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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and
+Cibola, by Victor Mindeleff and Cosmos Mindeleff
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola
+ Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the
+ Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1886-1887,
+ Government Printing Office, Washington, 1891, pages 3-228
+
+Author: Victor Mindeleff and Cosmos Mindeleff
+
+Illustrator: Henry Hobart Nichols
+
+Release Date: November 17, 2006 [EBook #19856]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Louise Hope, Carlo Traverso, Håkon Hope and
+the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
+generously made available by the Bibliothèque nationale
+de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr)
+
+
+
+
+
+ [Transcriber's Note:
+
+ This e-text is intended for browsers or text readers that cannot use
+ the "real" (Unicode, UTF-8) version of the text. A few letters have
+ been "unpacked" and shown within brackets:
+ [)E] [)i] [)o] letter with breve or "short" mark
+ [n] small raised n
+ Except footnote and illustration tags, all other brackets are from the
+ original, as are the parenthetical question marks.
+
+ Variant spellings and typographical errors are listed at the end of
+ the text.]
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ A STUDY
+
+ of
+
+ PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE:
+
+ Tusayan And Cibola.
+
+ by
+
+ Victor Mindeleff.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+Introduction 13
+
+CHAPTER I.--Traditionary history of Tusayan 16
+ Explanatory 16
+ Summary of traditions 16
+ List of traditionary gentes 38
+ Supplementary legend 40
+
+CHAPTER II.--Ruins and inhabited villages of Tusayan 42
+ Physical features of the province 42
+ Methods of survey 44
+ Plans and description of ruins 45
+ Walpi ruins 46
+ Old Mashongnavi 47
+ Shitaimuvi 48
+ Awatubi 49
+ Horn House 50
+ Small ruin near Horn House 51
+ Bat House 52
+ Mishiptonga 52
+ Moen-kopi 53
+ Ruins on the Oraibi wash 54
+ Kwaituki 56
+ Tebugkihu, or Fire House 57
+ Chukubi 59
+ Payupki 59
+ Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 61
+ Hano 61
+ Sichumovi 62
+ Walpi 63
+ Mashongnavi 66
+ Shupaulovi 71
+ Shumopavi 73
+ Oraibi 76
+ Moen-kopi 77
+
+CHAPTER III.--Ruins and inhabited villages of Cibola 80
+ Physical features of the province 80
+ Plans and descriptions of ruins 80
+ Hawikuh 80
+ Ketchipauan 81
+ Chalowe 83
+ Hampassawan 84
+ K'iakima 85
+ Matsaki 86
+ Pinawa 86
+ Halona 88
+ Tâaaiyalana ruins 89
+ Kin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde 91
+ Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 94
+ Nutria 94
+ Pescado 95
+ Ojo Caliente 96
+ Zuñi 97
+
+CHAPTER IV.--Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola compared
+ by constructional details 100
+ Introduction 100
+ Housebuilding 100
+ Rites and methods 100
+ Localization of gentes 104
+ Interior arrangement 108
+ Kivas in Tusayan 111
+ General use of kivas by pueblo builders 111
+ Origin of the name 111
+ Antiquity of the kiva 111
+ Excavation of the kiva 112
+ Access 113
+ Masonry 114
+ Orientation 115
+ The ancient form of kiva 116
+ Native explanations of position 117
+ Methods of kiva building and rites 118
+ Typical plans 118
+ Work by women 129
+ Consecration 129
+ Various uses of kivas 130
+ Kiva ownership 133
+ Motives for building a kiva 134
+ Significance of structural plan 135
+ Typical measurements 136
+ List of Tusayan Kivas 136
+ Details of Tusayan and Cibola construction 137
+ Walls 137
+ Roofs and floors 148
+ Wall copings and roof drains 151
+ Ladders and steps 156
+ Cooking pits and ovens 162
+ Oven-shaped structures 167
+ Fireplaces and chimneys 167
+ Gateways and covered passages 180
+ Doors 182
+ Windows 194
+ Roof openings 201
+ Furniture 208
+ Corrals and gardens; eagle cages 214
+ "Kisi" construction 217
+ Architectural nomenclature 220
+
+Concluding remarks 223
+
+
+
+
+ILLUSTRATIONS.
+
+ Page.
+ Plate I. Map of the provinces of Tusayan and Cibola 12
+ II. Old Mashongnavi, plan 14
+ III. General view of Awatubi 16
+ IV. Awatubi (Talla-Hogan), plan 18
+ V. Standing walls of Awatubi 20
+ VI. Adobe fragment in Awatubi 22
+ VII. Horn House ruin, plan 24
+ VIII. Bat House 26
+ IX. Mishiptonga (Jeditoh) 28
+ X. A small ruin near Moen-kopi 30
+ XI. Masonry on the outer wall of the Fire-House,
+ detail 32
+ XII. Chukubi, plan 34
+ XIII. Payupki, plan 36
+ XIV. General view of Payupki 38
+ XV. Standing walls of Payupki 40
+ XVI. Plan of Hano 42
+ XVII. View of Hano 44
+ XVIII. Plan of Sichumovi 46
+ XIX. View of Sichumovi 48
+ XX. Plan of Walpi 50
+ XXI. View of Walpi 52
+ XXII. South passageway of Walpi 54
+ XXIII. Houses built over irregular sites, Walpi 56
+ XXIV. Dance rock and kiva, Walpi 58
+ XXV. Foot trail to Walpi 60
+ XXVI. Mashongnavi, plan 62
+ XXVII. Mashongnavi with Shupaulovi in distance 64
+ XXVIII. Back wall of a Mashongnavi house-row 66
+ XXIX. West side of a principal row in Mashongnavi 68
+ XXX. Plan of Shupaulovi 70
+ XXXI. View of Shupaulovi 72
+ XXXII. A covered passageway of Shupaulovi 74
+ XXXIII. The chief kiva of Shupaulovi 76
+ XXXIV. Plan of Shumopavi 78
+ XXXV. View of Shumopavi 80
+ XXXVI. Oraibi, plan In pocket.
+ XXXVII. Key to the Oraibi plan, also showing
+ localization of gentes 82
+ XXXVIII. A court of Oraibi 84
+ XXXIX. Masonry terraces of Oraibi 86
+ XL. Oraibi house row, showing court side 88
+ XLI. Back of Oraibi house row 90
+ XLII. The site of Moen-kopi 92
+ XLIII. Plan of Moen-kopi 94
+ XLIV. Moen-kopi 96
+ XLV. The Mormon mill at Moen-kopi 98
+ XLVI. Hawikuh, plan 100
+ XLVII. Hawikuh, view 102
+ XLVIII. Adobe church at Hawikuh 104
+ XLIX. Ketchipanan, plan 106
+ L. Ketchipauan 108
+ LI. Stone church at Ketchipauan 110
+ LII. K'iakima, plan 112
+ LIII. Site of K'iakima, at base of Tâaaiyalana 114
+ LIV. Recent wall at K'iakima 116
+ LV. Matsaki, plan 118
+ LVI. Standing wall at Pinawa 120
+ LVII. Halona excavations as seen from Zuñi 122
+ LVIII. Fragments of Halona wall 124
+ LIX. The mesa of Tâaaiyalana, from Zuñi 126
+ LX. Tâaaiyalana, plan 128
+ LXI. Standing walls of Tâaaiyalana ruins 130
+ LXII. Remains of a reservoir on Tâaaiyalana 132
+ LXIII. Kin-tiel, plan (also showing excavations) 134
+ LXIV. North wall of Kin-tiel 136
+ LXV. Standing walls of Kin-tiel 138
+ LXVI. Kinna-Zinde 140
+ LXVII. Nutria, plan 142
+ LXVIII. Nutria, view 144
+ LXIX. Pescado, plan 146
+ LXX. Court view of Pescado, showing corrals 148
+ LXXI. Pescado houses 150
+ LXXII. Fragments of ancient masonry in Pescado 152
+ LXXIII. Ojo Caliente, plan In pocket.
+ LXXIV. General view of Ojo Caliente 154
+ LXXV. House at Ojo Caliente 156
+ LXXVI. Zuñi, plan In pocket.
+ LXXVII. Outline plan of Zuñi, showing distribution
+ of oblique openings 158
+ LXXVIII. General inside view of Zuñi, looking west 160
+ LXXIX. Zuñi terraces 162
+ LXXX. Old adobe church of Zuñi 164
+ LXXXI. Eastern rows of Zuñi 166
+ LXXXII. A Zuñi court 168
+ LXXXIII. A Zuñi small house 170
+ LXXXIV. A house-building at Oraibi 172
+ LXXXV. A Tusayan interior 174
+ LXXXVI. A Zuñi interior 176
+ LXXXVII. A kiva hatchway of Tusayan 178
+ LXXXVIII. North kivas of Shumopavi, from the northeast 180
+ LXXXIX. Masonry in the north wing of Kin-tiel 182
+ XC. Adobe garden walls near Zuñi. 184
+ XCI. A group of stone corrals near Oraibi 186
+ XCII. An inclosing wall of upright stones at
+ Ojo Caliente 188
+ XCIII. Upright blocks of sandstone built into an
+ ancient pueblo wall 190
+ XCIV. Ancient wall of upright rocks in southwestern
+ Colorado 192
+ XCV. Ancient floor-beams at Kin-tiel 194
+ XCVI. Adobe walls in Zuñi 196
+ XCVII. Wall coping and oven at Zuñi 198
+ XCVIII. Cross-pieces on Zuñi ladders 200
+ XCIX. Outside steps at Pescado 202
+ C. An excavated room at Kin-tiel 204
+ CI. Masonry chimneys of Zuñi 206
+ CII. Remains of a gateway in Awatubi 208
+ CIII. Ancient gateway, Kin-tiel 210
+ CIV. A covered passageway in Mashongnavi 212
+ CV. Small square openings in Pueblo Bonito 214
+ CVI. Sealed openings in a detached house of Nutria 216
+ CVII. Partial filling-in of a large opening in
+ Oraibi, converting it into a doorway 218
+ CVIII. Large openings reduced to small windows, Oraibi 220
+ CIX. Stone corrals and kiva of Mashongnavi 222
+ CX. Portion of a corral in Pescado 224
+ CXI. Zuñi eagle-cage 226
+
+
+ Page.
+Fig. 1. View of the First Mesa 43
+ 2. Ruins, Old Walpi mound 47
+ 3. Ruin between Bat House and Horn House 51
+ 4. Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan 53
+ 5. Ruin 7 miles north of Oraibi 55
+ 6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaituki) 56
+ 7. Oval fire-house ruin, plan. (Tebugkihu) 58
+ 8. Topography of the site of Walpi 64
+ 9. Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi from Shumopavi 66
+ 10. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 67
+ 11. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 68
+ 12. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 69
+ 13. Topography of the site of Shupaulovi 71
+ 14. Court kiva of Shumopavi 75
+ 15. Hampassawan, plan 84
+ 16. Pinawa, plan 87
+ 17. Nutria, plan; small diagram, old wall 94
+ 18. Pescado, plan, old wall diagram 95
+ 19. A Tusayan wood-rack 103
+ 20. Interior ground plan of a Tusayan room 108
+ 21. North kivas of Shumopavi from the southwest 114
+ 22. Ground plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 122
+ 23. Ceiling-plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 123
+ 24. Interior view of a Tusayan kiva 124
+ 25. Ground-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125
+ 26. Ceiling-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125
+ 27. Ground-plan of the chief-kiva of Mashongnavi 126
+ 28. Interior view of a kiva hatchway in Tusayan 127
+ 29. Mat used in closing the entrance of Tusayan kivas 128
+ 30. Rectangular sipapuh in a Mashongnavi kiva 131
+ 31. Loom-post in kiva floor at Tusayan 132
+ 32. A Zuñi chimney showing pottery fragments embedded in
+ its adobe base 139
+ 33. A Zuñi oven with pottery scales embedded in
+ its surface 139
+ 34. Stone wedges of Zuñi masonry exposed in a
+ rain-washed wall 141
+ 35. An unplastered house wall in Ojo Caliente 142
+ 36. Wall decorations in Mashongnavi, executed in pink
+ on a white ground 146
+ 37. Diagram of Zuñi roof construction 149
+ 38. Showing abutment of smaller roof-beams over
+ round girders 151
+ 39. Single stone roof-drains 153
+ 40. Trough roof-drains of stone 153
+ 41. Wooden roof-drains 154
+ 42. Curved roof-drains of stone in Tusayan 154
+ 43. Tusayan roof-drains; a discarded metate and a gourd 155
+ 44. Zuñi roof-drain, with splash-stones on roof below 156
+ 45. A modern notched ladder in Oraibi 157
+ 46. Tusayan notched ladders from Mashongnavi 157
+ 47. Aboriginal American forms of ladder 158
+ 48. Stone steps at Oraibi with platform at corner 161
+ 49. Stone steps, with platform at chimney, in Oraibi 161
+ 50. Stone steps in Shumopavi 162
+ 51. A series of cooking pits in Mashongnavi 163
+ 52. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163
+ 53. Cross sections of pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163
+ 54. Diagrams showing foundation stones of a Zuñi oven 164
+ 55. Dome-shaped oven on a plinth of masonry 165
+ 56. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166
+ 57. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166
+ 58. Shrines in Mashongnavi 167
+ 59. A poultry house in Sichumovi resembling an oven 167
+ 60. Ground-plan of an excavated room in Kin-tiel 168
+ 61. A corner chimney-hood with two supporting poles,
+ Tusayan 170
+ 62. A curved chimney-hood of Mashongnavi 170
+ 63. A Mashongnavi chimney-hood and walled-up fireplace 171
+ 64. A chimney-hood of Shupaulovi 172
+ 65. A semi-detached square chimney-hood of Zuñi 172
+ 66. Unplastered Zuñi chimney-hoods,
+ illustrating construction 173
+ 67. A fireplace and mantel in Sichumovi 174
+ 68. A second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi 174
+ 69. Piki stone and chimney-hood in Sichumovi 175
+ 70. Piki stone and primitive andiron in Shumopavi 176
+ 71. A terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi 177
+ 72. A terrace cooking-pit and chimney of Walpi 177
+ 73. A ground cooking-pit of Shumopavi covered with
+ a chimney 178
+ 74. Tusayan chimneys 179
+ 75. A barred Zuñi door 183
+ 76. Wooden pivot hinges of a Zuñi door 184
+ 77. Paneled wooden doors in Hano 185
+ 78. Framing of a Zuñi door panel 186
+ 79. Rude transoms over Tusayan openings 188
+ 80. A large Tusayan doorway, with small transom openings 189
+ 81. A doorway and double transom in Walpi 189
+ 82. An ancient doorway in a Canyon de Chelly cliff ruin 190
+ 83. A symmetrical notched doorway in Mashongnavi 190
+ 84. A Tusayan notched doorway 191
+ 85. A large Tusayan doorway with one notched jamb 192
+ 86. An ancient circular doorway, or "stone-close,"
+ in Kin-tiel 193
+ 87. Diagram illustrating symmetrical arrangement of
+ small openings in Pueblo Bonito 195
+ 88. Incised decoration on a rude window-sash in Zuñi 196
+ 89. Sloping selenite window at base of Zuñi wall
+ on upper terrace 197
+ 90. A Zuñi window glazed with selenite 197
+ 91. Small openings in the back wall of a Zuñi
+ house cluster 198
+ 92. Sealed openings in Tusayan 199
+ 93. A Zuñi doorway converted into a window 201
+ 94. Zuñi roof-openings 202
+ 95. A Zuñi roof-opening with raised coping 203
+ 96. Zuñi roof-openings with one raised end 203
+ 97. A Zuñi roof-hole with cover 204
+ 98. Kiva trap-door in Zuñi 205
+ 99. Halved and pinned trap-door frame of a Zuñi kiva 206
+ 100. Typical sections of Zuñi oblique openings 208
+ 101. Arrangement of mealing stones in a Tusayan house 209
+ 102. A Tusayan grain bin 210
+ 103. A Zuñi plume-box 210
+ 104. A Zuñi plume-box 210
+ 105. A Tusayan mealing trough 211
+ 106. An ancient pueblo form of metate 211
+ 107. Zuñi stools 213
+ 108. A Zuñi chair 213
+ 109. Construction of a Zuñi corral 215
+ 110. Gardens of Zuñi 216
+ 111. "Kishoni," or uncovered shade, of Tusayan 218
+ 112. A Tusayan field shelter, from southwest 219
+ 113. A Tusayan field shelter, from northeast 219
+ 114. Diagram showing ideal section of terraces,
+ with Tusayan names 223
+
+
+
+
+ [Illustration: Plate I.
+ General Map of the Pueblo Region of Arizona and New Mexico,
+ Showing Relative Position of the Provinces of Tusayan and Cibola.
+ by Victor Mindeleff.]
+
+
+ * * * * *
+
+
+ A STUDY OF PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE
+ IN TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA.
+
+ By Victor Mindeleff.
+
+
+ * * * * *
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+
+The remains of pueblo architecture are found scattered over thousands
+of square miles of the arid region of the southwestern plateaus. This
+vast area includes the drainage of the Rio Pecos on the east and that
+of the Colorado on the west, and extends from central Utah on the north
+beyond the limits of the United States southward, in which direction its
+boundaries are still undefined.
+
+The descendants of those who at various times built these stone
+villages are few in number and inhabit about thirty pueblos distributed
+irregularly over parts of the region formerly occupied. Of these the
+greater number are scattered along the upper course of the Rio Grande
+and its tributaries in New Mexico; a few of them, comprised within the
+ancient provinces of Cibola and Tusayan, are located within the
+drainage of the Little Colorado. From the time of the earliest Spanish
+expeditions into the country to the present day, a period covering more
+than three centuries, the former province has been often visited by
+whites, but the remoteness of Tusayan and the arid and forbidding
+character of its surroundings have caused its more complete isolation.
+The architecture of this district exhibits a close adherence to
+aboriginal practices, still bears the marked impress of its development
+under the exacting conditions of an arid environment, and is but slowly
+yielding to the influence of foreign ideas.
+
+The present study of the architecture of Tusayan and Cibola embraces all
+of the inhabited pueblos of those provinces, and includes a number of
+the ruins traditionally connected with them. It will be observed by
+reference to the map that the area embraced in these provinces comprises
+but a small portion of the vast region over which pueblo culture once
+extended.
+
+This study is designed to be followed by a similar study of two typical
+groups of ruins, viz, that of Canyon de Chelly, in northeastern Arizona,
+and that of the Chaco Canyon, of New Mexico; but it has been necessary
+for the writer to make occasional reference to these ruins in the
+present paper, both in the discussion of general arrangement and
+characteristic ground plans, embodied in Chapters II and III and in the
+comparison by constructional details treated in Chapter IV, in order
+to define clearly the relations of the various features of pueblo
+architecture. They belong to the same pueblo system illustrated by the
+villages of Tusayan and Cibola, and with the Canyon de Chelly group
+there is even some trace of traditional connection, as is set forth by
+Mr. Stephen in Chapter I. The more detailed studies of these ruins, to
+be published later, together with the material embodied in the present
+paper, will, it is thought, furnish a record of the principal
+characteristics of an important type of primitive architecture, which,
+under the influence of the arid environment of the southwestern
+plateaus, has developed from the rude lodge into the many-storied
+house of rectangular rooms. Indications of some of the steps of this
+development are traceable even in the architecture of the present day.
+
+The pueblo of Zuñi was surveyed by the writer in the autumn of 1881
+with a view to procuring the necessary data for the construction of a
+large-scale model of this pueblo. For this reason the work afforded a
+record of external features only.
+
+The modern pueblos of Tusayan were similarly surveyed in the following
+season (1882-'83), the plans being supplemented by photographs, from
+which many of the illustrations accompanying this paper have been drawn.
+The ruin of Awatubi was also included in the work of this season.
+
+In the autumn of 1885 many of the ruined pueblos of Tusayan were
+surveyed and examined. It was during this season's work that the details
+of the kiva construction, embodied in the last chapter of this paper,
+were studied, together with interior details of the dwellings. It was in
+the latter part of this season that the farming pueblos of Cibola were
+surveyed and photographed.
+
+The Tusayan farming pueblo of Moen-kopi and a number of the ruins in the
+province were surveyed and studied in the early part of the season of
+1887-'88, the latter portion of which season was principally devoted to
+an examination of the Chaco ruins in New Mexico.
+
+In the prosecution of the field work above outlined the author has been
+greatly indebted to the efficient assistance and hearty cooperation of
+Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, by whom nearly all the pueblos illustrated, with
+the exception of Zuñi, have been surveyed and platted.
+
+The plans obtained have involved much careful work with surveying
+instruments, and have all been so platted as faithfully to record the
+minute variations from geometric forms which are so characteristic of
+the pueblo work, but which have usually been ignored in the hastily
+prepared sketch plans that have at times appeared. In consequence of
+the necessary omission of just such information in hastily drawn plans,
+erroneous impressions have been given regarding the degree of skill to
+which the pueblo peoples had attained in the planning and building of
+their villages. In the general distribution of the houses, and in the
+alignment and arrangement of their walls, as indicated in the plans
+shown in Chapters II and III, an absence of high architectural
+attainment is found, which is entirely in keeping with the lack of skill
+apparent in many of the constructional devices shown in Chapter IV.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate II. Old Mashongnavi, plan.]
+
+In preparing this paper for publication Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff has
+rendered much assistance in the revision of manuscript, and in the
+preparation of some of the final drawings of ground plans; on him has
+also fallen the compilation and arrangement of Mr. A. M. Stephen's
+traditionary material from Tusayan, embraced in the first chapter of the
+paper.
+
+This latter material is of special interest in a study of the pueblos as
+indicating some of the conditions under which this architectural type
+was developed, and it appropriately introduces the more purely
+architectural study by the author.
+
+Such traditions must be used as history with the utmost caution,
+and only for events that are very recent. Time relations are often
+hopelessly confused and the narratives are greatly incumbered with
+mythologic details. But while so barren in definite information, these
+traditions are of the greatest value, often through their merely
+incidental allusions, in presenting to our minds a picture of the
+conditions under which the repeated migrations of the pueblo builders
+took place.
+
+The development of architecture among the Pueblo Indians was
+comparatively rapid and is largely attributable to frequent changes,
+migrations, and movements of the people as described in Mr. Stephen's
+account. These changes were due to a variety of causes, such as disease,
+death, the frequent warfare carried on between different tribes and
+branches of the builders, and the hostility of outside tribes; but a
+most potent factor was certainly the inhospitable character of their
+environment. The disappearance of some venerated spring during an
+unusually dry season would be taken as a sign of the disfavor of the
+gods, and, in spite of the massive character of the buildings, would
+lead to the migration of the people to a more favorable spot. The
+traditions of the Zuñis, as well as those of the Tusayan, frequently
+refer to such migrations. At times tribes split up and separate, and
+again phratries or distant groups meet and band together. It is
+remarkable that the substantial character of the architecture should
+persist through such long series of compulsory removals, but while the
+builders were held together by the necessity for defense against their
+wilder neighbors or against each other, this strong defensive motive
+would perpetuate the laborious type of construction. Such conditions
+would contribute to the rapid development of the building art.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF TUSAYAN.
+
+
+EXPLANATORY.
+
+In this chapter[1] is presented a summary of the traditions of the
+Tusayan, a number of which were collected from old men, from Walpi on
+the east to Moen-kopi on the west. A tradition varies much with the
+tribe and the individual; an authoritative statement of the current
+tradition on any point could be made only with a complete knowledge of
+all traditions extant. Such knowledge is not possessed by any one man,
+and the material included in this chapter is presented simply as a
+summary of the traditions secured.
+
+ [Footnote 1: This chapter is compiled by Cosmos Mindeleff from
+ material collected by A. M. Stephen.]
+
+The material was collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen, of Keam's Canyon,
+Arizona, who has enjoyed unusual facilities for the work, having lived
+for a number of years past in Tusayan and possessed the confidence
+of the principal priests--a very necessary condition in work of
+this character. Though far from complete, this summary is a more
+comprehensive presentation of the traditionary history of these people
+than has heretofore been published.
+
+
+SUMMARY OF TRADITIONS.
+
+The creation myths of the Tusayan differ widely, but none of them
+designate the region now occupied as the place of their genesis. These
+people are socially divided into family groups called wi´ngwu, the
+descendants of sisters, and groups of wi´ngwu tracing descent from the
+same female ancestor, and having a common totem called my´umu. Each of
+these totemic groups preserves a creation myth, carrying in its details
+special reference to themselves; but all of them claim a common origin
+in the interior of the earth, although the place of emergence to the
+surface is set in widely separated localities. They all agree in
+maintaining this to be the fourth plane on which mankind has existed. In
+the beginning all men lived together in the lowest depths, in a region
+of darkness and moisture; their bodies were misshaped and horrible, and
+they suffered great misery, moaning and bewailing continually. Through
+the intervention of Myúingwa (a vague conception known as the god of the
+interior) and of Baholikonga (a crested serpent of enormous size, the
+genius of water), the "old men" obtained a seed from which sprang a
+magic growth of cane. It penetrated through a crevice in the roof
+overhead and mankind climbed to a higher plane. A dim light appeared in
+this stage and vegetation was produced. Another magic growth of cane
+afforded the means of rising to a still higher plane on which the light
+was brighter; vegetation was reproduced and the animal kingdom was
+created. The final ascent to this present, or fourth plane, was effected
+by similar magic growths and was led by mythic twins, according to some
+of the myths, by climbing a great pine tree, in others by climbing the
+cane, _Phragmites communis_, the alternate leaves of which afforded
+steps as of a ladder, and in still others it is said to have been a
+rush, through the interior of which the people passed up to the surface.
+The twins sang as they pulled the people out, and when their song was
+ended no more were allowed to come; and hence, many more were left below
+than were permitted to come above; but the outlet through which mankind
+came has never been closed, and Myu´ingwa sends through it the germs of
+all living things. It is still symbolized by the peculiar construction
+of the hatchway of the kiva and in the designs on the sand altars in
+these underground chambers, by the unconnected circle painted on pottery
+and by devices on basketry and other textile fabrics.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate III. General view of Awatubi.]
+
+All the people that were permitted to come to the surface were collected
+and the different families of men were arranged together. This was done
+under the direction of twins, who are called Pekónghoya, the younger one
+being distinguished by the term Balíngahoya, the Echo. They were
+assisted by their grandmother, Kóhkyang wúhti, the Spider woman, and
+these appear in varying guises in many of the myths and legends. They
+instructed the people in divers modes of life to dwell on mountain or on
+plain, to build lodges, or huts, or windbreaks. They distributed
+appropriate gifts among them and assigned each a pathway, and so the
+various families of mankind were dispersed over the earth's surface.
+
+The Hopituh,[2] after being taught to build stone houses, were also
+divided, and the different divisions took separate paths. The legends
+indicate a long period of extensive migrations in separate communities;
+the groups came to Tusayan at different times and from different
+directions, but the people of all the villages concur in designating the
+Snake people as the first occupants of the region. The eldest member of
+that nyumu tells a curious legend of their migration from which the
+following is quoted:
+
+ At the general dispersal my people lived in snake skins, each family
+ occupying a separate snake skin bag, and all were hung on the end of
+ a rainbow, which swung around until the end touched Navajo Mountain,
+ where the bags dropped from it; and wherever a bag dropped, there
+ was their house. After they arranged their bags they came out from
+ them as men and women, and they then, built a stone house which had
+ five sides. [The story here relates the adventures of a mythic Snake
+ Youth, who brought back a strange woman who gave birth to
+ rattlesnakes; these bit the people and compelled them to migrate.] A
+ brilliant star arose in the southeast, which would shine for a while
+ and then disappear. The old men said, "Beneath that star there must
+ be people," so they determined to travel toward it. They cut a staff
+ and set it in the ground and watched till the star reached its top,
+ then they started and traveled as long as the star shone; when it
+ disappeared they halted. But the star did not shine every night, for
+ sometimes many years elapsed before it appeared again. When this
+ occurred, our people built houses during their halt; they built both
+ round and square houses, and all the ruins between here and Navajo
+ Mountain mark the places where our people lived. They waited till
+ the star came to the top of the staff again, then they moved on, but
+ many people were left in those houses and they followed afterward at
+ various times. When our people reached Wipho (a spring a few miles
+ north from Walpi) the star disappeared and has never been seen
+ since. They built a house there and after a time Másauwu (the god of
+ the face of the earth) came and compelled them to move farther down
+ the valley, to a point about half way between the East and Middle
+ Mesa, and there they stayed many plantings. One time the old men
+ were assembled and Másauwu came among them, looking like a horrible
+ skeleton, and his bones rattling dreadfully. He menaced them with
+ awful gestures, and lifted off his fleshless head and thrust it into
+ their faces; but he could not frighten them. So he said, "I have
+ lost my wager; all that I have is yours; ask for anything you want
+ and I will give it to you." At that time our people's house was
+ beside the water course, and Másauwu said, "Why are you sitting here
+ in the mud? Go up yonder where it is dry." So they went across to
+ the low, sandy terrace on the west side of the mesa, near the point,
+ and built a house and lived there. Again the old men were assembled
+ and two demons came among them and the old men took the great Baho
+ and the nwelas and chased them away. When they were returning, and
+ were not far north from, their village, they met the Lenbaki
+ (Cane-Flute, a religious society still maintained) of the Horn
+ family. The old men would not allow them to come in until Másauwu
+ appeared and declared them to be good Hopituh. So they built houses
+ adjoining ours and that made a fine, large village. Then other
+ Hopituh came in from time to time, and our people would say, "Build
+ here, or build there," and portioned the land among the new comers.
+
+ [Footnote 2: The term by which the Tusayan Indians proper designate
+ themselves. This term does not include the inhabitants of the
+ village of Tewa or Hano, who are called Hanomuh.]
+
+The site of the first Snake house in the valley, mentioned in the
+foregoing legend, is now barely to be discerned, and the people refuse
+to point out the exact spot. It is held as a place of votive offerings
+during the ceremony of the Snake dance, and, as its name, Bátni,
+implies, certain rain-fetiches are deposited there in small jars buried
+in the ground. The site of the village next occupied can be quite easily
+distinguished, and is now called Kwetcap tutwi, ash heap terrace, and
+this was the village to which the name Walpi was first applied--a term
+meaning the place at the notched mesa, in allusion to a broad gap in the
+stratum of sandstone on the summit of the mesa, and by which it can be
+distinguished from a great distance. The ground plan of this early Walpi
+can still be partly traced, indicating the former existence of an
+extensive village of clustering, little-roomed houses, with thick walls
+constructed of small stones.
+
+The advent of the Lenbaki is still commemorated by a biennial ceremony,
+and is celebrated on the year alternating with their other biennial
+ceremony, the Snake dance.
+
+The Horn people, to which the Lenbaki belonged, have a legend of coming
+from a mountain range in the east.
+
+ Its peaks were always snow covered, and the trees were always green.
+ From the hillside the plains were seen, over which roamed the deer,
+ the antelope, and the bison, feeding on never-failing grasses.
+ Twining through these plains were streams of bright water, beautiful
+ to look upon. A place where none but those who were of our people
+ ever gained access.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate IV. Awatubi (Talla-Hogan), plan.]
+
+This description suggests some region of the head-waters of the Rio
+Grande. Like the Snake people, they tell of a protracted migration, not
+of continuous travel, for they remained for many seasons in one place,
+where they would plant and build permanent houses. One of these halting
+places is described as a canyon with high, steep walls, in which was a
+flowing stream; this, it is said, was the Tségi (the Navajo name for
+Canyon de Chelly). Here they built a large house in a cavernous recess,
+high up in the canyon wall. They tell of devoting two years[3] to ladder
+making and cutting and pecking shallow holes up the steep rocky side by
+which to mount to the cavern, and three years more were employed in
+building the house. While this work was in progress part of the men were
+planting gardens, and the women and children were gathering stones. But
+no adequate reason is given for thus toiling to fit this impracticable
+site for occupation; the footprints of Másauwu, which they were
+following, led them there.
+
+ [Footnote 3: The term yasuna, translated here as "year," is of
+ rather indefinite significance; it sometimes means thirteen moons
+ and in other instances much longer periods.]
+
+The legend goes on to tell that after they had lived there for a long
+time a stranger happened to stray in their vicinity, who proved to be a
+Hopituh, and said that he lived in the south. After some stay he left
+and was accompanied by a party of the "Horn," who were to visit the land
+occupied by their kindred Hopituh and return with an account of them;
+but they never came back. After waiting a long time another band was
+sent, who returned and said that the first emissaries had found wives
+and had built houses on the brink of a beautiful canyon, not far from
+the other Hopituh dwellings. After this many of the Horns grew
+dissatisfied with their cavern home, dissensions arose, they left their
+home, and finally they reached Tusayan. They lived at first in one of
+the canyons east of the villages, in the vicinity of Keam's Canyon, and
+some of the numerous ruins on its brink mark the sites of their early
+houses. There seems to be no legend distinctly attaching any particular
+ruin to the Horn people, although there is little doubt that the Snake
+and the Horn were the two first peoples who came to the neighborhood of
+the present villages. The Bear people were the next, but they arrived as
+separate branches, and from opposite directions, although of the same
+Hopituh stock. It has been impossible to obtain directly the legend of
+the Bears from the west. The story of the Bears from the east tells of
+encountering the Fire people, then living about 25 miles east from
+Walpi; but these are now extinct, and nearly all that is known of them
+is told in the Bear legend, the gist of which is as follows:
+
+The Bears originally lived among the mountains of the east, not far
+distant from the Horns. Continual quarrels with neighboring villages
+brought on actual fighting, and the Bears left that region and traveled
+westward. As with all the other people, they halted, built houses, and
+planted, remaining stationary for a long while; this occurred at
+different places along their route.
+
+A portion of these people had wings, and they flew in advance to survey
+the land, and when the main body were traversing an arid region they
+found water for them. Another portion had claws with which they dug
+edible roots, and they could also use them for scratching hand and foot
+holes in the face of a steep cliff. Others had hoofs, and these carried
+the heaviest burdens; and some had balls of magic spider web, which they
+could use on occasion for ropes, and they could also spread the web and
+use it as a mantle, rendering the wearer invisible when he apprehended
+danger.
+
+They too came to the Tségi (Canyon de Chelly), where they found houses
+but no people, and they also built houses there. While living there a
+rupture occurred, a portion of them separating and going far to the
+westward. These seceding bands are probably that branch of the Bears who
+claim their origin in the west. Some time after this, but how long after
+is not known, a plague visited the canyon, and the greater portion of
+the people moved away, but leaving numbers who chose to remain. They
+crossed the Chinli valley and halted for a short time at a place a short
+distance northeast from Great Willow water ("Eighteen Mile Spring").
+They did not remain there long, however, but moved a few miles farther
+west, to a place occupied by the Fire people who lived in a large oval
+house. The ruin of this house still stands, the walls from 5 to 8 feet
+high, and remarkable from the large-sized blocks of stone used in their
+construction; it is still known to the Hopituh as Tebvwúki, the
+Fire-house. Here some fighting occurred, and the Bears moved westward
+again to the head of Antelope (Jeditoh) Canyon, about 4 miles from
+Keam's Canyon and about 15 miles east from Walpi. They built there a
+rambling cluster of small-roomed houses, of which the ground plan has
+now become almost obliterated. This ruin is called by the Hopituh "the
+ruin at the place of wild gourds." They seem to have occupied this
+neighborhood for a considerable period, as mention is made of two or
+three segregations, when groups of families moved a few miles away and
+built similar house clusters on the brink of that canyon.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate V. Standing walls of Awatubi.]
