverton of Warfield, he had no issue.{2} In his retirement he -found occupation in political theory. He translated some of the writings -of Machiavelli, which he had obtained in Italy in 1645, and published -some verses of little merit. - - {1} Wood. - - {2} Dictionary of National Biography, XL. 259. - -It cannot be said that a reading of Neville's productions before 1681 -raises him in our estimation, it certainly does not give the impression -of a man of letters, a student of government, or even a politician of -the day. There is always the possibility in these casual writings of -a purpose deeper than appears to the reader of the present day, of a -meaning which escapes him because the special combination of events -creating the occasion cannot be reconstructed. The "Parliament of -Ladies," which was published in two parts in 1647, has little meaning -to the reader, though they appeared in the year when the Parliament took -notice of the "many Seditious, False and Scandalous Papers and Pamphlets -daily printed and published in and about the cities of London and -Westminster, and thence dispersed [32]into all parts of this Realm, and -other parts beyond the Seas, to the great abuse and prejudice of the -People, and insufferable reproach of the proceedings of the Parliament -and their Army."{1} - -To write, print, or sell any unlicensed matter whatsoever would be -liable to fine or imprisonment, and to whet the zeal of discovery -one-half of the fine was to go to the informer. Every publication, -from a book to a broadsheet, must bear the name of author, printer, -and licenser. Neither of Neville's pamphlets of 1647 conformed to the -requirements of this act, which is not, however, positive evidence that -they did not appear after the promulgation of the law. Suppression of -printing has proved a difficult task to rulers, even when supported -by public opinion or an army. The Stationers' Registers show that the -"Parliament of Ladies" and its sequel were not properly entered; nor do -they contain any reference to Neville's "News from the New Exchange," -issued in 1650.{2} - -Nine years passed before he printed a pamphlet which marked his -break with Cromwell--"Shuffling, Cutting, and Dealing in a Game of -Picquet."{3} - - 1 Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum, i. 1021. Though - dated September 30, the act was entered at Stationers' Hall - September 19. Eyre and Rivington, i. 276. - - 2 It was reprinted in 1731. - - 3 It is in the Harleian Miscellany, v. 298, and a copy of - the meanly printed original is in the Ticknor Collection, - Boston Public Library. - -This little pamphlet was put out in the poorest dress possible, -bespeaking a press of meagre equipment, and a printer without an idea -of the form which even the leaflet can assume in skilful hands. Without -imprint, author's name, or any mark of identification, it indicates a -secret impression and [33]issue--one of the many occasional pamphlets -which appeared at the time from "underground" shops which least of all -wanted to be known as the agent of publication. Neville either avowed -the authorship or it was traced to him, and the displeasure of Cromwell -and banishment from London followed. - -In 1681 he printed "Discourses concerning Government," which was much -admired by Hobbes, and even Wood admits that it was "very much bought up -by the members [of parliament], and admired: But soon after, when they -understood who the author was (for his name was not set to the book), -many of the honest party rejected, and had no opinion of it" A later -writer describes it as an "un-Platonic dialogue developing a scheme -for the exercise of the royal prerogative through councils of state -responsible to Parliament, and of which a third part should retire every -year."{1} Reissued at the time under its better known title--"Plato -Redivivus"{2}--it was reprinted in 1742,{3} and again by Thomas Hollis -in 1763. - - 1 Dictionary of National Biography, XL. 259. - - 2 Plato Redivivus, or A Dialogue concerning Government: - wherein, by Observations drawn from other Kingdoms and - States both ancient and modern, an Endeavour is used to - discover the politick Distemper of our own; with the Causes - and Remedies. The Second Edition, with Additions. In Octavo. - Price 2s. 6d. Printed for S. I. and sold by R. Dew. The Term - Catalogues (Arber), 1.443--the issue for May, 1681. The - initials S. I. do not again occur in the Catalogues, and R. - Dew is credited with only two issues, both in May, 1681, - neither giving the location of his shop. The tract called - out several replies, such as the anonymous Antidotum - Brittanicum and Goddard's Plato's Demon, or the State - Physician Unmasked ( 1684). - - 3 A copy is in the Library Company, Philadelphia. - -His translations from Machiavelli are not so easily traced, nor is any -explanation possible for his having delayed for nearly [34]thirty years -publication of evidence of his admiration for the Florentine politician. -He was not alone in desiring to make the Italian political moralist -better known, for translations of the "Discourses" and "The Prince," -with "some marginal animadversions noting and taxing his [Machiavelli's] -errors," by E. D.{1} was published in a second edition in November, -1673, but I do not connect Neville with that issue. In the following -year the connection of Charles Harper's name with the "Florentine -History" suggests Neville, as does a more ambitious undertaking of the -"Works," first fathered by another London bookseller, but with which -Harper was concerned in 1681: - -The Florentine History, in Eight Books. Written by Nicholas Machiavel, -Citizen and Secretary of Florence: now exactly translated from the -Italian. In Octavo. Price, bound, 6s. Printed for Charles Harper, and J. -Amery, at the Flower de luce, and Peacock, in Fleet street.{2} - -The Works of the Famous Nicholas Machiavel, Citizen and Secretary of -Florence. Containing, 1. The History of Florence. 2. The Prince. 3. The -Original of the Guelf and Ghibilin Factions. 4. The life of Castrucio -Castraceni. 5. The murther of Vitelli, etc., by Duke Valentine. 6. The -State of France. 7. The State of Germany. 8. The Discourses of Titus -Livius. 9. The Art of War. 10. The Marriage of Belphegery a Novel.{3} - - 1 Edward Dacres. - - 2 The Term Catalogues (Arber i. 18--the issue for November - 25,1674.) It was entered at Stationers' Hall, June 20, - 1674, "under the hands of Master Roger L'Estrange and Master - Warden Mean" with the statement that the translation was - made by "J. D. Gent." - - 3 This novel wa added by Starker to a translation of novels - by Gomez deQueverdoy Villegas published in November, 1670. - The name of the printer suggests a connection with Neville. - -[35]11. Nicholas Machiavel's Letter in Vindication of himself and his -Writings. All written originally in Italian; and from thence newly and -faithfully Translated in English. In Folio. Price, bound, 18s. Printed -for J. Starkey at the Mitre in Flret street near Temple Bar. - -[Same Title.] The Second Edition. Printed for J. Starkey, C. Harper, and -J. Amery, at the Miter, the Flower de luce, and the Peacock, in Flret -street. Folio. Price, bound, 16s.{1} - - 1 The Term Catalogues (Arber) i.199--the issue for - February, 1675. Entered at Stationers' Hall, February 4, - 1674-75, "under the hands of Master Roger L'Estrange and - Master Warden Roycroft," with the statement that the - translation was made by "J.B. Salvo iure cuilibet." The - resort to L'Estrange in both instances is suggestive. 2 Ib - 453--the issue for June, 1681. "The Works of that famous - Nicholas Machiavel" is announced in the Catalogues, June, - 1675, for publication by R. Boulter, in Cornhill, and at the - same price of 18s., but I doubt if Neville had anything to - do with that translation. - -It may be admitted that questions of government were eagerly discussed -in the seventeenth century. It was only needed to live under the Stuarts -and to pass through the Civil War and Protectorate to realize that -a transition from the divinely anointed ruler to a self-constituted -governor resting upon an army, and again to a trial of the legitimate -holder of royal prerogative, offered an education in matters of -political rule which naturally led to a constitutional monarchy, and -which could not be equalled in degree or lasting importance until the -American colonies of Great Britain questioned the policy of the mother -country toward her all too energetic children. Hobbes' "Leviathan, or -the Matter, Form and Power of a Commonwealth, Ecclesiastical and Civil," -appeared in 1651, a powerful argument for absolutism, but cast in such -a form as to make the [36]writer an unwelcome adherent to royalty in -exile. - -In 1652 Filmer published his "Observations concerning the Original of -Government," one of a series of tracts, completed by his "Patriarcha," -printed after his death, which has made him a prophet of the extreme -supporters of the divine origin of kingship. These are only examples -of the political discussion of the day, and to them may be added -Harrington, whose "Oceanan" appeared in 1656.{1} It satisfied no party -or faction, and a second edition was not called for until 1700, when -other writings of the author were added. This compilation was, in 1737, -pirated by a Dublin printer, R. Reilly, who added Neville's "Plato -Redivivus;"{2} but the third English edition (1747), issued by the same -printer who made the second edition, omitted Neville's tract. - - 1 Entered at Stationers' Hall by Livewell Chapman, - September 19,1656. Eyre and Rivington, ii. 86. - - 2 Bibliotheca Liudeusianat ii. 4228. - - - - -THE STORY - -"The Isle of Pines" was Neville's fifth publication, issued nine years -after his fourth, a political tract: "Shuffling, Cutting and Dealing -in a Game of Picquet" Like most titles of the day, that of "The Isle of -Pines" did not fail in quantity. It was repeated word for word, except -the imprint, on the first page of the text. Briefly, the relation -purports to have been written by an Englishman, George Pine, who at the -age of twenty shipped as book-keeper in the India Merchant, which sailed -for the East Indies in 1569. - -Having rounded the Cape of Good Hope and [37]being almost within sight -of St. Lawrence's Island, now Madagascar,{1} they encountered a great -storm of wind, which separated the ship from her consorts, blew many -days, and finally wrecked the vessel on a rocky island. The entire -company was drowned except Pine, the daughter of his master, two -maid-servants, and one negro female slave. They gathered what they could -of the wreckage, and Pine and his companions lived there in community -life, a free-love settlement By the four women he had forty-seven -children, and in his sixtieth year he claimed to have 565 children, -grandchildren, and great-grandchildren. It was from one of his -grandchildren that the Dutch ship received the relation. Apart from the -title-page, the entire tract is occupied by the story of George Pine, -from whom the island took its name. In 1667, or ninety-eight years after -Pine was wrecked, the Dutch captain estimated that the population of the -island amounted to ten or twelve thousand persons. Methuselah, with his -years to plead for him, might boast of such breeding, but in ordinary -man it is too near the verminous, the rat, the guinea-pig, and the -rabbit, to be pleasant. - - 1 It was the Island of St. Laurence of James Lancaster's - Voyage, 1593. Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, vi. 401. - -The publication must have attracted attention at once, for before -the end of July Neville put forth a second part, "A New and further -Discovery of The Isle of Pines," which purported to be the relation of -the Dutch captain to whom the history of Pines had been confided. It is -an unadorned story such as might have been gathered from a dozen tales -in Hakluyt or Purchas, and is interesting only in giving the name of -the [38]Dutch captain--Cornelius Van Sloetton--and the location of -the supposed island--longitude 76 deg. and latitude 20 deg., under the third -climate--which places it to the northeast of Madagascar. Almost -immediately after the publication of the second part it was combined -with the first part, as already described, and published late in July -or early in August Cornelius Van Sloetton, as he signed himself in the -second part, became Henry Cornelius Van Sloetten in the combined issue. - - - - -INTERPRETATIONS - -It was Pine's relation which received the greatest attention on the -continent, and that was chiefly concerned in describing his performances -in populating the island. It was therefore with only a mild surprise -that I read in one of those repulsively thorough studies which only a -German can make, a study made in 1668 of this very tract, "The Isle -of Pines," the assertion that Pines, masquerading as the name of the -discoverer and patriarch of the island, and accepted as the name of -the island itself, was only an anagram on the male organ of -generation--penis. On one of the German issues in the John Carter Brown -[39]Library this has also been noted by a contemporary hand.{1} Such an -interpretation reduces our tract to a screaming farce, but it closely -suits the general tone of other of Neville's writings, which are -redolent of the sensual license of the restoration. To this I would add -an emendation of my own. The name adopted by Neville was Henry Cornelius -van Sloetten. It suggests a somewhat forcible English word--slut--of -doubtful origin, although forms having some resemblance in sound and -sense occur in the Scandinavian languages. - - 1 Christian Weise, Prof. Polit, in augusteo in A. 1685. - -Such interpretations seem to fit the work better than that of a German -critic, who sees in the book a sort of Utopia, a model community, or -an exhibition in the development of law and order. Free love led -to license, maids were ravished, and the complete promiscuity of -intercourse disgusted Pine, who sought to suppress it by force and, in -killing the leader of a revolt, a man with negro blood in his veins, to -impose punishments for acts which he had himself done. The ground for -believing that Neville had any such purpose when he wrote the book is -too slight to be accepted. In 1668 the author had no call to convey a -lesson in government to his countrymen by any means so frankly vulgar -and pointless as the "Isle of Pines." If Neville had intended such a -political object, a phrase would have sufficed to indicate it. No -such key can be found in the text, and there is nothing to show that, -politician as he was, he realized that such an intimation could be drawn -from his paragraphs. - -To assume, therefore, that so carefully hidden a suggestion of a model -republic could have aided the circulation [40]of the pamphlet at the -time, or at any later period, is to introduce an element unnecessary -to explain the vogue of the relation. It passed simply as a story -of adventure, and as such it fell upon a time when a wide public was -receptive to the point of being easily duped. Wood asserts that the -"Isle of Pines," when first published, "was look'd upon as a mere sham -or piece of drollery; "{1} and there are few contemporary references to -the relation of either Pine or Van Sloetten, and those few are of little -moment If the seamen, who were in a position to point out discrepancies -of fad in the story, made any comment or criticism, I have failed to -discover them. - - 1 Athenae Oxomiensis (Bliss), iv. 410. - -Neville himself freely played with the subject, and it is strange that -he did not excite some suspicion of his veracity among his readers. -He had told in his first part of a Dutch ship which was driven by foul -weather to the island and of the giving to the Dutch the story of -Pine. His second part is the story of the Dutch captain, sailing from -Amsterdam, re-discovering the Isle of Pines, and returning home--that -is, to Holland. Yet Neville for the combined issue, and presumably only -a few days after giving out the first part, composed two letters from -a merchant of Amsterdam--Abraham Keek--dated June 29 and July 6, saying -that the last post from Rochelle brought intelligence of a French vessel -which had just arrived and reported the discovery of this very island, -but placing it some two or three hundred leagues "Northwest from Cape -Finis Terre," though, he added with reasonable caution, "it may be that -there may be some mistake in the number of the Leagues, as also of the -exact [41]point of the compass from Cape Finis Terre." - -Keek offered an additional piece of geographical information, that "some -English here suppose it maybe the Island of Brasile which have been so -oft sought for, Southwest from Ireland."{1} The first letter of Keek is -dated five days after the licensing of the first part of the "Isle -of Pines," and the second sixteen days before the date of Sloetten's -narrative. It is hardly possible that Neville could have been forgetful -of his having made a Dutch vessel responsible for the discovery and -history of Pine, and it is more than probable that he took this means of -giving greater verisimilitude to the Isle of Pines, by bringing forward -an independent discovery by a French vessel. However intended, the ruse -did not contribute to such a purpose, as the combined parts did not -enjoy as wide a circulation as the first part. - - 1 See page 53, infra. - -On the continent a German, who knew the tract only as translated into -German through a Dutch version of the English text, and therefore -imperfectly, gave it serious consideration, and had little difficulty in -finding inconsistencies and contradictions. Some of his questions went -to the root of the matter. It was a Dutch ship which first found the -Isle of Pines and its colony; why was not the discovery first announced -by the Dutch? Piece by piece the critic takes down the somewhat clumsily -fashioned structure of Neville's fiction, and in the end little remains -untouched by suspicion. No such examination, dull and labored in form, -and offering no trace of imagination which wisely permits itself to be -deceived in details in order to be free to accept a whole, could pass -beyond the narrow circle of a university. - -[42]As an antidote to the attractions of Neville's tract it was -powerless, and to-day it remains as much of a curiosity as it was in -1668, when it was written. Indeed, a question might be raised as to -which tract was less intentionally a joke--Neville's "Isle of Pines," or -our German's ponderous essay upon it? At least the scientific -ignorance of the Englishman, perfectly evident from the start, is more -entertaining than the pseudo-science of the German critic, who boldly -asserts as impossible what has come to be a commonplace.{1} - - 1 Das verdachtige Pineser-Eylandd, No. 29 in the - Bibliography. It it dedicated to Anthonio Goldbeck, - Burgomaster of Altona, and the letter of dedication b dated - at Hamburg, October 26, 1668. - -Hippe calls attention to the geography of the relation as not the least -interesting of its features, for the neighborhood of the Island of -Madagascar was used in other sea stories as a place of storm and -catastrophe. "The ship on which Simplicissimus wished to return -to Portugal, suffered shipwreck likewise near Madagascar, and the -paradisiac island on which Grimmelshausen permits his hero finally to -land in company with a carpenter, is also to be sought in this region. -In precisely the same way the shipwreck of Sadeur,{1} the hero of a -French Robinson Crusoe story, [43]happens on the coast of Madagascar, -and from this was he driven in a southerly direction to the coast of the -southern land." - - 1 La Terre Australe commue, a romance written by Gabriel de - Foigny (pseud. J. Sadeur), describing the stay of Sadeur on - the southern continent for more than thirty-five years, The - original edition, made in Geneva in 1676, is said to contain - "many impious and licentious passages which were omitted in - the later editions." Sabin (xviii. 220) gives a list of - editions, the first English translation appearing in 1693. - It is possible that the author owed the idea of his work to - Neville's pamphlet. - -In most of the older surveys of the known world America counts as the -fourth part, naturally coming after Europe, Asia, and Africa. Even that -arrangement was not generally accepted. Joannes Leo (Hasan Ibn Muhammad, -al-Wazzan), writing in 1556, properly called Africa "la tierce Partie du -Monde;" but the Seigneur de la Popelliniere, in his "Les Trois Mondes," -published in 1582, divided the globe into three parts--1. Europe, Asia, -and Africa; 2. America, and 3. Australia. A half century later, -Pierre d'Avitz, of Toumon (Ardeche), entitled one of his compositions -"Description Generale de l'Amerique troisiesme partie du Monde," first -published in 1637.{2} The expedition under Alvaro de Mendana de Nevra, -setting sail from Callao, November 19, 1567, and steering westward, -sought to clear doubt concerning a continent which report had pictured -as being somewhere in the Pacific Ocean. The Solomon Islands rewarded -the enterprise, and with New Guinea and the Philippines completed -a connection between Peru and the continent of Asia. There had long -existed, however, a settled belief in the existence of a great continent -in the southern hemisphere, which should serve as a counterpoise to the -known lands in the northern. - - 1 A copy is in the Boston Athenaeum. - -The geographical ideas of the times required such a continent, [44]and -even before the circumnavigation of Africa, the world-maps indicated -to the southward "terra incognita secundum Ptolemeum,"{1} or a land of -extreme temperature and wholly unknown.{2} The sailing of ships round -the Cape of Good Hope dissipated in some degree this belief but it -merely placed some distance between that cape and the supposed Terra -Australia which was now extended to the south of America, separated on -the maps from that continent only by the narrow Straits of Magellan, and -stretching to the westward, almost approaching New Guinea.