+
+The Fire-people, who, some say, were of the Horn people, must have
+abandoned their dwelling at the Oval House or must have been driven out
+at the time of their conflict with the Bears, and seem to have traveled
+directly to the neighborhood of Walpi. The Snakes allotted them a place
+to build in the valley on the east side of the mesa, and about two miles
+north from the gap. A ridge of rocky knolls and sand dunes lies at the
+foot of the mesa here, and close to the main cliff is a spring. There
+are two prominent knolls about 400 yards apart and the summits of these
+are covered with traces of house walls; also portions of walls can be
+discerned on all the intervening hummocks. The place is known as
+Sikyátki, the yellow-house, from the color of the sandstone of which the
+houses were built. These and other fragmentary bits have walls not over
+a foot thick, built of small stones dressed by rubbing, and all laid in
+mud; the inside of the walls also show a smooth coating of mud plaster.
+The dimensions of the rooms are very small, the largest measuring 9½
+feet long, by 4½ feet wide. It is improbable that any of these
+structures were over two stories high, and many of them were built in
+excavated places around the rocky summits of the knolls. In these
+instances no rear wall was built; the partition walls, radiating at
+irregular angles, abut against the rock itself. Still, the great numbers
+of these houses, small as they were, must have been far more than the
+Fire-people could have required, for the oval house which they abandoned
+measures not more than a hundred feet by fifty. Probably other incoming
+gentes, of whom no story has been preserved, had also the ill fate to
+build there, for the Walpi people afterward slew all its inhabitants.
+
+There is little or no detail in the legends of the Bear people as to
+their life in Antelope Canyon; they can now distinguish only one ruin
+with certainty as having been occupied by their ancestors, while to all
+the other ruins fanciful names have been applied. Nor is there any
+special cause mentioned for abandoning their dwellings there; probably,
+however, a sufficient reason was the cessation of springs in their
+vicinity. Traces of former large springs are seen at all of them, but no
+water flows from them at the present time. Whatever their motive, the
+Bears left Antelope Canyon, and moved over to the village of Walpi,
+on the terrace below the point of the mesa. They were received kindly
+there, and were apparently placed on an equal footing with the Walpi,
+for it seems the Snake, Horn, and Bear have always been on terms of
+friendship. They built houses at that village, and lived there for some
+considerable time; then they moved a short distance and built again
+almost on the very point of the mesa. This change was not caused by any
+disagreement with their neighbors; they simply chose that point as a
+suitable place on which to build all their houses together. The site of
+this Bear house is called Kisákobi, the obliterated house, and the name
+is very appropriate, as there is merely the faintest trace here and
+there to show where a building stood, the stones having been used in the
+construction of the modern Walpi. These two villages were quite close
+together, and the subsequent construction of a few additional groups of
+rooms almost connected them, so that they were always considered and
+spoken of as one.
+
+It was at this period, while Walpi was still on this lower site, that
+the Spaniards came into the country. They met with little or no
+opposition, and their entrance was marked by no great disturbances.
+No special tradition preserves any of the circumstances of this event;
+these first coming Spaniards being only spoken of as the "Kast´ilumuh
+who wore iron garments, and came from the south," and this brief mention
+may be accounted for by the fleeting nature of these early visits.
+
+The zeal of the Spanish priests carried them everywhere throughout their
+newly acquired territory, and some time in the seventeenth century a
+band of missionary monks found their way to Tusayan. They were
+accompanied by a few troops to impress the people with a due regard for
+Spanish authority, but to display the milder side of their mission, they
+also brought herds of sheep and cattle for distribution. At first these
+were herded at various springs within a wide radius around the villages,
+and the names still attaching to these places memorize the introduction
+of sheep and cattle to this region. The Navajo are first definitely
+mentioned in tradition as occupants of this vicinity in connection with
+these flocks and herds, in the distribution of which they gave much
+undesirable assistance by driving off the larger portion to their own
+haunts.
+
+The missionaries selected Awatubi, Walpi, and Shumopavi as the sites for
+their mission buildings, and at once, it is said, began to introduce a
+system of enforced labor. The memory of the mission period is held in
+great detestation, and the onerous toil the priests imposed is still
+adverted to as the principal grievance. Heavy pine timbers, many of
+which are now pointed out in the kiva roofs, of from 15 to 20 feet in
+length and a foot or more in diameter, were cut at the San Francisco
+Mountain, and gangs of men were compelled to carry and drag them to the
+building sites, where they were used as house beams. This necessitated
+prodigious toil, for the distance by trail is a hundred miles, most of
+the way over a rough and difficult country. The Spaniards are said to
+have employed a few ox teams in this labor, but the heaviest share was
+performed by the impressed Hopituh, who were driven in gangs by the
+Spanish soldiers, and any who refused to work were confined in a prison
+house and starved into submission.
+
+The "men with the long robes," as the missionaries were called, are said
+to have lived among these people for a long time, but no trace of their
+individuality survives in tradition.
+
+Possibly the Spanish missionaries may have striven to effect some social
+improvement among these people, and by the adoption of some harsh
+measures incurred the jealous anger of the chiefs. But the system of
+labor they enforced was regarded, perhaps justly, as the introduction of
+serfdom, such as then prevailed in the larger communities in the Rio
+Grande valleys. Perhaps tradition belies them; but there are many
+stories of their evil, sensual lives--assertions that they violated
+women, and held many of the young girls at their mission houses, not as
+pupils, but as concubines.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate VI. Adobe fragment in Awatubi.]
+
+In any case, these hapless monks were engaged in a perilous mission in
+seeking to supplant the primitive faith of the Tusayan, for among the
+native priests they encountered prejudices even as violent as their own.
+With too great zeal they prohibited the sacred dances, the votive
+offerings to the nature-deities, and similar public observances, and
+strove to suppress the secret rites and abolish the religious orders and
+societies. But these were too closely incorporated with the system of
+gentes and other family kinships to admit of their extinction.
+Traditionally, it is said that, following the discontinuance of the
+prescribed ceremonies, the favor of the gods was withdrawn, the clouds
+brought no rain, and the fields yielded no corn. Such a coincidence in
+this arid region is by no means improbable, and according to the
+legends, a succession of dry seasons resulting in famine has been of not
+infrequent occurrence. The superstitious fears of the people were thus
+aroused, and they cherished a mortal hatred of the monks.
+
+In such mood were they in the summer of 1680, when the village Indians
+rose in revolt, drove out the Spaniards, and compelled them to retreat
+to Mexico. There are some dim traditions of that event still existing
+among the Tusayan, and they tell of one of their own race coming from
+the river region by the way of Zuñi to obtain their cooperation in the
+proposed revolt. To this they consented.
+
+Only a few Spaniards being present at that time, the Tusayan found
+courage to vent their enmity in massacre, and every one of the hated
+invaders perished on the appointed day. The traditions of the massacre
+center on the doom of the monks, for they were regarded as the
+embodiment of all that was evil in Spanish rule, and their pursuit,
+as they tried to escape among the sand dunes, and the mode of their
+slaughter, is told with grim precision; they were all overtaken and
+hacked to pieces with stone tomahawks.
+
+It is told that while the monks were still in authority some of the
+Snake women urged a withdrawal from Walpi, and, to incite the men to
+action, carried their mealing-stones and cooking vessels to the summit
+of the mesa, where they desired the men to build new houses, less
+accessible to the domineering priests. The men followed them, and two or
+three small house groups were built near the southwest end of the
+present village, one of them being still occupied by a Snake family, but
+the others have been demolished or remodeled. A little farther north,
+also on the west edge, the small house clusters there were next built by
+the families of two women called Tji-vwó-wati and Si-kya-tcí-wati.
+Shortly after the massacre the lower village was entirely abandoned, and
+the building material carried above to the point which the Snakes had
+chosen, and on which the modern Walpi was constructed. Several beams of
+the old mission houses are now pointed out in the roofs of the kivas.
+
+There was a general apprehension that the Spaniards would send a force
+to punish them, and the Shumopavi also reconstructed their village in a
+stronger position, on a high mesa overlooking its former site. The other
+villages were already in secure positions, and all the smaller
+agricultural settlements were abandoned at this period, and excepting at
+one or two places on the Moen-kopi, the Tusayan have ever since confined
+themselves to the close vicinity of their main villages.
+
+The house masses do not appear to bear any relation to division by
+phratries. It is surprising that even the social division of the
+phratries is preserved. The Hopituh certainly marry within phratries,
+and occasionally with the same gens. There is no doubt, however, that in
+the earlier villages each gens, and where practicable, the whole of the
+phratry, built their houses together. To a certain extent the house of
+the priestess of a gens is still regarded as the home of the gens. She
+has to be consulted concerning proposed marriages, and has much to say
+in other social arrangements.
+
+While the village of the Walpi was still upon the west side of the mesa
+point, some of them moved around and built houses beside a spring close
+to the east side of the mesa. Soon after this a dispute over planting
+ground arose between them and the Sikyátki, whose village was also on
+that side of the mesa and but a short distance above them. From this
+time forward bad blood lay between the Sikyátki and the Walpi, who took
+up the quarrel of their suburb. It also happened about that time, so
+tradition says, more of the Coyote people came from the north, and the
+Pikyás nyu-mu, the young cornstalk, who were the latest of the Water
+people, came in from the south. The Sikyátki, having acquired their
+friendship, induced them to build on two mounds, on the summit of the
+mesa overlooking their village. They had been greatly harrassed by the
+young slingers and archers of Walpi, who would come across to the edge
+of the high cliff and assail them with impunity, but the occupation of
+these two mounds by friends afforded effectual protection to their
+village. These knolls are about 40 yards apart, and about 40 feet above
+the level of the mesa which is something over 400 feet above Sikyátki.
+Their roughly leveled summits measure 20 by 10 feet and are covered with
+traces of house walls; and it is evident that groups of small-roomed
+houses were clustered also around the sloping sides. About a hundred
+yards south from their dwellings the people of the mounds built for
+their own protection a strong wall entirely across the mesa, which at
+that point is contracted to about 200 feet in width, with deep vertical
+cliffs on either side. The base of the wall is still quite distinct, and
+is about 3 feet thick.
+
+But no reconciliation was ever effected between the Walpi and the
+Sikyátki and their allies, and in spite of their defensive wall frequent
+assaults were made upon the latter until they were forced to retreat.
+The greater number of them retired to Oraibi and the remainder to
+Sikyátki, and the feud was still maintained between them and the Walpi.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate VII. Horn House ruin, plan.]
+
+Some of the incidents as well as the disastrous termination of this feud
+are still narrated. A party of the Sikyátki went prowling through Walpi
+one day while the men were afield, and among other outrages, one of them
+shot an arrow through a window and killed a chief's daughter while she
+was grinding corn. The chief's son resolved to avenge the death of his
+sister, and some time after this went to Sikyátki, professedly to take
+part in a religious dance, in which he joined until just before the
+close of the ceremony. Having previously observed where the handsomest
+girl was seated among the spectators on the house terraces, he ran up
+the ladder as if to offer her a prayer emblem, but instead he drew out a
+sharp flint knife from his girdle and cut her throat. He threw the body
+down where all could see it, and ran along the adjoining terraces till
+he cleared the village. A little way up the mesa was a large flat rock,
+upon which he sprang and took off his dancer's mask so that all might
+recognize him; then turning again to the mesa he sped swiftly up the
+trail and escaped.
+
+And so foray and slaughter continued to alternate between them until the
+planting season of some indefinite year came around. All the Sikyátki
+men were to begin the season by planting the fields of their chief on a
+certain day, which was announced from the housetop by the Second Chief
+as he made his customary evening proclamations, and the Walpi, becoming
+aware of this, planned a fatal onslaught. Every man and woman able to
+draw a bow or wield a weapon were got in readiness and at night they
+crossed the mesa and concealed themselves along its edge, overlooking
+the doomed village. When the day came they waited until the men had gone
+to the field and then rushed down upon the houses. The chief, who was
+too old to go afield, was the first one killed, and then followed the
+indiscriminate slaughter of women and children, and the destruction of
+the houses. The wild tumult in the village alarmed the Sikyátki and they
+came rushing back, but too late to defend their homes. Their struggles
+were hopeless, for they had only their planting sticks to use as
+weapons, which availed but little against the Walpi with their bows and
+arrows, spears, slings, and war clubs. Nearly all of the Sikyátki men
+were killed, but some of them escaped to Oraibi and some to Awatubi. A
+number of the girls and younger women were spared, and distributed among
+the different villages, where they became wives of their despoilers.
+
+It is said to have been shortly after the destruction of Sikyátki that
+the first serious inroad of a hostile tribe occurred within this region,
+and all the stories aver that these early hostiles were from the north,
+the Ute being the first who are mentioned, and after them the Apache,
+who made an occasional foray.
+
+While these families of Hopituh stock had been building their straggling
+dwellings along the canyon brinks, and grouping in villages around the
+base of the East Mesa, other migratory bands of Hopituh had begun to
+arrive on the Middle Mesa. As already said, it is admitted that the
+Snake were the first occupants of this region, but beyond that fact the
+traditions are contradictory and confused. It is probable, however, that
+not long after the arrival of the Horn, the Squash people came from the
+south and built a village on the Middle Mesa, the ruin of which is
+called Chukubi. It is on the edge of the cliff on the east side of the
+neck of that mesa, and a short distance south of the direct trail
+leading from Walpi to Oraibi. The Squash people say that they came from
+Palát Kwabi, the Red Land in the far South, and this vague term
+expresses nearly all their knowledge of that traditional land. They say
+they lived for a long time in the valley of the Colorado Chiquito,
+on the south side of that stream and not far from the point where the
+railway crosses it. They still distinguish the ruin of their early
+village there, which was built as usual on the brink of a canyon, and
+call it Etípsíkya, after a shrub that grows there profusely. They
+crossed the river opposite that place, but built no permanent houses
+until they reached the vicinity of Chukubi, near which two smaller
+clusters of ruins, on knolls, mark the sites of dwellings which they
+claim to have been theirs. Three groups (nyumu) traveling together were
+the next to follow them; these were the Bear, the Bear-skin-rope, and
+the Blue Jay. They are said to have been very numerous, and to have come
+from the vicinity of San Francisco Mountain. They did not move up to
+Chukubi, but built a large village on the summit, at the south end of
+the mesa, close to the site of the present Mashongnavi. Soon afterward
+came the Burrowing Owl, and the Coyote, from the vicinity of Navajo
+Mountains in the north, but they were not very numerous. They also built
+upon the Mashongnavi summit.
+
+After this the Squash people found that the water from their springs was
+decreasing, and began moving toward the end of the mesa, where the other
+people were. But as there was then no suitable place left on the summit,
+they built a village on the sandy terrace close below it, on the west
+side; and as the springs at Chukubi ultimately ceased entirely, the rest
+of the Squash people came to the terrace and were again united in one
+village. Straggling bands of several other groups, both wingwu and
+nyumu, are mentioned as coming from various directions. Some built on
+the terrace and some found house room in Mashongnavi. This name is
+derived as follows: On the south side of the terrace on which the Squash
+village was built is a high column of sandstone which is vertically
+split in two, and formerly there was a third pillar in line, which has
+long since fallen. These three columns were called Tútuwalha, the
+guardians, and both the Squash village and the one on the summit were so
+named. On the north side of the terrace, close to the present village,
+is another irregular massy pillar of sandstone called Mashóniniptu,
+meaning "the other which remains erect," having reference to the one on
+the south side, which had fallen. When the Squash withdrew to the summit
+the village was then called Mashóniniptuovi, "at the place of the other
+which remains erect;" now that term is never used, but always its
+syncopated form, Mashongnavi.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate VIII. Bat House.]
+
+The Squash village, on the south end of the Middle Mesa, was attacked by
+a fierce band that came from the north, some say the Ute, others say the
+Apache; but whoever the invaders were, they completely overpowered the
+people, and carried off great stores of food and other plunder. The
+village was then evacuated, the houses dismantled, and the material
+removed to the high summit, where they reconstructed their dwellings
+around the village which thenceforth bore its present name of
+Mashongnavi. Some of the Squash people moved over to Oraibi, and
+portions of the Katchina and Paroquet people came from there to
+Mashongnavi about the same time, and a few of these two groups occupied
+some vacant houses also in Shupaulovi; for this village even at that
+early date had greatly diminished in population, having sustained a
+disastrous loss of men in the canyon affrays east of Walpi.
+
+Shumopavi seems to have been built by portions of the same groups who
+went to the adjacent Mashongnavi, but the traditions of the two villages
+are conflicting. The old traditionists at Shumopavi hold that the first
+to come there were the Paroquet, the Bear, the Bear-skin-rope, and the
+Blue Jay. They came from the west--probably from San Francisco Mountain.
+They claim that ruins on a mesa bluff about 10 miles south from the
+present village are the remains of a village built by these groups
+before reaching Shumopavi, and the Paroquets arrived first, it is said,
+because they were perched on the heads of the Bears, and, when nearing
+the water, they flew in ahead of the others. These groups built a
+village on a broken terrace, on the east side of the cliff, and just
+below the present village. There is a spring close by called after the
+Shunóhu, a tall red grass, which grew abundantly there, and from which
+the town took its name. This spring was formerly very large, but two
+years ago a landslide completely buried it; lately, however, a small
+outflow is again apparent.
+
+The ruins of the early village cover a hillocky area of about 800 by 250
+feet, but it is impossible to trace much of the ground plan with
+accuracy. The corner of an old house still stands, some 6 or 8 feet
+high, extending about 15 feet on one face and about 10 feet on the
+other. The wall is over 3 feet in thickness, but of very clumsy masonry,
+no care having been exercised in dressing the stones, which are of
+varying sizes and laid in mud plaster. Interest attaches to this
+fragment, as it is one of the few tangible evidences left of the Spanish
+priests who engaged in the fatal mission to the Hopituh in the sixteenth
+century. This bit of wall, which now forms part of a sheep-fold, is
+pointed out as the remains of one of the mission buildings.
+
+Other groups followed--the Mole, the Spider, and the "Wíksrun." These
+latter took their name from a curious ornament worn by the men. A piece
+of the leg-bone of a bear, from which the marrow had been extracted and
+a stopper fixed in one end, was attached to the fillet binding the hair,
+and hung down in front of the forehead. This gens and the Mole are now
+extinct.
+
+Shumopavi received no further accession of population, but lost to
+some extent by a portion of the Bear people moving across to Walpi.
+No important event seems to have occurred among them for a long period
+after the destruction of Sikyátki, in which they bore some part, and
+only cursory mention is made of the ingress of "enemies from the north;"
+but their village, apparently, was not assailed.
+
+The Oraibi traditions tend to confirm those of Shumopavi, and tell that
+the first houses there were built by Bears, who came from the latter
+place. The following is from a curious legend of the early settlement:
+
+The Bear people had two chiefs, who were brothers; the elder was called
+Vwen-ti-só-mo, and the younger Ma-tcí-to. They had a desperate quarrel
+at Shumopavi, and their people divided into two factions, according as
+they inclined to one or other of the contestants. After a long period of
+contention Ma-tcí-to and his followers withdrew to the mesa where Oraibi
+now stands, about 8 miles northwest from Shumopavi, and built houses a
+little to the southwest of the limits of the present town. These houses
+were afterwards destroyed by "enemies from the north," and the older
+portion of the existing town, the southwest ends of the house rows, were
+built with stones from the demolished houses. Fragments of these early
+walls are still occasionally unearthed.
+
+After Ma-tcí-to and his people were established there, whenever any of
+the Shumopavi people became dissatisfied with that place they built at
+Oraibi, Ma-tcí-to placed a little stone monument about halfway between
+these two villages to mark the boundary of the land. Vwenti-so´-mo
+objected to this, but it was ultimately accepted with the proviso that
+the village growing the fastest should have the privilege of moving it
+toward the other village. The monument still stands, and is on the
+direct Oraibi trail from Shumopavi, 3 miles from the latter. It is a
+well dressed, rectangular block of sandstone, projecting two feet above
+the ground, and measures 8½ by 7 inches. On the end is carved the rude
+semblance of a human head, or mask, the eyes and mouth being merely
+round shallow holes, with a black line painted around them. The stone is
+pecked on the side, but the head and front are rubbed quite smooth, and
+the block, tapering slightly to the base, suggests the ancient Roman
+Termini.
+
+There are Eagle people living at Oraibi, Mashongnavi, and Walpi, and it
+would seem as if they had journeyed for some time with the later Snake
+people and others from the northwest. Vague traditions attach them to
+several of the ruins north of the Moen-kopi, although most of these are
+regarded as the remains of Snake dwellings.
+
+The legend of the Eagle people introduces them from the west, coming in
+by way of the Moen-kopi water course. They found many people living in
+Tusayan, at Oraibi, the Middle Mesa, and near the East Mesa, but the
+Snake village was yet in the valley. Some of the Eagles remained at
+Oraibi, but the main body moved to a large mound just east of
+Mashongnavi, on the summit of which they built a village and called it
+Shi-tái-mu. Numerous traces of small-roomed houses can be seen on this
+mound and on some of the lower surroundings. The uneven summit is about
+300 by 200 feet, and the village seems to have been built in the form of
+an irregular ellipse, but the ground plan is very obscure.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate IX. Mishiptonga (Jeditoh).]
+
+While the Eagles were living at Shi-tái-mu, they sent "Yellow Foot" to
+the mountain in the east (at the headwaters of the Rio Grande) to obtain
+a dog. After many perilous adventures in caverns guarded by bear,
+mountain lion, and rattlesnake, he got two dogs and returned. They were
+wanted to keep the coyotes out of the corn and the gardens. The dogs
+grew numerous, and would go to Mashongnavi in search of food, and also
+to some of the people of that village, which led to serious quarrels
+between them and the Eagle people. Ultimately the Shi-tái-mu chief
+proclaimed a feast, and told the people to prepare to leave the village
+forever. On the feast day the women arranged the food basins on the
+ground in a long line leading out of the village. The people passed
+along this line, tasting a mouthful here or there, but without stopping,
+and when they reached the last basin they were beyond the limits of the
+village. Without turning around they continued on down into the valley
+until they were halted by the Snake people. An arrangement was effected
+with the latter, and the Eagles built their houses in the Snake village.
+A few of the Eagle families who had become attached to Mashongnavi chose
+to go to that village, where their descendants still reside, and are yet
+held as close relatives by the Eagles of Walpi. The land around the East
+Mesa was then portioned out, the Snakes, Horns, Bears, and Eagles each
+receiving separate lands, and these old allotments are still
+approximately maintained.
+
+According to the Eagle traditions the early occupants of Tusayan came in
+the following succession: Snake, Horn, Bear, Middle Mesa, Oraibi, and
+Eagle, and finally from the south came the Water families. This sequence
+is also recognized in the general tenor of the legends of the other
+groups.
+
+Shupaulovi, a small village quite close to Mashongnavi, would seem to
+have been established just before the coming of the Water people. Nor
+does there seem to have been any very long interval between the arrival
+of the earliest occupants of the Middle Mesa and this latest colony.
+These were the Sun people, and like the Squash folk, claim to have come
+from Palátkwabi, the Red Land, in the south. On their northward
+migration, when they came to the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, they
+found the Water people there, with whom they lived for some time. This
+combined village was built upon Homólobi, a round terraced mound near
+Sunset Crossing, where fragmentary ruins covering a wide area can yet be
+traced.
+
+Incoming people from the east had built the large village of Awatubi,
+high rock, upon a steep mesa about nine miles southeast from Walpi. When
+the Sun people came into Tusayan they halted at that village and a few
+of them remained there permanently, but the others continued west to the
+Middle Mesa. At that time also they say Chukubi, Shitaimu, Mashongnavi,
+and the Squash village on the terrace were all occupied, and they built
+on the terrace close to the Squash village also. The Sun people were
+then very numerous and soon spread their dwellings over the summit where
+the ruin now stands, and many indistinct lines of house walls around
+this dilapidated village attest its former size. Like the neighboring
+village, it takes its name from a rock near by, which is used as a place
+for the deposit of votive offerings, but the etymology of the term can
+not be traced.
+
+Some of the Bear people also took up their abode at Shupaulovi, and
+later a nyumu of the Water family called Batni, moisture, built with
+them; and the diminished families of the existing village are still
+composed entirely of these three nyumu.
+
+The next arrivals seem to have been the Asanyumu, who in early days
+lived in the region of the Chama, in New Mexico, at a village called
+Kaékibi, near the place now known as Abiquiu. When they left that region
+they moved slowly westward to a place called Túwii (Santo Domingo),
+where some of them are said to still reside. The next halt was at
+Kaiwáika (Laguna) where it is said some families still remain, and they
+staid also a short time at A´ikoka (Acoma); but none of them remained at
+that place. From the latter place they went to Sióki (Zuñi), where they
+remained a long time and left a number of their people there, who are
+now called Aiyáhokwi by the Zuñi. They finally reached Tusayan by way of
+Awatubi. They had been preceded from the same part of New Mexico by the
+Honan nyumu (the Badger people), whom they found living at the
+last-named village. The Magpie, the Pute Kóhu (Boomerang-shaped hunting
+stick), and the Field-mouse families of the Asa remained and built
+beside the Badger, but the rest of its groups continued across to the
+Walpi Mesa. They were not at first permitted to come up to Walpi, which
+then occupied its present site, but were allotted a place to build at
+Coyote Water, a small spring on the east side of the mesa, just under
+the gap. They had not lived there very long, however, when for some
+valuable services in defeating at one time a raid of the Ute (who used
+to be called the Tcingawúptuh) and of the Navajo at another, they were
+given for planting grounds all the space on the mesa summit from the gap
+to where Sichumovi now stands, and the same width, extending across the
+valley to the east. On the mesa summit they built the early portion of
+the house mass on the north side of the village, now known as Hano. But
+soon after this came a succession of dry seasons, which caused a great
+scarcity of food almost amounting to a famine, and many moved away to
+distant streams. The Asa people went to Túpkabi (Deep Canyon, the de
+Chelly), about 70 miles northeast from Walpi, where the Navajo received
+them kindly and supplied them with food. The Asa had preserved some
+seeds of the peach, which they planted in the canyon nooks, and numerous
+little orchards still flourish there. They also brought the Navajo new
+varieties of food plants, and their relations grew very cordial. They
+built houses along the base of the canyon walls, and dwelt there for two
+or three generations, during which time many of the Asa women were given
+to the Navajo, and the descendants of these now constitute a numerous
+clan among the Navajo, known as the Kiáini, the High-house people.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate X. A small ruin near Moen-kopi.]
+
+The Navajo and the Asa eventually quarreled and the latter returned to
+Walpi, but this was after the arrival of the Hano, by whom they found
+their old houses occupied. The Asa were taken into the village of Walpi,
+being given a vacant strip on the east edge of the mesa, just where the
+main trail comes up to the village. The Navajo, Ute, and Apache had
+frequently gained entrance to the village by this trail, and to guard it
+the Asa built a house group along the edge of the cliff at that point,
+immediately overlooking the trail, where some of the people still live;
+and the kiva there, now used by the Snake order, belongs to them. There
+was a crevice in the rock, with a smooth bottom extending to the edge of
+the cliff and deep enough for a ki´koli. A wall was built to close the
+outer edge and it was at first intended to build a dwelling house there,
+but it was afterward excavated to its present size and made into a kiva,
+still called the wikwálhobi, the kiva of the Watchers of the High Place.
+The Walpi site becoming crowded, some of the Bear and Lizard people
+moved out and built houses on the site of the present Sichumovi; several
+Asa families followed them, and after them came some of the Badger
+people. The village grew to an extent considerably beyond its present
+size, when it was abandoned on account of a malignant plague. After the
+plague, and within the present generation, the village was rebuilt--the
+old houses being torn down to make the new ones.
+
+After the Asa came the nest group to arrive was the Water family. Their
+chief begins the story of their migration in this way:
+
+ In the long ago the Snake, Horn, and Eagle people lived here (in
+ Tusayan), but their corn grew only a span high, and when they sang
+ for rain the cloud god sent only a thin mist. My people then lived
+ in the distant Pa-lát Kwá-bi in the South. There was a very bad old
+ man there, who, when he met any one, would spit in his face, blow
+ his nose upon him, and rub ordure upon him. He ravished the girls
+ and did all manner of evil. Baholikonga got angry at this and turned
+ the world upside down, and water spouted up through the kivas and
+ through the fireplaces in the houses. The earth was rent in great
+ chasms, and water covered everything except one narrow ridge of mud;
+ and across this the serpent deity told all the people to travel.
+ As they journeyed across, the feet of the bad slipped and they fell
+ into the dark water, but the good, after many days, reached dry
+ land. While the water was rising around the village the old people
+ got on the tops of the houses, for they thought they could not
+ struggle across with the younger people; but Baholikonga clothed
+ them with the skins of turkeys, and they spread their wings out and
+ floated in the air just above the surface of the water, and in this
+ way they got across. There were saved of our people Water, Corn,
+ Lizard, Horned Toad, Sand, two families of Rabbit, and Tobacco. The
+ turkey tail dragged in the water--hence the white on the turkey tail
+ now. Wearing these turkey-skins is the reason why old people have
+ dewlaps under the chin like a turkey; it is also the reason why old
+ people use turkey-feathers at the religious ceremonies.
+
+In the story of the wandering of the Water people, many vague references
+are made to various villages in the South, which they constructed or
+dwelt in, and to rocks where they carved their totems at temporary
+halting places. They dwelt for a long time at Homólobi, where the Sun
+people joined them; and probably not long after the latter left the
+Water people followed on after them. The largest number of this family
+seem to have made their dwellings first at Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi;
+but like the Sun people they soon spread to all the villages.
+
+The narrative of part of this journey is thus given by the chief before
+quoted:
+
+ It occupied 4 years to cross the disrupted country. The kwakwanti (a
+ warrior order) went ahead of the people and carried seed of corn,
+ beans, melons, squashes, and cotton. They would plant corn in the
+ mud at early morning and by noon it was ripe and thus the people
+ were fed. When they reached solid ground they rested, and then they
+ built houses. The kwakwanti were always out exploring--sometimes
+ they were gone as long as four years. Again we would follow them on
+ long journeys, and halt and build houses and plant. While we were
+ traveling if a woman became heavy with child we would build her a
+ house and put plenty of food in it and leave her there, and from
+ these women sprang the Pima, Maricopa, and other Indians in the
+ South.
+
+ Away in the South, before we crossed the mountains (south of the
+ Apache country) we built large houses and lived there a long while.
+ Near these houses is a large rock on which was painted the
+ rain-clouds of the Water phratry, also a man carrying corn in his
+ arms; and the other phratries also painted the Lizard and the Rabbit
+ upon it. While they were living there the kwakwanti made an
+ expedition far to the north and came in conflict with a hostile
+ people. They fought day after day, for days and days--they fought by
+ day only and when night came they separated, each party retiring to
+ its own ground to rest. One night the cranes came and each crane
+ took a kwakwanti on his back and brought them back to their people
+ in the South.
+
+ Again all the people traveled north until they came to the Little
+ Colorado, near San Francisco Mountains, and there they built houses
+ up and down the river. They also made long ditches to carry the
+ water from the river to their gardens. After living there a long
+ while they began to be plagued with swarms of a kind of gnat called
+ the sand-fly, which bit the children, causing them to swell up and
+ die. The place becoming unendurable, they were forced again to
+ resume their travels. Before starting, one of the Rain-women, who
+ was big with child, was made comfortable in one of the houses on the
+ mountain. She told her people to leave her, because she knew this
+ was the place where she was to remain forever. She also told them,
+ that hereafter whenever they should return to the mountain to hunt
+ she would provide them with plenty of game. Under her house is a
+ spring and any sterile woman who drinks of its water will bear
+ children. The people then began a long journey to reach the summit
+ of the table land on the north. They camped for rest on one of the
+ terraces, where there was no water, and they were very tired and
+ thirsty. Here the women celebrated the rain-feast--they danced for
+ three days, and on the fourth day the clouds brought heavy rain and
+ refreshed the people. This event is still commemorated by a circle
+ of stones at that place. They reached a spring southeast from
+ Káibitho (Kumás Spring) and there they built a house and lived for
+ some time. Our people had plenty of rain and cultivated much corn
+ and some of the Walpi people came to visit us. They told ns that
+ their rain only came here and there in fine misty sprays, and a
+ basketful of corn was regarded as a large crop. So they asked us to
+ come to their land and live with them and finally we consented. When
+ we got there we found some Eagle people living near the Second Mesa;
+ our people divided, and part went with the Eagle and have ever since
+ remained there; but we camped near the First Mesa. It was planting
+ time and the Walpi celebrated their rain-feast but they brought only
+ a mere misty drizzle. Then we celebrated our rain-feast and planted.
+ Great rains and thunder and lightning immediately followed and on
+ the first day after planting our corn was half an arm's length high;
+ on the fourth day it was its full height, and in one moon it was
+ ripe. When we were going up to the village (Walpi was then north of
+ the gap, probably), we were met by a Bear man who said that our
+ thunder frightened the women and we must not go near the village.
+ Then the kwakwanti said, "Let us leave these people and seek a land
+ somewhere else," but our women said they were tired of travel and
+ insisted upon our remaining. Then "Fire-picker" came down from the
+ village and told us to come up there and stay, but after we had got
+ into the village the Walpi women screamed out against us--they
+ feared our thunder--and so the Walpi turned us away. Then our
+ people, except those who went to the Second Mesa, traveled to the
+ northeast as far as the Tsegi (Canyon de Chelly), but I can not tell
+ whether our people built the louses there. Then they came hack to
+ this region again and built houses and had much trouble with the
+ Walpi, but we have lived here ever since.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XI. Masonry on the outer wall of the Fire-House,
+ detail.]
+
+Groups of the Water people, as already stated, were distributed among
+all the villages, although the bulk of them remained at the Middle Mesa;
+but it seems that most of the remaining groups subsequently chose to
+build their permanent houses at Oraibi. There is no special tradition of
+this movement; it is only indicated by this circumstance, that in
+addition to the Water families common to every village, there are still
+in Oraibi several families of that people which have no representatives
+in any of the other villages. At a quite early day Oraibi became a place
+of importance, and they tell of being sufficiently populous to establish
+many outlying settlements. They still identify these with ruins on the
+detached mesas in the valley to the south and along the Moen-kopi
+("place of flowing water") and other intermittent streams in the west.
+These sites were occupied for the purpose of utilizing cultivable tracts
+of land in their vicinity, and the remotest settlement, about 45 miles
+west, was especially devoted to the cultivation of cotton, the place
+being still called by the Navajo and other neighboring tribes, the
+"cotton planting ground." It is also said that several of the larger
+ruins along the course of the Moen-kopi were occupied by groups of the
+Snake, the Coyote, and the Eagle who dwelt in that region for a long
+period before they joined the people in Tusayan. The incursions of
+foreign bands from the north may have hastened that movement, and the
+Oraibi say they were compelled to withdraw all their outlying colonies.