{3} - - 1 As on the Ptolemy, Ulm, 1482. - - 2 As in Macrobius, In Sommium Scipionis Expositio, Brescia, - 1483. 3 See the map of Oronce Fine, 1522, and Ortelius, - Orbis Terrarum 1592. 4 The "Quiri Regio" was long marked on - maps as a continent lying to the south of the Solomon - Islands. - - 3 This was first republished at Augsburg in 1611; in a - Latin translation in Henry Hudson's Descriptio ac - Delimeatis, Amsterdam, 1612, in Dutch, Verhael van seher - Memorial, Amsterdam, 1612; in Bry, 1613, and shortly after - in Hulsius; in French, Paris, 1617; and in English, London, - 1617. I give this list because even so interesting an - announcement of a genuine voyage did not have so quick an - acceptance as Neville's tract with almost the same title. - -Such an expanse of undiscovered land, believed to be rich in gold, -awakened the resolution of Pedro Fernandez de Queiros, who had been a -pilot in the Mendafia voyage of 1606. By chance he failed in his object, -and deceived by the apparent continuous coast line presented to his view -by the islands of the New Hebrides group, he gave it the resounding -name of Austrialia del Espiritu Santo, because of the King's title of -Austria. On the publication of his "Relation" at Seville in 1610, the -name was altered, and he claimed to have discovered the "fourth part of -the world, called Terra Australis incognita." Seven years later, [45]in -1617, it was published in London under the title, "Terra Australia -incognita, or A new Southerne Discoverie, containing a fifth part of -the World." It is obvious that geographers and their source of -information--the adventurous sea captains--were not agreed upon the -proper number to be assigned to the Terra Australis in the world scheme. -Even in 1663 the Church seemed in doubt, for a father writes "Memoires -touchant l'etablissement d'une Mission Chrestienne dans la troisieme -Monde, autrement apelle la Terre Australe, Meridionale, Antartique, & -I connue."{1} That Neville even drew his title from any of these -publications cannot be asserted, nor do they explain his designation of -the Isle of Pines as the fourth island in this southern land; but they -show the common meaning attached to Terra Australis incognita, and his -use of the words was a clever, even if not an intentional appeal to the -curiosity then so active on continents yet to be discovered. - - 1 Printed at Paris by Claude Cramoisy, 1663. A copy is in - the John Carter Brown Library. In 1756 Charles de Brosse - published his Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes - from Vespuccius to his own day, which was largely used by - John Callender in compiling his Terra Australis Cogmta, - 1766-68. - -Another volume, however, written by one who afterwards became Bishop -of Norwich, may have been responsible for the conception of Neville's -pamphlet. This was Joseph Hall's "Mundus Alter et Idem sive Terra -Australis ante hac semper incognita longis itineribus peregrini -Academici nuperrime lustrata." The title says it was printed at -Frankfort, and the statement has been too readily accepted as the fact, -for the tract was entered at [46]Stationers' Hall by John Porter, June -2, 1605, and again on August 1, 1608.{1} The biographer of Bishop Hall -states that it was published at Frankfort by a friend, in 1605, and -republished at Hanau in 1607, and in a translated form in London about -1608. It is more than probable that all three issues were made in -London, and that the so-called Hanau edition was that entered in 1608. -On January 18, 1608-09, Thomas Thorpe entered the translation, with the -address to the reader signed John Healey, who was the translator.{2} -This carried the title: "The Discovery of a New World, or a Description -of the South Indies hitherto unknown."{3} It is a satirical work with -no pretense of touching upon realities. Hallam wrote of it: "I can -only produce two books by English authors in this first part of the -seventeenth century which fall properly under the class of novels or -romances; and of these one is written in Latin. This is the Mundus Alter -and Idem of Bishop Hall, an imitation of the later and weaker volumes -of Rabelais. A country in Terra Australis is divided into four regions, -Crapulia, Virginia, Moronea, and Lavernia. Maps of the whole land and of -particular regions are given; and the nature of the satire, not much of -which has any especial reference to England, may easily be collected. It -is not a very successful effort."{4} - - 1 Stationers' Registers (Arber), in. 291, 386. - - 2 Ib. 400. Healey made an "exceptionally bad" translation - of St. Augustine's De Civitate Dei, which remained the only - English translation of that work until 1871. - - 3 In the Bodleian Library is a copy of the translation with - the title, The Discovery of a New World, Tenterbelly, - Sheeland, and Fooliana, London, n.d. - - 4 Introduction to the Literature of Europe, 2d ed., II. - 167. - -While a later critic, Canon [47]Perry, says of it: "This strange -composition, sometimes erroneously described as a 'political romance,' -to which it bears no resemblance whatever, is a moral satire in prose, -with a strong undercurrent of bitter jibes at the Romish church, and its -eccentricities, which sufficiently betray the author's main purpose -in writing it. It shows considerable imagination, wit, and skill -in latinity, but it has not enough of verisimilitude to make it an -effective satire, and does not always avoid scurrility."{1} Like -Neville's production, the satire was misinterpreted. - -The title of Neville's tract also recalls the lost play of Thomas -Nash--"The Isle of Dogs"--for which he was imprisoned on its appearance -in 1597, and suffered, as he asserted, for the indiscretion of others. -"As Actaeon was worried by his own hounds," wrote Francis Meres in his -"Palladis Tamia," "so is Tom Nash of his Isle of Dogs." And three -years later, in 1600, Nash referred in his "Summers Last Will" to the -excitement raised by his suppressed play. "Here's a coil about dogs -without wit! If I had thought the ship of fools would have stay'd to -take in fresh water at the Isle of Dogs, I would have furnish'd it with -a whole kennel of collections to the purpose." The incident was long -remembered. Nine years after Nash's experience John Day published his -"Isle of Gulls," drawn from Sir Philip Sidney's "Arcadia."{2} - - 1 Dictionary of National Biography, xxiv. 76. - - 2 I take these facts from Sir Sidney Lee's sketch of Nash in - the Dictionary of National Biography, XL. 107. - - - -[48] - -DEFOE AND THE "ISLE OF PINES" - -I would apologize for taking so much time on a nine-page hoax did it not -offer something positive in the history of English literature. It has -long been recognized as one of the more than possible sources of Defoe's -"Robinson Crusoe." It is truly said that the elements of a masterpiece -exist for years before they become embodied, that they are floating in -the air, as it were, awaiting the master workman who can make that -use which gives to them permanent interest Life on an island, entirely -separated from the rest of mankind, had formed an incident in many -tales, but Neville's is believed to have been the first employment by -an English author of island life for the whole story. And while Defoe -excludes the most important feature of Neville's tract--woman--from his -"Robinson Crusoe," issued in April, 1719, he too, four months after, -published the "Further Adventures of Robinson Crusoe," in which -woman has a share. It would be wearisome to undertake a comparison of -incident; suffice it to say that the "Isle of Pines" has been accepted -as a pre-Defoe romance, to which the far greater Englishman may have -been indebted. [49] - -[51] - -THE ISLE OF PINES, The combined Parts as issued in 1668 - -The Isle of Pines - -OR, - -[53] A late Discovery of a fourth ISLAND near Terra Australis, Incognita - -BY - -Henry Cornelius Van Sloetten. - -Wherein is contained. - - -A True Relation of certain English persons, who in Queen Elizabeths -time, making a Voyage to the East Indies were cast away, and wracked -near to the Coast of Terra Australis, Incognita, and all drowned, except -one Man and four Women. And now lately Anno Dom. 1667. a Dutch Ship -making a Voyage to the East Indies, driven by foul weather there, by -chance have found their Posterity, (speaking good English) to amount -(as they suppose) to ten or twelve thousand persons. The whole Relation -(written and left by the Man himself a little before his death, and -delivered to the Dutch by his Grandchild) Is here annexed with the -Longitude and Latitude of the Island, the situation and felicity -thereof, with other matter observable. - -Licensed July 27. 1668. - -London, Printed for Allen Banks and Charles Harper next door to the -three Squerrills in Fleet-Street, over against St Dunstans Church, 1668. - -Two Letters concerning the Island of Pines to a Credible person in -Covent Garden. - -IT is written by the last Post from Rochel, to a Merchant in this City, -that there was a French ship arrived, the Mailer and Company of which -reports, that about 2 or 300 Leagues Northwest from Cape Finis Terre, -they fell in with an Island, where they went on shore, and found about -2000 English people without cloathes, only some small coverings about -their middle, and that they related to them, that at their first coming -to this Island (which was in Queen Elizabeths time) they were but five -in number men and women, being cast on shore by distress or otherwise, -and had there remained ever since, without having any correspondence -with any other people, or any ship coming to them. This story seems very -fabulous, yet the Letter is come to a known Merchant, and from a good -hand in France, so that I thought fit to mention it, it may be that -there may be some mistake in the number of the Leagues, as also of the -exact point of the Compass, from Cape Finis Terre; I shall enquire more -particularly about it. Some English here suppose it may be the Island -of Brasile which have been so oft sought for, Southwest from Ireland, if -true, we shall hear further about it; your friend and Brother, Abraham -Keek. - -Amsterdam, July the 6th 1668. - -IT is said that the Ship that discovered the Island, of which I hinted -to you in my last, is departed from Rochel, on her way to Zealand, -several persons here have writ thither to enquire for the said Vessel, -to know the truth of this business. I was promised a Copy of the Letter -[54]Amsterdam, June the 29th 1668, that came from France, advising the -discovery of the Island above-said, but its not yet come to my hand; -when it cometh, or any further news about this Island, I shall acquaint -you with it, - -Your Friend and Brother, - -A. Keck. - -{{1 }} [55]Discovered Near to the Coast of Terra Australis Incognita, -by Henry Cornelius Van Sloetten, in a Letter to a friend in London, -declaring the truth of his Voyage to the East Indies. - -SIR, - -I Received your Letter of this second instant, wherein you desire me -to give you a further account concerning the Land of Pines, on which we -were driven by distress of Weather the last Summer, I also perused the -Printed Book thereof you sent me, the Copy of which was surreptiously -taken out of my hands, else should I have given you a more fuller -account upon what occasion we came thither, how we were entertained, -with some other circumstances {{2 }}of note wherein that relation is -defective. To satisfie therefore your desires, I shall briefly yet sully -give you a particular account thereof, with a true Copy of the Relation -itself; desiring you to bear with my blunt Phrases, as being more a -Seaman then a Scholler. - -April the 26th 1667. We set sail from Amsterdam, intending for the -East-Indies; our ship had to name the place from whence we came, the -Amsterdam burthen 350. Tun, and having a fair gale of Wind, on the 27 of -May following we had a sight of the high Peak Tenriffe belonging to the -Canaries, we have touched at the Island Palma, but having endeavoured it -twice, and finding the winds contrary, we steered on our course by the -Isles of Cape Ferd, or Insula Capitis Viridis, where at St. James's we -[56]took in fresh water, with some few Goats, and Hens, wherewith that -Island doth plentifully abound. - -June the 14. we had a sight of Madagascar, or the Island of St Laurence, -an Island of 4000 miles in compass, and scituate under the Southern -Tropick; thither we steered our course, and trafficked with the -inhabitants for Knives, Beads, Glasses and the like, having in exchange -thereof Cloves and Silver. Departing from thence we were incountred -with a violent storm, and the winds holding contrary, for the space of -a fortnight, brought us back almost as far as the Isle Del Principe; -during which time many of our men fell sick, and some dyed, but at -the end of that time it pleased God the wind favoured us again, and -we steered on our course merrily, for the space of ten days: when on a -sudden we were encountered with such a violent storm, as if all the four -winds together had conspired for our destruction, so that the stoutest -spirit of us all quailed, expecting every hour to be devoured by that -merciless element of water, sixteen dayes together {{3 }} did this storm -continue, though not with such violence as at the first, the Weather -being so dark all the while, and the Sea so rough, that we knew not in -what place we were, at length all on a sudden the Wind ceased, and -the Air cleared, the Clouds were all dispersed, and a very serene Sky -followed, for which we gave hearty thanks to the Almighty, it being -beyond our expectation that we should have escaped the violence of that -storm. - -At length one of our men mounting the Main-mast espyed fire, an -evident sign of some Countrey near adjoyning, which presently after we -apparently discovered, and steering our course [57]more nigher, we -saw several persons promiscuously running about the shore, as it were -wondering and admiring at what they saw: Being now near to the Land, we -manned out our long Boat with ten persons, who approaching the shore, -asked them in our Dutch Tongue What Eyland is dit? to which they -returned this Answer in English, "that they knew not what we said." One -of our Company named Jeremiah Hanzen who understood English very well, -hearing their words discourst to them in their own Language; so that -in fine we were very kindly invited on shore, great numbers of them -flocking about us, admiring at our Cloaths which we did wear, as we on -the other side did to find in such a strange place, so many that could -speak English and yet to go naked. - -Four of our men returning back in the long Boat to our Ships company, -could hardly make them believe the truth of what they had seen and -heard, but when we had brought our ship into harbour, you would have -blest your self to see how the naked Islanders flocked unto us, so -wondering at our ship, as if it had been the greatest miracle of Nature -in whole World. {{4 }} - -We were very courteously entertained by them, presenting us with such -food as that Countrey afforded, which indeed was not to be despised; -we eat of the Flesh both of Beasts, and Fowls, which they had cleanly -drest, though with no great curiosity, as wanting materials, wherewithal -to do it; and for bread we had the inside or Kernel of a great Nut as -big as an Apple, which was very wholsome, and found for the body, and -tasted to the Pallat very delicious. - -Having refreshed our selves, they invited us to the Pallace [58]of their -Prince or chief Ruler, some two miles distant off from the place where -we landed; which we found to be about the bigness of one of our ordinary -village houses, it was supported with rough unhewn pieces of Timber, -and covered very artificially with boughs, so that it would keep out the -greatest showers of Rain, the sides thereof were adorned with several -forts of Flowers, which the fragrant fields there do yield in great -variety. The Prince himself (whose name was William Pine the Grandchild -of George Pine that was first on shore in this Island) came to his -Pallace door and saluted us very courteously, for though he had nothing -of Majesty in him, yet had he a courteous noble and deboneyre spirit, -wherewith your English Nation (especially those of the Gentry) are very -much indued. - -Scarce had he done saluting us when his Lady or Wife, came likewise -forth of their House or Pallace, attended on by two Maid-servants, the -was a woman of an exquisite beauty, and had on her head as it were -a Chaplet of Flowers, which being intermixt with several variety of -colours became her admirably. Her privities were hid with some pieces -of old Garments, the Relicts of those Cloaths (I suppose) of them which -first came hither, and yet being adorned with Flowers those very rags -seemeth beautiful; and {{5 }} indeed modesty so far prevaileth over all -the Female Sex of that Island, that with grass and flowers interwoven -and made strong by the peelings of young Elms (which grow there in great -plenty) they do plant together so many of them as serve to cover those -parts which nature would have hidden. - -We carried him as a present some few Knives, of which we [59]thought -they had great need, an Ax or Hatchet to fell Wood, which was very -acceptable unto him, the Old one which was cast on shore at the first, -and the only one that they ever had, being now so quite blunt and -dulled, that it would not cut at all, some few other things we also gave -him, which he very thankfully accepted, inviting us into his House or -Pallace, and causing us to sit down with him, where we refreshed our -selves again, with some more Countrey viands which were no other then -such we tasted of before; Prince and peasant here faring alike, nor is -there any difference betwixt their drink, being only fresh sweet water, -which the rivers yield them in great abundance. - -After some little pause, our Companion (who could speak English) by our -request desired to know of him something concerning their Original and -how that people speaking the Language of such a remote Countrey, should -come to inhabit there, having not, as we could see, any ships or Boats -amongst them the means to bring them thither, and which was more, -altogether ignorant and meer strangers to ships, or shipping, the main -thing conducible to that means, to which request of ours, the courteous -Prince thus replyed. - -Friends (for so your actions declare you to be, and shall by ours -find no less) know that we are inhabitants of this Island of no great -standing, my Grandfather being the first that ever set foot on this -shore, whose native Countrey was {{6 }} a place called England, far -distant from this our Land, as he let us to understand; He came from -that place upon the Waters, in a thing called a Ship, of which no -question but you may have heard; several other persons were in his -company, not intending to have come [60]hither (as he said) but to a -place called India, when tempestuous weather brought him and his company -upon this Coast, where falling among the Rocks his ship split all in -pieces; the whole company perishing in the Waters, saving only him and -four women, which by means of a broken piece of that Ship, by Divine -assistance got on Land. - -What after passed (said he) during my Grandfathers life, I shall show -you in a Relation thereof written by his own hand, which he delivered -to my Father being his eldest Son, charging him to have a special care -thereof, and ashuring him that time would bring some people or other -thither to whom he would have him to impart it, that the truth of our -first planting here might not be quite lost, which his commands my -Father dutifully obeyed; but no one coming, he at his death delivered -the same with the like charge to me, and you being the first people, -which (besides our selves) ever set footing in this Island, I shall -therefore in obedience to my Grandfathers and Fathers commands, -willingly impart the same unto you. - -Then stepping into a kind of inner room, which as we conceived was his -lodging Chamber, he brought forth two sheets of paper fairly written -in Englishy (being the same Relation which you had Printed with you -at London) and very distinctly read the same over unto us, which we -hearkened unto with great delight and admiration, freely proffering us -a Copy of the same, which we afterward took and brought away along with -us; which Copy hereafter followeth.{1} - - 1 Here begins the first part of the tract. - -[61]A Way to the East India's being lately discovered by Sea, to the -{{7}} South of Affrich by certain Portugals, far more safe and profitable -then had been heretofore; certain English Merchants encouraged by the -great advantages arising from the Eastern Commodities, to settle a -Factory there for the advantage of Trade. And having to that purpose -obtained the Queens Royal Licence Anno Dom. 1569. 