+An episode is related of an attack upon the main village when a number
+of young girls were carried off, and 2 or 3 years afterward the same
+marauders returned and treated with the Oraibi, who paid a ransom in
+corn and received all their girls back again. After a quiet interval the
+pillaging bands renewed their attacks and the settlements on the
+Moen-kopi were vacated. They were again occupied after another peace was
+established, and this condition of alternate occupancy and abandonment
+seems to have existed until within quite recent time.
+
+While the Asa were still sojourning in Canyon de Chelly, and before the
+arrival of the Hano, another bloody scene had been enacted in Tusayan.
+Since the time of the Antelope Canyon feuds there had been enmity
+between Awatubi and some of the other villages, especially Walpi, and
+some of the Sikyatki refugees had transmitted their feudal wrongs to
+their descendants who dwelt in Awatubi. They had long been perpetrating
+all manner of offenses; they had intercepted hunting parties from the
+other villages, seized their game, and sometimes killed the hunters;
+they had fallen upon men in outlying corn fields, maltreating and
+sometimes slaying them, and threatened still more serious outrage.
+Awatubi was too strong for Walpi to attack single-handed, so the
+assistance of the other villages was sought, and it was determined to
+destroy Awatubi at the close of a feast soon to occur. This was the
+annual "feast of the kwakwanti," which is still maintained and is held
+during the month of November by each village, when the youths who have
+been qualified by certain ordeals are admitted to the councils. The
+ceremonies last several days, and on the concluding night special rites
+are held in the kivas. At these ceremonies every man must be in the kiva
+to which he belongs, and after the close of the rites they all sleep
+there, no one being permitted to leave the kiva until after sunrise on
+the following day.
+
+There was still some little intercourse between Awatubi and Walpi, and
+it was easily ascertained when this feast was to be held. On the day of
+its close, the Walpi sent word to their allies "to prepare the war arrow
+and come," and in the evening the fighting bands from the other villages
+assembled at Walpi, as the foray was to be led by the chief of that
+village. By the time night had fallen something like 150 marauders had
+met, all armed, of course; and of still more ominous import than their
+weapons were the firebrands they carried--shredded cedar bark loosely
+bound in rolls, resinous splinters of piñon, dry greasewood (a furze
+very easily ignited), and pouches full of pulverized red peppers.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XII. Chukubi, plan.]
+
+Secure in the darkness from observation, the bands followed the Walpi
+chief across the valley, every man with his weapons in hand and a bundle
+of inflammables on his back. Beaching the Awatubi mesa they cautiously
+crept up the steep, winding trail to the summit, and then stole round
+the village to the passages leading to the different courts holding the
+kivas, near which they hid themselves. They waited till just before the
+gray daylight came, then the Walpi chief shouted his war cry and the
+yelling bands rushed to the kivas. Selecting their positions, they were
+at them in a moment, and quickly snatching up the ladders through the
+hatchways, the only means of exit, the doomed occupants were left as
+helpless as rats in a trap. Fire was at hand in the numerous little
+cooking pits, containing the jars of food prepared for the celebrants,
+the inflammable bundles were lit and tossed into the kivas, and the
+piles of firewood on the terraced roofs were thrown down upon the blaze,
+and soon each kiva became a furnace. The red pepper was then cast upon
+the fire to add its choking tortures, while round the hatchways the
+assailants stood showering their arrows into the mass of struggling
+wretches. The fires were maintained until the roofs fell in and buried
+and charred the bones of the victims. It is said that every male of
+Awatubi who had passed infancy perished in the slaughter, not one
+escaping. Such of the women and children as were spared were taken out,
+and all the houses were destroyed, after which the captives were divided
+among the different villages.
+
+The date of this last feudal atrocity can be made out with some degree
+of exactness, because in 1692, Don Diego Vargas with a military force
+visited Tusayan and mentions Awatubi as a populous village at which he
+made some halt. The Hano (Tewa) claim that they have lived in Tusayan
+for five or six generations, and that when they arrived there was no
+Awatubi in existence; hence it must have been destroyed not long after
+the close of the seventeenth century.
+
+Since the destruction of Awatubi only one other serious affray has
+occurred between the villages; that was between Oraibi and Walpi. It
+appears that after the Oraibi withdrew their colonies from the south and
+west they took possession of all the unoccupied planting grounds to the
+east of the village, and kept reaching eastward till they encroached
+upon some land claimed by the Walpi. This gave rise to intermittent
+warfare in the outlying fields, and whenever the contending villagers
+met a broil ensued, until the strife culminated in an attack upon Walpi.
+The Oraibi chose a day when the Walpi men were all in the field on the
+east side of the mesa, but the Walpi say that their women and dogs held
+the Oraibi at bay until the men came to the rescue. A severe battle was
+fought at the foot of the mesa, in which the Oraibi were routed and
+pursued across the Middle Mesa, where an Oraibi chief turned and
+implored the Walpi to desist. A conciliation was effected there, and
+harmonious relations have ever since existed between them. Until within
+a few years ago the spot where they stayed pursuit was marked by a
+stone, on which a shield and a dog were depicted, but it was a source of
+irritation to the Oraibi and it was removed by some of the Walpi.
+
+In the early part of the eighteenth century the Ute from the north, and
+the Apache from the south made most disastrous inroads upon the
+villages, in which Walpi especially suffered. The Navajo, who then lived
+upon their eastern border, also suffered severely from the same bands,
+but the Navajo and the Tusayan were not on the best terms and never made
+any alliance for a common defense against these invaders.
+
+Hano was peopled by a different linguistic stock from that of the other
+villages--a stock which belongs to the Rio Grande group. According to
+Polaka, the son of the principal chief, and himself an enterprising
+trader who has made many journeys to distant localities--and to others,
+the Hano once lived in seven villages on the Rio Grande, and the village
+in which his forefathers lived was called Tceewáge. This, it is said,
+is the same as the present Mexican village of Peña Blanca.
+
+The Hano claim that they came to Tusayan only after repeated
+solicitation by the Walpi, at a time when the latter were much harassed
+by the Ute and Apache. The story, as told by Kwálakwai, who lives in
+Hano, but is not himself a Hano, begins as follows:
+
+ Long ago the Hopi´tuh were few and were continually harassed by the
+ Yútamo (Ute), Yuíttcemo (Apache), and Dacábimo (Navajo). The chiefs
+ of the Tcuin nyumu (Snake people) and the Hánin nyumu (Bear people)
+ met together and made the ba´ho (sacred plume stick) and sent it
+ with a man from each of these people to the house of the Tewa,
+ called Tceewádigi, which was far off on the Múina (river) near
+ Alavia (Santa Fé).
+
+The messengers did not succeed in persuading the Tewa to come and the
+embassy was sent three times more. On the fourth visit the Tewa
+consented to come, as the Walpi had offered to divide their land and
+their waters with them, and set out for Tusayan, led by their own chief,
+the village being left in the care of his son. This first band is said
+to have consisted of 146 women, and it was afterwards followed by
+another and perhaps others.
+
+Before the Hano arrived there had been a cessation of hostile inroads,
+and the Walpi received them churlishly and revoked their promises
+regarding the division of land and waters with them. They were shown
+where they could build houses for themselves on a yellow sand mound on
+the east side of the mesa just below the gap. They built there, but they
+were compelled to go for their food up to Walpi. They could get no
+vessels to carry their food in, and when they held out their hands for
+some the Walpi women mockingly poured out hot porridge and scalded the
+fingers of the Hano.
+
+After a time the Ute came down the valley on the west side of the mesa,
+doing great harm again, and drove off the Walpi flocks andiron Then the
+Hano got ready for war; they tied buckskins around their loins, whitened
+their legs with clay, and stained their body and arms with dark red
+earth (ocher). They overtook the Ute near Wípho (about 3 miles north
+from Hano), but the Ute had driven the flocks up the steep mesa side,
+and when they saw the Tewa coming they killed all the sheep and piled
+the carcasses up for a defense, behind which they lay down. They had a
+few firearms also, while the Hano had only clubs and bows and arrows;
+but after some fighting the Ute were driven out and the Tewa followed
+after them. The first Ute was killed a short distance beyond, and a
+stone heap still (?) marks the spot. Similar heaps marked the places
+where other Ute were killed as they fled before the Hano, but not far
+from the San Juan the last one was killed.
+
+Upon the return of the Hano from this successful expedition they were
+received gratefully and allowed to come up on the mesa to live--the old
+houses built by the Asa, in the present village of Hano, being assigned
+to them. The land was then divided, an imaginary line between Hano and
+Sichumovi, extending eastward entirely across the valley, marked the
+southern boundary, and from this line as far north as the spot where the
+last Utah was killed was assigned to the Hano as their possession.
+
+ When the Hano first came the Walpi said to them, "let us spit in
+ your mouths, and you will learn our tongue," and to this the Hano
+ consented. When the Hano came up and built on the mesa they said to
+ the Walpi, "let us spit in your mouths and you will learn our
+ tongue," but the Walpi would not listen to this, saying it would
+ make them vomit. This is the reason why all the Hano can talk Hopí,
+ and none of the Hopítuh can talk Hano.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XIII. Payupki, plan.]
+
+The Asa and the Hano were close friends while they dwelt in New Mexico,
+and when they came to this region both of them were called Hánomuh by
+the other people of Tusayan. This term signifies the mode in which the
+women of these people wear their hair, cut off in front on a line with
+the mouth and carelessly parted or hanging over the face, the back hair
+rolled up in a compact queue at the nape of the neck. This uncomely
+fashion prevails with both matron, and maid, while among the other
+Tusayan the matron parts her hair evenly down the head and wears it
+hanging in a straight queue on either side, the maidens wearing theirs
+in a curious discoid arrangement over each temple.
+
+Although the Asa and the Hano women have the same peculiar fashion of
+wearing the hair, still there is no affinity of blood claimed between
+them. The Asa speak the same language as the other Tusayan, but the Tewa
+(Hano) have a quite distinct language which belongs to the Tañoan stock.
+They claim that the occupants of the following pueblos, in the same
+region of the Rio Grande, are of their people and speak the same tongue.
+
+ Kótite Cochití (?). Kápung Santa Clara (?)
+ Númi Nambé. Pokwádi Pojoaque.
+ Ohke San Juan. Tetsógi Tesuque.
+ Posówe (Doubtless extinct.) Also half of Taos.
+
+Pleasant relations existed for some time, but the Walpi again grew
+ill-tempered; they encroached upon the Hano planting grounds and stole
+their property. These troubles increased, and the Hano moved away from
+the mesa; they crossed the west valley and built temporary shelters.
+They sent some men to explore the land on the westward to find a
+suitable place for a new dwelling. These scouts went to the Moen-kopi,
+and on returning, the favorable story they told of the land they had
+seen determined the Tewa to go there.
+
+Meanwhile some knowledge of these troubles had reached Tceewádigi, and a
+party of the Tewa came to Tusayan to take their friends back. This led
+the Hopituh to make reparation, which restored the confidence of the
+Hano, and they returned to the mesa, and the recently arrived party were
+also induced to remain. Yet even now, when the Hano (Tewa) go to visit
+their people on the river, the latter beseech them to come back, but the
+old Tewa say, "we shall stay here till our breath leaves us, then surely
+we shall go back to our first home to live forever."
+
+The Walpi for a long time frowned down all attempts on the part of the
+Hano to fraternize; they prohibited intermarriages, and in general
+tabued the Hano. Something of this spirit was maintained until quite
+recent years, and for this reason the Hano still speak their own
+language, and have preserved several distinctive customs, although now
+the most friendly relations exist among all the villages. After the Hano
+were quietly established in their present position the Asa returned, and
+the Walpi allotted them a place to build in their own village. As before
+mentioned, the house mass on the southeast side of Walpi, at the head of
+the trail leading up to the village at that point, is still occupied by
+Asa families, and their tenure of possession was on the condition that
+they should always defend that point of access and guard the south end
+of the village. Their kiva is named after this circumstance as that of
+"the Watchers of the High Place."
+
+Some of the Bear and Lizard families being crowded for building space,
+moved from Walpi and built the first houses on the site of the present
+village of Sichumovi, which is named from the Sivwapsi, a shrub which
+formerly grew there on some mounds (chumo).
+
+This was after the Asa had been in Walpi for some time; probably about
+125 years ago. Some of the Asa, and the Badger, the latter descendants
+of women saved from the Awatubi catastrophe, also moved to Sichumovi,
+but a plague of smallpox caused the village to be abandoned shortly
+afterward. This pestilence is said to have greatly reduced the number of
+the Tusayan, and after it disappeared there were many vacant houses in
+every village. Sichumovi was again occupied by a few Asa families, but
+the first houses were torn down and new ones constructed from them.
+
+
+LIST OF TRADITIONARY GENTES.
+
+In the following table the early phratries (nyu-mu) are arranged in the
+order of their arrival, and the direction from which each came is given,
+except in the case of the Bear people. There are very few
+representatives of this phratry existing now, and very little tradition
+extant concerning its early history. The table does not show the
+condition of these, organizations in the present community but as they
+appear in the traditional accounts of their coming to Tusayan, although
+representatives of most of them can still be found in the various
+villages. There are, moreover, in addition to these, many other gentes
+and sub-gentes of more recent origin. The subdivision, or rather the
+multiplication of gentes may be said to be a continuous process; as, for
+example, in "corn" can be found families claiming to be of the root,
+stem, leaf, ear, blossom, etc., all belonging to corn; but there may be
+several families of each of these components constituting district
+sub-gentes. At present there are really but four phratries recognized
+among the Hopituh, the Snake, Horn, Eagle, and Rain, which is
+indifferently designated as Water or Corn:
+
+1. Ho´-nan--Bear.
+
+ Ho´-nan Bear.
+ Ko´-kyañ-a Spider.
+ Tco´-zir Jay.
+ He´k-pa Fir.
+
+2. Tcu´-a--Rattlesnake--from the west and north.
+
+ Tcu´-a Rattlesnake.
+ Yu´ñ-ya Cactus--opuntia.
+ Pü´n-e Cactus, the species that grows in dome-like masses.
+ Ü´-se Cactus, candelabra, or branching stemmed species.
+ He´-wi Dove.
+ Pi-vwa´ni Marmot.
+ Pi´h-tca Skunk.
+ Ka-la´-ci-au-u Raccoon.
+
+3. A´-la--Horn--from the east.
+
+ So´-wiñ-wa Deer.
+ Tc´ib-io Antelope.
+ Pa´ñ-wa Mountain sheep.
+
+4. Kwa´-hü--Eagle--from the west and south.
+
+ Kwa´-hü Eagle.
+ Kwa´-yo Hawk.
+ Mas-si´ kwa´-yo Chicken hawk.
+ Tda´-wa Sun.
+ Ka-ha´-bi Willow.
+ Te´-bi Greasewood.
+
+5. Ka-tci´-na--Sacred, dancer--from the east.
+
+ Ka-tci´-na Sacred dancer.
+ Gya´-zro Parroquet.
+ Uñ-wu´-si Raven.
+ Si-kya´-tci Yellow bird.
+ Si-he´-bi Cottonwood.
+ Sa-la´-bi Spruce.
+
+6. A´sa--a plant (unknown)--from the Chama.
+
+ A´sa
+ Tca´-kwai-na Black earth Katcina.
+ Pu´tc-ko-hu Boomerang hunting stick.
+ Pi´-ca Field mouse.
+ Hoc´-bo-a Road runner, or chaparral cock.
+ Po-si´-o Magpie.
+ Kwi´ñobi Oak.
+
+7. Ho-na´-ni--Badger--from the east.
+
+ Ho-na´-ni Badger.
+ Müñ-ya´u-wu Porcupine.
+ Wu-so´-ko Vulture.
+ Bu´-li Butterfly.
+ Bu-li´-so Evening primrose.
+ Na´-hü Medicine of all kinds; generic.
+
+8. Yo´-ki--Rain--from the south.
+
+ Yo´-ki Rain.
+ O´-mau Cloud.
+ Ka´i-e Corn.
+ Mu´r-zi-bu-si Bean.
+ Ka-wa´i-ba-tuñ-a Watermelon.
+ Si-vwa´-pi Bigelovia graveolens.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XIV. General view of Payupki.]
+
+The foregoing is the Water or Rain phratry proper, but allied to them
+are the two following phratries, who also came to this region with the
+Water phratry.
+
+ LIZARD.
+
+ Ka´-kü-tci }
+ Ba-tci´p-kwa-si } Species of lizards.
+ Na´-nan-a-wi }
+ Mo´-mo-bi }
+ Pi´-sa White sand.
+ Tdu´-wa Red sand.
+ Ten´-kai Mud.
+
+ RABBIT.
+
+ So´-wi Jackass rabbit.
+ Tda´-bo Cottontail rabbit.
+ Pi´-ba Tobacco.
+ Tcoñ-o Pipe.
+
+Polaka gives the following data:
+
+Te´-wa gentes and phratries.
+
+ _Tewa_ _Hopi´tuh_ _Navajo._
+ Ko´[n]-lo \ Ka´-ai Nata´[n] Corn.
+ Cä / Pi´-ba Na´-to Tobacco.
+ Ke \ Ho´-nau Cac Bear.
+ Tce´-li / Ca´-la-bi Ts´-co Spruce.
+ Ke´gi \ Ki´-hu Ki-a´-ni House.
+ Tuñ / Tda´-wu Tjon-a-ai´ Sun.
+ O´-ku-wuñ \ O´-mau Kus Cloud.
+ Nuñ / Tcu´-kai Huc-klic Mud.
+
+The gentes bracketed are said to "belong together," but do not seem to
+have distinctive names--as phratries.
+
+
+SUPPLEMENTARY LEGEND.
+
+An interesting ruin which occurs on a mesa point a short distance north
+of Mashongnavi is known to the Tusayan under the name of Payupki. There
+are traditions and legends concerning it among the Tusayan, but the only
+version that could be obtained is not regarded by the writer as being up
+to the standard of those incorporated in the "Summary" and it is
+therefore given separately, as it has some suggestive value. It was
+obtained through Dr. Jeremiah Sullivan, then resident in Tusayan.
+
+The people of Payupki spoke the same language as those on the first mesa
+(Walpi). Long ago they lived in the north, on the San Juan, but they
+were compelled to abandon that region and came to a place about 20 miles
+northwest from Oraibi. Being compelled to leave there, they went to
+Canyon de Chelly, where a band of Indians from the southeast joined
+them, with whom they formed an alliance. Together the two tribes moved
+eastward toward the Jemez Mountains, whence they drifted into the valley
+of the Rio Grande. There they became converts to the fire-worship then
+prevailing, but retained their old customs and language. At the time of
+the great insurrection (of 1680) they sheltered the native priests that
+were driven from some of the Rio Grande villages, and this action
+created such distrust and hatred among the people that the Payupki were
+forced to leave their settlement. Their first stop was at Old Laguna (12
+miles east of the modern village) and they had with them then some 35 or
+40 of the priests. After leaving Laguna they came to Bear Spring (Fort
+Wingate) and had a fight there with the Apache, whom they defeated. They
+remained at Bear Spring for several years, until the Zuñi compelled them
+to move. They then attempted to reach the San Juan, but were deceived in
+the trail, turned to the west and came to where Pueblo Colorado is now
+(the present post-office of Ganado, between Fort Defiance and Keam's
+Canyon). They remained there a long time, and through their success in
+farming became so favorably known that they were urged to come farther
+west. They refused, in consequence of which some Tusayan attacked them.
+They were captured and brought to Walpi (then on the point) and
+afterwards they were distributed among the villages. Previous to this
+capture the priests had been guiding them by feathers, smoke, and signs
+seen in the fire. When the priest's omens and oracles had proved false
+the people were disposed to kill them, but the priests persuaded them to
+let it depend on a test case--offering to kill themselves in the event
+of failure. So they had a great feast at Awatubi. The priests had long,
+hollow reeds inclosing various substances--feathers, flour, corn-pollen,
+sacred water, native tobacco (piba), corn, beans, melon seeds, etc., and
+they formed in a circle at sunrise on the plaza and had their
+incantations and prayers. As the sun rose a priest stepped forth before
+the people and blew through his reed, desirous of blowing that which was
+therein away from him, to scatter it abroad. But the wind would not
+blow and the contents of the reed fell to the ground. The priests were
+divided into groups, according to what they carried. In the evening all
+but two groups had blown. Then the elder of the twain turned his back
+eastward, and the reed toward the setting sun, and he blew, and the wind
+caught the feather and carried it to the west. This was accepted as a
+sign and the next day the Tusayan freed the slaves, giving each a
+blanket with corn in it. They went to the mesa where the ruin now stands
+and built the houses there. They asked for planting grounds, and fields
+were given them; but their crops did not thrive, and they stole corn
+from the Mashongnavi. Then, fearful lest they should be surprised at
+night, they built a wall as high as a man's head about the top of their
+mesa, and they had big doorways, which they closed and fastened at
+night. When they were compelled to plant corn for themselves they
+planted it on the ledges of the mesa, but it grew only as high as a
+man's knees; the leaves were very small and the grains grew only on one
+side of it. After a time they became friendly with the Mashongnavi
+again, and a boy from that village conceived a passion for a Payupki
+girl. The latter tribe objected to a marriage but the Mashongnavi were
+very desirous for it and some warriors of that village proposed if the
+boy could persuade the girl to fly with him, to aid and protect him. On
+an appointed day, about sundown, the girl came down from the mesa into
+the valley, but she was discovered by some old women who were baking
+pottery, who gave the alarm. Hearing the noise a party of the
+Mashongnavi, who were lying in wait, came up, but they encountered a
+party of the Payupki who had come out and a fight ensued. During the
+fight the young man was killed; and this caused so much bitterness of
+feeling that the Payupki were frightened, and remained quietly in their
+pueblo for several days. One morning, however, an old woman came over to
+Mashongnavi to borrow some tobacco, saying that they were going to have
+a dance in her village in five days. The next day the Payupki quietly
+departed. Seeing no smoke from the village the Mashongnavi at first
+thought that the Payupki were preparing for their dance, but on the
+third day a band of warriors was sent over to inquire and they found the
+village abandoned. The estufas and the houses of the priests were pulled
+down.
+
+The narrator adds that the Payupki returned to San Felipe whence they
+came.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XV. Standing walls of Payupki.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+RUINS AND INHABITED VILLAGES OF TUSAYAN.
+
+
+PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE PROVINCE.
+
+That portion of the southwestern plateau country comprised in the
+Province of Tusayan has usually been approached from the east, so that
+the easternmost of the series of mesas upon which the villages are
+situated is called the "First Mesa." The road for 30 or 40 miles before
+reaching this point traverses the eastern portion of the great plateau
+whose broken margin, farther west, furnishes the abrupt mesa-tongues
+upon which the villages are built. The sandstone measures of this
+plateau are distinguished from many others of the southwest by their
+neutral colors. The vegetation consisting of a scattered growth of
+stunted piñon and cedar, interspersed with occasional stretches of
+dull-gray sage, imparts an effect of extreme monotony to the landscape.
+The effect is in marked contrast to the warmth and play of color
+frequently seen elsewhere in the plateau country.
+
+The plateaus of Tusayan are generally diversified by canyons and buttes,
+whose precipitous sides break down into long ranges of rocky talus and
+sandy foothills. The arid character of this district is especially
+pronounced about the margin of the plateau. In the immediate vicinity of
+the villages there are large areas that do not support a blade of grass,
+where barren rocks outcrop through drifts of sand or lie piled in
+confusion at the bases of the cliffs. The canyons that break through the
+margins of these mesas often have a remarkable similarity of appearance,
+and the consequent monotony is extremely embarrassing to the traveler,
+the absence of running water and clearly defined drainage confusing his
+sense of direction.
+
+The occasional springs which furnish scanty water supply to the
+inhabitants of this region are found generally at great distances apart,
+and there are usually but few natural indications of their location.
+They often occur in obscure nooks in the canyons, reached by tortuous
+trails winding through the talus and foothills, or as small seeps at the
+foot of some mesa. The convergence of numerous Navajo trails, however,
+furnishes some guide to these rare water sources.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XVI. Plan of Hano.]
+
+The series of promontories upon which the Tusayan villages are built are
+exceptionally rich in these seeps and springs. About the base of the
+"First Mesa" (Fig. 1), within a distance of 4 or 5 miles from the
+villages located upon it, there are at least five places where water can
+be obtained. One of these is a mere surface reservoir, but the others
+appear to be permanent springs. The quantity of water, however, is so
+small that it produces no impression on the arid and sterile effect of
+the surroundings, except in its immediate vicinity. Here small patches
+of green, standing out in strong relief against their sandy
+back-grounds, mark the position of clusters of low, stunted peach trees
+that have obtained a foothold on the steep sand dunes.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 1. View of the First Mesa.]
+
+In the open plains surrounding the mesa rim (6,000 feet above the sea),
+are seen broad stretches of dusty sage brush and prickly greasewood.
+Where the plain rises toward the base of the mesa a scattered growth of
+scrub cedar and piñon begins to appear. But little of this latter growth
+is seen in the immediate vicinity of the villages; it is, however, the
+characteristic vegetation of the mesas, while, in still higher
+altitudes, toward the San Juan, open forests of timber are met with.
+This latter country seems scarcely to have come within the ancient
+builder's province; possibly on account of its coldness in winter and
+for the reason that it is open to the incursions of warlike hunting
+tribes. Sage brush and greasewood grow abundantly near the villages, and
+these curious gnarled and twisted shrubs furnish the principal fuel of
+the Tusayan.
+
+Occasionally grassy levels are seen that for a few weeks in early summer
+are richly carpeted with multitudes of delicate wild flowers. The beauty
+of these patches of gleaming color is enhanced by contrast with the
+forbidding and rugged character of the surroundings; but in a very short
+time these blossoms disappear from the arid and parched desert that they
+have temporarily beautified. These beds of bloom are not seen in the
+immediate vicinity of the present villages, but are unexpectedly met
+with in portions of the neighboring mesas and canyons.
+
+After crossing the 6 or 7 miles of comparatively level country that
+intervenes between the mouth of Keam's Canyon and the first of the
+occupied mesas, the toilsome ascent begins; at first through slopes and
+dunes and then over masses of broken talus, as the summit of the mesa is
+gradually approached. Near the top the road is flanked on one side by a
+very abrupt descent of broken slopes, and on the other by a precipitous
+rocky wall that rises 30 or 40 feet above. The road reaches the brink of
+the promontory by a sharp rise at a point close to the village of Hano.
+
+
+METHODS OF SURVEY.
+
+Before entering upon a description of the villages and ruins, a few
+words as to the preparation of the plans accompanying this paper will
+not be amiss. The methods pursued in making the surveys of the inhabited
+pueblos were essentially the same throughout. The outer wall of each
+separate cluster was run with a compass and a tape measure, the lines
+being closed and checked upon the corner from which the beginning was
+made, so that the plan of each group stands alone, and no accumulation
+of error is possible. The stretched tapeline afforded a basis for
+estimating any deviations from a straight line which the wall presented,
+and as each sight was plotted on the spot these deviations are all
+recorded on the plan, and afford an indication of the degree of accuracy
+with which the building was carried out. Upon the basis thus obtained,
+the outlines of the second stories were drawn by the aid of measurements
+from the numerous jogs and angles; the same process being repeated for
+each of the succeeding stories. The plan at this stage recorded all the
+stories in outline. The various houses and clusters were connected by
+compass sights and by measurements. A tracing of the outline plan was
+then made, on which the stories were distinguished by lines of different
+colors, and upon this tracing were recorded all the vertical
+measurements. These were generally taken at every corner, although in a
+long wall it was customary to make additional measurements at
+intervening points.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XVII. View of Hano.]
+
+Upon the original outline were then drawn all such details as coping
+stones, chimneys, trapdoors, etc., the tapeline being used where
+necessary to establish positions. The forms of the chimneys as well as
+their position and size were also indicated on this drawing, which was
+finally tinted to distinguish the different terraces. Upon this colored
+sheet were located all openings. These were numbered, and at the same
+time described in a notebook, in which were also recorded the necessary
+vertical measurements, such as their height and elevation above the
+ground. In the same notebook the openings were also fully described. The
+ladders were located upon the same sheet, and were consecutively
+lettered and described in the notebook. This description furnishes a
+record of the ladder, its projection above the coping, if any, the
+difference in the length of its poles, the character of the tiepiece,
+etc. Altogether these notebooks furnish a mass of statistical data which
+has been of great service in the elaboration of this report and in the
+preparation of models. Finally, a level was carried over the whole
+village, and the height of each corner and jog above an assumed base was
+determined. A reduced tracing was then made of the plan as a basis for
+sketching in such details of topography, etc., as it was thought
+advisable to preserve.
+
+These plans were primarily intended to be used in the construction of
+large scale models, and consequently recorded an amount of information
+that could not be reproduced upon the published drawings without causing
+great confusion.
+
+The methods followed in surveying the ruins underwent some changes from
+time to time as the work progressed. In the earlier work the lines of
+the walls, so far as they could be determined, were run with a compass
+and tapeline and gone over with a level. Later it was found more
+convenient to select a number of stations and connect them by
+cross-sights and measurements. These points were then platted, and the
+walls and lines of débris were carefully drawn in over the framework of
+lines thus obtained, additional measurements being taken when necessary.
+The heights of standing walls were measured from both sides, and
+openings were located on the plan and described in a notebook, as was
+done in the survey of the inhabited villages. The entire site was then
+leveled, and from the data obtained contour lines were drawn with a
+5-foot interval. Irregularities in the directions of walls were noted.
+In the later plans of ruins a scale of symbols, seven in number, were
+employed to indicate the amount and distribution of the débris. The
+plans, as published, indicate the relative amounts of débris as seen
+upon the ground. Probable lines of wall are shown on the plan by dotted
+lines drawn through the dots which indicate débris. With this exception,
+the plans show the ruins as they actually are. Standing walls, as a
+rule, are drawn in solid black; their heights appear on the field
+sheets, but could not be shown upon the published plans without
+confusing the drawing. The contour lines represent an interval of 5
+feet; the few cases in which the secondary or negative contours are used
+will not produce confusion, as their altitude is always given in
+figures.
+
+
+PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF RUINS.
+
+The ruins described in this chapter comprise but a few of those found
+within the province of Tusayan. These were surveyed and recorded on
+account of their close traditional connection with the present villages,
+and for the sake of the light that they might throw upon the relation of
+the modern pueblos to the innumerable stone buildings of unknown date so
+widely distributed over the southwestern plateau country. Such
+traditional connection with the present peoples could probably be
+established for many more of the ruins of this country by investigations
+similar to those conducted by Mr. Stephen in the Tusayan group; but this
+phase of the subject was not included in our work. In the search for
+purely architectural evidence among these ruins it must be confessed
+that the data have proved disappointingly meager. No trace of the
+numerous constructive details that interest the student of pueblo
+architecture in the modern villages can be seen in the low mounds of
+broken down masonry that remain in most of the ancient villages of
+Tusayan. But little masonry remains standing in even the best preserved
+of these ruins, and villages known to have been occupied within two
+centuries are not distinguishable from the remains to which distinct
+tradition (save that they were in the same condition when the first
+people of the narrators' gens came to this region) no longer clings.
+Though but little architectural information is to be derived from these
+ruins beyond such as is conveyed by the condition and character of the
+masonry and the general distribution of the plan, the plans and relation
+to the topography are recorded as forming, in connection with the
+traditions, a more complete account than can perhaps be obtained later.
+
+In our study of architectural details, when a comparison is suggested
+between the practice at Tusayan and that of the ancient builders, our
+illustrations for the latter must often be drawn from other portions of
+the builders' territory where better preserved remains furnish the
+necessary data.
+
+WALPI RUINS.
+
+In the case of the pueblo of Walpi, a portion of whose people seem to
+have been the first comers in this region, a number of changes of sites
+have taken place, at least one of which has occurred within the historic
+period. Of the various sites occupied one is pointed out north of the
+gap on the first mesa. At the present time this site is only a low mound
+of sand-covered débris with no standing fragment of wall visible. The
+present condition of this early Walpi is illustrated in Fig. 2. In the
+absence of foundation walls or other definite lines, the character of
+the site is expressed by the contour lines that define its relief.
+Another of the sites occupied by the Walpi is said to have been in the
+open valley separating the first from the second mesa, but here no trace
+of the remains of a stone village has been discovered. This traditional
+location is referred to by Mr. Stephen in his account of Walpi. The last
+site occupied previous to the present one on the mesa summit was on a
+lower bench of the first mesa promontory at its southern extremity. Here
+the houses are said to have been distributed over quite a large area,
+and occasional fragments of masonry are still seen at widely separated
+points; but the ground plan can not now be traced. This was the site of
+a Spanish mission, and some of the Tusayan point out the position
+formerly occupied by mission buildings, but no architectural evidence of
+such structures is visible. It seems to be fairly certain, however, that
+this was the site of Walpi at a date well within the historic period,
+although now literally there is not one stone upon another. The
+destruction in this instance has probably been more than usually
+complete on account of the close proximity of the succeeding pueblo,
+making the older remains a very convenient stone quarry for the
+construction of the houses on the mesa summit. Of the three abandoned
+sites of Walpi referred to, not one furnishes sufficient data for a
+suggestion of a ground plan or of the area covered.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XVIII. Plan of Sichumovi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 2. Ruins, Old Walpi mound.]
+
+OLD MASHONGNAVI.
+
+In the case of Mashongnavi we have somewhat more abundant material. It
+will be desirable to quote a few lines of narrative from the account of
+a Mashongnavi Indian of the name of Nuvayauma, as indicating the causes
+that led to the occupation of the site illustrated.
+
+ We turned and came to the north, meeting the Apache and "Beaver
+ Indians," with whom we had many battles, and being few we were
+ defeated, after which we came up to Mashongnavi [the ruin at the
+ "Giant's Chair"] and gave that rock its name [name not known], and
+ built our houses there. The Apache came upon us again, with the
+ Comanche, and then we came to [Old Mashóngnavi]. We lived there in
+ peace many years, having great success with crops, and our people
+ increased in numbers, and the Apache came in great numbers and set
+ fire to the houses and burned our corn, which you will find to-day
+ there burnt and charred. After they had destroyed our dwellings we
+ came upon the mesa, and have lived here since.
+
+The ruins referred to as having been the first occupied by the
+Mashongnavi at a large isolated rock known as the "Giant's Chair," have
+not been examined. The later village from which they were driven by the
+attacks of the Apache to their present site has been surveyed. The plan
+of the fallen walls and lines of débris by which the form of much of the
+old pueblo can still be traced is given in Pl. II. The plan of the best
+preserved portion of the pueblo towards the north end of the sheet
+clearly indicates a general adherence to the inclosed court arrangement
+with about the same degree of irregularity that characterizes the modern
+village. Besides the clearly traceable portions of the ruin that bear
+such resemblance to the present village in arrangement, several small
+groups and clusters appear to have been scattered along the slope of the
+foothills, but in their present state of destruction it is not clear
+whether these clusters were directly connected with the principal group,
+or formed part of another village. Occasional traces of foundation walls
+strongly suggest such connection, although from the character of the
+site this intervening space could hardly have been closely built over.