11. or 12. Eliz. -furnisht out for those parts four ships, my Master being sent as Factor -to deal and Negotiate for them, and to settle there, took with him his -whole Family, (that is to say) his Wife, and one Son of about -twelve years of age, and one Daughter of about fourteen years, two -Maidservants, one Negro female slave, and my Self, who went under him -as his Book-keeper, with this company on Monday the third of April next -following, (having all necessaries for Housekeeping when we should -come there), we Embarqued our selves in the good ship called the India -Merchant, of about four hundred and fifty Tuns burthen, and having a -good wind, we on the fourteenth day of May had sight of the Canaries, -and not long after of the Isles of Cafe Vert or Verd, where taking in -such things as were necessary for our Voyage, and some fresh Provisions, -we stearing our course South, and a point East, about the first of -August came within sight of the Island of St Hellen, where we took in -some fresh water, we then set our faces for the Cape of Good Hope, where -by Gods blessing after some sickness, whereof some of our company died, -though none of our family; and hitherto we had met with none but calm -weather, yet so it pleased God, when we were almost in fight of St. -Laurence, an Island so called, one of the greatest in the world, as -[62]Marriners say, we were overtaken and dispersed by a great storm of -Wind, which continued with luch violence {{8 }} many days, that losing -all hope of safety, being out of our own knowledge, and whether we -should fall on Flats or Rocks, uncertain in the nights, not having the -least benefit of the light, we feared most, alwayes wishing for day, and -then for Land, but it came too soon for our good; for about the first -of October, our fears having made us forget how the time passed to a -certainty; we about the break of day discerned Land (but what we knew -not) the Land seemed high and Rockey, and the Sea continued still very -stormy and tempestuous, insomuch as there seemed no hope of safety, but -looked suddenly to perish. As we grew near Land, perceiving no safety in -the ship, which we looked would suddenly be beat in pieces: The Captain, -my Master, and some others got into the long Boat, thinking by that -means to save their lives, and presently after all the Seamen cast -themselves overboard, thinking to save their lives by swimming, onely -myself my Masters Daughters, the two Maids, and the Negro were left on -board, for we could not swim; but those that left us, might as well have -tarried with us, for we saw them, or most of them perish, our selves now -ready after to follow their fortune, but God was pleased to spare our -lives, as it were by miracle, though to further sorrow; for when we came -against the Rocks, our ship having endured two or three blows against -the Rocks, (being now broken and quite foundred in the Waters), we -having with much ado gotten our selves on the Bowspright, which being -broken off, was driven by the Waves into a small Creek, wherein fell -a little River, which being encompassed by the Rocks [63]was sheltered -from the Wind, so that we had opportunity to land our selves, (though -almost drowned) in all four persons, besides the Negro: when we were -got upon the Rock, we could perceive the miserable Wrack to our great -terrour, I had in my {{9 }} pocket a little Tinder-box, and Steel, and -Flint to strike fire at any time upon occasion, which served now to good -Purpose, for its being so close, preserved the Tinder dry, with this, -and the help of some old rotten Wood which we got together, we kindled -a fire and dryed our selves, which done, I left my female company, -and went to see, if I could find any of our Ships company, that were -escaped, but could hear of none, though I hooted, and made all the noise -I could; neither could I perceive the foot-steps of any living Creature -(save a few Birds, and other Fowls). At length it drawing towards the -Evening, I went back to my company, who were very much troubled for want -of me. I being now all their stay in this lost condition, we were at -first afraid that the wild people of the Countrey might find us out, -although we saw no footsteps of any, not so much as a Path; the Woods -round about being full of Briers and Brambles, we also stood in fear of -wild Beasts, of such also we saw none, nor sign of any: But above all, -and that we had greatest reason to fear, was to be starved to death for -want of Food, but God had otherwise provided for us, as you shall know -hereafter; this done, we spent our time in getting some broken pieces -of Boards, and Planks, and some of the Sails and Rigging on shore for -shelter; I set up two or three Poles, and drew two or three of the Cords -and Lines from Tree to Tree, over which throwing some Sail-cloathes, and -having gotten Wood by us, and three [64]or four Sea-gowns, which we had -dryed, we took up our Lodging for that night altogether (the Blackmoor -being left sensible then the rest we made our Centry) we slept soundly -that night, as having not slept in three or four nights before (our -fears of what happened preventing us) neither could our hard lodging, -fear, and danger hinder us we were so over wacht. {{10 }} - -On the morrow, being well refresht with sleep, the winde ceased, and the -weather was very warm; we went down the Rocks on the sands at low water, -where we found great part of our lading, either on shore or floating -near it. I by the help of my company, dragged most of it on shore; what -was too heavy for us broke, and we unbound the Casks and Cherts, and, -taking out the goods, secured all; so that we wanted no clothes, nor any -other provision necessary for Housekeeping, to furnish a better house -than any we were like to have; but no victuals (the last water having -spoiled all) only one Cask of bisket, being lighter than the rest was -dry; this served for bread a while, and we found on Land a sort of fowl -about the bigness of a Swan, very heavie and fat, that by reason of -their weight could not fly, of these we found little difficulty to kill, -so that was our present food; we carried out of England certain Hens and -Cocks to eat by the way, some of these when the ship was broken, by some -means got to land, & bred exceedingly, so that in the future they were -a great help unto us; we found also, by a little River, in the flags, -store of eggs, of a sort of foul much like our Ducks, which were very -good meat, so that we wanted nothing to keep us alive. - -On the morrow, which was the third day, as soon as it was morning, -seeing nothing to disturb us, I lookt out a convenient [65]place to -dwell in, that we might build us a Hut to shelter us from the weather, -and from any other danger of annoyance, from wild beasts (if any should -finde us out: So close by a large spring which rose out of a high hill -over-looking the Sea, on the side of a wood, having a prospect towards -the Sea) by the help of an Ax and some other implements (for we had all -necessaries, the working of the Sea, having cast up most of our goods) -I cut down all the straightest poles I could find, and which were enough -{{11 }} for my purpose, by the help of my company (necessity being -our Master) I digged holes in the earth setting my poles at an equl -distance, and nailing the broken boards of the Caskes, Cherts, and -Cabins, and such like to them, making my door to the Seaward, and having -covered the top, with sail-clothes strain'd and nail'd, I in the space -of a week had made a large Cabbin big enough to hold all our goods and -our selves in it, I also placed our Hamocks for lodging, purposing (if -it pleased God to send any Ship that way) we might be transported home, -but it never came to pass, the place, wherein we were (as I conceived) -being much out of the way. - -We having now lived in this manner full four months, and not so much as -seeing or hearing of any wild people, or of any of our own company, more -then our selves (they being found now by experience to be all drowned) -and the place, as we after found, being a large Island, and disjoyned, -and out of fight of any other Land, was wholly uninhabited by any -people, neither was there any hurtful beast to annoy us: But on the -contrary the countrey so very pleasant, being always clothed with green, -and full of pleasant fruits, and variety of birds, ever warm, and never -[66]colder then in England in September: So that this place (had it the -culture, that skilful people might bestow on it) would prove a Paradise. - -The Woods afforded us a sort of Nuts, as big as a large Apple, whose -kernel being pleasant and dry, we made use of instead of bread, that -fowl before mentioned, and a sort of water-fowl like Ducks, and their -eggs, and a beast about the size of a Goat, and almost such a like -creature, which brought two young ones at a time, and that twice a year, -of which the Low Lands and Woods were very full, being a very harmless -creature and tame, so that we could easily {{12 }} take and kill them: -Fish, also, especially Shell-fish (which we could best come by) we had -great store of, so that in effect as to Food we wanted nothing; and -thus, and by such like helps, we continued six moneths without any -disturbance or want. - -Idleness and Fulness of every thing begot in me a desire of enjoying -the women, beginning now to grow more familiar, I had perswaded the -two Maids to let me lie with them, which I did at first in private, but -after, custome taking away shame (there being none but us) we did -it more openly, as our Lusts gave us liberty; afterwards my Masters -Daughter was content also to do as we did; the truth is, they were all -handsome Women, when they had Cloathes, and well shaped, feeding well. -For we wanted no Food, and living idlely, and seeing us at Liberty to do -our wills, without hope of ever returning home made us thus bold: One of -the first of my Comforts with whom I first accompanined (the tallest -and handsomest) proved presently with child, the second was my Masters -Daughter, and the other also not long [67]after fell into the same -condition: none now remaining but my Negro, who seeing what we did, -longed also for her share; one Night, I being asleep, my Negro, (with -the consent of the others) got close to me, thinking it being dark, to -beguile me, but I awaking and feeling her, and perceiving who it was, -yet willing to try the difference, satissied my self with her, as well -as with one of the rest: that night, although the first time, she proved -also with child, so that in the year of our being here, all my women -were with child by me, and they all coming at different seasons, were a -great help to one another. - -The first brought me a brave Boy, my Masters Daughter was the youngest, -she brought me a Girl, so did the other {{13 }} Maid, who being -something fat sped worse at her labour: the Negro had no pain at all, -brought me a fine white Girl, so I had one Boy and three Girls, the -Women were soon well again, and the two first with child again before -the two last were brought to bed, my custome being not to lie with any -of them after they were with child, till others were so likewise, and -not with the black at all after she was with child, which commonly was -at the first time I lay with her, which was in the night and not else, -my stomach would not serve me, although she was one of the handsomest -Blacks I had seen, and her children as comly as any of the rest; we had -no clothes for them, and therefore when they had suckt, we laid them in -Mosse to sleep, and took no further care of them, for we knew, when they -were gone more would come, the Women never failing once a year at least, -and none of the Children (for all the hardship we put them to) were ever -sick; so that wanting now nothing but Cloathes, nor them much neither, -other [68]than for decency, the warmth of the Countrey and Custome -supplying that Defect, we were now well satissied with our condition, -our Family beginning to grow large, there being nothing to hurt us, we -many times lay abroad on Mossey Banks, under the shelter of some Trees, -or such like (for having nothing else to do) I had made me several -Arbors to sleep in with my Women in the heat of the day, in these I and -my women passed the time away, they being never willing to be out of my -company. - -And having now no thought of ever returning home, as having resolved and -sworn each to other, never to part or leave one another, or the place; -having by my several wives, forty seven Children, Boys and Girls, but -most Girls, and growing up apace, we were all of us very fleshly, the -Country so well agreeing with us, that we never ailed any thing; {{14 }} -my Negro having had twelve, was the first that left bearing, so I never -medled with her more: My Masters Daughter (by whom I had most children, -being the youngest and handsomest) was most fond of me, and I of her. -Thus we lived for sixteen years, till perceiving my eldest Boy to mind -the ordinary work of Nature, by seeing what we did, I gave him a Mate, -and so I did to all the rest, as fast as they grew up, and were capable: -My Wives having left bearing, my children began to breed apace, so we -were like to be a multitude; My first Wife brought me thirteen children, -my second seven, my Masters Daughter fifteen, and the Negro twelve, in -all forty seven. - -After we had lived there twenty two years, my Negro died suddenly, but -I could not perceive any thing that ailed her; most [69]of my children -being grown, as fast as we married them, I sent them and placed them -over the River by themselves severally, because we would not pester one -another; and now they being all grown up, and gone, and married after -our manner (except some two or three of the youngest) for (growing my -self into years) I liked not the wanton annoyance of young company. - -Thus having lived to the fiftieth year of my age, and the fortieth of -my coming thither, at which time I sent for all of them to bring their -children, and there were in number descended from me by these four -Women, of my Children, Grand-children, and great Grand-children, five -hundred sixty five of both sorts, I took off the Males of one Family, -and married them to the Females of another, not letting any to marry -their sisters, as we did formerly out of necessity, so blessing God for -his Providence and goodness, I dismist them, I having taught some of my -children to read formerly, for I had left still the Bible, I charged it -should be read once a moneth at {{15 }} a general meeting: At last one -of my Wives died being sixty eight years of age, which I buried in a -place, set out on purpose, and within a year after another, so I had -none now left but my Masters Daughter, and we lived together twelve -years longer, at length she died also, so I buried her also next the -place where I purposed to be buried my self, and the tall Maid my first -Wife next me on the other side, the Negro next without her, and the -other Maid next my Masters Daughter. I had now nothing to mind, but the -place whether I was to go, being very old, almost eighty years, I gave -my Cabin and Furniture that was left to my eldest son after my decease, -who had married my eldest Daughter by my beloved [70]Wife, whom I made -King and Governour of all the rest: I informed them of the Manners of -Europe, and charged them to remember the Christian Religion, after the -manner of them that spake the same Language, and to admit no other; if -hereafter any should come and find them out. - -And now once for all, I summoned them to come to me, that I might number -them, which I did, and found the estimate to contain in or about the -eightieth year of my age, and the fifty ninth of my coming there; in -all, of all sorts, one thousand seven hundred eighty and nine. Thus -praying God to multiply them, and lend them the true light of the -Gospel, I last of all dismist them: For, being now very old, and my -sight decayed, I could not expect to live long. I gave this Narration -(written with my own hand) to my eldest Son, who now lived with me, -commanding him to keep it, and if any strangers should come hither by -chance, to let them see it, and take a Copy of it if they would, that -our name be not lost from off the earth. I gave this people (descended -from me) the name of the ENGLISH PINES, George Pine being my {{16 }} -name, and my Masters Daughters name Sarah English, my two other Wives -were Mary Sparkes, and Elizabeth Trevor, so their severall Defendants -are called the ENGLISH, the SPARKS, and the TREVORS, and the PHILLS, -from the Christian Name of the Negro, which was Philippa, she having no -surname: And the general name of the whole the ENGLISH PINES; vvhom God -bless vvith the dew of Heaven, and the fat of the Earth, AMEN.{1} - - 1 Here ended the first part. - -[71]After the reading and delivering unto us a Coppy of this Relation, -then proceeded he on in his discourse. - -My Grandfather when he wrote this, was as you hear eighty yeares of age, -there proceeding from his Loyns one thousand seven hundred eighty nine -children, which he had by them four women aforesaid: My Father was his -eldest son, and was named Henry, begotten of his wife Mary Sparkes, whom -he apointed chief Governour and Ruler over the rest; and having given -him a charge not to exercise tyranny over them, seeing they were his -fellow brethren by Fathers side (of which there could be no doubt made -of double dealing therein) exhorting him to use justice and sincerity -amongst them, and not to let Religion die with him, but to observe and -keep those Precepts which he had taught them, he quietly surrendred up -his soul, and was buried with great lamentation of all his children. - -My father coming to rule, and the people growing more populous, made -them to range further in the discovery of the Countrey, which they found -answerable to their desires, full both of Fowls and Beasts, and those -too not hurtful to mankinde, as if this Country (on which we were by -providence cast without arms or other weapons to defend our selves, or -offend others,) should by the same providence be so inhabited as not to -have any need of such like weapons of destruction wherewith to preserve -our lives. {{17 }} - -But as it is impossible, but that in multitudes disorders will grow, the -stronger seeking to oppress the weaker; no tye of Religion being strong -enough to chain up the depraved nature of mankinde, even so amongst them -mischiefs began to rise, and they [72]soon fell from those good -orders prescribed them by my Grandfather. The source from whence those -mischiefs spring, was at first, I conceive, the neglect of hearing the -Bible read, which according to my Grandfathers proscription, was once a -moneth at a general meeting, but now many of them wandring far up into -the Country, they quite neglected the coming to it, with all other means -of Christian instruction, whereby the sence of sin being quite lost in -them, they fell to whoredoms, incests, and adulteries; so that what my -Grandfather was forced to do for necessity, they did for wantonness; nay -not confining themselves within the bound of any modesty, but brother -and sister lay openly together; those who would not yield to their lewd -embraces, were by force ravished, yea many times endangered of their -lives. To redress those enormities, my father assembled all the Company -near unto him, to whom he declared the wickedness of those their -brethren; who all with one consent agreed that they should be severely -punished; and so arming themselves with boughs, stones, and such like -weapons, they marched against them, who having notice of their coming, -and fearing their deserved punishment, some of them fled into woods, -others passed over a great River, which runneth through the heart of -our Countrey, hazarding drowning to escape punishment; But the grandest -offender of them all was taken, whole name was John Phill, the second -son of the Negro-woman that came with my Grandfather into this Island. - -He being proved guilty of divers ravishings & tyrannies committed by -him, {{18 }} was adjudged guilty of death, and accordingly was thrown -down from a high Rock into the Sea, where he perished [73]in the waters. -Execution being done upon him, the rest were pardoned for what was past, -which being notified abroad, they returned from those Defait and Obscure -places, wherein they were hidden. - -Now as Seed being cast into stinking Dung produceth good and wholesome -Corn for the Indentation of mans life, so bad manners produceth good -and wholesome Laws for the preservation of Humane Society. Soon after my -Father with the advice of some few others of his Counsel, ordained and -set forth these Laws to be observed by them. - -1. That whosoever should blaspheme or talk irreverently of the name of -God should be put to death. - -2. That who should be absent from the monethly assembly to hear the -Bible read, without sufficient cause shown to the contrary, should for -the first default be kept without any victuals or drink, for the space -of four days, and if he offend therein again, then to suffer death. - -3. That who should force or ravish any Maid or Woman should be burnt to -death, the party so ravished putting fire to the wood that should burn -him. - -4. Whosoever shall commit adultery, for the first crime the Male shall -lose his Privities, and the Woman have her right eye bored out, if after -that she was again taken in the act, she should die without mercy. - -5. That who so injured his Neighbour, by laming of his {{19 }} Limbs, or -taking any thing away which he possesseth, shall suffer in the same kind -himself by loss of Limb; and for defrauding [74]his Neighbour, to become -servant to him, whilst he had made him double satisfaction. - -6. That, who should defame or speak evil of the Governour, or refuse to -come before him upon Summons, should receive a punishment by whipping -with Rods, and afterwards be exploded from the society of the rest of -the inhabitants. - -Having set forth these Laws, he chose four several persons under him -to see them put in Execution, whereof one was of the Englishes, the -Off-spring of Sarah English; another of his own Tribe, the Sparks; a -third of the Trevors, and the fourth of the Phills, appointing them -every year at a certain time to appear before him, and give an account -of what they had done in the prosecution of those Laws. - -The Countrey being thus settled, my father lived quiet and peaceable -till he attained to the age of ninety and four years, when dying, I -succeeded in his place, in which I have continued peaceably and quietly -till this very present time. - -He having ended his Speech, we gave him very heartily thanks for our -information, assuring him we should not be wanting to him in any thing -which lay in our powers, wherewith we could pleasure him in what he -should desire, and thereupon preferred to depart, but before our going -away, he would needs engage us to see him, the next day, when was