+With the exception of the main cluster above described the houses occupy
+very broken and irregular sites. As indicated on the plan, the slope is
+broken by huge irregular masses of sandstone protruding from the soil,
+while much of the surface is covered by scattered fragments that have
+fallen from neighboring pinnacles and ledges. The contours indicate the
+general character of the slopes over which these irregular features are
+disposed. The fragment of ledge shown on the north end of the plate,
+against which a part of the main cluster has been built, is a portion of
+a broad massive ledge of sandstone that supports the low buttes upon
+which the present villages of Mashongnavi and Shupaúlovi are built, and
+continues as a broad, level shelf of solid rock for several miles along
+the mesa promontory. Its continuation on the side opposite that shown in
+the plate may be seen in the general view of Shupaulovi (Pl. XXXI).
+
+SHITAIMUVI.
+
+The vestiges of another ruined village, known as Shitaimuvi, are found
+in the vicinity of Mashongnavi, occupying and covering the crown of a
+rounded foothill on the southeast side of the mesa. No plan of this ruin
+could be obtained on account of the complete destruction of the walls.
+No line of foundation stones even could be found, although the whole
+area is more or less covered with the scattered stones of former
+masonry. An exceptional quantity of pottery fragments is also strewn
+over the surface. These bear a close resemblance to the fine class of
+ware characteristic of "Talla Hogan" or "Awatubi," and would suggest
+that this pueblo was contemporaneous with the latter. Some reference to
+this ruin win be found in the traditionary material in Chapter I.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XIX. View of Sichumovi.]
+
+AWATUBI.
+
+The ruin of Awatubi is known to the Navajo as Talla Hogan, a term
+interpreted as meaning "singing house" and thought to refer to the
+chapel and mission that at one time nourished here, as described by Mr.
+Stephen in Chapter I. Tradition ascribes great importance to this
+village. At the time of the Spanish conquest it was one of the most
+prosperous of the seven "cities" of Tusayan, and was selected as the
+site of a mission, a distinction shared by Walpi, which was then on a
+lower spur of the first mesa, and by Shumopavi, which also was built on
+a lower site than the present village of that name. Traditions referring
+to this pueblo have been collected from several sources and, while
+varying somewhat in less important details, they all concur in bringing
+the destruction of the village well within the period of Spanish
+occupation.
+
+On the historical site, too, we know that Cruzate on the occasion of the
+attempted reconquest of the country visited this village in 1692, and
+the ruin must therefore be less than two centuries old, yet the
+completeness of destruction is such that over most of its area no
+standing wall is seen, and the outlines of the houses and groups are
+indicated mainly by low ridges and masses of broken-down masonry, partly
+covered by the drifting sands. The group of rooms that forms the south
+east side of the pueblo is an exception to the general rule. Here
+fragmentary walls of rough masonry stand to a height, in some cases, of
+8 feet above the débris. The character of the stonework, as may be seen
+from Pl. V, is but little better than that of the modern villages. This
+better preserved portion of the village seems to have formed part of a
+cluster of mission buildings. At the points designated A on the ground
+plan may be seen the remnants of walls that have been built of straw
+adobe in the typical Spanish manner. These rest upon foundations of
+stone masonry. See Pl. VI. The adobe fragments are probably part of the
+church or associated buildings. At two other points on the ground plan,
+both on the northeast side, low fragments of wall are still standing, as
+may be seen from the plate. At one of these points the remains indicate
+that the village was provided with a gateway near the middle of the
+northeast side.
+
+The general plan of this pueblo is quite different from that of the
+present villages, and approaches the older types in symmetry and
+compactness. There is a notable absence of the arrangement of rooms into
+long parallel rows. This typical Tusayan feature is only slightly
+approximated in some subordinate rows within the court. The plan
+suggests that the original pueblo was built about three sides of a
+rectangular court, the fourth or southeast side--later occupied by the
+mission buildings--being left open, or protected only by a low wall.
+Outside the rectangle of the main pueblo, on the northeast side, are two
+fragments of rude masonry, built by Navajo sheep herders. Near the west
+corner of the pueblo are the vestiges of two rooms, outside the pueblo
+proper, which seem to belong to the original construction.
+
+Awatubi is said to have had excavated rectangular kivas, situated in the
+open court, similar to those used in the modern village. The people of
+Walpi had partly cleared out one of these chambers and used it as a
+depository for ceremonial plume-sticks, etc., but the Navajo came and
+carried off their sacred deposits, tempted probably by their market
+value as ethnologic specimens. No trace of these kivas was visible at
+the time the ruins were surveyed.
+
+The Awatubi are said to have had sheep at the time the village was
+destroyed. Some of the Tusayan point out the remains of a large sheep
+corral near the spring, which they say was used at that time, but it is
+quite as likely to have been constructed for that purpose at a much
+later date.
+
+HORN HOUSE.
+
+The Horn House is so called because tradition connects this village with
+some of the people of the Horn phratry of the Hopituh or Tusayan. The
+ruin is situated on a projecting point of the mesa that forms the
+western flank of Jeditoh Valley, not far from where the Holbrook road to
+Keam's Canyon ascends the brink of the mesa. The village is almost
+completely demolished, no fragment of standing wall remaining in place.
+Its general plan and distribution are quite clearly indicated by the
+usual low ridges of fallen masonry partly covered by drifted sand. There
+is but little loose stone scattered about, the sand having filled in all
+the smaller irregularities.
+
+It will be seen from the plan, Pl. VII, that the village has been built
+close to the edge of the mesa, following to some extent the
+irregularities of its outline. The mesa ruin at this point, however, is
+not very high, the more abrupt portion having a height of 20 or 30 feet.
+Near the north end of the village the ground slopes very sharply toward
+the east and is rather thickly covered with the small stones of fallen
+masonry, though but faint vestiges of rooms remain. In plan the ruin is
+quite elongated, following the direction of the mesa. The houses were
+quite irregularly disposed, particularly in the northern portion of the
+ruin. But here the indications are too vague to determine whether the
+houses were originally built about one long court or about two or more
+smaller ones. The south end of the pueblo, however, still shows a well
+defined court bounded on all sides by clearly traceable rooms. At the
+extreme south end of the ruin the houses have very irregular outlines,
+a result of their adaptation to the topography, as may be seen in the
+illustration.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XX. Plan of Walpi.]
+
+The plan shows the position of a small group of cottonwood trees, just
+below the edge of the mesa and nearly opposite the center of the
+village. These trees indicate the proximity of water, and mark the
+probable site of the spring that furnished this village with at least
+part of its water supply.
+
+There are many fragments of pottery on this spot, but they are not so
+abundant as at Awatubi.
+
+Two partly excavated rooms were seen at this ruin, the work of some
+earlier visitors who hoped to discover ethnologic or other treasure.
+
+These afforded no special information, as the character of the masonry
+exposed differed in no respect from that seen at other of the Tusayan
+ruins. No traces of adobe construction or suggestions of foreign
+influence were seen at this ruin.
+
+SMALL RUIN BETWEEN HORN HOUSE AND BAT HOUSE.
+
+On a prolongation of the mesa occupied by the Horn House, midway between
+it and another ruined pueblo known as the Bat House, occur the remains
+of a small and compact cluster of houses (Fig. 3). It is situated on the
+very mesa edge, here about 40 feet high, at the head of a small canyon
+which opens into the Jeditoh Valley, a quarter of a mile below.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 3. Ruin between Bat House and Horn House.]
+
+The site affords an extended outlook to the south over a large part of
+Jeditoh Valley. The topography about this point, which receives the
+drainage of a considerable area of the mesa top, would fit it especially
+for the establishment of a reservoir. This fact probably had much to do
+with its selection as a dwelling site. The masonry is in about the same
+state of preservation as that of the Horn House, and some of the stones
+of the fallen walls seem to have been washed down from the mesa edge to
+the talus below.
+
+BAT HOUSE.
+
+The Bat House is a ruin of nearly the same size as the Horn House,
+although in its distribution it does not follow the mesa edge so closely
+as the latter, and is not so elongated in its general form. The northern
+portion is quite irregular, and the rooms seem to have been somewhat
+crowded. The southern half, with only an occasional room traceable,
+as indicated on the plan, Pl. VIII, still shows that the rooms were
+distributed about a large open court.
+
+The Bat House is situated on the northwest side of the Jeditoh Valley,
+on part of the same mesa occupied by the two ruins described above. It
+occupies the summit of a projecting spur, overlooking the main valley
+for an extent of more than 5 miles. The ruin lies on the extreme edge of
+the cliff, here about 200 feet high, and lying beneath it on the east
+and south are large areas of arable land. Altogether it forms an
+excellent defensive site, combined with a fair degree of convenience to
+fields and water from the Tusayan point of view.
+
+This ruin, near its northeastern extremity, contains a feature that is
+quite foreign to the architecture of Tusayan, viz, a defensive wall.
+It is the only instance of the use by the Hopituh of an inclosing wall,
+though it is met with again at Payupki (Pl. XIII), which, however, was
+built by people from the Rio Grande country.
+
+MISHIPTONGA.
+
+Mishiptonga is the Tusayan name for the southernmost, and by far the
+largest, of the Jeditoh series of ruins (Pl. IX). It occurs quite close
+to the Jeditoh spring which gives its name to the valley along whose
+northern and western border are distributed the ruins above described,
+beginning with the Horn house.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXI. View of Walpi.]
+
+This village is rather more irregular in its arrangement than any other
+of the series. There are indications of a number of courts inclosed by
+large and small clusters of rooms, very irregularly disposed, but with a
+general trend towards the northeast, being roughly parallel with the
+mesa edge. In plan this village approaches somewhat that of the
+inhabited Tusayan villages. At the extreme southern extremity of the
+mesa promontory is a small secondary bench, 20 feet lower than the site
+of the main village. This bench has also been occupied by a number of
+houses. On the east side the pueblo was built to the very edge of the
+bluff, where small fragments of masonry are still standing. The whole
+village seems so irregular and crowded in its arrangement that it
+suggests a long period of occupancy and growth, much more than do the
+other villages of this (Jeditoh) group.
+
+The pueblo may have been abandoned or destroyed prior to the advent of
+the Spaniards in this country, as claimed by the Indians, for no
+traditional mention of it is made in connection with the later feuds and
+wars that figure so prominently in the Tusayan oral history of the last
+three centuries. The pueblo was undoubtedly built by some of the ancient
+gentes of the Tusayan stock, as its plan, the character of the site
+chosen, and, where traceable, the quality of workmanship link it with
+the other villages of the Jeditoh group.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 4. Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan.]
+
+MOEN-KOPI RUINS.
+
+A very small group of rooms, even smaller than the neighboring farming
+pueblo of Moen-kopi, is situated on the western edge of the mesa summit
+about a quarter of a mile north of the modern village of Moen-kopi. As
+the plan shows (Fig. 4), the rooms were distributed in three rows around
+a small court. This ruin also follows the general northeastern trend
+which has been noticed both in the ruined and in the occupied pueblos of
+Tusayan. The rows here were only one room deep and not more than a
+single story high at any point, as indicated by the very small amount of
+débris. As the plate shows, nearly the entire plan is clearly defined by
+fragments of standing walls. The walls are built of thin tablets of the
+dark-colored sandstone which caps the mesa. Where the walls have fallen
+the débris is comparatively free from earth, indicating that adobe has
+been sparingly used. The walls, in places standing to a height of 2 or 3
+feet, as may be seen in the illustration, Pl. X, show unusual precision
+of workmanship and finish, resembling in this respect some of the
+ancient pueblos farther north. This is to some extent due to the
+exceptional suitability of the tabular stones of the mesa summit. The
+almost entire absence of pottery fragments and other objects of art
+which are such a constant accompaniment of the ruins throughout this
+region strongly suggest that it was occupied for a very short time. In
+Chapter III it will be shown that a similar order of occupation took
+place at Ojo Caliente, one of the Zuñi farming villages. This ruin is
+probably of quite recent origin, as is the present village of Moen-kopi,
+although it may possibly have belonged to an earlier colony of which
+we have no distinct trace. This fertile and well watered valley, a
+veritable garden spot in the Tusayan deserts, must have been one of the
+first points occupied. Some small cliff-dwellings, single rooms in
+niches of a neighboring canyon wall, attest the earlier use of the
+valley for agricultural purposes, although it is doubtful whether these
+rude shelters date back of the Spanish invasion of the province.
+
+A close scrutiny of the many favorable sites in this vicinity would
+probably reveal the sand-encumbered remains of some more important
+settlement than any of those now known.
+
+RUINS ON THE ORAIBI WASH.
+
+The wagon road from Keam's Canyon to Tuba City crosses the Oraibi wash
+at a point about 7 miles above the village of Oraibi. As it enters a
+branch canyon on the west side of the wash it is flanked on each side by
+rocky mesas and broken ledges. On the left or west side a bold
+promontory, extending southward, is quite a conspicuous feature of the
+landscape. The entire flat mesa summit, and much of the slope of a rocky
+butte that rises from it, are covered with the remains of a small
+pueblo, as shown on the plan, Fig. 5. All of this knoll except its
+eastern side is lightly covered with scattered débris. On the west and
+north sides there are many large masses of broken rock distributed over
+the slope. There is no standing wall visible from below, but on closer
+approach several interesting specimens of masonry are seen. On the north
+side, near the west end, there is a fragment of curved wall which
+follows the margin of the rock on which it is built. It is about 8 or 10
+feet long and 3 feet high on the outer side. The curve is carefully
+executed and the workmanship of the masonry good. Farther east, and
+still on the north side, there is a fragment of masonry exhibiting a
+reversed curve. This piece of wall spans the space between two adjoining
+rocks, and the top of the wall is more than 10 feet above the rock on
+which it stands. The shape of this wall and its relation to the
+surroundings are indicated on the plan, Fig. 5. On the south side of the
+ruin on the mesa surface, and near an outcropping rock, are the remains
+of what appears to have been a circular room, perhaps 8 or 10 feet in
+diameter, though it is too much broken down to determine this
+accurately. Only a small portion of the south wall can be definitely
+traced. On the south slope of the mesa are indications of walls, too
+vaguely defined to admit of the determination of their direction.
+Similar vestiges of masonry are found on the north and west, but not
+extending to as great a distance from the knoll as those on the south.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXII. South passageway of Walpi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 5. Ruin 7 miles north of Oraibi.]
+
+In that portion of the ruin which lies on top of the knoll, the walls so
+far as traced conform to the shape of the site. The ground plan of the
+buildings that once occupied the slopes can not be traced, and it is
+impossible to determine whether its walls were carried through
+continuously.
+
+The masonry exhibited in the few surviving fragments of wall is of
+unusually good quality, resembling somewhat that of the Fire House, Fig.
+7, and other ruins of that class. The stones are of medium size, not
+dressed, and are rather rougher and less flat than is usual, but the
+wall has a good finish. The stone, however, is of poor quality. Most of
+the débris about the ruin consists of small stone fragments and sand,
+comparatively few stones of the size used in the walls being seen. The
+material evidently came from the immediate vicinity of the ruin.
+
+Pottery fragments were quite abundant about this ruin, most of the ware
+represented being of exceptional quality and belonging to the older
+types; red ware with black lines and black and white ware were
+especially abundant.
+
+There is quite an extensive view from the ruin, the top of the butte
+commanding an outlook down the valley past Oraibi, and about 5 miles
+north. There is also an extended outlook up the valley followed by the
+wagon road above referred to, and over two branch valleys, one on the
+east and another of much less extent on the west. The site was well
+adapted for defense, which must have been one of the principal motives
+for its selection.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaituki).]
+
+KWAITUKI.
+
+The ruin known to the Tusayan as Kwaituki (Fig. 6) is also on the west
+side of the Oraibi wash, 14 miles above Oraibi, and about 7 miles above
+the ruin last described. Its general resemblance to the latter is very
+striking. The builders have apparently been actuated by the same motives
+in their choice of a site, and their manner of utilizing it corresponds
+very closely. The crowning feature of the rocky knoll in this case is a
+picturesque group of rectangular masses of sandstone, somewhat
+irregularly distributed. The bare summit of a large block-like mass
+still retains the vestiges of rooms, and probably most of the groups
+were at one time covered with buildings, forming a prominent
+citadel-like group in the midst of the village. To the north of this
+rocky butte a large area seems to have been at one time inclosed by
+buildings, forming a court of unusual dimensions. Along the outer margin
+of the pueblo occasional fragments of walls define former rooms, but the
+amount and character of the débris indicate that the inner area was
+almost completely inclosed with buildings. The remains of masonry extend
+on the south a little beyond the base of the central group of rocks, but
+here the vestiges of stonework are rather faint and scattered.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXIII. Houses built over irregular sites, Walpi.]
+
+In the nearly level tops of some of the rocks forming the central pile
+are many smoothly worn depressions or cavities, which have evidently
+been used for the grinding and shaping of stone implements.
+
+A remarkable feature occurring within this village is a cave or
+underground fissure in the rocks, which evidently had been used by the
+inhabitants. The mouth or entrance to this cavern, partly obstructed and
+concealed at the time of our visit, occurs at the point A on the plan.
+On clearing away the rubbish at the mouth and entering it was found so
+obstructed with broken rock and fine dust that but little progress could
+be made in its exploration; but the main crevice in the rock could be
+seen by artificial light to extend some 10 feet back from the mouth,
+where it became very shallow. It could be seen that the original cavern
+had been improved by the pueblo-builders, as some of the timbers that
+had been placed inside were still in position, and a low wall of masonry
+on the south side remained intact. Some Navajos stated that they had
+discovered this small cave a couple of years before and had taken from
+it a large unbroken water jar of ancient pottery and some other
+specimens. The place was probably used by the ancient occupants simply
+for storage.
+
+Fragments of pottery of excellent quality were very abundant about this
+ruin and at the foot of the central rocks the ground was thickly strewn
+with fragments, often of large size.
+
+The defensive character of this site parallels that of the ruin 7 miles
+farther south in quite a remarkable manner, and the villages were
+apparently built and occupied at the same time.
+
+TEBUGKIHU, OR FIRE HOUSE.
+
+About 15 miles northeast of Keam's Canyon, and about 25 miles from
+Walpi, is a small ruin called by the Tusayan "Tebugkihu," built by
+people of the Fire gens (now extinct). As the plan (Fig. 7) clearly
+shows, this pueblo is very different from the typical Tusayan villages
+that have been previously described. The apparent unity of the plan, and
+the skillful workmanship somewhat resembling the pueblos of the Chaco
+are in marked contrast to the irregularity and careless construction of
+most of the Tusayan ruins. Its distance from the center of the province,
+too, suggests outside relationship; but still the Tusayan traditions
+undoubtedly connect the place with some of the ancestral gentes, as seen
+in Chapter I.
+
+The small and compact cluster of rooms is in a remarkable state of
+preservation, especially the outside wall. This wall was carefully and
+massively constructed, and stands to the height of several feet around
+the entire circumference of the ruin, except along the brink of the
+cliff, as the plan shows.
+
+This outer wall contains by far the largest stones yet found
+incorporated in pueblo masonry. A fragment of this masonry is
+illustrated in Pl. XI. The largest stone shown measures about 5 feet in
+length, and the one adjoining on the right measures about 4 feet. These
+dimensions are quite remarkable in pueblo masonry, which is
+distinguished by the use of very small stones.
+
+The well defined outer wall of this cluster to the unaided eye appears
+to be elliptical, but it will be seen from the plan that the ellipse is
+somewhat pointed on the side farthest from the cliff. As in other cases
+of ancient pueblos with curved outlines, the outer wall seems to have
+been built first, and the inner rooms, while kept as rectangular as
+possible, were adjusted to this curve. This arrangement often led to a
+cumulating divergence from radial lines in some of the partitions, which
+irregularity was taken up in one room, as in this instance, in the space
+near the gate. The outer wall is uniform in construction so far as
+preserved. Many irregularities appear, however, in the construction of
+the inner or partition walls, and some of the rooms show awkward
+attempts at adjustment to the curve of the outer wall.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 7. Oval (Fire House) ruin, plan (Tebugkihu).]
+
+The ruin is situated on the very brink of a small canyon, which probably
+contained a spring at the foot of the cliff close under the ruin site,
+as the vegetation there has an unusual appearance of freshness,
+suggesting the close proximity of water to the surface. A steep trail
+evidently connected the village with the bottom of the canyon. Some of
+the rocks of the mesa rim were marked by numerous cup-like cavities
+similar to those seen at Kwaituki, and used in the polishing and forming
+of stone implements. The type of pueblo here illustrated belonged to a
+people who relied largely on the architecture for defense, differing in
+this respect from the spirit of Tusayan architecture generally, where
+the inaccessible character of the site was the chief dependence.
+
+CHUKUBI.
+
+The ruin called Chukubi by the Tusayan (Pl. XII) is situated on the
+Middle Mesa, about 3 miles northeast of Mashongnavi. It occupies a
+promontory above the same broad sandstone ledge that forms such a
+conspicuous feature in the vicinity of Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi, and
+which supports the buttes upon which these villages are built.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXIV. Dance rock and kiva, Walpi.]
+
+Little masonry now remains on this site, but here and there a fragment
+aids in defining the general plan of the pueblo. In general form the
+village was a large rectangle with a line of buildings across its
+center, dividing it into two unequal courts, and a projecting wing on
+the west side. As may be seen from the illustration, one end of the ruin
+forms a clearly defined rectangular court, composed of buildings mostly
+two rooms deep. Here, as in other ruins of Tusayan, the arrangement
+about inclosed courts is in contrast with the parallelism of rows, so
+noticeable a feature in the occupied villages. At the east end of the
+ruin are several curious excavations. The soft sandstone has been
+hollowed out to a depth of about 10 inches, in prolongation of the
+outlines of adjoining rooms. Such excavation to obtain level floors is
+quite unusual among the pueblo builders; it was practiced to a very
+small extent, and only where it could be done with little trouble. Any
+serious inequality of surface was usually incorporated in the
+construction, as will be noticed at Walpi (Pl. XXIII). Vestiges of
+masonry indicating detached rooms were seen in each of the courts of the
+main rectangle.
+
+On the slope of the hill, just above the broad ledge previously
+described, there is a fine spring, but no trace of a trail connecting it
+with the pueblo could be found.
+
+This village was advantageously placed for defense, but not to the same
+degree as Payupki, illustrated in Pl. XIII.
+
+PAYUPKI.
+
+The ruin called Payupki (Pl. XIII) occupies the summit of a bold
+promontory south of the trail, from Walpi to Oraibi, and about 6 miles
+northwest from Mashongnavi. The outer extremity of this promontory is
+separated from the mesa by a deep notch. The summit is reached from the
+mesa by way of the neck, as the outer point itself is very abrupt, much
+of the sandstone ledge being vertical. A bench, 12 or 15 feet below the
+summit and in places quite broad, encircles the promontory. This bench
+also breaks off very abruptly.
+
+As may be seen from the plan, the village is quite symmetrically laid
+out and well arranged for defense. It is placed at the mesa end of the
+promontory cap, and for greater security the second ledge has also been
+fortified. All along the outer margin of this ledge are the remains of a
+stone wall, in some places still standing to a height of 1 or 2 feet.
+This wall appears to have extended originally all along the ledge around
+three sides of the village. The steepness of the cliff on the remaining
+side rendered a wall superfluous. On the plain below this promontory,
+and immediately under the overhanging cliff, are two corrals, and also
+the remains of a structure that resembles a kiva, but which appears to
+be of recent construction.
+
+In the village proper (Pl. XIV) are two distinctly traceable kivas. One
+of these, situated in the court, is detached and appears to have been
+partly underground. The other, located in the southeast end of the
+village, has also, like the first, apparently been sunk slightly below
+the surface. There is a jog in the standing wall of this kiva which
+corresponds to that usually found in the typical Tusayan kivas (see
+Figs. 22 and 25). On the promontory and east of the village is a single
+room of more than average length, with a well formed door in the center
+of one side. This room has every appearance of being contemporary with
+the rest of the village, but its occurrence in this entirely isolated
+position is very unusual. Still farther east there is a mass of debris
+that may have belonged to a cluster of six or eight rooms, or it may
+possibly be the remains of temporary stone shelters for outlooks over
+crops, built at a later date than the pueblo. As may be seen from the
+illustration (Pl. XV), the walls are roughly built of large slabs of
+sandstone of various sizes. The work is rather better than that of
+modern Tusayan, but much inferior to that seen in the skillfully laid
+masonry of the ruins farther north. In many of these walls an occasional
+sandstone slab of great length is introduced. This peculiarity is
+probably due to the character of the local material, which is more
+varied than usual. All of the stone here used is taken from ledges in
+the immediate vicinity. It is usually light in color and of loose
+texture, crumbling readily, and subject to rapid decay, particularly
+when used in walls that are roughly constructed.
+
+Much of the pottery scattered about this ruin has a very modern
+appearance, some of it having the characteristic surface finish and
+color of the Rio Grande ware. A small amount of ancient pottery also
+occurs here, some of the fragments of black and white ware displaying
+intricate fret patterns. The quantity of these potsherds is quite small,
+and they occur mainly in the refuse heaps on the mesa edge.
+
+This ruin combines a clearly defined defensive plan with utilization of
+one of the most inaccessible sites in the vicinity, producing altogether
+a combination that would seem to have been impregnable by any of the
+ordinary methods of Indian warfare.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXV. Foot trail to Walpi.]
+
+
+PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF THE INHABITED VILLAGES.
+
+HANO.
+
+The village of Hano, or Tewa, is intrusive and does not properly belong
+to the Tusayan stock, as appears from their own traditions. It is
+somewhat loosely planned (Pl. XVI) and extends nearly across the mesa
+tongue, which is here quite narrow, and in general there is no
+appreciable difference between the arrangement here followed and that of
+the other villages. One portion of the village, however, designated as
+House No. 5 on the plan, differs somewhat from the typical arrangement
+in long irregular rows, and approaches the pyramidal form found among
+the more eastern pueblos, notably at Taos and in portions of Zuñi. As
+has been seen, tradition tells us that this site was taken up by the
+Tewa at a late date and subsequent to the Spanish conquest; but some
+houses, formerly belonging to the Asa people, formed a nucleus about
+which the Tewa village of Hano was constructed. The pyramidal house
+occupied by the old governor, is said to have been built over such
+remains of earlier houses.
+
+The largest building in the village appears to have been added to from
+time to time as necessity for additional space arose, resulting in much
+the same arrangement as that characterizing most of the Tusayan houses,
+viz, a long, irregular row, not more than three stories high at any
+point. The small range marked No. 4 on the plan contains a section three
+stories high, as does the long row and also the pyramidal cluster above
+referred to. (Pl. XVII.)
+
+The kivas are two in number, one situated within the village and the
+other occupying a position in the margin of the mesa. These ceremonial
+chambers, so far as observed, appear to be much like those in the other
+villages, both in external and internal arrangement.
+
+Within the last few years the horse trail that afforded access to Hano
+and Sichumovi has been converted into a wagon road, and during the
+progress of this work, under the supervision of an American,
+considerable blasting was done. Among other changes the marginal kiva,
+which was nearly in line with the proposed improvements, was removed.
+This was done despite the protest of the older men, and their
+predictions of dire calamity sure to follow such sacrilege. A new site
+was selected close by and the newly acquired knowledge of the use of
+powder was utilized in blasting out the excavation for this subterranean
+chamber. It is altogether probable that the sites of all former kivas
+were largely determined by accident, these rooms being built at points
+where natural fissures or open spaces in the broken mesa edge furnished
+a suitable depression or cavity. The builders were not capable of
+working the stone to any great extent, and their operations were
+probably limited to trimming out such natural excavations and in part
+lining them with masonry.
+
+There is a very noticeable scarcity of roof-holes, aside from those of
+the first terrace. As a rule the first terrace has no external openings
+on the ground and is entered from its roof through large trap-doors, as
+shown on the plans. The lower rooms within this first terrace are not
+inhabited, but are used as storerooms.
+
+At several points ruined walls are seen, remains of abandoned rooms that
+have fallen into decay. Occasionally a rough, buttress-like projection
+from a wall is the only vestige of a room or a cluster of rooms, all
+traces on the ground having been obliterated.
+
+The mesa summit, that forms the site of this village, is nearly level,
+with very little earth on its surface. A thin accumulation of soil and
+rubbish lightly covers the inner court, but outside, along the face of
+the long row, the bare rock is exposed continuously. Where the rooms
+have been abandoned and the walls have fallen, the stones have all been
+utilized in later constructions, leaving no vestige of the former wall
+on the rocky site, as the stones of the masonry have always been set
+upon the surface of the rock, with no excavation or preparation of
+footings of any kind.
+
+SICHUMOVI.
+
+According to traditional accounts this village was founded at a more
+recent date than Walpi. It has, however, undergone many changes since
+its first establishment.
+
+The principal building is a long irregular row, similar to that of Hano
+(Pl. XVIII). A portion of an L-shaped cluster west of this row, and a
+small row near it parallel to the main building, form a rude
+approximation to the inclosed court arrangement. The terracing here,
+however, is not always on the court side, whereas in ancient examples
+such arrangement was an essential defensive feature, as the court
+furnished the only approach to upper terraces. In all of these villages
+there is a noticeable tendency to face the rows eastward instead of
+toward the court. The motive of such uniformity of direction in the
+houses must have been strong, to counteract the tendency to adhere to
+the ancient arrangement. The two kivas of the village are built side by
+side, in contact, probably on account of the presence at this point of a
+favorable fissure or depression in the mesa surface.
+
+On the south side of the village are the remains of two small clusters
+of rooms that apparently have been abandoned a long time. A portion of a
+room still bounded by standing walls has been utilized as a corral for
+burros (PL. XIX).
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXVI. Mashongnavi, plan.]
+
+At this village are three small detached houses, each composed of but a
+single room, a feature not at all in keeping with the spirit of pueblo
+construction. In this instance it is probably due to the selection of
+the village as the residence of whites connected with the agency or
+school. Of these single-room houses, one, near the south end of the long
+row, was being built by an American, who was living in another such
+house near the middle of this row. The third house, although fairly well
+preserved at the time of the survey, was abandoned and falling into
+ruin. Adjoining the middle one of these three buildings on the south
+side are the outlines of two small compartments, which were evidently
+built as corrals for burros and are still used for that purpose.
+
+This village, though limited to two stories in height, has, like the
+others of the first mesa, a number of roof holes or trapdoors in the
+upper story, an approach to the Zuñi practice. This feature among the
+Tusayan villages is probably due to intercourse with the more eastern
+pueblos, for it seems to occur chiefly among those having such
+communication most frequently. Its presence is probably the result
+simply of borrowing a convenient feature from those who invented it to
+meet a necessity. The conditions under which the houses were built have
+hardly been such as to stimulate the Tusayan to the invention of such a
+device. The uniform height of the second-story roofs seen in this
+village, constituting an almost unbroken level, is a rather exceptional
+feature in pueblo architecture. Only one depression occurs in the whole
+length of the main row.
+
+WALPI.
+
+Of all the pueblos, occupied or in ruins, within the provinces of
+Tusayan and Cibola, Walpi exhibits the widest departure from the typical
+pueblo arrangement (Pl. XX).
+
+The carelessness characteristic of Tusayan architecture seems to have
+reached its culmination here. The confused arrangement of the rooms,
+mainly due to the irregularities of the site, contrasts with the work at
+some of the other villages, and bears no comparison with much of the
+ancient work. The rooms seem to have been clustered together with very
+little regard to symmetry, and right angles are very unusual. (See Fig.
+8.)
+
+The general plan of the village of to-day confirms the traditional
+accounts of its foundation. According to these its growth was gradual,
+beginning with a few small clusters, which were added to from time to
+time as the inhabitants of the lower site upon the spur of the mesa,
+where the mission was established, moved up and joined the pioneers on
+the summit. It is probable that some small rooms or clusters were built
+on this conspicuous promontory soon after the first occupation of this
+region, on account of its exceptionally favorable position as an outlook
+over the fields (Pl. XXI).
+
+Though the peculiar conformation of the site on which the village has
+been built has produced an unusual irregularity of arrangement, yet even
+here an imperfect example of the typical inclosed court may be found,
+at one point containing the principal kiva or ceremonial chamber of the
+village. It is probable that the accidental occurrence of a suitable
+break or depression in the mesa top determined the position of this kiva
+at an early date and that the first buildings clustered about this
+point.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 8. Topography of the site of Walpi.]
+
+A unique feature in this kiva is its connection with a second
+subterranean chamber, reached from the kiva through an ordinary doorway.
+The depression used for the kiva site must have been either larger than
+was needed or of such form that it could not be thrown into one
+rectangular chamber. It was impossible to ascertain the form of this
+second room, as the writer was not permitted to approach the connecting
+doorway, which was closed with a slab of cottonwood. This chamber, used
+as a receptacle for religious paraphernalia, was said to connect with an
+upper room within the cluster of dwellings close by, but this could not
+be verified at the time of our visit. The plan indicates that such an
+adjoining chamber, if of average size, could easily extend partly under
+the dwellings on either the west or south side of the court. The rocky
+mesa summit is quite irregular in this vicinity, with rather an abrupt
+ascent to the passageway on the south as shown in Pl. XXII. Southeast
+from the kiva there is a large mass of rocks projecting above the
+general level, which has been incorporated into a cluster of dwelling
+rooms. Its character and relation to the architecture may be seen in Pl.
+XXIII. So irregular a site was not likely to be built upon until most of
+the available level surface had been taken up, for even in masonry of
+much higher development than can be found in Tusayan the builders,
+unable to overcome such obstacles as a large mass of protruding rock,
+have accommodated their buildings to such irregularities. This is very
+noticeable in the center cluster of Mummy Cave (in Canyon del Muerto,
+Arizona), where a large mass of sandstone, fallen from the roof of the
+rocky niche in which the houses were built, has been incorporated into
+the house cluster. Between this and another kiva to the north the mesa
+top is nearly level. The latter kiva is also subterranean and was built
+in an accidental break in sandstone. On the very margin of this fissure
+stands a curious isolated rock that has survived the general erosion of
+the mesa. It is near this rock that the celebrated Snake-dance takes
+place, although the kiva from which the dancers emerge to perform the
+open air ceremony is not adjacent to this monument (Pl. XXIV).
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXVII. Mashongnavi with Shupaulovi in distance.]
+
+A short distance farther toward the north occur a group of three more
+kivas. These are on the very brink of the mesa, and have been built in
+recesses in the crowning ledge of sandstone of such size that they could
+conveniently be walled up on the outside, the outer surface of rude
+walls being continuous with the precipitous rock face of the mesa.
+
+The positions of all these ceremonial chambers seem to correspond with
+exceptionally rough and broken portions of the mesa top, showing that
+their location in relation to the dwelling clusters was due largely to
+accident and does not possess the significance that position does in
+many ancient pueblos built on level and unencumbered sites, where the
+adjustment was not controlled by the character of the surface.
+
+The Walpi promontory is so abrupt and difficult of access that there is
+no trail by which horses can be brought to the village without passing
+through Hano and Sichumovi, traversing the whole length of the mesa
+tongue, and crossing a rough break or depression in the mesa summit
+close to the village. Several foot trails give access to the village,
+partly over the nearly perpendicular faces of rock. All of these have
+required to be artificially improved in order to render them
+practicable. Plate XXV, from a photograph, illustrates one of these
+trails, which, a portion of the way, leads up between a huge detached
+slab of sandstone and the face of the mesa. It will be seen that the
+trail at this point consists to a large extent of stone steps that have
+been built in. At the top of the flight of steps where the trail to the
+mesa summit turns to the right the solid sandstone has been pecked out
+so as to furnish a series of footholes, or steps, with no projection or
+hold of any kind alongside. There are several trails on the west side of
+the mesa leading down both from Walpi and Sichúmovi to a spring below,
+which are quite as abrupt as the example illustrated. All the water used
+in these villages, except such as is caught during showers in the
+basin-like water pockets of the mesa top, is laboriously brought up
+these trails in large earthenware canteens slung over the backs of the
+women.