to be -their great assembly or monethly meeting for the celebration of their -Religious Exercises. - -Accordingly the next day we came thither again, and were courteously -entertained as before, In a short space there was gathered such a -multitude of people together as made us to {{20 }} admire; [75]and first -there were several Weddings celebrated, the manner whereof was thus. The -Bridegroom and Bride appeared before him who was their Priest or Reader -of the Bible, together with the Parents of each party, or if any of -their Parents were dead, then the next relation unto them, without whose -consent as well as the parties to be married, the Priest will not joyn -them together; but being satissied in those particulars, after some -short Oraizons, and joyning of hands together, he pronounces them to -be man and wife: and with exhortations to them to live lovingly towards -each other, and quietly towards their neighbors, he concludes with some -prayers, and so dismisses them. - -The Weddings being finished, all the people took their places to hear -the Word read, the new married persons having the honour to be next unto -the Priest that day, after he had read three or four Chapters he fell -to expounding the most difficult places therein, the people being very -attentive all that while, this exercise continued for two or three -hours, which being done, with some few prayers he concluded, but all the -rest of that day was by the people kept very strictly, abstaining from -all manner of playing or pastimes, with which on other dayes they use to -pass their time away, as having need of nothing but victuals, and that -they have in such plenty as almost provided to their hands. - -Their exercises of Religion being over, we returned again to our Ship, -and the next day, taking with us two or three Fowling-pieces leaving -half our Company to guard the Ship, the rest of us resolved to go up -higher into the Country for a further discovery: All the way as we -passed the first morning, we saw abundance of little Cabbins or Huts of -these inhabitants, made under [76]Trees, and fashioned up with boughs, -grass, {{21 }} and such like stuffe to defend them from the Sun and -Rain; and as we went along, they came out of them much wondering at our -Attire, and standing aloof off from us as if they were afraid, but our -companion that spake English, calling to them in their own Tongue, and -giving them good words, they drew nigher, some of them freely proffering -to go along with us, which we willingly accepted; but having passed -some few miles, one of our company espying a Beast like unto a Goat come -gazing on him, he discharged his Peece, sending a brace of Bullets into -his belly, which brought him dead upon the ground; these poor naked -unarmed people hearing the noise of the Peece, and seeing the Beast lie -tumbling in his gore, without speaking any words betook them to their -heels, running back again as fast as they could drive, nor could the -perswasions of our Company, assuring them they should have no hurt, -prevail anything at all with them, so that we were forced to pass along -without their company: all the way that we went we heard the delightful -harmony of singing Birds, the ground very fertile in Trees, Grass, and -such flowers, as grow by the production of Nature, without the help of -Art; many and several sorts of Beads we saw, who were not so much wild -as in other Countries; whether it were as having enough to satiate -themselves without ravening upon others, or that they never before saw -the sight of man, nor heard the report of murdering Guns, I leave it to -others to determine. Some Trees bearing wild Fruits we also saw, and -of those some whereof we tailed, which were neither unwholsome nor -distasteful to the Pallate, and no question had but Nature here the -benefit of Art added unto [77]it, it would equal, if not exceed many -of our European Countries; the Vallyes were every where intermixt with -running streams, and no question but the earth {{22 }} hath in it rich -veins of Minerals, enough to satisfie the desires of the most covetous. - -It was very strange to us, to see that in such a fertile Countrey which -was as yet never inhabited, there should be notwithstanding such a free -and clear passage to us, without the hinderance of Bushes, Thorns, and -such like fluff, wherewith most Islands of the like nature are pestered: -the length of the Grass (which yet was very much intermixt with flowers) -being the only impediment that we found. - -Six dayes together did we thus travel, setting several marks in our way -as we went for our better return, not knowing whether we should have the -benefit of the Stars for our guidance in our going back, which we made -use of in our passage: at last we came to the vast Ocean on the other -side of the Island, and by our coasting it, conceive it to be of an -oval form, only here and there shooting forth with some Promontories. -I conceive it hath but few good Harbours belonging to it, the Rocks in -most places making it inaccessible. The length of it may be about two -hundred, and the breadth one hundred miles, the whole in circumference -about five hundred miles. - -It lyeth about seventy six degrees of Longitude, and twenty of Latitude, -being scituate under the third Climate, the longest day being about -thirteen hours and fourty five minutes. The weather, as in all Southern -Countries, is far more hot than with us in Europe; but what is by the -Sun parched in the day, the night again refreshes with cool pearly dews. -The Air is found to [78]be very healthful by the long lives {{23 }} of -the present inhabitants, few dying there till such time as they come to -good years of maturity, many of them arriving to the extremity of old -age. - -And now speaking concerning the length of their Lives, I think it will -not be amisse in this place to speak something of their Burials, which -they used to do thus. - -When the party was dead, they stuck his Carkass all over with flowers, -and after carried him to the place appointed for Burial, where setting -him down, (the Priest having given some godly Exhortations concerning -the frailty of life) then do they take stones (a heap being provided -there for that purpose) and the nearest of the kin begins to lay the -first stone upon him, afterwards the rest follows, they never leaving -till they have covered the body deep in stones, so that no Beast can -possibly come to him, and this first were they forced to make, having no -Spades or Shovels wherewith to dig them Graves; which want of theirs we -espying, bestowed a Pick-ax and two Shovels upon them. - -Here might I add their way of Christening Children, but that being -little different from yours in ENGLAND, and taught them by GEORGE PINES -at first which they have since continued, I shall therefore forbear to -speak thereof. - -After our return back from the discovery of the Countrey, the Wind not -being fit for our purpose, and our men also willing thereto, we got -all our cutting Instruments on Land, and {{24 }} fell to hewing down of -Trees, with which, in a little time,(many hands making light work) we -built up a Pallace for this William Pines the Lord of that Countrey; -which, though much inferiour to the houses of your Gentry in England. -Yet to them which [79]never had seen better, it appeared a very Lordly -Place. This deed of ours was beyond expression acceptable unto him, -load-ing us with thanks for so great a benefit, of which he said he -should never be able to make a requital. - -And now acquainting him, that upon the first opportunity we were -resolved to leave the Island, as also how that we were near Neighbours -to the Countrey of England, from whence his Ancestors came; he seemed -upon the news to be much discontented that we would leave him, desiring, -if it might stand with our commodity to continue still with him, but -seeing he could not prevail, he invited us to dine with him the next -day, which we promised to do, against which time he provided, very -sumptuously (according to his estate) for us, and now was he attended -after a more Royal manner than ever we saw him before, both for number -of Servants, and multiplicity of Meat, on which we fed very heartily; -but he having no other Beverage for us to drink, then water, we fetched -from our Ship a Case of Brandy, presenting some of it to him to drink, -but when he had tasted of it, he would by no means be perswaded to touch -thereof again, preferring (as he said) his own Countrey Water before all -such Liquors whatsoever. - -After we had Dined, we were invited out into the Fields to behold their -Country Dauncing, which they did with great agility of body; and though -they had no other then only {{25 }} Vocal Musick (several of them -singing all that while) yet did they trip it very neatly, giving -sufficient satisfaction to all that beheld them. - -The next day we invited the Prince William Pines aboard our [80]Ship, -where was nothing wanting in what we could to entertain him, he had -about a dozen of Servants to attend on him he much admired at the -Tacklings of our Ship, but when we came to discharge a piece or two -of Ordnance, it struck him into a wonder and amazement to behold the -strange effects of Powder; he was very sparing in his Diet, neither -could he, or any of his followers be induced to drink any thing but -Water: We there presented him with several things, as much as we could -spare, which we thought would any wayes conduce to their benefit, all -which he very gratefully received, assuring us of his real love and good -will, whensoever we should come thither again. - -And now we intended the next day to take our leaves, the Wind standing -fair, blowing with a gentle Gale South and by East, but as we were -hoisting of our Sails, and weighing Anchor, we were suddenly Allarm'd -with a noise from the shore, the Prince, W. Pines imploring our -assistance in an Insurection which had happened amongst them, of which -this was the cause. - -Henry Phil, the chief Ruler of the Tribe or Family of the Phils, being -the Offspring of George Pines which he had by the Negro-woman; this -man had ravished the Wife of one of the principal of the Family of the -Trevors, which act being made known, the Trevors assembled themselves -all together to bring the offender unto Justice: But he knowing his -crime to be so great, as extended to the loss of life: fought to defend -that {{26 }} by force, which he had as unlawfully committed, whereupon -the whole Island was in a great hurly burly, they being too great Potent -Factions, the bandying of which against each other, threatned a general -ruin to the whole State. - -[81]The Governour William Pines had interposed in the matter, but found -his Authority too weak to repress such Disorders; for where the Hedge -of Government is once broken down, the most vile bear the greatest rule, -whereupon he desired our assistance, to which we readily condescended, -and arming out twelve of us went on Shore, rather as to a surprize -than fight, for