+
+Supplies of every kind, provisions, harvested crops, fuel, etc., are
+brought up these steep trails, and often from a distance of several
+miles, yet these conservative people tenaciously cling to the
+inconvenient situation selected by their fathers long after the
+necessity for so doing has passed away. At present no argument of
+convenience or comfort seems sufficient to induce them to abandon their
+homes on the rocky heights and build near the water supply and the
+fields on which they depend for subsistence.
+
+One of the trails referred to in the description of Hano has been
+converted into a wagon road, as has been already described. The Indians
+preferred to expend the enormous amount of labor necessary to convert
+this bridle path into a wagon road in order slightly to overcome the
+inconvenience of transporting every necessary to the mesa upon their own
+backs or by the assistance of burros. This concession to modern ideas is
+at best but a poor substitute for the convenience of homes built in the
+lower valleys.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 9. Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi from Shumopavi.]
+
+MASHONGNAVI.
+
+Mashongnavi, situated on the summit of a rocky knoll, is a compact
+though irregular village, and the manner in which it conforms to the
+general outline of the available ground is shown on the plan.
+Convenience of access to the fields on the east and to the other
+villages probably prompted the first occupation of the east end of this
+rocky butte (Pl. XXVI).
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXVIII. Back wall of a Mashongnavi house-row.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 10. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi.]
+
+In Mashongnavi of to-day the eastern portion of the village forms a more
+decided court than do the other portions. The completeness in itself of
+this eastern end of the pueblo, in connection with the form of the
+adjoining rows, strongly suggests that this was the first portion of the
+pueblo built, although examination of the masonry and construction
+furnish but imperfect data as to the relative age of different portions
+of the village. One uniform gray tint, with only slight local variations
+in character and finish of masonry, imparts a monotonous effect of
+antiquity to the whole mass of dwellings. Here and there, at rare
+intervals, is seen a wall that has been newly plastered; but,
+ordinarily, masonry of 10 years' age looks nearly as old as that built
+200 years earlier. Another feature that suggests the greater antiquity
+of the eastern court of the pueblo is the presence and manner of
+occurrence here of the kiva. The old builders may have been influenced
+to some extent in their choice of site by the presence of a favorable
+depression for the construction of a kiva, though this particular
+example of the ceremonial room is only partly subterranean. The other
+kivas are almost or quite below the ground level. Although a favorable
+depression might readily occur on the summit of the knoll, a deep
+cavity, suitable for the construction of the subterranean kiva, would
+not be likely to occur at such a distance from the margin of the
+sandstone ledge. The builders evidently preferred to adopt such half-way
+measures with their first kiva in order to secure its inclosure within
+the court, thus conforming to the typical pueblo arrangement. The
+numerous exceptions to this arrangement seen in Tusayan are due to local
+causes. The general view of Mashongnavi given in Pl. XXVII shows that
+the site of this pueblo, as well as that of its neighbor, Shupaulovi,
+was not particularly defensible, and that this fact would have weight in
+securing adherence in the first portion of the pueblo built to the
+defensive inclosed court containing the ceremonial chamber. The plan
+strongly indicates that the other courts of the pueblo were added as the
+village grew, each added row facing toward the back of an older row,
+producing a series of courts, which, to the present time, show more
+terracing on their western sides. The eastern side of each court is
+formed, apparently, by a few additions of low rooms to what was
+originally an unbroken exterior wall, and which is still clearly
+traceable through these added rooms. Such an exterior wall is
+illustrated in Pl. XVIII. This process continued until the last cluster
+nearly filled the available site and a wing was thrown out corresponding
+to a tongue or spur of the knoll upon which it was built. Naturally the
+westernmost or newer portions show more clearly the evidence of
+additions and changes, but such evidence is not wholly wanting in the
+older portions. The large row that bounds the original eastern court on
+the west side may be seen on the plan to be of unusual width, having the
+largest number of rooms that form a terrace with western aspect; yet the
+nearly straight line once defining the original back wall of the court
+inclosing cluster on this side has not been obscured to any great extent
+by the later additions (Pl. XXVIII). This village furnishes the most
+striking example in the whole group of the manner in which a pueblo was
+gradually enlarged as increasing population demanded more space. Such
+additions were often carried out on a definite plan, although the
+results in Tusayan fall far short of the symmetry that characterizes
+many ruined pueblos in New Mexico and Arizona.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 11. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 12. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXIX. West side of a principal row in
+ Mashongnavi.]
+
+A few of these ancient examples, especially some of the smaller ruins of
+the Chaco group, are so symmetrical in their arrangement that they seem
+to be the result of a single effort to carry out a clearly fixed plan.
+By far the largest number of pueblos, however, built among the southwest
+tablelands, if occupied for any length of time, must have been subject
+to irregular enlargement. In some ancient examples, such additions to
+the first plan undoubtedly took place without marring the general
+symmetry. This was the case at Pueblo Bonito, on the Chaco, where the
+symmetrical and even curve of the exterior defensive wall, which was at
+least four stories high, remained unbroken, while the large inclosed
+court was encroached upon by wings added to the inner terraces. These
+additions comfortably provided for a very large increase of population
+after the first building of the pueblo, without changing its exterior
+appearance.
+
+In order to make clearer this order of growth in Mashongnavi, a series
+of skeleton diagrams is added in Figs. 10, 11, and 12, giving the
+outlines of the pueblo at various supposed periods in the course of its
+enlargement. The larger plan of the village (Pl. XXVI) serves as a key
+to these terrace outlines.
+
+The first diagram illustrates the supposed original cluster of the east
+court (Fig. 10), the lines of which can be traced on the larger plan,
+and it includes the long, nearly straight line that marks the western
+edge of the third story. This diagram shows also, in dotted lines, the
+general plan that may have guided the first additions to the west. The
+second diagram (Fig. 11) renders all the above material in full tint,
+again indicating further additions by dotted lines, and so on. (Fig.
+12.) The portions of a terrace, which face westward in the newer courts
+of the pueblo, illustrated in Pl. XXIX, were probably built after the
+western row, completing the inclosure, and were far enough advanced to
+indicate definitely an inclosed court, upon which the dwelling rooms
+faced.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXX. Plan of Shupaulovi.]
+
+SHUPAULOVI.
+
+This village, by far the smallest pueblo of the Tusayan group,
+illustrates a simple and direct use of the principle of the inclosed
+court. The plan (Pl. XXX) shows that the outer walls are scarcely broken
+by terraces, and nearly all the dwelling apartments open inwards upon
+the inclosure, in this respect closely following the previously
+described ancient type, although widely differing from it in the
+irregular disposition of the rooms. (Pl. XXXI) A comparison with the
+first of the series of diagrams illustrating the growth of Mashóngnavi,
+will show how similar the villages may have been at one stage, and how
+suitable a nucleus for a large pueblo this village would prove did space
+and character of the site permit. Most of the available summit of the
+rocky knoll has already been covered, as will be seen from the
+topographic sketch of the site (Fig. 13). The plan shows also that some
+efforts at extension of the pueblo have been made, but the houses
+outside of the main cluster have been abandoned, and are rapidly going
+to ruin. Several small rooms occur on the outer faces of the rows, but
+it can be readily seen that they do not form a part of the original plan
+but were added to an already complete structure.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 13. Topography of the site of Shupaulovi.]
+
+In the inclosed court of this pueblo occurs a small box-like stone
+inclosure, covered with a large slab, which is used as a sort of shrine
+or depository for the sacred plume sticks and other ceremonial
+offerings. This feature is found at some of the other villages, notably
+at Mashongnavi, in the central court, and at Hano, where it is located
+at some distance outside of the village, near the main trail to the
+mesa.
+
+The plan of this small village shows three covered passageways similar
+to those noted in Walpi on the first mesa, though their presence here
+can not be ascribed to the same motives that impelled the Walpi to build
+in this way; for the densely crowded site occupied by the latter
+compelled them to resort to this expedient. One of these is illustrated
+in Pl. XXXII. Its presence may be due in this instance to a
+determination to adhere to the protected court while seeking to secure
+convenient means of access to the inclosed area. It is remarkable that
+this, the smallest of the group, should contain this feature.
+
+This village has but two kivas, one of which is on the rocky summit near
+the houses and the other on the lower ground near the foot of the trail
+that leads to the village. The upper kiva is nearly subterranean, the
+roof being but a little above the ground on the side toward the village,
+but as the rocky site slopes away a portion of side wall is exposed.
+This was roughly built, with no attempt to impart finish to its outer
+face, either by careful laying of the masonry or by plastering. Pl.
+XXXIII illustrates this kiva in connection with the southeastern portion
+of the village. The plan shows how the prolongation of the side rows of
+the village forms a suggestion of a second court. Its development into
+any such feature as the secondary or additional courts of Mashóngnavi
+was prohibited by the restricted site.
+
+As in other villages of this group, the desire to adhere to the
+subterranean form of ceremonial chamber outweighed the inducement to
+place it within the village, or, in the case of the second kiva, even of
+placing it on the same level as the houses, which are 30 feet above it
+with an abrupt trail between them. It is curious and instructive to see
+a room, the use of which is so intimately connected with the inner life
+of the village, placed in such a comparatively remote and inaccessible
+position through an intensely conservative adherence to ancient practice
+requiring this chamber to be depressed.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXXI. View of Shupaulovi.]
+
+The general view of the village given in Pl. XXXI strikingly illustrates
+the blending of the rectangular forms of the architecture with the
+angular and sharply defined fractures of the surrounding rock. This
+close correspondence in form between the architecture and its immediate
+surroundings is greatly heightened by the similarity in color. Mr.
+Stephen has called attention to a similar effect on the western side of
+Walpi and its adjacent mesa edge, which he thought indicates a distinct
+effort at concealment on the part of the builders, by blending the
+architecture with the surroundings. This similarity of effect is often
+accidental, and due to the fact that the materials of the houses and of
+the mesas on which they are built are identical. Even in the case of
+Walpi, cited by Mr. Stephen, where the buildings come to the very mesa
+edge, and in their vertical lines appear to carry out the effect of the
+vertical fissures in the upper benches of sandstone, there was no
+intentional concealment. It is more likely that, through the necessity
+of building close to the limits of the crowded sites, a certain degree
+of correspondence was unintentionally produced between the jogs and
+angles of the houses and those of the mesa edge.
+
+Such correspondence with the surroundings, which forms a striking
+feature of many primitive types of construction where intention of
+concealment had no part, is doubtless mainly due to the use of the most
+available material, although the expression of a type of construction
+that has prevailed for ages in one locality would perhaps be somewhat
+influenced by constantly recurring forms in its environment. In the
+system of building under consideration, such influence would, however,
+be a very minute fraction in the sum of factors producing the type and
+could never account for such examples of special and detailed
+correspondence as the cases cited, nor could it have any weight in
+developing a rectangular type of architecture.
+
+In the development of primitive arts the advances are slow and
+laborious, and are produced by adding small increments to current
+knowledge. So vague and undefined an influence as that exerted by the
+larger forms of surrounding nature are seldom recognized and
+acknowledged by the artisan; on the contrary, experiments, resulting in
+improvement, are largely prompted by practical requirements.
+Particularly is this the case in the art of house-building.
+
+SHUMOPAVI.
+
+This village, although not so isolated as Oraibi, has no near neighbors
+and is little visited by whites or Indians. The inhabitants are rarely
+seen at the trading post to which the others resort, and they seem to be
+pretty well off and independent as compared with their neighbors of the
+other villages (Pl. XXXIV). The houses and courts are in keeping with
+the general character of the people and exhibit a degree of neatness and
+thrift that contrasts sharply with the tumble-down appearance of some of
+the other villages, especially those of the Middle Mesa and Oraibi.
+There is a general air of newness about the place, though it is
+questionable whether the architecture is more recent than that of the
+other villages of Tusayan. This effect is partly due to the custom of
+frequently renewing the coating of mud plaster. In most of the villages
+little care is taken to repair the houses until the owner feels that to
+postpone such action longer would endanger its stability. Many of the
+illustrations in this chapter indicate the proportion of rough masonry
+usually exposed in the walls. At Shumopavi (Pl. XXXV), however, most of
+the walls are smoothly plastered. In this respect they resemble Zuñi and
+the eastern pueblos, where but little naked masonry can be seen. Another
+feature that adds to the effect of neatness and finish in this village
+is the frequent use of a whitewash of gypsum on the outer face of the
+walls. This wash is used partly as an ornament and partly as protection
+against the rain. The material, called by the Mexicans "yeso," is very
+commonly used in the interior of their houses throughout this region,
+both by Mexicans and Indians. More rarely it is used among the pueblos
+as an external wash. Here, however, its external use forms quite a
+distinctive feature of the village. The same custom in several of the
+cliff houses of Canyon de Chelly attests the comparative antiquity of
+the practice, though not necessarily its pre-Columbian origin.
+
+Shumopavi, compared with the other villages, shows less evidence of
+having been built on the open court idea, as the partial inclosures
+assume such elongated forms in the direction of the long, straight rows
+of the rooms; yet examination shows that the idea was present to a
+slight extent.
+
+At the southeast corner of the pueblo there is a very marked approach to
+the open court, though it is quite evident that the easternmost row has
+its back to the court, and that the few rooms that face the other way
+are later additions. In fact, the plan of the village and the
+distribution of the terraces seem to indicate that the first
+construction consisted only of a single row facing nearly east, and was
+not an inclosed court, and that a further addition to the pueblo assumed
+nearly the same form, with its face or terraced side toward the back of
+the first row only partly adapting itself by the addition of a few small
+rooms later, to the court arrangement, the same operation being
+continued, but in a form not so clearly defined, still farther toward
+the west.
+
+The second court is not defined on the west by such a distinct row as
+the others, and the smaller clusters that to some extent break the long,
+straight arrangement bring about an approximation to a court, though
+here again the terraces only partly face it, the eastern side being
+bounded by the long exterior wall of the middle row, two and three
+stories high, and almost unbroken throughout its entire length of 400
+feet. The broken character of the small western row, in conjunction with
+the clusters near it, imparts a distinct effect to the plan of this
+portion, differentiating it in character from the masses of houses
+formed by the other two rows. The latter are connected at their southern
+end by a short cross row which converts this portion of the village
+practically into a single large house. Two covered passageways, however,
+which are designated on the plan, give access to the southeast portion
+of the court. This portion is partly separated from the north half of
+the inclosure by encroaching groups of rooms. This partial division of
+the original narrow and long court appears to be of later date.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXXII. A covered passageway of Shupaulovi.]
+
+The kivas are four in number, of which but one is within the village.
+The latter occupies a partly inclosed position in the southwest portion,
+and probably owes its place to some local facility for building a kiva
+on this spot in the nature of a depression in the mesa summit; but even
+with such aid the ceremonial chamber was built only partly under ground,
+as may be seen in Fig. 14. The remaining three kivas are more distinctly
+subterranean, and in order to obtain a suitable site one of these was
+located at a distance of more than 200 feet from the village, toward the
+mesa edge on the east. The other two are built very close together,
+apparently in contact, just beyond the northern extremity of the
+village. One of these is about 3 feet above the surface at one corner,
+but nearly on a level with the ground at its western side where it
+adjoins its neighbor. These two kivas are illustrated in Pl. LXXXVIII
+and Fig. 21.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 14. Court kiva of Shumopavi.]
+
+Here again we find that the ceremonial chamber that forms so important a
+feature among these people, occupies no fixed relation to the dwellings,
+and its location is largely a matter of accident, a site that would
+admit of the partial excavation or sinking of the chamber below the
+surface being the main requisite. The northwest court contains another
+of the small inclosed shrines already described as occurring at
+Shupaulovi and elsewhere.
+
+The stonework of this village also possesses a somewhat distinctive
+character. Exposed masonry, though comparatively rare in this
+well-plastered pueblo, shows that stones of suitable fracture were
+selected and that they were more carefully laid than in the other
+villages. In places the masonry bears a close resemblance to some of the
+ancient work, where the spaces between the longer tablets of stone were
+carefully chinked with small bits of stone, bringing the whole wall to a
+uniform face, and is much in advance of the ordinary slovenly methods of
+construction followed in Tusayan.
+
+Shumopavi is the successor of an older village of that name, one of the
+cities of the ancient Tusayan visited by a detachment of Coronado's
+expedition in 1540. The ruins of that village still exist, and they
+formerly contained vestiges of the old church and mission buildings
+established by the monks. The squared beams from, these buildings were
+considered valuable enough to be incorporated in the construction of
+ceremonial kivas in some of the Tusayan villages. This old site was not
+visited by the party.
+
+ORAIBI.
+
+This is one of the largest modern pueblos, and contains nearly half the
+population of Tusayan; yet its great size has not materially affected
+the arrangement of the dwellings. The general plan (see Pl. XXXVI),
+simply shows an unusually large collection of typical Tusayan
+house-rows, with the general tendency to face eastward displayed in the
+other villages of the group. There is a remarkable uniformity in the
+direction of the rows, but there are no indications of the order in
+which the successive additions to the village were made, such as were
+found at Mashóngnavi.
+
+The clusters of rooms do not surpass the average dimensions of those in
+the smaller villages. In five of the clusters in Oraibi a height of four
+stories is reached by a few rooms; a height seen also in Walpi.
+
+At several points in Oraibi, notably on the west side of cluster No. 7,
+may be seen what appears to be low terraces faced with rough masonry.
+The same thing is also seen at Walpi, on the west side of the
+northernmost cluster. This effect is produced by the gradual filling in
+of abandoned and broken-down marginal houses, with fallen masonry and
+drifted sand. The appearance is that of intentional construction, as may
+be seen in Pl. XXXIX.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXXIII. The chief kiva of Shupaulovi.]
+
+The rarity of covered passageways in this village is noteworthy, and
+emphasizes the marked difference in the character of the Tusayan and
+Zuñi ground plans. The close crowding of rooms in the latter has made a
+feature of the covered way, which in the scattered plan of Oraibi is
+rarely called for. When found it does not seem an outgrowth of the same
+conditions that led to its adoption in Zuñi. A glance at the plans will
+show how different has been the effect of the immediate environment in
+the two cases. In Zuñi, built on a very slight knoll in the open plain,
+the absence of a defensive site has produced unusual development of the
+defensive features of the architecture, and the result is a remarkably
+dense clustering of the dwellings. At Tusayan, on the other hand, the
+largest village of the group does not differ in character from the
+smallest. Occupation of a defensive site has there, in a measure taken
+the place of a special defensive arrangement, or close clustering of
+rooms. Oraibi is laid out quite as openly as any other of the group, and
+as additions to its size have from time to time been made the builders
+have, in the absence of the defensive motive for crowding the rows or
+groups into large clusters, simply followed the usual arrangement. The
+crowding that brought about the use of the covered way was due in Walpi
+to restricted site, as nearly all the available summit of its rocky
+promontory has been covered with buildings. In Zuñi, on the other hand,
+it was the necessity for defense that led to the close clustering of the
+dwellings and the consequent employment of the covered way.
+
+A further contrast between the general plans of Oraibi and Zuñi is
+afforded in the different manner in which the roof openings have been
+employed in the two cases. The plan of Zuñi, Pl. LXXVI, shows great
+numbers of small openings, nearly all of which are intended exclusively
+for the admission of light, a few only being provided with ladders. In
+Oraibi, on the other hand, there are only seventeen roof openings above
+the first terrace, and of these not more than half are intended for the
+admission of light. The device is correspondingly rare in other villages
+of the group, particularly in those west of the first mesa. In
+Mashóngnavi the restricted use of the roof openings is particularly
+noticeable; they all are of the same type as those used for access to
+first terrace rooms. There is but one roof opening in a second story. An
+examination of the plan, Pl. XXX, will show that in Shupaúlovi but two
+such openings occur above the first terrace, and in the large village of
+Shumopavi, Pl. XXXIV, only about eight. None of the smaller villages can
+be fairly compared with Zuñi in the employment of this feature, but in
+Oraibi we should expect to find its use much more general, were it not
+for the fact that the defensive site has taken the place of the close
+clustering of rooms seen in the exposed village of Zuñi, and, in
+consequence, the devices for the admission of light still adhere to the
+more primitive arrangement (Pls. XL and XLI).
+
+The highest type of pueblo construction, embodied in the large communal
+fortress houses of the valleys, could have developed only as the
+builders learned to rely for protection more upon their architecture and
+less upon the sites occupied. So long as the sites furnished a large
+proportion of the defensive efficiency of a village, the invention of
+the builders was not stimulated to substitute artificial for natural
+advantages. Change of location and consequent development must
+frequently have taken place owing to the extreme inconvenience of
+defensive sites to the sources of subsistence.
+
+The builders of large valley pueblos must frequently have been forced to
+resort hastily to defensive sites on finding that the valley towns were
+unfitted to withstand attack. This seems to have been the case with the
+Tusayan; but that the Zuñi have adhered to their valley pueblo through
+great difficulties is clearly attested by the internal evidence of the
+architecture itself, even were other testimony altogether wanting.
+
+MOEN-KOPI.
+
+About 50 miles west from Oraibi is a small settlement used by a few
+families from Oraibi during the farming season, known as Moen-kopi. (Pl.
+XLIII). The present village is comparatively recent, but, as is the case
+with many others, it has been built over the remains of an older
+settlement. It is said to have been founded within the memory of some of
+the Mormon pioneers at the neighboring town of Tuba City, named after an
+old Oraibi chief, recently deceased.
+
+The site would probably have attracted a much larger number of settlers,
+had it not been so remote from the main pueblos of the province, as in
+many respects it far surpasses any of the present village sites. A large
+area of fertile soil can be conveniently irrigated from copious springs
+in the side of a small branch of the Moen-kopi wash. The village
+occupies a low, rounded knoll at the junction of this branch with the
+main wash, which on the opposite or southern side is quite precipitous.
+The gradual encroachments of the Mormons for the last twenty years have
+had some effect in keeping the Tusayan from more fully utilizing the
+advantages of this site (Pl. XLII).
+
+Moen-kopi is built in two irregular rows of one-story houses. There are
+also two detached single rooms in the village--one of them built for a
+kiva, though apparently not in use at the time of our survey, and the
+other a small room with its principal door facing an adjoining row. The
+arrangement is about the same that prevails in the other villages, the
+rows having distinct back walls of rude masonry.
+
+Rough stone work predominates also in the fronts of the houses, though
+it is occasionally brought to a fair degree of finish. Some adobe work
+is incorporated in the masonry, and at one point a new and still
+unroofed room was seen built of adobe bricks on a stone foundation about
+a foot high. There is but little adobe masonry, however, in Tusayan. Its
+use in this case is probably due to Mormon influence.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXXIV. Plan of Shumopavi.]
+
+Moen-kopi was the headquarters of a large business enterprise of the
+Mormons a number of years ago. They attempted to concentrate the product
+of the Navajo wool trade at this point and to establish here a
+completely appointed woolen mill. Water was brought from a series of
+reservoirs built in a small valley several miles away, and was conducted
+to a point on the Moen-kopi knoll, near the end of the south row of
+houses, where the ditch terminated in a solidly constructed box of
+masonry. From this in turn the water was delivered through a large pipe
+to a turbine wheel, which furnished the motive power for the works. The
+ditch and masonry are shown on the ground plan of the village (Pl.
+XLIII). This mill was a large stone building, and no expense was spared
+in fitting it up with the most complete machinery. At the time of our
+visit the whole establishment had been abandoned for some years and was
+rapidly going to decay. The frames had been torn from the windows, and
+both the floor of the building and the ground in its vicinity were
+strewn with fragments of expensive machinery, broken cog-wheels, shafts,
+etc. This building is shown in Pl. XLV, and may serve as an illustration
+of the contrast between Tusayan masonry and modern stonemason's work
+carried out with the same material. The comparison, however, is not
+entirely fair, as applied to the pueblo builders in general, as the
+Tusayan mason is unusually careless in his work. Many old examples are
+seen in which the finish of the walls compares very favorably with the
+American mason's work, though the result is attained in a wholly
+different manner, viz, by close and careful chinking with numberless
+small tablets of stone. This process brings the wall to a remarkably
+smooth and even surface, the joints almost disappearing in the
+mosaic-like effect of the wall mass. The masonry of Moen-kopi is more
+than ordinarily rough, as the small village was probably built hastily
+and used for temporary occupation as a farming center. In the winter the
+place is usually abandoned, the few families occupying it during the
+farming months returning to Oraibi for the season of festivities and
+ceremonials.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+RUINS AND INHABITED VILLAGES OF CIBOLA.
+
+
+PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE PROVINCE.
+
+Though the surroundings of the Cibolan pueblos and ruins exhibit the
+ordinary characteristics of plateau scenery, they have not the
+monotonous and forbidding aspect that characterizes the mesas and
+valleys of Tusayan. The dusty sage brush and the stunted cedar and
+piñon, as in Tusayan, form a conspicuous feature of the landscape, but
+the cliffs are often diversified in color, being in cases composed of
+alternating bands of light gray and dark red sandstone, which impart a
+considerable variety of tints to the landscape. The contrast is
+heightened by the proximity of the Zuñi Mountains, an extensive
+timber-bearing range that approaches within 12 miles of Zuñi, narrowing
+down the extent of the surrounding arid region.
+
+Cibola has also been more generously treated by nature in the matter of
+water supply, as the province contains a perennial stream which has its
+sources near the village of Nutria, and, flowing past the pueblo of
+Zuñi, disappears a few miles below. During the rainy season the river
+empties into the Colorado Chiquito. The Cibolan pueblos are built on the
+foothills of mesas or in open valley sites, surrounded by broad fields,
+while the Tusayan villages are perched upon mesa promontories that
+overlook the valley lands used for cultivation.
+
+
+PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF RUINS.
+
+HAWIKUH.
+
+The village of Hawikuh, situated about 15 miles to the south of Zuñi,
+consisted of irregular groups of densely clustered cells, occupying the
+point of a spur projecting from a low rounded hill. The houses are in
+such a ruined condition that few separate rooms can be traced, and these
+are much obscured by débris. This débris covers the entire area
+extending down the east slope of the hill to the site of the church. The
+large amount of débris and the comparative thinness of such walls as are
+found suggest that the dwellings had been densely clustered, and carried
+to the height of several stories. Much of the space between the village
+on the hill and the site of the Spanish church on the plain at its foot
+is covered with masonry débris, part of which has slid down from above
+(Pl. XLVI).
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXXV. View of Shumopavi.]
+
+The arrangement suggests a large principal court of irregular form. The
+surrounding clusters are very irregularly disposed, the directions of
+the prevailing lines of walls greatly varying in different groups. There
+is a suggestion also of several smaller courts, as well as of alleyways
+leading to the principal one.
+
+The church, built on the plain below at a distance of about 200 feet
+from the main village, seems to have been surrounded by several groups
+of rooms and inclosures of various sizes, differing somewhat in
+character from those within the village. These groups are scattered and
+open, and the small amount of debris leads to the conclusion that this
+portion of the village was not more than a single story in height. (Pl.
+XLVII.)
+
+The destruction of the village has been so complete that no vestige of
+constructional details remains, with the exception of a row of posts in
+a building near the church. The governor of Zuñi stated that these posts
+were part of a projecting porch similar to those seen in connection with
+modern houses. (See Pls. LXXI, LXXV.) Suggestions of this feature are
+met with at other points on the plain, but they all occur within the
+newer portion of the village around the church. Some of the larger
+inclosures in this portion of the village were very lightly constructed,
+and cover large areas. They were probably used as corrals. Inclosures
+for this purpose occur at other pueblos traditionally ascribed to the
+same age.
+
+The church in this village was constructed of adobe bricks, without the
+introduction of any stonework. The bricks appear to have been molded
+with an unusual degree of care. The massive angles of the northwest, or
+altar end of the structure, have survived the stonework of the adjoining
+village and stand to-day 13 feet high. (Pl. XLVIII.)
+
+KETCHIPAUAN.
+
+The small village of Ketchipauan appears to have been arranged about two
+courts of unequal dimensions. It is difficult to determine, however, how
+much of the larger court, containing the stone church, is of later
+construction. (Pl. XLIX.)
+
+All the northwest portion of the village is now one large inclosure or
+corral, whose walls have apparently been built of the fallen masonry
+from the surrounding houses, leaving the central space clear. This wall
+on the northeast side of the large inclosure apparently follows the jogs
+and angles of the original houses. This may have been the outer line of
+rooms, as traces of buildings occur for some distance within it. On the
+opposite side the wall is nearly continuous, the jogs being of slight
+projection. Here some traces of dwellings occur outside of the wall in
+places to a depth of three rooms. The same thing occurs also at the
+north corner. The continuation of these lines suggests a rectangular
+court of considerable size, bounded symmetrically by groups of
+compartments averaging three rooms deep. (Pl. L.)
+
+Several much smaller inclosures made in the same way occur in the
+village, but they apparently do not conform to the original courts.
+
+At the present time dwelling rooms are traceable over a portion of the
+area south and west of the church. As shown on the plan, upright posts
+occasionally occur. These appear to have been incorporated into the
+original walls, but the latter are so ruined that this can not be stated
+positively, as such posts have sometimes been incorporated in modern
+corral walls. In places they suggest the balcony-like feature seen in
+modern houses, as in Hawikuh, but in the east portion of the pueblo they
+are irregularly scattered about the rooms. A considerable area on the
+west side of the ruin is covered with loosely scattered stones,
+affording no suggestions of a ground plan. They do not seem sufficient
+in amount to be the remains of dwelling rooms.
+
+The Spanish church in this pueblo was built of stone, but the walls were
+much more massive than those of the dwellings. The building is well
+preserved, most of the walls standing 8 or 10 feet high, and in places
+14 feet. This church was apparently built by Indian labor, as the walls
+everywhere show the chinking with small stones characteristic of the
+native work. In this village also, the massive Spanish construction has
+survived the dwelling houses.
+
+The ground plan of the church shows that the openings were splayed in
+the thickness of the walls, at an angle of about 45°. In the doorway, in
+the east end of the building, the greater width of the opening is on the
+inside, a rather unusual arrangement; in the window, on the north side,
+this arrangement is reversed, the splay being outward. On the south side
+are indications of a similar opening, but at the present time the wall
+is so broken out that no well defined jamb can be traced, and it is
+impossible to determine whether the splayed opening was used or not. The
+stones of the masonry are laid with extreme care at the angles and in
+the faces of these splays, producing a highly finished effect.
+
+The position of the beam-holes on the inner face of the wall suggests
+that the floor of the church had been raised somewhat above the ground,
+and that there may have been a cellar-like space under it. No beams are
+now found, however, and no remains of wood are seen in the "altar" end
+of the church. At the present time there are low partitions dividing the
+inclosed area into six rooms or cells. The Indians state that these were
+built at a late date to convert the church into a defense against the
+hostile Apache from the south. These partitions apparently formed no
+part of the original design, yet it is difficult to see how they could
+have served as a defense, unless they were intended to be roofed over
+and thus converted into completely inclosed rooms. A stone of somewhat
+larger size than usual has been built into the south wall of the church.
+Upon its surface some native artist has engraved a rudely drawn mask.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXXVII. Key to the Oraibi plan, also showing
+ localization of gentes.] [numbering gap]
+
+About 150 yards southeast from the church, and on the edge of the low
+mesa upon which the ruin stands, has been constructed a reservoir of
+large size which furnished the pueblo with a reserve water supply. The
+ordinary supply was probably derived from the valley below, where water
+is found at no great distance from the pueblo. Springs may also have
+formerly existed near the village, but this reservoir, located where the
+drainage of a large area discharges, must have materially increased the
+water supply. The basin or depression is about 110 feet in diameter and
+its present depth in the center is about 4 feet; but it has undoubtedly
+been filled in by sediment since its abandonment. More than half of its
+circumference was originally walled in, but at the present time the old
+masonry is indicated only by an interrupted row of large foundation
+stones and fallen masonry. Some large stones, apparently undisturbed
+portions of the mesa edge, have been incorporated into the inclosing
+masonry. The Indians stated that originally the bottom of this basin was
+lined with stones, but these statements could not be verified. Without
+excavation on the upper side, the basin faded imperceptibly into the
+rising ground of the surrounding drainage. Other examples of these basin
+reservoirs are met with in this region.
+
+CHALOWE.
+
+About 15° north of west from Hawikuh, and distant 1½ miles from it,
+begins the series of ruins called Chalowe. They are located on two low
+elevations or foothills extending in a southwestern direction from the
+group of hills, upon whose eastern extremity Hawikuh is built. The
+southernmost of the series covers a roughly circular area about 40 feet
+in diameter. Another cluster, measuring about 30 feet by 20, lies
+immediately north of it, with an intervening depression of a foot or so.
+About 475 feet northwest occurs a group of three rooms situated on a
+slight rise, A little east of north and a half a mile distant from the
+latter is a small hill, upon which is located a cluster of about the
+same form and dimensions as the one first described. Several more
+vaguely defined clusters are traceable near this last one, but they are
+all of small dimensions.
+
+This widely scattered series of dwelling clusters, according to the
+traditional accounts, belonged to one tribe, which was known by the
+general name of Chalowe. It is said to have been inhabited at the time
+of the first arrival of the Spaniards. The general character and
+arrangement however, are so different from the prevailing type in this
+region that it seems hardly probable that it belonged to the same people
+and the same age as the other ruins.
+
+No standing walls are found in any portion of the group, and the small
+amount of scattered masonry suggests that the rooms were only one story
+high. Yet the débris of masonry may have been largely covered up by
+drifting sand. Now it is hardly possible to trace the rooms, and over
+most of the area only scattered stones mark the positions of the groups
+of dwellings.
+
+HAMPASSAWAN.
+
+Of the village of Hampassawan, which is said traditionally to have been
+one of the seven cities of Cibola visited by Coronado, nothing now
+remains but two detached rooms, both showing vestiges of an upper story.
+With this exception, the destruction of the village is complete and only
+a low rise in the plain marks its site. Owing to its exposed position,
+the fallen walls have been completely covered with drifting sand and
+earth, no vestige of the buildings showing through the dense growth of
+sagebrush that now covers it.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 15. Hampassawan, plan.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXXVIII. A court of Oraibi.]
+
+The two surviving rooms referred to appear to have been used from time
+to time, as outlooks over corn fields close by, and as a defense against
+the Navajo. Their final abandonment, and that of the cultivation of the
+adjoining fields, is said to have been due to the killing of a Zuñi
+there, by the Navajo, within very recent times. These rooms have been
+several times repaired, the one on the west particularly. In the latter
+an additional wall has been built upon the northern side, as shown on
+the plan, Fig. 15. The old roof seems to have survived until recently,
+for, although at the present time the room is covered with a roof of
+rudely split cedar beams, the remains of the old, carefully built roof
+lie scattered about in the corners of the room, under the dirt and
+débris. The openings are very small and seem to have been modified since
+the original construction, but it is difficult to distinguish between
+the older original structure and the more recent additions.
+
+K'IAKIMA.
+
+On the south side of the isolated mesa of Tâaaiyalana and occupying a
+high rounded spur of foothills, is the ruined village of K'iakima (Pl.
+LII). A long gulch on the west side of the spur contains, for 300 or 400
+yards, a small stream which is fed from springs near the ruined village.
+
+The entire surface of the hill is covered with scattered débris of
+fallen walls, which must at one time have formed a village of
+considerable size. Over most of this area the walls can not be traced;
+the few rooms which can be distinctly outlined, occurring in a group on
+the highest part of the hill. Standing walls are here seen, but they are
+apparently recent, one room showing traces of a chimney (Pl. LIV). Some
+of the more distinct inclosures, built from fallen masonry of the old
+village, seem to have been intended for corrals. This is the case also
+with the remains found on the cliffs to the north of the village, whose
+position is shown on the plan (Pl. LIII). Here nearly all the scattered
+stones of the original one-story buildings, have been utilized for these
+large inclosures. It is quite possible that these smaller structures on
+the ledge of the mesa were built and occupied at a much later date than
+the principal village. Pl. LIII illustrates a portion of the base of
+Tâaaiyalana where these inclosures appear.
+
+A striking feature of this ruin is the occurrence in the northeast
+corner of the village of large upright slabs of stone. The largest of
+these is about 3 feet wide and stands 5½ feet out of the ground. One of
+the slabs is of such symmetrical form that it suggests skillful
+artificial treatment, but the stone was used just as it came from a seam
+in the cliff above. From the same seam many slabs of nearly equal size
+and symmetrical form have fallen out and now lie scattered about on the
+talus below. Some are remarkable for their perfectly rectangular form,
+while all are distinguished by a notable uniformity in thickness. Close
+by, and apparently forming part of the same group, are a number of
+stones imbedded in the ground with their upper edges exposed and placed
+at right angles to the faces of the vertical monuments. The taller slabs
+are said by the Indians to have been erected as a defense against the
+attacks of the Apache upon this pueblo, but only a portion of the group
+could, from their position, have been of any use for this purpose. The
+stones probably mark graves. Although thorough excavation of the hard
+soil could not be undertaken, digging to the depth of 18 inches revealed
+the same character of pottery fragments, ashes, etc., found in many of
+the pueblo graves. Mr. E. W. Nelson found identical remains in graves in
+the Rio San Francisco region which he excavated in collecting pottery.
+Comparatively little is known, however, of the burial practices of this
+region, so it would be difficult to decide whether this was an ordinary
+method of burial or not.
+
+This pueblo has been identified by Mr. Cushing, through Zuñi tradition,
+as the scene of the death of Estevanico, the negro who accompanied the
+first Spanish expedition to Cibola.
+
+MATSAKI.
+
+Matsaki is situated on a foothill at the base of Tâaaiyalana, near its
+northwestern extremity. This pueblo is in about the same state of
+preservation as K'iakima, no complete rooms being traceable over most of
+the area. Traces of walls, where seen, are not uniform in direction,
+suggesting irregular grouping of the village. At two points on the plan
+rooms partially bounded by standing walls are found. These appear to owe
+their preservation to their occupation as outlooks over fields in the
+vicinity long after the destruction of the pueblo. One of the two rooms
+shows only a few feet of rather rude masonry. The walls of the other
+room, in one corner, stand the height of a full story above the
+surrounding débris, a low room under it having been partially filled up
+with fallen masonry and earth. The well preserved inner corner of the
+exposed room shows lumps of clay adhering here and there to the walls,
+the remnants of an interior corner chimney. No trace of the supports for
+a chimney hood, such as occur in the modern fireplaces, could be found.
+The form outlined against the wall by these slight remains indicates a
+rather rudely constructed feature which was added at a late date to the
+room and formed no part of its original construction. It was probably
+built while the room was used as a farming outlook. As shown on the
+ground plan (Pl. LV), a small cluster of houses once stood at some
+little distance to the southwest of the main pueblo and was connected
+with the latter by a series of rooms. The intervening space may have
+been a court. At the northern edge of the village a primitive shrine has
+been erected in recent times and is still in use. It is rudely
+constructed by simply piling up stones to a height of 2½ or 3 feet, in a
+rudely rectangular arrangement, with an opening on the east. This
+shrine, facing east, contains an upright slab of thin sandstone on which
+a rude sun-symbol has been engraved. The governor of Zuñi, in explaining
+the purpose of this shrine, compared its use to that of our own
+astronomical observatories, which he had seen.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XXXIX. Masonry terraces of Oraibi.]
+
+PINAWA.
+
+The ruins of the small pueblo of Pinawa occupy a slight rise on the
+south side of the Zuñi River, a short distance west of Zuñi. The road
+from Zuñi to Ojo Caliente traverses the ruin. Over most of the area
+rooms can not be traced. One complete room, however, has been preserved
+and appears to be still occupied during the cultivation of the
+neighboring "milpas." It is roofed over and in good condition, though
+the general character of the masonry resembles the older work. On the
+plan (Fig. 16) it will be seen that the stones of the original masonry
+have been collected and built into a number of large inclosures, which
+have in turn been partly destroyed. The positions of the entrances to
+these inclosures can be traced by the absence of stones on the surface.
+The general outline of the corral-like inclosures appears to have
+followed comparatively well preserved portions of the original wall,
+as was the case at Ketchipauan. (Pl. LVI.)
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 16. Pinawa, plan.]
+
+On the southwest side of the pueblo, portions of the outer wall are
+distinctly traceable, some of the stones being still in position. This
+portion of the outline is distinguished by a curious series of curves,
+resembling portions of Nutria and Pescado, but intersecting in an
+unusual manner.
+
+The Ojo Caliente road passes between the main ruin and the standing room
+above described. The remnants of the fallen masonry are so few and so
+promiscuously scattered over this area that the continuity of remains
+can not be fully traced.
+
+HALONA.
+
+An ancient pueblo called Halona is said to have belonged to the Cibolan
+group, and to have been inhabited at the time of the conquest. It
+occupied a portion of the site upon which the present pueblo of Zuñi
+stands. A part of this pueblo was built on the opposite side of the
+river, where the remains of walls were encountered at a slight depth
+below the surface of the ground in excavating for the foundations of Mr.
+Cushing's house. At that time only scattered remains of masonry were met
+with, and they furnished but little indication of details of plan or
+arrangement. Later--during the summer of 1888--Mr. Cushing made
+extensive additions to his house on the south side of the river, and in
+excavating for the foundations laid bare a number of small rooms.
+Excavation was continued until December of that year, when a large part
+of the ancient village had been exposed. Pl. LVII, from a photograph,
+illustrates a portion of these remains as seen from the southwest corner
+of Zuñi. The view was taken in the morning during a light fall of snow
+which, lightly covering the tops of the walls left standing in the
+excavations, sharply defined their outlines against the shadows of the
+rooms.
+
+It seems impossible to restore the entire outline of the portion of
+Halona that has served as a nucleus for modern Zuñi from such data as
+can be procured. At several points of the present village, however,
+vestiges of the old pueblo can be identified. Doubtless if access could
+be obtained to all the innermost rooms of the pueblo some of them would
+show traces of ancient methods of construction sufficient, at least, to
+admit of a restoration of the general form of the ancient pueblo. At the
+time the village was surveyed such examination was not practicable. The
+portion of the old pueblo serving as a nucleus for later construction
+would probably be found under houses Nos. 1 and 4, forming practically
+one mass of rooms. Strangers and outsiders are not admitted to these
+innermost rooms. Outcrops in the small cluster No. 2 indicate by their
+position a continuous wall of the old pueblo, probably the external one.
+Portions of the ancient outer wall are probably incorporated into the
+west side of cluster No. 1. On the north side of cluster No. 2 (see Pl.
+LXXVI) may be seen a buttress-like projection whose construction of
+small tabular stones strongly contrasts with the character of the
+surrounding walls, and indicates that it is a fragment of the ancient
+pueblo. This projecting buttress answers no purpose whatever in its
+present position.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XL. Oraibi house row, showing court side.]
+
+The above suggestions are confirmed by another feature in the same
+house-cluster. On continuing the line of this buttress through the
+governor's house we find a projecting fragment of second story wall, the
+character and finish of which is clearly shown in Pl. LVIII. Its general
+similarity to ancient masonry and contrast with the present careless
+methods of construction are very noticeable. The height of this fragment
+above the ground suggests that the original pueblo was in a very good
+state of preservation when it was first utilized as a nucleus for later
+additions. That portion under house No. 1 is probably equally well
+preserved. The frequent renovation of rooms by the application of a mud
+coating renders the task of determining the ancient portions of the
+cluster by the character of the masonry a very difficult one. Ceilings
+would probably longest retain the original appearance of the ancient
+rooms as they are not subjected to such renovation.
+
+Mr. Cushing thought that the outer western wall of the ancient pueblo
+was curved in outline. It is more probable, however, that it regulated
+the lines of the present outer rooms, and is reflected in them, as the
+usual practice of these builders was to put one partition directly over
+another in adding to the height of a building. This would suggest a
+nearly rectangular form, perhaps with jogs and offsets, for the old
+builders could not incorporate a curved outer wall into a mass of
+rectangular cells, such as that seen in the present pueblo. On the other
+hand, the outer wall of the original pueblo may have been outside of
+rooms now occupied, for the village had been abandoned for some time
+before the colony returned to the site.
+
+TÂAAIYALANA.
+
+On the abandonment of the pueblos known as the Seven Cities of Cibola,
+supposed to have occurred at the time of the general uprising of the
+pueblos in 1680, the inhabitants of all the Cibolan villages sought
+refuge on the summit of Tâaaiyalana, an isolated mesa, 3 miles southeast
+from Zuñi, and there built a number of pueblo clusters.
+
+This mesa, otherwise known as "Thunder Mountain," rises to the height of
+1,000 feet above the plain, and is almost inaccessible. There are two
+foot trails leading to the summit, each of which in places traverses
+abrupt slopes of sandstone where holes have been pecked into the rock to
+furnish foot and hand holds. From the northeast side the summit of the
+mesa can be reached by a rough and tortuous burro trail. All the rest of
+the mesa rim is too precipitous to be scaled. Its appearance as seen
+from Zuñi is shown in Pl. LIX.
+
+On the southern portion of this impregnable site and grouped about a
+point where nearly the whole drainage of the mesa top collects, are
+found the village remains. The Zuñis stated that the houses were
+distributed in six groups or clusters, each taking the place of one of
+the abandoned towns. Mr. Frank H. Cushing [4] was also under the
+impression that these houses had been built as six distinct clusters of
+one village, and he has found that at the time of the Pueblo rebellion,
+but six of the Cibolan villages were occupied. An examination of the
+plan, however, will at once show that no such definite scheme of
+arrangement governed the builders. There are but three, or at most four
+groups that could be defined as distinct clusters, and even in the case
+of these the disposition is so irregular and their boundaries so ill
+defined, through the great number of outlying small groups scattered
+about, that they can hardly be considered distinct. There are really
+thirty-eight separate buildings (Pl. LX) ranging in size from one of two
+rooms, near the southern extremity to one of one hundred and three
+rooms, situated at the southwestern corner of the whole group and close
+to the western edge of the mesa where the foot trails reach the summit.
+There is also great diversity in the arrangement of rooms. In some cases
+the clusters are quite compact, and in others the rooms are distributed
+in narrow rows. In the large cluster at the northwestern extremity the
+houses are arranged around a court; with this exception the clusters of
+rooms are scattered about in an irregular manner, regardless of any
+defensive arrangement of the buildings. The builders evidently placed
+the greatest reliance on their impregnable site, and freely adopted such
+arrangement as convenience dictated.
+
+ [Footnote 4: See Millstone for April, 1884, Indianapolis, Indiana.]
+
+The masonry of these villages was roughly constructed, the walls being
+often less than a foot thick. Very little adobe mortar seems to have
+been used; some of the thickest and best preserved walls have apparently
+been laid nearly dry (Pl. LXI). The few openings still preserved also
+show evidence of hasty and careless construction. Over most of the area
+the debris of the fallen walls is very clearly marked, and is but little
+encumbered with earth or drifted sand. This imparts an odd effect of
+newness to these ruins, as though the walls had recently fallen. The
+small amount of debris suggests that the majority of these buildings
+never were more than one story high, though in four of the broadest
+clusters (see plan, Pl. LX) a height of two, and possibly three, stories
+may have been attained. All the ruins are thickly covered by a very
+luxurious growth of braided cactus, but little of which is found
+elsewhere in the neighborhood. The extreme southeastern cluster,
+consisting of four large rooms, differs greatly in character from the
+rest of the ruins. Here the rooms or inclosures are defined only by a
+few stones on the surface of the ground and partly embedded in the soil.
+There is no trace of the debris of fallen walls. These outlined
+inclosures appear never to have been walled to any considerable height.
+Within one of the rooms is a slab of stone, about which a few ceremonial
+plume sticks have been set on end within recent times.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XLI. Back of Oraibi house row.]
+
+The motive that led to the occupation of this mesa was defense; the
+cause that led to the selection of the particular site was facility for
+procuring a water supply. The trail on the west side passes a spring
+half way down the mesa. There was another spring close to the foot trail
+on the south side; this, however, was lower, being almost at the foot of
+the talus.
+
+In addition to these water sources, the builders collected and stored
+the drainage of the mesa summit near the southern gap or recess. At this
+point are still seen the remains of two reservoirs or dams built of
+heavy masonry. Only a few stones are now in place, but these indicate
+unusually massive construction. Another reservoir occurs farther along
+the mesa rim to the southeast, beyond the limits of the plan as given.
+As may be seen from the plan (Pl. LX) the two reservoirs at the gap are
+quite close together. These receptacles have been much filled up with
+sediment. Pl. LXII gives a view of the principal or westernmost
+reservoir as seen from the northeast. On the left are the large stones
+once incorporated in the masonry of the dam. This masonry appears to
+have originally extended around three-fourths of the circumference of
+the reservoir. As at Ketchipauan, previously described, the upper
+portion of the basins merged insensibly into the general drainage and
+had no definite limit.
+
+The Zuñi claim to have here practiced a curious method of water storage.
+They say that whenever there was snow on the ground the villagers would
+turn out in force and roll up huge snowballs, which were finally
+collected into these basins, the gradually melting snow furnishing a
+considerable quantity of water. The desert environment has taught these
+people to avail themselves of every expedient that could increase their
+supply of water.
+
+It is proper to state that in the illustrated plan of the Tâaaiyalana
+ruins the mesa margin was sketched in without the aid of instrumental
+sights, and hence is not so accurately recorded as the plans and
+relative positions of the houses. It was all that could be done at the
+time, and will sufficiently illustrate the general relation of the
+buildings to the surrounding topography.
+
+KIN-TIEL.
+
+All the ruins above described bear close traditional and historic
+relationship to Zuñi. This is not the case with the splendidly preserved
+ancient pueblo of Kin-tiel, but the absence of such close historic
+connection is compensated for by its architectural interest. Differing
+radically in its general plan from the ruins already examined, it still
+suggests that some resemblance to the more ancient portions of Nutria
+and Pescado, as will be seen by comparing the ground plans (Pls. LXVII
+and LXIX). Its state of preservation is such that it throws light on
+details which have not survived the general destruction in the other
+pueblos. These features will be referred to in the discussion and
+comparison of these architectural groups by constructional details in
+Chapter IV.
+
+This pueblo, located nearly midway between Cibola and Tusayan, is given
+on some of the maps as Pueblo Grande. It is situated on a small arm of
+the Pueblo Colorado wash, 22 or 23 miles north of Navajo Springs, and
+about the same distance south from Pueblo Colorado (Ganado post-office).
+Geographically the ruins might belong to either Tusayan or Cibola, but
+Mr. Cushing has collected traditional references among the Zuñi as to
+the occupation of this pueblo by related peoples at a time not far
+removed from the first Spanish visit to this region.
+
+The plan (Pl. LXIII) shows a marked contrast to the irregularity seen in
+the ruins previously described. The pueblo was clearly defined by a
+continuous and unbroken outer wall, which probably extended to the full
+height of the highest stories (Pl. LXIV). This symmetrical form is all
+the more remarkable in a pueblo of such large dimensions, as, with the
+exception of Pueblo Bonito of the Chaco group, it is the largest ancient
+pueblo examined by this Bureau. This village seems to belong to the same
+type as the Chaco examples, representing the highest development
+attained in building a large defensive pueblo practically as a single
+house. All the terraces faced upon one or more inclosed courts, through
+which access was gained to the rooms. The openings in this outer wall,
+especially near the ground, were few in number and very small in size,
+as shown in Pl. CIV. The pueblo was built in two wings of nearly equal
+size on the opposite slopes of a large sandy wash, traversing its center
+from east to west. This wash doubtless at one time furnished peculiar
+facilities for storage of water within or near the village, and this
+must have been one of the inducements for the selection of the site.
+At the time of our survey, however, not a drop of water was to be found
+about the ruin, nor could vestiges of any construction for gathering or
+storing water be traced. Such vestiges would not be likely to remain, as
+they must have been washed away by the violent summer torrents or buried
+under the accumulating sands. Two seasons subsequent to our work at this
+point it was learned that an American, digging in some rooms on the
+arroyo margin, discovered the remains of a well or reservoir, which he
+cleared of sand and debris and found to be in good condition, furnishing
+so steady a water supply that the discoverer settled on the spot. This
+was not seen by the writer. There is a small spring, perhaps a mile from
+the pueblo in a northeasterly direction, but this source would have been
+wholly insufficient for the needs of so large a village. It may have
+furnished a much more abundant supply, however, when it was in constant
+use, for at the time of our visit it seemed to be choked up. About a
+mile and a half west quite a lagoon forms from the collected drainage of
+several broad valleys, and contains water for a long time after the
+cessation of the rains. About 6 miles to the north, in a depression of a
+broad valley, an extensive lake is situated, and its supply seems to be
+constant throughout the year, except, perhaps, during an unusually dry
+season. These various bodies of water were undoubtedly utilized in the
+horticulture of the occupants of Kin-tiel; in fact, near the borders of
+the larger lake referred to is a small house of two rooms; much similar
+in workmanship to the main pueblo, evidently designed as an outlook over
+fields. This building is illustrated in Pl. LXVI.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XLII. The site of Moen-kopi.]
+
+The arrangement of the inner houses differs in the two halves of the
+ruin. It will be seen that in the north half the general arrangement is
+roughly parallel with the outer walls, with the exception of a small
+group near the east end of the arroyo. In the south half, on the other
+hand, the inner rows are nearly at right angles to the outer room
+clusters. An examination of the contours of the site will reveal the
+cause of this difference in the different configuration of the slopes in
+the two cases. In the south half the rows of rooms have been built on
+two long projecting ridges, and the diverging small cluster in the north
+half owes its direction to a similar cause. The line of outer wall being
+once fixed as a defensive bulwark, there seems to have been but little
+restriction in the adjustment of the inner buildings to conform to the
+irregularities of the site. (Pl. LXIII.)
+
+Only three clearly defined means of access to the interior of the pueblo
+could be found in the outer walls, and of these only two were suitable
+for general use. One was at a reentering angle of the outer wall, just
+south of the east end of the arroyo, where the north wall, continued
+across the arroyo, overlaps the outer wall of the south half, and the
+other one was near the rounded northeastern corner of the pueblo. The
+third opening was a doorway of ordinary size in the thick north wall. It
+seems probable that other gateways once existed, especially in the south
+half. From its larger size and more compact arrangement this south half
+would seem to have greatly needed such facilities, but the preserved
+walls show no trace of them.
+
+The ground plan furnishes indications, mostly in the north half, of
+several large rooms of circular form, but broken down remains of square
+rooms are so much like those of round ones in appearance, owing to the
+greater amount of débris that collects at the corners, that it could not
+be definitely determined that the ceremonial rooms here were of the
+circular form so common in the ancient pueblos. While only circular
+kivas have been found associated with ancient pueblos of this type, the
+kivas of all the Cibola ruins above described are said by the Zuñis to
+have been rectangular. The question can be decided for this pueblo only
+by excavation on a larger scale than the party was prepared to
+undertake. Slight excavation at a point where a round room was indicated
+on the surface, revealed portions of straight walls only.
+
+The large size of the refuse heap on the south side of the village
+indicates that the site had been occupied for many generations.
+Notwithstanding this long period of occupation, no important structure
+of the village seems to have extended beyond the plan. On the north
+side, outside the main wall, are seen several rectangles faintly
+outlined by stones, but these do not appear to have been rooms. They
+resemble similar inclosures seen in connection with ruined pueblos
+farther south, which proved on excavation to contain graves.
+
+The positions of the few excavations made are indicated on the plan (Pl.
+LXIII). Our facilities for such work were most meager, and whatever
+results were secured were reached at no great distance from the surface.
+One of these excavations, illustrated in Pl. C, will be described at
+greater length in Chapter IV.
+
+
+PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF INHABITED VILLAGES.
+
+NUTRIA.
+
+Nutria is the smallest of the three farming pueblos of Zuñi, and is
+located about 23 miles by trail northeast from Zuñi at the head of
+Nutria valley. The water supply at this point is abundant, and furnishes
+a running stream largely utilized in irrigating fields in the vicinity.
+Most of the village is compactly arranged, as may be seen from the plan
+(Pl. LXVII and Fig. 17), but a few small clusters, of late construction,
+containing two or three rooms each, are situated toward the east at
+quite a distance from the principal group. It is now occupied solely as
+a farming pueblo during the planting and harvesting season.
+
+The outline of this small pueblo differs greatly from those of most of
+the Cibolan villages. The village (Pl. LXVIII), particularly in its
+northernmost cluster, somewhat approximates the form of the ancient
+pueblo of Kin-tiel (Pl. LXIII), and has apparently been built on the
+remains of an older village of somewhat corresponding form, as indicated
+by its curved outer wall. Fragments of carefully constructed masonry of
+the ancient type, contrasting noticeably with the surrounding modern
+construction, afford additional evidence of this. The ancient village
+must have been provided originally with ceremonial rooms or kivas, but
+no traces of such rooms are now to be found.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 17. Nutria, plan; small diagram, old wall.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XLIII. Plan of Moen-kopi.]
+
+At the close of the harvest, when the season of feasts and ceremonials
+begins, lasting through most of the winter, the occupants of these
+farming villages close up their houses and move back to the main pueblo
+leaving them untenanted until the succeeding spring.
+
+The great number of abandoned and ruined rooms is very noticeable in the
+farming pueblos illustrated in this and two of the succeeding plans
+(Pls. LXIX and LXXIII). The families that farm in their vicinity seem to
+occupy scarcely more than half of the available rooms.
+
+PESCADO.
+
+This village, also a Zuñi farming pueblo, is situated in a large valley
+about 12 miles northeast from Zuñi. Although it is much larger than
+Nutria it is wholly comprised within the compact group illustrated. The
+tendency to build small detached houses noticed at Nutria and at Ojo
+Caliente has not manifested itself here. The prevalence of abandoned and
+roofless houses is also noticeable.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 18. Pescado, plan, old wall diagram.]
+
+The outlines of the original court inclosing pueblo (Pl. LXX) are very
+clearly marked, as the farming Zuñis in their use of this site have
+scarcely gone outside of the original limits of the ancient pueblo. The
+plan, Pl. LXIX and Fig. 18, shows a small irregular row built in the
+large inclosed court; this row, with the inclosures and corrals that
+surround it, probably formed no part of the original plan. The full
+curved outline is broken only at the west end of the village by small
+additions to the outer wall, and the north and east walls also closely
+follow the boundary of the original pueblo. In fact, at two points along
+the north wall fragments of carefully executed masonry, probably forming
+part of the external wall of the ancient pueblo, are still preserved
+(Pl. LXXII). This outer wall was probably once continuous to the full
+height of the pueblo, but the partial restorations of the buildings by
+the Zuñi farmers resemble more closely the modern arrangement. Small
+rooms have been added to the outside of the cluster and in some cases
+the terraces are reached by external stone steps, in contrast with the
+defensive arrangement prevailing generally in pueblos of this form.
+A number of dome-shaped ovens have been built outside the walls.
+
+The principle of pueblo plan embodied in Kin-tiel, before referred to,
+is traceable in this village with particular clearness, distinguishing
+it from most of the Cibolan pueblos. No traces of kivas were met with in
+this village.
+
+OJO CALIENTE.
+
+The farming village of Ojo Caliente is located near the dry wash of the
+Zuñi River, and is about 15 miles distant from Zuñi, in a southerly
+direction. It is about midway between Hawikuh and Ketchipauan, two of
+the seven cities of Cibola above described. Though situated in fertile
+and well watered country and close to the remains of the ancient
+villages, it bears indications of having been built in comparatively
+recent times. There are no such evidences of connection with an older
+village as were found at Nutria and Pescado. The irregular and small
+clusters that form this village are widely scattered over a rather rough
+and broken site, as shown on the plan (Pl. LXXIII). Here again a large
+portion of the village is untenanted. The large cluster toward the
+eastern extremity of the group, and the adjoining houses situated on the
+low, level ground, compose the present inhabited village. The houses
+occupying the elevated rocky sites to the west (Pl. LXXIV) are in an
+advanced stage of decay, and have been for a long time abandoned.
+
+This southern portion of the Cibola district seems to have been much
+exposed to the inroads of the Apache. One of the effects of this has
+already been noticed in the defensive arrangement in the Ketchipauan
+church. On account of such danger, the Zuñi were likely to have built
+the first house-clusters here on the highest points of the rocky
+promontory, notwithstanding the comparative inconvenience of such sites.
+Later, as the farmers gained confidence or as times became safer, they
+built houses down on the flat now occupied; but this apparently was not
+done all at once. The distribution of the houses over sites of varying
+degrees of inaccessibility, suggests a succession of approaches to the
+occupation of the open and unprotected valley.
+
+Some of the masonry of this village is carelessly constructed, and, as
+in the other farming pueblos, there is much less adobe plastering and
+smoothing of outer walls than in the home pueblo.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XLIV. Moen-kopi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate (unnumbered key).]
+
+At the time of the survey the occupation of this village throughout
+the year was proposed by several families, who wished to resort to
+the parent village only at stated ceremonials and important festivals.
+The comparative security of recent times is thus tending to the
+disintegration of the huge central pueblo. This result must be
+inevitable, as the dying out of the defensive motive brings about a
+realization of the great inconvenience of the present centralized
+system.
+
+ZUÑI.
+
+The pueblo of Zuñi is built upon a small knoll on the north bank of
+the Zuñi River, about three miles west of the conspicuous mesa of
+Tâaaiyalana. It is the successor of all the original "Seven Cities of
+Cibola" of the Spaniards, and is the largest of the modern pueblos.
+As before stated, the remains of Halona, one of the "seven cities," as
+identified by Mr. Cushing, have served as a nucleus for the construction
+of the modern pueblo, and have been incorporated into the most densely
+clustered portions, represented on the plan (Pl. LXXVI) by numbers 1
+and 4.
+
+Some of the Cibolan villages were valley pueblos, built at a distance
+from the rocky mesas and canyons that must have served as quarries for
+the stone used in building. The Halona site was of this type, the
+nearest supply of stone being 3 miles distant. At this point (Halona)
+the Zuñi River is perennial, and furnishes a plentiful supply of water
+at all seasons of the year. It disappears, however, a few miles west in
+a broad, sandy wash, to appear again 20 miles below the village,
+probably through the accession of small streams from springs farther
+down. The so-called river furnishes the sole water supply at Zuñi, with
+the exception of a single well or reservoir on the north side of the
+village.
+
+Zuñi has been built at a point having no special advantages for defense;
+convenience to large areas of tillable soil has apparently led to the
+selection of the site. This has subjected it in part to the same
+influences that had at an earlier date produced the carefully walled
+fortress pueblos of the valleys, where the defensive efficiency was due
+to well planned and constructed buildings. The result is that Zuñi,
+while not comparable in symmetry to many of the ancient examples,
+displays a remarkably compact arrangement of dwellings in the portions
+of the pueblos first occupied, designated on the plan (Pl. LXXVI) as
+houses 1 and 4. Owing to this restriction of lateral expansion this
+portion of the pueblo has been carried to a great height.
+
+Pl. LXXVIII gives a general view of these higher terraces of the village
+from the southeast. A height of five distinct terraces from the ground
+is attained on the south side of this cluster. The same point, however,
+owing to the irregularity of the site, is only three terraces above the
+ground on the north side. The summit of the knoll upon which the older
+portion of Zuñi has been built is so uneven, and the houses themselves
+vary so much in dimensions, that the greatest disparity prevails in the
+height of terraces. A three-terrace portion of a cluster may have but
+two terraces immediately alongside, and throughout the more closely
+built portions of the village the exposed height of terraces varies from
+1 foot to 8 or 10 feet. Pl. LXXIX illustrates this feature.
+
+The growth of the village has apparently been far beyond the original
+expectation of the builders, and the crowded additions seem to have been
+joined to the clusters wherever the demand for more space was most
+urgent, without following any definite plan in their arrangement. In
+such of the ancient pueblo ruins as afford evidence of having passed
+through a similar experience, the crowding of additional cells seems to
+have been made to conform to some extent to a predetermined plan. At
+Kin-tiel we have seen how such additions to the number of habitable
+rooms could readily be made within the open court without affecting the
+symmetry and defensive efficiency of the pueblo; but here the nucleus of
+the large clusters was small and compact, so that enlargement has taken
+place only by the addition of rooms on the outside, both on the ground
+and on upper terraces.
+
+The highest point of Zuñi, now showing five terraces, is said to have
+had a height of seven terraces as late as the middle of the present
+century, but at the time of the survey of the village no traces were
+seen of such additional stories. The top of the present fifth terrace,
+however, is more than 50 feet long, and affords sufficient space for the
+addition of a sixth and seventh story.
+
+The court or plaza in which the church (Pl. LXXX) stands is so much
+larger than such inclosures usually are when incorporated in a pueblo
+plan that it seems unlikely to have formed part of the original village.
+It probably resulted from locating the church prior to the construction
+of the eastern rows of the village. Certain features in the houses
+themselves indicate the later date of these rows.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XLV. The Mormon mill at Moen-kopi.]
+
+The arrangement of dwellings about a court (Pl. LXXXII), characteristic
+of the ancient pueblos, is likely to have prevailed in the small pueblo
+of Halona, about which clustered the many irregular houses that
+constitute modern Zuñi. Occasional traces of such an arrangement are
+still met with in portions of Zuñi, although nearly all of the ancient
+pueblo has been covered with rooms of later date. In the arrangement of
+Zuñi houses a noticeable difference in the manner of clustering is found
+in different parts of the pueblo. That portion designated as house No. 1
+on the plan, built over the remains of the original small pueblo, is
+unquestionably the oldest portion of the village. The clustering seems
+to have gone on around this center to an extraordinary and exceptional
+extent before any houses were built in other portions. House No. 4 is a
+portion of the same structure, for although a street or passageway
+intervenes it is covered with two or three terraces, indicating that
+such connection was established at an early date. The rows on the lower
+ground to the east (Pl. LXXXI), where the rooms are not so densely
+clustered, were built after the removal of the defensive motive that
+influenced the construction of the central pile. These portions,
+arranged approximately in rows, show a marked resemblance to pueblos of
+known recent date. That they were built subsequently to the main
+clusters is also indicated by the abundant use of oblique openings and
+roof holes, where there is very little necessity for such contrivances.
+This feature was originally devised to meet the exceptional conditions
+of lighting imposed by dense crowding of the living rooms. It will be
+referred to again in examining the details of openings, and its wide
+departure from the arrangement found to prevail generally in pueblo
+constructions will there be noted. The habit of making such provisions
+for lighting inner rooms became fixed and was applied generally to many
+clusters much smaller in size than those of other pueblos where this
+feature was not developed and where the necessity for it was not felt.
+These less crowded rooms of more recent construction form the eastern
+portion of the pueblo, and also include the governor's house on the
+south side.
+
+The old ceremonial rooms or kivas, and the rooms for the meeting of the
+various orders or secret societies were, during the Spanish occupancy,
+crowded into the innermost recesses of this ancient portion of Zuñi
+under house No. 1. But the kivas, in all likelihood, occupied a more
+marginal position before such foreign influence was brought to bear on
+them, as do some of the kivas at the present time, and as is the general
+practice in other modern pueblos.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+ARCHITECTURE OF TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA COMPARED BY CONSTRUCTIONAL DETAILS.
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+In the two preceding chapters the more general features of form and
+distribution in the ruined and inhabited pueblos of Tusayan and Cibola
+have been described. In order to gain a full and definite idea of the
+architectural acquirements of the pueblo builders it will be necessary
+to examine closely the constructional details of their present houses,
+endeavoring, when practicable, to compare these details with the rather
+meager vestiges of similar features that have survived the destruction
+of the older villages, noting the extent to which these have departed
+from early types, and, where practicable, tracing the causes of such
+deviation. For convenience of comparison the various details of
+housebuilding for the two groups will be treated together.
+
+The writer is indebted to Mr. A. M. Stephen, the collector of the
+traditionary data already given, for information concerning the rites
+connected with house building at Tusayan incorporated in the following
+pages, and also for the carefully collected and valuable nomenclature of
+architectural details appended hereto. Material of this class pertaining
+to the Cibola group of pueblos unfortunately could not be procured.
+
+
+HOUSE BUILDING.
+
+RITES AND METHODS.
+
+The ceremonials connected with house building in Tusayan are quite
+meager, but the various steps in the ritual, described in their proper
+connection in the following paragraphs, are well defined and definitely
+assigned to those who participate in the construction of the buildings.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XLVI. Hawikuh, plan.]
+
+So far as could be ascertained there is no prearranged plan for an
+entire house of several stories, or for the arrangement of contiguous
+houses. Most of the ruins examined emphasize this absence of a clearly
+defined general plan governing the location of rooms added to the
+original cluster. Two notable exceptions to this want of definite plan
+occur among the ruins described. In Tusayan the Fire House (Fig. 7) is
+evidently the result of a clearly defined purpose to give a definite
+form to the entire cluster, just as, on a very much larger scale, does
+the ruin of Kin-tiel, belonging to the Cibola group (Pl. LXIII). In both
+these cases the fixing of the outer wall on a definite line seems to
+have been regarded as of more importance than the specific locations of
+individual rooms or dwellings within this outline. Throughout that part
+of Tusayan which has been examined, however, the single room seems now
+to be regarded as the pueblo unit, and is spoken of as a complete house.
+It is the construction of such a house unit that is here to be
+described.
+
+A suitable site having been selected, the builder considers what the
+dimensions of the house should be, and these he measures by paces,
+placing a stone or other mark at each corner. He then goes to the woods
+and cuts a sufficient number of timbers for the roof of a length
+corresponding to the width of his house. Stones are also gathered and
+roughly dressed, and in all these operations he is assisted by his
+friends, usually of his own gens. These assistants receive no
+compensation except their food, but that of itself entails considerable
+expense on the builder, and causes him to build his house with as few
+helpers as possible.