what could nakedness do to encounter with Arms. Being -conducted by him to the force of our Enemy, we first entered into -parley, seeking to gain them rather by fair means then force, but that -not prevailing, we were necesitated to use violence, for this Henry -Phill being of an undaunted resolution, and having armed his fellows -with Clubs and Stones, they sent such a Peal amongst us, as made us at -the first to give back, which encouraged them to follow us on with great -violence, but we discharging off three or four Guns, when they saw some -of themselves wounded, and heard the terrible reports which they gave, -they ran away with greater speed then they came. The Band of the Trevors -who were joyned with us, hotly pursued them, and having taken their -Captain, returned with great triumph to their Governour, who fitting in -Judgment upon him, he was adjudged to death, and thrown off a steep Rock -into the Sea, the only way they have of punishing any by death, except -burning. - -And now at last we took our solemn leaves of the Governour, and departed -from thence, having been there in all, the space of three weeks and two -dayes, we took with us good store of the flesh of a Beast which they -call there Reval, being {{27 }} in taste different either from Beef -or Swines-flesh, yet very delightful to the Pallate, and exceeding -nutrimental. We took also with us alive, [82]divers Fowls which they -call Marde, about the bigness of a Pullet, and not different in taste, -they are very swift of flight, and yet so fearless of danger, that they -will stand still till such time as you catch them: We had also sent us -in by the Governour about two bushels of eggs, which as I conjecture -were the Mards eggs, very lusious in taste, and strenthening to the -body. - -June 8. We had a sight of Cambaia, a part of the East Indies, but; under -the Government of the great Cham of Tartary here our Vessel springing a -leak, we were forced to put to Chore, receiving much dammage in some -of our Commodities; we were forced to ply the Pump for eighteen hours -together, which, had that miscarried, we had inevitably have perished; -here we stai'd five dayes mending our Ship, and drying some of our -Goodss and then hoisting Sail, in four days time more we came to -Calecute. - -This Calecute is the chief Mart Town and Staple of all the Indian -Traffique, it is very populous, and frequented by Merchants of all -Nations. Here we unladed a great part of our Goods, and taking in -others, which caused us to stay there a full Moneth, during which space, -at leisure times I went abroad to take a survey of the City, which I -found to be large and populous, lying for three miles together upon -the Sea-shore. Here is a great many of those persons whom thy call -Brackmans, being their Priests or Teachers whom they much reverence. It -is a custome here for the King to give to some of those Brachmain, the -handelling of his Nuptial Bed; for which cause, not the Kings, but the -Kings sisters sons succeed in the Kingdom, as being more certainly known -to be of the true Royal blood: And these sisters of his choose what -Gentleman they {{28 }} please [83]on whom to bestow their Virginities; -and if they prove not in a certain time to be with child, they betake -themselves to these Brachman Stalions, who never fail of doing their -work. - -The people are indifferently civil and ingenious, both men and women -imitate a Majesty in their Train and Apparel, which they sweeten, with -Oyles and Perfumes: adorning themselves with Jewels and other Ornaments -befitting each Rank and Quality of them. - -They have many odd Customs amongst them which they observe very -strictly; as first, not knowing their Wives after they have born them -two children: Secondly, not accompanying them, if after five years -cohabition they can raise no issue by them, but taking others in their -rooms: Thirdly, never being rewarded for any Military exploit, unless -they bring with them an enemies Head in their Hand, but that which is -strangest, and indeed most barbarous, is that when any of their friends -falls sick, they will rather chuse to kill him, then that he should be -withered by sickness. - -Thus you see there is little employment there for Doctors, when to be -sick, is the next wan for to be slain, or perhaps the people may be of -the mind rather to kill themselves, then to let the Doctors do it. - -Having dispatched our business, and sraighted again our Ship, we left -Calecute, and put forth to Sea, and coasted along several of the Islands -belonging to India, at Camboia I met with our old friend Mr. David -Prire, who was overjoyed to see me, to whom I related our Discovery of -the Island of Pines, in the same manner as I have related it to you; he -was then but newly recovered [84]of a Feaver, the Air of that place not -being agreeable to him; here we took in good store of Aloes, and some -other Commodities, and victualled our Ship for our return home. {{29 }} - -After four dayes failing we met with two Portugal Ships which came from -Lisbon, one whereof had in a storm lost its Top-mast, and was forced -in part to be towed by the other. We had no bad weather in eleven -dayes space, but then a sudden storm of Wind did us much harm in our -Tacklings, and swept away one of our Sailors off from the Fore Castle. -November the sixth had like to have been a fatal day unto us, our Ship -striking twice upon a Rock, and at night was in danger of being fired by -the negligence of a Boy, leaving a Candle carelesly in the Gun-room; the -next day we were chafed by a Pyrate Argiere, but by the swiftness of our -Sails we out ran him. December the first we came again to Madagascar, -where we put in for a fresh recruit of Victuals and Water. - -During our abode here, there hapned a very great Earthquake, which -tumbled down many Houses; The people of themselves are very Unhospitable -and Treacherous, hardly to to be drawn to Traffique with any people; -and now, this calamitie happening upon them, so enraged them against the -Christians, imputing all luch calamities to the cause of them, that -they fell upon some Portugais and wounded them, and we seeing their -mischievous Actions, with all the speed we could put forth to Sea again, -and sailed to the Island of St. Hellens. - -Here we stayed all the Chrismas Holy-dayes, which was vere much -celebrated by the Governour there under the King of Spain. Here we -furnished ourselves with all necessaries which [85]we wanted; but upon -our departure, our old acquaintance Mr. Petrus Ramazina, coming in a -Skiff out of the Isle del Principe, or the Princes Island, retarded our -going for the space of two dayes, for both my self and our Purser had -Emergent business with him, he being concerned in those Affairs of which -I wrote to you in April last: Indeed we cannot but {{30 }} acknowledge -his Courtesies unto us, of which you know he is never sparing. January -the first, we again hoisted Sail, having a fair and prosperous gail of -Wind, we touched at the Canaries, but made no tarriance, desirous now -to see our Native Countrey; but the Winds was very cross unto us for -the space of a week, at last we were savoured with a gentle Gale, which -brought us on merrily; though we were on a sudden stricken again into a -dump; a Sailor from the main Mast discovering five Ships, which put us -all in a great fear, we being Richly Laden, and not very well provided -for Defence; but they bearing up to us, we found them to be Zealanders -and our Friends; after many other passages concerning us, not so much -worthy of Note, we at last safele arrived at home, May 26. 1668. - -Thus Sir, have I given you a brief, but true Relation of our Voyage, -Which I was the more willing to do, to prevent false Copies which might -be spread of this nature: As for the Island of Pines it self, which -caused me to Write this Relation, I suppose it is a thing so strange -as will hardly be credited by some, although perhaps knowing persons, -especially considering our last age being so full of Discoveries, that -this Place should lie Dormant for so long a space of time; Others I -know, such. - -Nullifidians as will believe nothing but what they see, applying that -[86]Proverb unto us, That travelers may lye by authority. But Sir, in -writing to you, I question not but to give Credence, you knowing my -disposition so hateful to divulge Falsities; I shall request you to -impart this my Relation to Mr. W. W. and Mr. P. L. remembring me very -kindly unto them, not forgetting my old acquaintance, Mr. J. P. and -Mr. J. B. no more at present, but only my best respects to you and your -second self I rest, - -Yours in the best of friendship, - -Henry Cornelius Fan Sloetten. - -July 22. 1668.{{31 }} - -[87] - -POST-SCRIPT: - -ONE thing concerning the Isle of Pines, I had almost quite forgot, we -had with us an Irish man named Dermot Conelly who had formerly been -in England, and had learned there to play on the Bag-pipes, which he -carried to Sea with him; yet so un-Englished he was, that he had quite -forgotten your Language, but still retained his Art of Bagpipe-playing, -in which he took extraordinary delight; being one day on Land in the -Isle of Pines, he played on them, but to see the admiration of those -naked people concerning them, would have striken you into admiration; -long time it was before we could perswade them that it was not a living -creature, although they were permitted to touch and feel it, and yet are -the people very intelligible, retaining a great part of the Ingenuity -and Gallantry of the English Nation, though they have not that happy -means to express themselves; in this respect we may account them -fortunate, in that possessing little, they enjoy all things, as being -contented with what they have, wanting those alurements to mischief, -which our European Countries are enriched with. I shall not dilate any -further, no question but time will make this Island known better to the -world; all that I shall ever say of it is, that it is a place enriched -with Natures abundance, deficient in nothing conducible to the -sustentation of mans life, which were it Manured by Agriculture and -Gardening, as other of our European Countries are, no question but it -would equal, if not exceed many which now pass for praiseworthy. - -FINIS. - - - -ADDENDUM - - Bibliography in many Languages - Page 91 - Page 92 - Page 93 - Page 94 - Page 95 - Page 96 - Page 97 - Page 99 - Page 100 - Page 101 - Page 102 - Page 103 - Page 104 - Page 105 - Page 106 - Page 107 - Page 108 - Page 109 - -INDEX - - Page 113 Page 114 Page 115 Page 116 Page 117 - - - - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Isle Of Pines (1668), by Henry Neville - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ISLE OF PINES (1668) *** - -***** This file should be named 21410.txt or 21410.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/2/1/4/1/21410/ - -Produced by David Widger - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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