+
+The material having been accumulated, the builder goes to the village
+chief, who prepares for him four small eagle feathers. The chief ties a
+short cotton string to the stem of each, sprinkles them with votive
+meal, and breathes upon them his prayers for the welfare of the proposed
+house and its occupants. These feathers are called Nakwa kwoci, a term
+meaning a breathed prayer, and the prayers are addressed to Másauwu, the
+Sun, and to other deities concerned in house-life. These feathers are
+placed at the four corners of the house and a large stone is laid over
+each of them. The builder then decides where the door is to be located,
+and marks the place by setting some food on each side of it; he then
+passes around the site from right to left, sprinkling piki crumbs and
+other particles of food, mixed with native tobacco, along the lines to
+be occupied by the walls. As he sprinkles this offering he sings to the
+Sun his Kitdauwi, house song: "Si-ai, a-hai, si-ai, a-hai." The meaning
+of these words the people have now forgotten.
+
+Mr. Stephen has been informed by the Indians that the man is a mason and
+the woman the plasterer, the house belonging to the woman when finished;
+but according to my own observation this is not the universal practice
+in modern Tusayan. In the case of the house in Oraibi, illustrated in
+Pl. XL from a photograph, much, if not all, of the masonry was laid, as
+well as finished and plastered, by the woman of the house and her female
+relatives. There was but one man present at this house-building, whose
+grudgingly performed duty consisted of lifting the larger roof beams and
+lintels into place and of giving occasional assistance in the heavier
+work. The ground about this house was strewn with quantities of broken
+stone for masonry, which seemed to be all prepared and brought to the
+spot before building began; but often the various divisions of the work
+are carried on by both men and women simultaneously. While the men were
+dressing the stones, the women brought earth and water and mixed a mud
+plaster. Then the walls were laid in irregular courses, using the mortar
+very sparingly.
+
+The house is always built in the form of a parallelogram, the walls
+being from 7 to 8 feet high, and of irregular thickness, sometimes
+varying from 15 to 22 inches in different parts of the same wall.
+
+Pine, piñon, juniper, cottonwood, willow, and indeed all the available
+trees of the region are used in house construction. The main beams for
+the roof are usually of pine or cottonwood, from which the bark has been
+stripped. The roof is always made nearly level, and the ends of the
+beams are placed across the side walls at intervals of about 2 feet.
+Above these are laid smaller poles parallel with the side walls, and not
+more than a foot apart. Across these again are laid reeds or small
+willows, as close together as they can be placed, and above this series
+is crossed a layer of grass or small twigs and weeds. Over this
+framework a layer of mud is spread, which, after drying, is covered with
+earth and firmly trodden down. The making of the roof is the work of the
+women. When it is finished the women proceed to spread a thick coating
+of mud for a floor. After this follows the application of plaster to the
+walls. Formerly a custom prevailed of leaving a small space on the wall
+unplastered, a belief then existing that a certain Katchina came and
+finished it, and although the space remained bare it was considered to
+be covered with an invisible plaster.
+
+The house being thus far completed, the builder prepares four feathers
+similar to those prepared by the chief, and ties them to a short piece
+of willow, the end of which is inserted over one of the central roof
+beams. These feathers are renewed every year at the feast of Soyalyina,
+celebrated in December, when the sun begins to return north ward. The
+builder also makes an offering to Másauwu (called "feeding the house")
+by placing fragments of food among the rafters, beseeching him not to
+hasten the departure of any of the family to the under world.
+
+A hole is left in one corner of the roof, and under this the woman
+builds a fireplace and chimney. The former is usually but a small cavity
+about a foot square in the corner of the floor. Over this a chimney hood
+is constructed, its lower rim being about 3 feet above the floor.
+
+As a rule the house has no eaves, the roof being finished with a stone
+coping laid flush with the wall and standing a few inches higher than
+the roof to preserve the earth covering from being blown or washed away.
+Roof-drains of various materials are also commonly inserted in the
+copings, as will be described later.
+
+All the natives, as far as could be ascertained, regard this
+single-roomed house as being complete in itself, but they also consider
+it the nucleus of the larger structure. When more space is desired, as
+when the daughters of the house marry and require room for themselves,
+another house is built in front of and adjoining the first one, and a
+second story is often added to the original house. The same ceremony is
+observed in building the ground story in front, but there is no ceremony
+for the second and additional stories.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XLVII. Hawikuh, view.]
+
+Anawita (war-chief of Sichumovi) describes the house in Walpi in which
+he was born as having had five rooms on the ground floor, and as being
+four stories high, but it was terraced both in front and rear, his
+sisters and their families occupying the rear portion. The fourth story
+consisted of a single room and had terraces on two opposite sides. This
+old house is now very dilapidated, and the greater portion of the walls
+have been carried away. There is no prescribed position for
+communicating doorways, but the outer doors are usually placed in the
+lee walls to avoid the prevailing southwest winds.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 19. A Tusayan wood rack.]
+
+Formerly on the approach of cold weather, and to some extent the custom
+still exists, people withdrew from the upper stories to the kikoli
+rooms, where they huddled together to keep warm. Economy in the
+consumption of fuel also prompted this expedient; but these ground-floor
+rooms forming the first terrace, as a rule having no external doorways,
+and entered from without by means of a roof hatchway provided with a
+ladder, are ordinarily used only for purposes of storage. Even their
+roofs are largely utilized for the temporary storage of many household
+articles, and in the autumn, after the harvests have been gathered, the
+terraces and copings are often covered with drying peaches, and the
+peculiar long strips into which pumpkins and squashes have been cut to
+facilitate their desiccation for winter use. Among other things the
+household supply of wood is sometimes piled up at one end of this
+terrace, but more commonly the natives have so many other uses for this
+space that the sticks of fuel are piled up on a rude projecting skeleton
+of poles, supported on one side by two upright forked sticks set into
+the ground, and on the other resting upon the stone coping of the wall,
+as illustrated in Fig. 19. At other times poles are laid across a
+re-entering angle of a house and used as a wood rack, without any
+support from the ground. At the autumn season not only is the available
+space of the first terrace fully utilized, but every projecting beam or
+stick is covered with strings of drying meat or squashes, and many long
+poles are extended between convenient points to do temporary duty as
+additional drying racks. There was in all cases at least one fireplace
+on the inside in the upper stories, but the cooking was done on the
+terraces, usually at the end of the first or kikoli roof. This is still
+a general custom, and the end of the first terrace is usually walled up
+and roofed, and is called tupubi. Tuma is the name of the flat
+baking-stone used in the houses, but the flat stone used for baking at
+the kisi in the field is called tupubi.
+
+Kikoli is the name of the ground story of the house, which has no
+opening in the outer wall.
+
+The term for the terraced roofs is ihpobi, and is applied to all of
+them; but the tupatca ihpobi, or third terrace, is the place of general
+resort, and is regarded as a common loitering place, no one claiming
+distinct ownership. This is suggestive of an early communal dwelling,
+but nothing definite can now be ascertained on this point. In this
+connection it may also be noted that the eldest sister's house is
+regarded as their home by her younger brothers and her nieces and
+nephews.
+
+Aside from the tupubi, there are numerous small rooms especially
+constructed for baking the thin, paper-like bread called piki. These are
+usually not more than from 5 to 7 feet high, with interior dimensions
+not larger than 7 feet by 10, and they are called tumcokobi, the place
+of the flat stone, tuma being the name of the stone itself, and tcok
+describing its flat position. Many of the ground-floor rooms in the
+dwelling houses are also devoted to this use.
+
+The terms above are those more commonly used in referring to the houses
+and their leading features. A more exhaustive vocabulary of
+architectural terms, comprising those especially applied to the various
+constructional features of the kivas or ceremonial rooms, and to the
+"kisis," or temporary brush shelters for field use, will be found near
+the end of this paper.
+
+The only trace of a traditional village plan, or arrangement of
+contiguous houses, is found in a meager mention in some of the
+traditions, that rows of houses were built to inclose the kiva, and to
+form an appropriate place for the public dances and processions of
+masked dancers. No definite ground plan, however, is ascribed to these
+traditional court-inclosing houses, although at one period in the
+evolution of this defensive type of architecture they must have partaken
+somewhat of the symmetrical grouping found on the Rio Chaco and
+elsewhere.
+
+LOCALIZATION OF GENTES.
+
+In the older and more symmetrical examples there was doubtless some
+effort to distribute the various gentes, or at least the phratries,
+in definite quarters of the village, as stated traditionally. At the
+present day, however, there is but little trace of such localization. In
+the case of Oraibi, the largest of the Tusayan villages, Mr. Stephen has
+with great care and patience ascertained the distribution of the various
+gentes in the village, as recorded on the accompanying skeleton plan
+(Pl. XXXVII). An examination of the diagram in connection with the
+appended list of the families occupying Oraibi will at once show that,
+however clearly defined may have been the quarters of various gentes in
+the traditional village, the greatest confusion prevails at the present
+time. The families numerically most important, such as the Reed, Coyote,
+Lizard, and Badger, are represented in all of the larger house clusters.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XLVIII. Adobe church at Hawikuh.]
+
+_Families occupying Oraibi._
+
+[See house plan--house numbers in blue.]
+
+ 1. Kokop................winwuh...................Burrowing owl.
+ 2. Pikyas...............nyumuh...................Young corn plant.
+ 3. Bakab................winwuh...................Reed (_Phragmites
+communis_).
+ 4. Tuwa.................winwuh...................Sand.
+ 5. Tdap.................nyumuh...................Jack rabbit.
+ 6. Honan................winwuh...................Badger.
+ 7. Isn..................winwuh...................Coyote.
+ 8. See 3.........................................Reed.
+ 9. Kukuto...............winwuh...................Lizard.
+10. Honan................nyumuh...................Bear.
+11. Honau.........................................Bear.
+12. See 3.........................................Reed.
+13. See 7.........................................Coyote.
+14. Tcuin.........................................Rattlesnake.
+15. Awat..........................................Bow.
+16. Kokuan........................................Spider.
+17. See 9.........................................Lizard.
+18. See 3.........................................Reed.
+19. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
+20. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
+21. See 5.........................................Rabbit.
+22. See 9.........................................Lizard.
+23. See 9.........................................Lizard.
+23½. See 9........................................Lizard.
+24. See 2.........................................Young corn.
+25. Gyazro...............nyumuh...................Paroquet.
+26. See 2.........................................Young corn.
+27. Kwah.................nyumuh...................Eagle.
+28. See 7.........................................Coyote.
+29. See 27........................................Eagle.
+30. See 9.........................................Lizard.
+31. See 9.........................................Lizard.
+32. See 7.........................................Coyote.
+33. See 7.........................................Coyote.
+34. See 2.........................................Young corn.
+35. See 6.........................................Badger.
+36. See 16........................................Spider.
+37. Batun................winwuh...................Squash.
+38. See 15........................................Bow.
+39. See 15........................................Bow.
+40. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
+41. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
+42. See 6.........................................Badger.
+43. Tdawuh...............winwuh...................Sun.
+44. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
+45. See 25........................................Paroquet.
+46. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
+47. See 1.........................................Burrowing-owl.
+48. See 3.........................................Reed.
+49. See 3.........................................Reed.
+50. See 3.........................................Reed.
+51. See 3.........................................Reed.
+52. See 27........................................Eagle.
+53. See 25........................................Paroquet.
+54. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
+55. See 5.........................................Rabbit.
+56. See 9.........................................Lizard.
+57. Pobol................winwuh...................Moth.
+58. See 6.........................................Badger.
+59. See 5.........................................Rabbit.
+60. See 5.........................................Rabbit.
+61. See 7.........................................Coyote.
+62. See 7.........................................Coyote.
+63. Atoko................winwuh...................Crane.
+64. See 3.........................................Reed.
+65. See 9.........................................Lizard.
+66. Keli.................nyumuh...................Hawk.
+67. See 7.........................................Coyote.
+68. See 43........................................Sun.
+69. Kwan.................nyumuh...................Mescal cake.
+70. See 27........................................Eagle.
+71. See 27........................................Eagle.
+72. See 2.........................................Corn.
+73. See 6.........................................Badger.
+74. See 7.........................................Coyote.
+75. See 7.........................................Coyote.
+76. See 27........................................Eagle.
+77. See 3.........................................Reed.
+78. See 3.........................................Reed.
+79. See 3.........................................Reed.
+80. See 9.........................................Lizard.
+81. See 43........................................Sun.
+82. See 25........................................Paroquet.
+83. See 9.........................................Lizard.
+84. See 9.........................................Lizard.
+85. See 43........................................Sun.
+86. See 3.........................................Reed.
+87. See 3.........................................Reed.
+88. See 7.........................................Coyote.
+89. See 3.........................................Reed.
+90. Vacant.
+91. See 2.........................................Corn.
+92. See 25........................................Paroquet.
+93. See 25........................................Paroquet.
+94. See 10........................................Bear.
+95. See 19........................................Bear.
+96. See 4.........................................Sand.
+97. See 4.........................................Sand.
+98. See 4.........................................Sand.
+99. See 3.........................................Reed.
+100. See 2........................................Corn.
+101. See 2........................................Corn.
+102. See 7........................................Coyote.
+103. See 7........................................Coyote.
+104. See 3........................................Reed.
+105. See 3........................................Reed.
+106. See 3........................................Reed.
+107. See 5........................................Rabbit.
+108. See 7........................................Coyote.
+109. See 5........................................Rabbit.
+110. See 5........................................Rabbit.
+111. See 3........................................Reed.
+112. See 5........................................Rabbit.
+113. Vacant.
+114. Vacant.
+115. See 3........................................Reed.
+116. See 6........................................Badger.
+117. See 43.......................................Sun.
+118. See 7........................................Coyote.
+119. See 43.......................................Sun.
+120. See 5........................................Rabbit.
+121. See 43.......................................Sun.
+122. See 3........................................Reed.
+123. See 4........................................Sand.
+124. See 4........................................Sand.
+125. See 3........................................Reed.
+126. See 3........................................Reed.
+127. See 43.......................................Sun.
+128. See 2........................................Corn.
+129. See 9........................................Lizard.
+130. See 4........................................Sand.
+131. See 4........................................Sand.
+132. See 7........................................Coyote.
+133. See 9........................................Lizard.
+134. See 25.......................................Paroquet.
+135. See 25.......................................Paroquet.
+136. See 6........................................Badger.
+137. See 6........................................Badger.
+138. Vacant.
+139. See 10.......................................Bear.
+140. See 3........................................Reed.
+141. See 25.......................................Paroquet.
+142. See 25.......................................Paroquet.
+143. See 43.......................................Sun.
+144. See 5........................................Rabbit.
+145. See 15.......................................Bow.
+146. Vacant.
+147. See 6........................................Badger.
+148. Katcin..............nyumuh...................Katcina.
+149. See 7........................................Coyote.
+150. See 6........................................Badger.
+151. See 6........................................Badger.
+152. See 6........................................Badger.
+153. See 6........................................Badger.
+
+Counting No. 23½, this makes 154 houses; 149 occupied, 5 vacant.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XLIX. Ketchipanan, plan.]
+
+Reed families..... 25 Paroquet families... 10 Eagle families.... 6
+Coyote families... 17 Owl families........ 9 Bear families..... 5
+Lizard families... 14 Corn families....... 9 Bow families...... 4
+Badger families... 13 Sun families........ 9 Spider families... 2
+Rabbit families... 11 Sand families....... 8
+
+Snake, Squash, Moth, Crane, Hawk, Mescal cake, Katcina, one each.
+
+No tradition of gentile localization was discovered in Cibola.
+Notwithstanding the decided difference in the general arrangements of
+rooms in the eastern and western portions of the village, the
+architectural evidence does not indicate the construction of the various
+portions of the present Zuñi by distinct groups of people.
+
+INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT.
+
+On account of the purpose for which much of the architectural data here
+given were originally obtained, viz, for the construction of large scale
+models of the pueblos, the material is much more abundant for the
+treatment of exterior than of interior details. Still, when the walls
+and roof, with all their attendant features, have been fully recorded,
+little remains to be described about a pueblo house; for such of its
+interior details as do not connect with the external features are of the
+simplest character. At the time of the survey of these pueblos no
+exhaustive study of the interior of the houses was practicable, but the
+illustrations present typical dwelling rooms from both Tusayan and Zuñi.
+As a rule the rooms are smaller in Tusayan than at Zuñi.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 20. Interior ground plan of a Tusayan room.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate L. Ketchipauan.]
+
+The illustration, Fig. 20, shows the ground plan of a second-story room
+of Mashongnavi. This room measures 13 by 12½ feet, and is considerably
+below the average size of the rooms in these villages. A projecting
+buttress or pier in the middle of the east wall divides that end of the
+room into two portions. One side is provided with facilities for storage
+in the construction of a bench or ledge, used as a shelf, 3 feet high
+from the floor; and a small inclosed triangular bin, built directly on
+the floor, by fixing a thin slab of stone into the masonry. The whole
+construction has been treated with the usual coating of mud, which has
+afterwards been whitewashed, with the exception of a 10-inch band that
+encircles the whole room at the floor line, occupying the position of
+a baseboard. The other side of the dividing pier forms a recess, that
+is wholly given up to a series of metates or mealing stones; an
+indispensable feature of every pueblo household. It is quite common to
+find a series of metates, as in the present instance, filling the entire
+available width of a recess or bay, and leaving only so much of its
+depth behind the stones as will afford floor space for the kneeling
+women who grind the corn. In larger open apartments undivided by
+buttress or pier, the metates are usually built in or near one corner.
+They are always so arranged that those who operate them face the middle
+of the room. The floor is simply a smoothly plastered dressing of clay
+of the same character as the usual external roof covering. It is, in
+fact, simply the roof of the room below smoothed and finished with
+special care. Such apartments, even in upper stories, are sometimes
+carefully paved over the entire surface with large flat slabs of stone.
+It is often difficult to procure rectangular slabs of sufficient size
+for this purpose, but the irregularities of outline of the large flat
+stones are very skillfully interfitted, furnishing, when finished,
+a smoothly paved floor easily swept and kept clean.
+
+On the right of the doorway as one enters this house are the fireplace
+and chimney, built in the corner of the room. In this case the chimney
+hood is of semicircular form, as indicated on the plan. The entire
+chimney is illustrated in Fig. 62, which represents the typical curved
+form of hood. In the corner of the left as one enters are two ollas, or
+water jars, which are always kept filled. On the floor near the water
+jars is indicated a jug or canteen, a form of vessel used for bringing
+in water from the springs and wells at the foot of the mesa. At Zuñi
+water seems to be all brought directly in the ollas, or water jars, in
+which it is kept, this canteen form not being in use for the purpose.
+
+The entrance doorway to this house, as indicated on the plan, is set
+back or stepped on one side, a type of opening which is quite common in
+Tusayan. This form is illustrated in Fig. 84.
+
+This room has three windows, all of very small size, but it has no
+interior communication with any other room. In this respect it is
+exceptional. Ordinarily rooms communicate with others of the cluster.
+
+Pl. LXXXV shows another typical Tusayan interior in perspective. It
+illustrates essentially the same arrangement as does the preceding
+example. The room is much larger than the one above described, and it is
+divided midway of its length by a similar buttress. This buttress
+supports a heavy girder, thus admitting of the use of two tiers of floor
+beams to span the whole length of the room. The fireplace and chimney
+are similar to those described, as is also the single compartment for
+mealing stones. In this case, however, this portion of the room is quite
+large, and the row of mealing stones is built at right angles to its
+back wall and not parallel with it.
+
+The right-hand portion of the room is provided with a long, straight
+pole suspended from the roof beams. This is a common feature in both
+Tusayan and Zuñi. The pole is used for the suspension of the household
+stock of blankets and other garments. The windows of this house are
+small, and two of them, in the right-hand division of the room, have
+been roughly sealed up with masonry.
+
+Pl. LXXXVI illustrates a typical Zuñi interior. In this instance the
+example happens to be rather larger than the average room. It will be
+noticed that this apartment has many features in common with that at
+Tusayan last described. The pole upon which blankets are suspended is
+here incorporated into the original construction of the house, its two
+ends being deeply embedded in the masonry of the wall. The entire floor
+is paved with slabs of much more regular form than any used at Tusayan.
+The Zuñi have access to building stone which is of a much better grade
+than is available in Tusayan.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LI. Stone church at Ketchipauan.]
+
+This room is furnished with long, raised benches of masonry along the
+sides, a feature much more common at Zuñi than at Tusayan. Usually such
+benches extend along the whole length of a wall, but here the projection
+is interrupted on one side by the fireplace and chimney, and on the left
+it terminates abruptly near the beginning of a tier of mealing stones,
+in order to afford floor space for the women who grind. The metates are
+arranged in the usual manner, three in a row, but there is an additional
+detached section placed at right angles to the main series. The sill of
+the doorway by which this room communicates with an adjoining one is
+raised about 18 inches above the floor, and is provided with a rudely
+mortised door in a single panel. Alongside is a small hole through which
+the occupant can prop the door on the inside of the communicating room.
+The subsequent sealing of the small hand-hole with mud effectually
+closes the house against intrusion. The unusual height of this door sill
+from the floor has necessitated the construction of a small step, which
+is built of masonry and covered with a single slab of stone. All the
+doors of Zuñi are more or less raised above the ground or floor, though
+seldom to the extent shown in the present example. This room has no
+external door and can be directly entered only by means of the hatchway
+and ladder shown in the drawing. At one time this room was probably
+bounded by outer walls and was provided with both door and windows,
+though now no evidence of the door remains, and the windows have become
+niches in the wall utilized for the reception of the small odds and ends
+of a Zuñi household. The chimney of this house will be noticed as
+differing materially, both in form and in its position in the room, from
+the Tusayan examples. This form is, however, the most common type of
+chimney used in Zuñi at the present time, although many examples of the
+curved type also occur. It is built about midway of the long wall of the
+room. The Tusayan chimneys seldom occupy such a position, but are nearly
+always built in corners. The use of a pier or buttress-projection for
+the support of a roof girder that is characteristic of Tusayan is not
+practiced at Zuñi to any extent. Deer horns have been built into the
+wall of the room to answer the purpose of pegs, upon which various
+household articles are suspended.
+
+The various features, whose positions in the pueblo dwelling house have
+been briefly described above, will each be made the subject of more
+exhaustive study in tracing the various modifications of form through
+which they have passed. The above outline will furnish a general idea of
+the place that these details occupy in the house itself.
+
+
+KIVAS IN TUSAYAN.
+
+_General use of kivas._--Wherever the remains of pueblo architecture
+occur among the plateaus of the southwest there appears in every
+important village throughout all changes of form, due to variations of
+environment and other causes, the evidence of chambers of exceptional
+character. The chambers are distinguishable from the typical dwelling
+rooms by their size and position, and, generally, in ancient examples,
+by their circular form. This feature of pueblo architecture has survived
+to the present time, and is prominent in all modern pueblos that have
+come under the writer's notice, including the villages of Acoma and
+Jemez, belonging to the Rio Grande group, as well as in the pueblos
+under discussion. In all the pueblos that have been examined, both
+ancient and modern, with the exception of those of Tusayan, these
+special rooms, used for ceremonial purposes, occupy marginal or
+semidetached positions in the house clusters. The latter are wholly
+detached from the houses, as may be seen from the ground plans.
+
+_Origin of the name._--Such ceremonial rooms are known usually by the
+Spanish term "estufa," meaning literally a stove, and here used in the
+sense of "sweat house," but the term is misleading, as it more properly
+describes the small sweat houses that are used ceremonially by
+lodge-building Indians, such as the Navajo. At the suggestion of Major
+Powell the Tusayan word for this everpresent feature of pueblo
+architecture has been adopted, as being much more appropriate. The word
+"kiva," then, will be understood to designate the ceremonial chamber of
+the pueblo building peoples, ancient and modern.
+
+_Antiquity of the kiva._--The widespread occurrence of this feature and
+its evident antiquity distinguish it as being especially worthy of
+exhaustive study, especially as embodied in its construction maybe found
+survivals of early methods of arrangement that have long ago become
+extinct in the constantly improving art of housebuilding, but which are
+preserved through the well known tendency of the survival of ancient
+practice in matters pertaining to the religious observances of a
+primitive people. Unfortunately, in the past the Zuñi have been exposed
+to the repressive policy of the Spanish authorities, and this has
+probably seriously affected the purity of the kiva type. At one time,
+when the ceremonial observances of the Zuñi took place in secret for
+fear of incurring the wrath of the Spanish priests, the original kivas
+must have been wholly abandoned, and though at the present time some of
+the kivas of Zuñi occupy marginal positions in the cell clusters, just
+as in many ancient examples, it is doubtful whether these rooms
+faithfully represent the original type of kiva. There seems to be but
+little structural evidence to distinguish the present kivas from
+ordinary large Zuñi rooms beyond the special character of the fireplace
+and of the entrance trap door, features which will be fully described
+later. At Tusayan, on the other hand, we find a distinct and
+characteristic structural plan of the kiva, as well as many special
+constructive devices. Although the position of the ceremonial room is
+here exceptional in its entire separation from the dwelling, this is due
+to clearly traceable influences in the immediate orograpic environment,
+and the wholly subterranean arrangement of most of the kivas in this
+group is also due to the same local causes.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LII. K'iakima, plan.]
+
+_Excavation of the kiva._--The tendency to depress or partly excavate
+the ceremonial chamber existed in Zuñi, as in all the ancient pueblo
+buildings which have been examined; but the solid rock of the mesa tops
+in Tusayan did not admit of the necessary excavation, and the
+persistence of this requirement, which, as I shall elsewhere show, has
+an important connection with the early types of pueblo building,
+compelled the occupants of these rocky sites to locate their kivas at
+points where depressions already existed. Such facilities were most
+abundant near the margins of the mesas, where in many places large
+blocks of sandstone have fallen out from the edge of the surface
+stratum, leaving nearly rectangular spaces at the summit of the cliff
+wall. The construction of their villages on these rocky promontories
+forced the Tusayan builders to sacrifice, to a large extent, the
+traditional and customary arrangement of the kivas within the
+house-inclosed courts of the pueblo, in order to obtain properly
+depressed sites. This accidental effect of the immediate environment
+resulted in giving unusual prominence to the sinking of the ceremonial
+room below the ground surface, but a certain amount of excavation is
+found as a constant accompaniment of this feature throughout the pueblo
+region in both ancient and modern villages. Even at Zuñi, where the
+kivas appear to retain but few of the specialized features that
+distinguish them at Tusayan, the floors are found to be below the
+general level of the ground. But at Tusayan the development of this
+single requirement has been carried to such an extent that many of the
+kivas are wholly subterranean. This is particularly the case with those
+that occupy marginal sites on the mesas, such as have been referred to
+above. In such instances the broken-out recesses in the upper rocks have
+been walled up on the outside, roughly lined with masonry within, and
+roofed over in the usual manner. In many cases the depth of these rock
+niches is such that the kiva roof when finished does not project above
+the general level of the mesa summit, and its earth covering is
+indistinguishable from the adjoining surface, except for the presence of
+the box-like projection of masonry that surrounds the entrance trap door
+and its ladder (see Pl. LXXXVII). Frequently in such cases the surface
+of the ground shows no evidence of the outlines or dimensions of the
+underlying room. Examples of such subterranean kivas may be seen in the
+foreground of the general view of a court in Oraibi (Pl. XXXVIII), and
+in the view of the dance rock at Walpi (Pl. XXIV). But such wholly
+subterranean arrangement of the ceremonial chamber is by no means
+universal even at Tusayan. Even when the kiva was placed within the
+village courts or close to the houses, in conformity to the traditional
+plan and ancient practice as evidenced in the ruins, naturally depressed
+sites were still sought; but such sites as the mesa margin affords were
+rarely available at any distance from the rocky rim. The result is that
+most of the court kivas are only partly depressed. This is particularly
+noticeable in a court kiva in Shumopavi, an illustration of which is
+given in Fig. 14.
+
+The mungkiva or principal kiva of Shupaulovi, illustrated in Pl. XXXIII,
+is scarcely a foot above the ground level on the side towards the
+houses, but its rough walls are exposed to a height of several feet down
+on the declivity of the knoll. The view of the stone corrals of
+Mashongnavi, shown in Pl. CIX, also illustrates a kiva of the type
+described. This chamber is constructed on a sharp slope of the declivity
+where a natural depression favored the builders. On the upper side the
+roof is even with the ground, but on its outer or southern side the
+masonry is exposed to nearly the whole depth of the chamber. At the
+north end of Shumopavi, just outside the houses, are two kivas, one of
+which is of the semi-subterranean type. The other shows scarcely any
+masonry above the ground outside of the box-like entrance way. Pl.
+LXXXVIII illustrates these two kivas as seen from the northeast, and
+shows their relation to the adjacent houses. The following (Fig. 21)
+illustrates the same group from the opposite point of view.
+
+_Access._--The last described semi-subterranean kiva and the similar one
+in the court of the village, show a short flight of stone steps on their
+eastern side. Entrance to the ceremonial chamber is prevented when
+necessary by the removal of the ladder from the outside, or in some
+instances by the withdrawal of the rungs, which are loosely inserted
+into holes in the side pieces. There is no means of preventing access to
+the exposed trap doors, which are nearly on a level with the ground. As
+a matter of convenience and to facilitate the entrance into the kiva of
+costumed and masked dancers, often encumbered with clumsy paraphernalia,
+steps are permanently built into the outside wall of the kiva in direct
+contradiction to the ancient principles of construction; that is, in
+having no permanent or fixed means of access from the ground to the
+first roof. These are the only cases in which stone steps spring
+directly from the ground, although they are a very important feature in
+Tusayan house architecture above the first story, as may be seen in any
+of the general views of the villages. The justification of such an
+arrangement in connection with the indefensible kiva roof lies obviously
+in the different conditions here found as compared with the dwellings.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 21. North kivas of Shumopavi, seen from the
+ southwest.]
+
+The subterranean kiva of the Shumopavi group, above illustrated, is
+exceptional as occurring at some distance from the mesa rim. Probably
+all such exceptions to the rule are located in natural fissures or
+crevices of the sandstone, or where there was some unusual facility for
+the excavation of the site to the required depth. The most noteworthy
+example of such inner kiva being located with reference to favorable
+rock fissures has been already described in discussing the ground plan
+of Walpi and its southern court-inclosed kiva (p. 65).
+
+_Masonry._--The exterior masonry of these chambers seems in all cases to
+be of ruder construction than that of the dwelling houses. This is
+particularly noticeable in the kivas of Walpi on the mesa edge, but is
+apparent even in some of the Zuñi examples. One of the kivas of house
+No. 1 in Zuñi, near the churchyard, has small openings in its wall that
+are rudely framed with stone slabs set in a stone wall of exceptional
+roughness. Apparently there has never been any attempt to smooth or
+reduce this wall to a finished surface with the usual coating of adobe
+mud.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LIII. Site of K'iakima, at base of Tâaaiyalana.]
+
+In Tusayan also some of the kiva walls look as though they had been
+built of the first material that came to hand, piled up nearly dry, and
+with no attempt at the chinking of joints, that imparts some degree of
+finish to the dwelling-house masonry. The inside of these kivas,
+however, is usually plastered smoothly, but the interior plastering is
+applied on a base of masonry even in the case of the kivas that are
+wholly subterranean. It seems to be the Tusayan practice to line all
+sides of the kivas with stone masonry, regardless of the completeness
+and fitness of the natural cavity. It is impossible, therefore, to
+ascertain from the interior of a kiva how much of the work of excavation
+is artificial and how much has been done by nature. The lining of
+masonry probably holds the plastering of adobe mud much better than the
+naked surface of the rock, but the Tusayan builders would hardly resort
+to so laborious a device to gain this small advantage. The explanation
+of this apparent waste of labor lies in the fact that kivas had been
+built of masonry from time immemorial, and that the changed conditions
+of the present Tusayan environment have not exerted their influence for
+a sufficient length of time to overcome the traditional practice. As
+will be seen later, the building of a kiva is accompanied by certain
+rites and ceremonies based on the use of masonry walls, additional
+testimony of the comparatively recent date of the present subterranean
+types.
+
+_Orientation._--In questioning the Tusayan on this subject Mr. Stephen
+was told that no attention to the cardinal points was observed in the
+plan, although the walls are spoken of according to the direction to
+which they most closely approximate. An examination of the village plans
+of the preceding chapters, however, will show a remarkable degree of
+uniformity in the directions of kivas which can scarcely be due to
+accident in rooms built on such widely differing sites. The intention
+seems to have been to arrange these ceremonial chambers approximately on
+the north and south line, though none of the examples approach the
+meridian very closely. Most of them face southeast, though some,
+particularly in Walpi, face west of south. In Walpi four of the five
+kivas are planned on a southwest and northeast line, following the
+general direction of the mesa edge, while the remaining one faces
+southeast. The difference in this last case may have been brought about
+by exigencies of the site on the mesa edge and the form of the cavity in
+which the kiva was built. Again at Hano and Sichumovi (Pls. XVI and
+XVIII) on the first mesa this uniformity of direction prevails, but,
+as the plans show, the kivas in these two villages are few in number.
+The two kivas of Shupaulovi will be seen (Pl. XXX) to have the same
+direction, viz, facing southeast. In Shumopavi (Pl. XXXIV) there are
+four kivas all facing southeast. In Mashongnavi, however (Pl. XXVI), the
+same uniformity does not prevail. Three of the kivas face south of east,
+and two others built in the edge of the rocky bench on the south side of
+the village face west of south. In the large village of Oraibi there is
+remarkable uniformity in the direction of the many kivas, there being a
+variation of only a few degrees in direction in the whole number of
+thirteen shown on the plan (Pl. XXXVI). But in the case of the large
+kiva partly above ground designated as the Coyote kiva, the direction
+from which it is entered is the reverse of that of the other kivas.
+No explanation is offered that will account for this curious single
+exception to the rule. The intention of the builders has evidently been
+to make the altar and its attendant structural features conform to a
+definite direction, fixed, perhaps, by certain requirements of the
+ceremonial, but the irregularity of the general village plan in many
+cases resulting from its adaptation to restricted sites, has given rise
+to the variations that are seen.
+
+In Zuñi there was an evident purpose to preserve a certain uniformity of
+direction in the kiva entrances. In house No. 1 (Pls. LXXVI and LXXVII)
+there are two kivas, distinguishable on the plan by the large divided
+trap door. The entrance of these both face southeast, and it can readily
+be seen that this conformity has been provided intentionally, since the
+rooms themselves do not correspond in arrangement. The roof opening is
+in one case across the room and in the other it is placed
+longitudinally. As has been pointed out above, the general plan of
+arranging the kivas is not so readily distinguished in Zuñi as in
+Tusayan. Uniformity, so far as it is traceable, is all the more striking
+as occurring where there is so much more variation in the directions of
+the walls of the houses. Still another confirmation is furnished by the
+pueblo of Acoma, situated about 60 miles eastward from Zuñi. Here the
+kivas are six in number and the directions of all the examples are found
+to vary but a few degrees. These also face east of south.
+
+There are reasons for believing that the use of rectangular kivas is of
+later origin in the pueblo system of building than the use of the
+circular form of ceremonial chamber that is of such frequent occurrence
+among the older ruins. Had strict orientation of the rectangular kiva
+prevailed for long periods of time it would undoubtedly have exerted a
+strong influence towards the orientation of the entire pueblo clusters
+in which the kivas were incorporated; but in the earlier circular form,
+the constructional ceremonial devices could occupy definite positions in
+relation to the cardinal points at any part of the inner curve of the
+wall without necessarily exerting any influence on the directions of
+adjoining dwellings.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LIV. Recent wall at K'iakima.]
+
+_The ancient form of kiva._--In none of the ruins examined in the
+province of Tusayan have distinct traces of ancient kivas been found,
+nor do any of them afford evidence as to the character of the ceremonial
+rooms. It is not likely, however, that the present custom of building
+these chambers wholly under ground prevailed generally among the earlier
+Tusayan villages, as some of the remains do not occupy sites that would
+suggest such arrangement. The typical circular kiva characteristic of
+most of the ancient pueblos has not been seen within the limits of
+Tusayan, although it occurs constantly in the ruins of Canyon de Chelly
+which are occasionally referred to in Tusayan tradition as having been
+occupied by related peoples. Mr. Stephen, however, found vestiges of
+such ancient forms among the debris of fallen walls occupying two small
+knolls on the edge of the first mesa, at a point that overlooks the
+broken-down ruin of Sikyatki. On the southeast shoulder of one of the
+knolls is a fragment of a circular wall which was originally 12 feet in
+diameter. It is built of flat stones, from 2 to 4 inches thick, 6 to 8
+inches wide, and a foot or more in length, nearly all of which have been
+pecked and dressed. Mud mortar has been sparingly used, and the masonry
+shows considerable care and skill in execution; the curve of the wall is
+fairly true, and the interstices of the masonry are neatly filled in
+with smaller fragments, in the manner of some of the best work of the
+Canyon de Chelly ruins.
+
+The knoll farther south shows similar traces, and on the southeast slope
+is the complete ground plan of a round structure 16½ feet in diameter.
+At one point of the curved wall, which is about 22 inches thick, occurs
+the characteristic recessed katchinkihu (described later in discussing
+the interior of kivas) indicating the use of this chamber for ceremonial
+purposes.
+
+Although these remains probably antedate any of the Tusayan ruins
+discussed above (Chapter II), they suggest a connection and relationship
+between the typical kiva of the older ruins and the radically different
+form in use at the present time.
+
+_Native explanations of position._--Notwithstanding the present practice
+in the location of kivas, illustrated in the plans, the ideal village
+plan is still acknowledged to have had its house-clusters so distributed
+as to form inclosed and protected courts, the kivas being located within
+these courts or occupying marginal positions in the house-clusters on
+the edge of the inclosed areas. But the native explanations of the
+traditional plan are vague and contradictory.
+
+In the floor of the typical kiva is a sacred cavity called the sipapuh,
+through which comes the beneficent influence of the deities or powers
+invoked. According to the accounts of some of the old men the kiva was
+constructed to inclose this sacred object, and houses were built on
+every side to surround the kiva and form its outer wall. In earlier
+times, too, so the priests relate, people were more devout, and the
+houses were planned with their terraces fronting upon the court, so that
+the women and children and all the people, could be close to the masked
+dancers (katchinas) as they issued from the kiva. The spectators filled
+the terraces, and sitting there they watched the katchinas dance in the
+court, and the women sprinkled meal upon them, while they listened to
+their songs. Other old men say the kiva was excavated in imitation of
+the original house in the interior of the earth, where the human family
+were created, and from which they climbed to the surface of the ground
+by means of a ladder, and through just such an opening as the hatchway
+of the kiva. Another explanation commonly offered is that they are made
+underground because they are thus cooler in summer, and more easily
+warmed in winter.
+
+All these factors may have had some influence in the design, but we have
+already seen that excavation to the extent here practiced is wholly
+exceptional in pueblo building and the unusual development of this
+requirement of kiva construction has been due to purely local causes.
+In the habitual practice of such an ancient and traditional device, the
+Indians have lost all record of the real causes of the perpetuation of
+this requirement. At Zuñi, too, a curious explanation is offered for the
+partial depression of the kiva floor below the general surrounding
+level. Here it is naively explained that the floor is excavated in order
+to attain a liberal height for the ceiling within the kiva, this being a
+room of great importance. Apparently it does not occur to the Zuñi
+architect that the result could be achieved in a more direct and much
+less laborious manner by making the walls a foot or so higher at the
+time of building the kiva, after the manner in which the same problem is
+solved when it is encountered in their ordinary dwelling house
+construction. Such explanations, of course, originated long after the
+practice became established.
+
+METHODS OF KIVA BUILDING AND RITES.
+
+The external appearance of the kivas of Tusayan has been described and
+illustrated; it now remains to examine the general form and method of
+construction of these subterranean rooms, and to notice the attendant
+rites and ceremonies.
+
+_Typical plans._--All the Tusayan kivas are in the form of a
+parallelogram, usually about 25 feet long and half as wide, the ceiling,
+which is from 5½ to 8 feet high, being slightly higher in the middle
+than at either end. There is no prescribed rule for kiva dimensions, and
+seemingly the size of the chamber is determined according to the number
+who are to use it, and who assume the labor of its construction. A list
+of typical measurements obtained by Mr. Stephen is appended (p. 136).
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LV. Matsaki, plan.]
+
+An excavation of the desired dimensions having been made, or an existing
+one having been discovered, the person who is to be chief of the kiva
+performs the same ceremony as that prescribed for the male head of a
+family when the building of a dwelling house is undertaken. He takes a
+handful of meal, mixed with piki crumbs, and a little of the crumbled
+herb they use as tobacco, and these he sprinkles upon the ground,
+beginning on the west side, passing southward, and so around, the
+sprinkled line he describes marking the position to be occupied by the
+walls. As he thus marks the compass of the kiva, he sings in a droning
+tone "Si-ai, a-hai, a-hai, si-ai, a-hai"--no other words but these. The
+meaning of these words seems to be unknown, but all the priests agree in
+saying that the archaic chant is addressed to the sun, and it is called
+Kitdauwi--the House Song. The chief then selects four good-sized stones
+of hard texture for corner stones, and at each corner he lays a baho,
+previously prepared, sprinkles it with the mixture with which he has
+described the line of the walls, and then lays the corner stone upon it.
+As he does this, he expresses his hope that the walls "will take good
+root hold," and stand firm and secure.
+
+The men have already quarried or collected a sufficient quantity of
+stone, and a wall is built in tolerably regular courses along each side
+of the excavation. The stones used are roughly dressed by fracture; they
+are irregular in shape, and of a size convenient for one man to handle.
+They are laid with only a very little mud mortar, and carried up, if the
+ground be level, to within 18 inches of the surface. If the kiva is
+built on the edge of the cliff, as at Walpi, the outside wall connects
+the sides of the gap, conforming to the line of the cliff. If the
+surface is sloping, the level of the roof is obtained by building up one
+side of the kiva above the ground to the requisite height as illustrated
+in Fig. 21. One end of the "Goat" kiva at Walpi is 5 feet above ground,
+the other end being level with the sloping surface. When the ledge on
+the precipitous face of the mesa is uneven it is filled in with rough
+masonry to obtain a level for the floor, and thus the outside wall of
+some of the Walpi kivas is more than 12 feet high, although in the
+interior the measurement from floor to ceiling is much less.
+
+Both cottonwood and pine are used for the roof timbers; they are roughly
+dressed, and some of them show that an attempt has been made to hew them
+with four sides, but none are square. In the roof of the "Goat" kiva,
+at Walpi, are four well hewn pine timbers, measuring exactly 6 by 10
+inches, which are said to have been taken from the mission house built
+near Walpi by the Spanish priests some three centuries ago. The ceiling
+plan of the mungkiva of Shupaulovi (Fig. 23) shows that four of these
+old Spanish squared beams have been utilized in its construction. One of
+these is covered with a rude decoration of gouged grooves and bored
+holes, forming a curious line-and-dot ornament. The other kiva of this
+village contains a single undecorated square Spanish roof beam. This
+beam contrasts very noticeably with the rude round poles of the native
+work, one of which, in the case of the kiva last mentioned, is a forked
+trunk of a small tree. Some of the Indians say that the timbers were
+brought by them from the Shumopavi spring, where the early Spanish
+priests had established a mission. According to these accounts, the home
+mission was established at Walpi, with another chapel at Shumopavi, and
+a third and important one at Awatubi.
+
+One man, Sikapiki by name, stated that the squared and carved beams were
+brought from the San Francisco Mountains, more than a hundred miles
+away, under the direction of the priests, and that they were carved and
+finished prior to transportation. They were intended for the chapel and
+cloister, but the latter building was never finished. The roof timbers
+were finally distributed among the people of Shumopavi and Shupaulovi.
+At Shumopavi one of the kivas, known, as the Nuvwatikyuobi
+(The-high-place-of-snow--San Francisco Mountains) kiva, was built only
+8 years ago. The main roof timbers are seven in number. Four of them are
+hewn with flat sides, 8 by 12 inches to 9 by 13 inches; the other three
+are round, the under sides slightly hewn, and they are 12 inches in
+diameter. These timbers were brought from the San Francisco Mountains
+while the Spaniards were here. The Shumopavi account states that the
+people were compelled to drag most of the timbers with ropes, although
+oxen were also used in some cases, and that the Spaniards used them to
+roof their mission buildings. After the destruction of the mission these
+timbers were used in the construction of a dwelling house, which,
+falling into ruin, was abandoned and pulled down. Subsequently they were
+utilized as described above. In the Teosobi, Jay, the main timbers were
+taken out of it many years ago and used in another kiva. The timbers now
+in the roof are quite small and are laid in pairs, but they are old and
+much decayed. In the Gyarzobi, Paroquet, are six squared timbers from
+the Spanish mission buildings, measuring 9 by 13 inches, 8 by 12 inches,
+etc. These have the same curious grooved and dotted ornamentation that
+occurs on the square beam of Shupaulovi, above described. At the other
+end of the kiva are also two unusually perfect round timbers that may
+have come from the mission ruin. All of these show marks of fire, and
+are in places deeply charred.
+
+In continuation of the kiva building process, the tops of the walls are
+brought to an approximate level. The main roof timbers are then laid
+parallel with the end walls, at irregular distances, but less than 3
+feet apart, except near the middle, where a space of about 7 feet is
+left between two beams, as there the hatchway is to be built. The ends
+of the timbers rest upon the side walls, and as they are placed in
+position a small feather, to which a bit of cotton string is tied
+(nakwakwoci) is also placed under each. Stout poles, from which the bark
+has been stripped, are laid at right angles upon the timbers, with
+slight spaces between them. Near the center of the kiva two short
+timbers are laid across the two main beams about 5 feet apart; this is
+done to preserve a space of 5 by 7 feet for the hatchway, which is made
+with walls of stone laid in mud plaster, resting upon the two central
+beams and upon the two side pieces. This wall or combing is carried up
+so as to be at least 18 inches above the level of the finished roof.
+Across the poles, covering the rest of the roof, willows and straight
+twigs of any kind are laid close together, and over these is placed a
+layer of dry grass arranged in regular rows. Mud is then carefully
+spread over the grass to a depth of about 3 inches, and after it has
+nearly dried it is again gone over so as to fill up all the cracks.
+A layer of dry earth is then spread over all and firmly trodden down,
+to render the roof water-tight and bring its surface level with the
+surrounding ground, following the same method and order of construction
+that prevails in dwelling-house buildings.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LVI. Standing wall at Pinawa.]
+
+Short timbers are placed across the top of the hatchway wall, one end
+of which is raised higher than the other, so as to form a slope, and
+upon these timbers stone slabs are closely laid for a cover. (See Pl.
+LXXXVII.) An open space, usually about 2 by 4½ feet, is preserved, and
+this is the only outlet in the structure, serving at once as doorway,
+window, and chimney.
+
+The roof being finished, a floor of stone flags is laid; but this is
+never in a continuous level, for at one end it is raised as a platform
+some 10 or 12 inches high, extending for about a third of the length of
+the kiva and terminating in an abrupt step just before coming under the
+hatchway, as illustrated in the ground plan of the mungkiva of
+Shupaulovi (Fig. 22, and also in Figs. 25 and 27). On the edge of the
+platform rests the foot of a long ladder, which leans against the higher
+side of the hatchway, and its tapering ends project 10 or 12 feet in the
+air. Upon this platform the women and other visitors sit when admitted
+to witness any of the ceremonies observed in the kiva. The main floor in
+a few of the kivas is composed of roughly hewn planks, but this is a
+comparatively recent innovation, and is not generally deemed desirable,
+as the movement of the dancers on the wooden floor shakes the fetiches
+out of position.
+
+On the lower or main floor a shallow pit of varying dimensions, but
+usually about a foot square, is made for a fireplace, and is located
+immediately under the opening in the hatchway. The intention in raising
+the hatchway above the level of the roof and in elevating the ceiling in
+the middle is to prevent the fire from igniting them. The ordinary fuel
+used in the kiva is greasewood, and there are always several bundles of
+the shrub in its green state suspended on pegs driven in the wall of the
+hatchway directly over the fire. This shrub, when green, smolders and
+emits a dense, pungent smoke, but when perfectly dry, burns with a
+bright, sparkling flame.
+
+Across the end of the kiva on the main floor a ledge of masonry is
+built, usually about 2 feet high and 1 foot wide, which serves as a
+shelf for the display of fetiches and other paraphernalia during stated
+observances (see Fig. 22). A small, niche-like aperture is made in the
+middle of this ledge, and is called the katchin kihu (katchina house).
+During a festival certain masks are placed in it when not in use by the
+dancers. Some of the kivas have low ledges built along one or both sides
+for use as seats, and some have none, but all except two or three have
+the ledge at the end containing the katchina house.
+
+In the main floor of the kiva there is a cavity about a foot deep and 8
+or 10 inches across, which is usually covered with a short, thick slab
+of cottonwood, whose upper surface is level with the floor. Through the
+middle of this short plank and immediately over the cavity a hole of 2
+or 2½ inches in diameter is bored. This hole is tapered, and is
+accurately fitted with a movable wooden plug, the top of which is flush
+with the surface of the plank. The plank and cavity usually occupy a
+position in the main floor near the end of the kiva. This feature is the
+sipapuh, the place of the gods, and the most sacred portion of the
+ceremonial chamber. Around this spot the fetiches are set during a
+festival; it typifies also the first world of the Tusayan genesis and
+the opening through which the people first emerged. It is frequently so
+spoken of at the present time.
+
+Other little apertures or niches are constructed in the side walls; they
+usually open over the main floor of the kiva near the edge of the dais
+that forms the second level, that upon which the foot of the ladder
+rests. These are now dedicated to any special purpose, but are used as
+receptacles for small tools and other ordinary articles. In early days,
+however, these niches were used exclusively as receptacles for the
+sacred pipes and tobacco and other smaller paraphernalia.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 22. Ground plan of the chief kiva of Shupaulovi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LVII. Halona excavations as seen from Zuñi.]
+
+In order to make clearer the relative positions of the various features
+of kiva construction that have been described several typical examples
+are here illustrated. The three ground plans given are drawn to scale
+and represent kivas of average dimensions. Mr. Stephen has made a series
+of typical kiva measurements, which is appended to this section, and
+comparison of these with the plans will show the relation of the
+examples selected to the usual dimensions of these rooms. Fig. 22 is the
+ground plan of the mungkiva, or chief kiva, of Shupaulovi. It will be
+observed that the second level of the kiva floor, forming the dais
+before referred to, is about 15 inches narrower on each side than the
+main floor. The narrowing of this portion of the kiva floor is not
+universal and does not seem to be regulated by any rule. Sometimes the
+narrowing is carried out on one side only, as in the mungkiva of
+Mashongnavi (Fig. 27), sometimes on both, as in the present example, and
+in other cases it is absent. In the second kiva of Shupaulovi,
+illustrated in Fig. 25, there is only one small jog that has been built
+midway along the wall of the upper level and it bears no relation to the
+point at which the change of floor level occurs. The ledge, or dais, is
+free for the use of spectators, the Indians say, just as the women stand
+on the house terraces to witness a dance, and do not step into the
+court. The ledge in this case is about a foot above the main floor.
+Benches of masonry are built along each side, though, as the plan shows,
+they are not of the same length. The bench on the eastern side is about
+4 feet shorter than the other, which is cut off by a continuation of the
+high bench that contains the katchinkihu beyond the corner of the room.
+These side benches are for the use of participants in the ceremonies.
+When young men are initiated into the various societies during the
+feasts in the fall of the year they occupy the floor of the sacred
+division of the kiva, while the old members of the order occupy the
+benches along the wall. The higher bench at the end of the room is used
+as a shelf for paraphernalia. The hole, or recess, in this bench, whose
+position is indicated by the dotted lines on the plan, is the sacred
+orifice from which the katchina is said to come, and is called the
+katchinkihu. In the floor of the kiva, near the katchinkihu, is the
+sipapuh, the cottonwood plug set into a cottonwood slab over a cavity in
+the floor. The plan shows how this plank, about 18 inches wide and 6½
+feet long, has been incorporated into the paving of the main floor. The
+paving is composed of some quite large slabs of sandstone whose
+irregular edges have been skillfully fitted to form a smooth and well
+finished pavement. The position of the niches that form pipe receptacles
+is shown on the plan opposite the fireplace in each side wall. The
+position of the foot of the ladder is indicated, the side poles resting
+upon the paved surface of the second level about 15 inches from the edge
+of the step. Fig. 23 gives a ceiling plan of the same kiva, illustrating
+the arrangement of such of the roof beams and sticks as are visible from
+inside. The plan shows the position of the four Spanish beams before
+referred to, the northernmost being the one that has the line and dot
+decoration. The next two beams, laid in contact, are also square and of
+Spanish make. The fourth Spanish beam is on the northern edge of the
+hatchway dome and supports its wall. The adjoining beam is round and of
+native workmanship. The position and dimensions of the large hatchway
+projection are here indicated in plan, but the general appearance of
+this curious feature of the Tusayan kiva can be better seen from the
+interior view (Fig. 24). Various uses are attributed to this domelike
+structure, aside from the explanation that it is built at a greater
+height in order to lessen the danger of ignition of the roof beams. The
+old men say that formerly they smoked and preserved meat in it. Others
+say it was used for drying bundles of wood by suspension over the fire
+preparatory to use in the fireplace. It is also said to constitute an
+upper chamber to facilitate the egress of smoke, and doubtless it aids
+in the performance of this good office.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 23. Ceiling plan of the chief kiva of Shupaulovi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 24. Interior view of a Tusayan kiva.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LVIII. Fragments of Halona wall.]
+
+The mud plaster that has been applied directly to the stone work of the
+interior of this kiva is very much blackened by smoke. From about half
+of the wall space the plaster has fallen or scaled off, and the exposed
+stonework is much blackened as though the kiva had long been used with
+the wall in this uncovered condition.
+
+The fireplace is simply a shallow pit about 18 inches square that is
+placed directly under the opening of the combined hatchway and smoke
+hole. It is usually situated from 2 to 3 feet from the edge of the
+second level of the kiva floor. The paving stones are usually finished
+quite neatly and smoothly where their edges enframe the firepit.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 25. Ground plan of a Shupaulovi kiva.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 26. Ceiling plan of a Shupaulovi kiva.]
+
+Figs. 25 and 26 illustrate the ground and ceiling plans of the second
+kiva of the same village. In all essential principles of arrangement it
+is identical with the preceding example, but minor modifications will be
+noticed in several of the features. The bench at the katchina, or
+"altar" end of the kiva, has not the height that was seen in the
+mungkiva, but is on the same level as the benches of the sides. Here the
+sipapuh is at much greater distance than usual from the katchina recess.
+It is also quite exceptional in that the plug is let into an orifice in
+one of the paving stones, as shown on the plan, instead of into a
+cottonwood plank. Some of the paving stones forming the floor of this
+kiva are quite regular in shape and of unusual dimensions, one of them
+being nearly 5 feet long and 2 feet wide. The gray polish of long
+continued use imparts to these stones an appearance of great hardness.
+The ceiling plan of this kiva (Fig. 26) shows a single specimen of
+Spanish beam at the extreme north end of the roof. It also shows a
+forked "viga" or ceiling beam, which is quite unusual.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 27. Ground plan of the chief kiva of Mashongnavi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LIX. The mesa of Tâaaiyalana, from Zuñi.]
+
+This kiva is better plastered than the mungkiva and shows in places
+evidences of many successive coats. The general rule of applying the
+interior plastering of the kiva on a base of masonry has been violated
+in this example. The north end and part of the adjoining sides have been
+brought to an even face by filling in the inequalities of the excavation
+with reeds which are applied in a vertical position and are held in
+place by long, slender, horizontal rods, forming a rude matting or
+wattling. The rods are fastened to the rocky wall at favorable points by
+means of small prongs of some hard wood, and the whole of the primitive
+lathing is then thickly plastered with adobe mud. Mr. Stephen found the
+Ponobi kiva of Oraibi treated in the same manner. The walls are lined
+with a reed lathing over which mud is plastered. The reed used is the
+Bakabi (_Phragmites communis_) whose stalks vary from a quarter of an
+inch to three-quarters of an inch in diameter. In this instance the
+reeds are also laid vertically, but they are applied to the ordinary
+mud-laid kiva wall and not directly to the sides of the natural
+excavation. The vertical laths are bound in place by horizontal reeds
+laid upon them 1 or 2 feet apart. The horizontal reeds are held in place
+by pegs of greasewood driven into the wall at intervals of 1 or 2 feet
+and are tied to the pegs with split yucca. These specimens are very
+interesting examples of aboriginal lathing and plastering applied to
+stone work.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 28. Interior view of a kiva hatchway in Tusayan.]
+
+The ground plan of the mungkiva of Mashongnavi is illustrated in Fig.
+27. In this example the narrowing of the room at the second level of the
+floor is on one side. The step by which the upper level is reached from
+the main floor is 8 inches high at the east end, rising to 10 inches at
+the west end. The south end of the kiva is provided with a small opening
+like a loop-hole, furnishing an outlook to the south. The east side of
+the main portion of the kiva is not provided with the usual bench. The
+portion of the bench at the katchina end of the kiva is on a level with
+the west bench and continuous for a couple of feet beyond the northeast
+corner along the east wall. The small wall niches are on the west side
+and nearer the north end than usual. The arrangement of the katchinkihu
+is quite different from that described in the Shupaulovi kivas. The
+orifice occurs in the north wall at a height of 3½ feet above the floor,
+and 2 feet 3 inches above the top of the bench that extends across this
+end of the room. The firepit is somewhat smaller than in the other
+examples illustrated. Fig. 28 illustrates the appearance of the kiva
+hatchway from within as seen from the north end of the kiva, but the
+ladder has been omitted from the drawing to avoid confusion. The ladder
+rests against the edge of the coping that caps the dwarf wall on the
+near side of the hatchway, its top leaning toward the spectator. The
+small smoke-blackened sticks that are used for the suspension of bundles
+of greasewood and other fuel in the hatchway are clearly shown. At the
+far end of the trapdoor, on the outside, is indicated the mat of reeds
+or rushes that is used for closing the openings when necessary. It is
+here shown rolled up at the foot of the slope of the hatchway top, its
+customary position when not in use. When this mat is used for closing
+the kiva opening it is usually held in place by several large stone
+slabs laid over it. Fig. 29 illustrates a specimen of the Tusayan kiva
+mat.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 29. Mat used in closing the entrance of Tusayan
+ kiva.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LX. Tâaaiyalana, plan.]
+
+The above kiva plans show that each of the illustrated examples is
+provided with four long narrow planks, set in the kiva floor close to
+the wall and provided with orifices for the attachment of looms. This
+feature is a common accompaniment of kiva construction and pertains to
+the use of the ceremonial room as a workshop by the male blanket weavers
+of Tusayan. It will be more fully described in the discussion of the
+various uses of the kiva.
+
+The essential structural features of the kivas above described are
+remarkably similar, though the illustrations of types have been selected
+at random. Minor modifications are seen in the positions of many of the
+features, but a certain general relation between the various
+constructional requirements of the ceremonial room is found to prevail
+throughout all the villages.
+
+_Work by women._--After all the above described details have been
+provided for, following the completion of the roofs and floors, the
+women belonging to the people who are to occupy the kiva continue the
+labor of its construction. They go over the interior surface of the
+walls, breaking off projections and filling up the interstices with
+small stones, and then they smoothly plaster the walls and the inside of
+the hatchway with mud, and sometimes whitewash them with a gypsiferous
+clay found in the neighborhood. Once every year, at the feast of Powuma
+(the fructifying moon), the women give the kiva this same attention.
+
+_Consecration._--When all the work is finished the kiva chief prepares a
+baho and "feeds the house," as it is termed; that is, he thrusts a
+little meal, with piki crumbs, over one of the roof timbers, and in the
+same place inserts the end of the baho. As he does this he expresses his
+hope that the roof may never fall and that sickness and other evils may
+never enter the kiva.
+
+It is difficult to elicit intelligent explanation of the theory of the
+baho and the prayer ceremonies in either kiva or house construction. The
+baho is a prayer token; the petitioner is not satisfied by merely
+speaking or singing his prayer, he must have some tangible thing upon
+which to transmit it. He regards his prayer as a mysterious, impalpable
+portion of his own substance, and hence he seeks to embody it in some
+object, which thus becomes consecrated. The baho, which is inserted in
+the roof of the kiva, is a piece of willow twig about six inches long,
+stripped of its bark and painted. From it hang four small feathers
+suspended by short cotton strings tied at equal distances along the
+twig. In order to obtain recognition from the powers especially
+addressed, different colored feathers and distinct methods of attaching
+them to bits of wood and string are resorted to. In the present case
+these are addressed to the "chiefs" who control the paths taken by the
+people after coming up from the interior of the earth. They are thus
+designated:
+
+ To the west: Siky´ak oma´uwu Yellow Cloud.
+ south: Sa´kwa oma´uwu Blue Cloud.
+ east: Pal´a oma´uwu Red Cloud.
+ north: Kwetsh oma´uwu White Cloud.
+
+Two separate feathers are also attached to the roof. These are addressed
+to the zenith, héyap omáuwu--the invisible space of the above--and to
+the nadir, Myuingwa--god of the interior of the earth and maker of the
+germ of life. To the four first mentioned the bahos under the corner
+stones are also addressed. These feathers are prepared by the kiva chief
+in another kiva. He smokes devoutly over them, and as he exhales the
+smoke upon them he formulates the prayers to the chiefs or powers, who
+not only control the paths or lives of all the people, but also preside
+over the six regions of space whence come all the necessaries of life.
+The ancients also occupy his thoughts during these devotions; he desires
+that all the pleasures they enjoyed while here may come to his people,
+and he reciprocally wishes the ancients to partake of all the enjoyments
+of the living.
+
+All the labor and ceremonies being completed the women prepare food for
+a feast. Friends are invited, and the men dance all night in the kiva to
+the accompaniment of their own songs and the beating of a primitive
+drum, rejoicing over their new home. The kiva chief then proclaims the
+name by which the kiva will be known. This is often merely a term of his
+choosing, often without reference to its appropriateness.
+
+_Various uses of kivas._--Allusions occur in some of the traditions,
+suggesting that in earlier times one class of kiva was devoted wholly to
+the purposes of a ceremonial chamber, and was constantly occupied by a
+priest. An altar and fetiches were permanently maintained, and
+appropriate groups of these fetiches were displayed from month to month,
+as the different priests of the sacred feasts succeeded each other, each
+new moon bringing its prescribed feast.
+
+Many of the kivas were built by religious societies, which still hold
+their stated observances in them, and in Oraibi several still bear the
+names of the societies using them. A society always celebrates in a
+particular kiva, but none of these kivas are now preserved exclusively
+for religious purposes; they are all places of social resort for the
+men, especially during the winter, when they occupy themselves with the
+arts common among them. The same kiva thus serves as a temple during a
+sacred feast, at other times as a council house for the discussion of
+public affairs. It is also used as a workshop by the industrious and as
+a lounging place by the idle.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXI. Standing walls of Tâaaiyalana ruins.]
+
+There are still traces of two classes of kiva, marked by the distinction
+that only certain ones contain the sipapuh, and in these the more
+important ceremonies are held. It is said that no sipapuh has been made
+recently. The prescribed operation is performed by the chief and the
+assistant priests or fetich keepers of the society owning the kiva. Some
+say the mystic lore pertaining to its preparation is lost and none can
+now be made. It is also said that a stone sipapuh was formerly used
+instead of the cottonwood plank now commonly seen. The use of stone for
+this purpose, however, is nearly obsolete, though the second kiva of
+Shupaulovi, illustrated in plan in Fig. 25, contains an example of this
+ancient form. In one of the newest kivas of Mashongnavi the plank of the
+sipapuh is pierced with a square hole, which is cut with a shoulder, the
+shoulder supporting the plug with which the orifice is closed (see Fig.
+30). This is a decided innovation on the traditional form, as the
+orifice from which the people emerged, which is symbolized in the
+sipapuh, is described as being of circular form in all the versions of
+the Tusayan genesis myth. The presence of the sipapuh possibly at one
+time distinguished such kivas as were considered strictly consecrated to
+religious observances from those that were of more general use. At
+Tusayan, at the present time, certain societies do not meet in the
+ordinary kiva but in an apartment of a dwelling house, each society
+having its own exclusive place of meeting. The house so used is called
+the house of the "Sister of the eldest brother," meaning, probably, that
+she is the descendant of the founder of the society. This woman's house
+is also called the "house of grandmother," and in it is preserved the
+tiponi and other fetiches of the society. The tiponi is a ceremonial
+object about 18 inches long, consisting of feathers set upright around a
+small disk of silicified wood, which serves as its base when set upon
+the altar. This fetich is also called iso (grandmother), hence the name
+given to the house where it is kept. In the house, where the order of
+warriors (Kuleataka) meets, the eldest son of the woman who owns it is
+the chief of the order. The apartment in which they meet is a low room
+on the ground floor, and is entered only by a hatchway and ladder. There
+is no sipapuh in this chamber, for the warriors appeal directly to
+Cótukinungwa, the heart of the zenith, the sky god. Large figures of
+animal fetiches are painted in different colors upon the walls. On the
+west wall is the Mountain Lion; on the south, the Bear; on the east, the
+Wild Cat, surmounted with a shield inclosing a star; on the north, the
+White Wolf; and on the east side of this figure is painted a large disk,
+representing the sun. The walls of the chambers of the other societies
+are not decorated permanently. Here is, then, really another class of
+kiva, although it is not so called by the people on the Walpi mesa. The
+ordinary term for the ground story rooms is used, "kikoli," the house
+without any opening in its walls. But on the second mesa, and at Oraibi,
+although they sometimes use this term kikoli, they commonly apply the
+term "kiva" to the ground story of the dwelling house used as well as to
+the underground chambers.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 30. Rectangular sipapuh in a Mashongnavi kiva.]
+
+It is probable that a class of kivas, not specially consecrated, has
+existed from a very early period. The rooms in the dwelling houses have
+always been small and dark, and in early times without chimneys. Within
+such cramped limits it was inconvenient for the men to practice any of
+the arts they knew, especially weaving, which could have been carried on
+out of doors, as is done still occasionally, but subject to many
+interruptions. It is possible that a class of kivas was designed for
+such ordinary purposes, though now one type of room seems to answer all
+these various uses. In most of the existing kivas there are planks, in
+which stout loops are secured, fixed in the floor close to the wall, for
+attaching the lower beam of a primitive vertical loom, and projecting
+vigas or beams are inserted into the walls at the time of their
+construction as a provision for the attachment of the upper loom poles.
+The planks or logs to which is attached the lower part of the loom
+appear in some cases to be quite carefully worked. They are often partly
+buried in the ground and under the edges of adjacent paving stones in
+such a manner as to be held in place very securely against the strain of
+the tightly stretched warp while the blanket is being made. The holes
+pierced in the upper surface of these logs are very neatly executed in
+the manner illustrated in Fig. 31, which shows one of the orifices in
+section, together with the adjoining paving stones. The outward
+appearance of the device, as seen at short intervals along the length of
+the log, is also shown. Strips of buckskin or bits of rope are passed
+through these U-shaped cavities, and then over the lower pole of the
+loom at the bottom of the extended series of warp threads. The latter
+can thus be tightened preparatory to the operation of filling in with
+the woof. The kiva looms seem to be used mainly for weaving the
+dark-blue and black blankets of diagonal and diamond pattern, which form
+a staple article of trade with the Zuni and the Rio Grande Pueblos. As
+an additional convenience for the practice of weaving, one of the kivas
+of Mashongnavi is provided with movable seats. These consist simply of
+single stones of suitable size and form. Usually they are 8 or 10 inches
+thick, a foot wide, and perhaps 15 or 18 inches long. Besides their use
+as seats, these stones are used in connection with the edges of the
+stone slabs that cap the permanent benches of the kiva to support
+temporarily the upper and lower poles of the blanket loom while the warp
+is gradually wound around them. The large stones that are incorporated
+into the side of the benches of some of the Mashongnavi kivas have
+occasionally round, cup-shaped cavities, of about an inch in diameter,
+drilled into them. These holes receive one end of a warp stick, the
+other end, being supported in a corresponding hole of the heavy, movable
+stone seat. The other warp stick is supported in a similar manner, while
+the thread is passed around both in a horizontal direction preparatory
+to placing and stretching it in a vertical position for the final
+working of the blanket. A number of these cup-shaped pits are formed
+along the side of the stone bench, to provide for various lengths of
+warp that may be required. On the opposite side of this same kiva a
+number of similar holes or depressions are turned into the mud
+plastering of the wall. All these devices are of common occurrence at
+other of the Tusayan kivas, and indicate the antiquity of the practice
+of using the kivas for such industrial purposes. There is a suggestion
+of similar use of the ancient circular kivas in an example in Canyon de
+Chelly. At a small cluster of rooms, built partly on a rocky ledge and
+partly on adjoining loose earth and rocky debris, a land slide had
+carried away half of a circular kiva, exposing a well-defined section of
+its floor and the debris within the room. Here the writer found a number
+of partly finished sandals of yucca fiber, with the long, unwoven fiber
+carefully wrapped about the finished portion of the work, as though the
+sandals had been temporarily laid aside until the maker could again work
+on them. A number of coils of yucca fiber, similar to that used in the
+sandals, and several balls of brown fiber, formed from the inner bark of
+the cedar, were found on the floor of the room. The condition of the
+ruin and the debris that filled the kiva clearly suggested that these
+specimens were in use just where they were found at the time of the
+abandonment or destruction of the houses. No traces were seen, however,
+of any structural devices like those of Tusayan that would serve as aids
+to the weavers, though the weaving of the particular articles comprised
+in the collection from this spot would probably not require any cumbrous
+apparatus.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 31. Loom post in kiva at Tusayan.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXII. Remains of a reservoir on Tâaaiyalana.]
+
+_Kiva ownership._--The kiva is usually spoken of as being the home of
+the organization which maintains it. Different kivas are not used in
+common by all the inhabitants. Every man has a membership in some
+particular one and he frequents that one only. The same person is often
+a member of different societies, which takes him to different kivas, but
+that is only on set occasions. There is also much informal visiting
+among them, but a man presumes to make a loitering place only of the
+kiva in which he holds membership.
+
+In each kiva there is a kiva mungwi (kiva chief), and he controls to a
+great extent all matters pertaining to the kiva and its membership. This
+office or trust is hereditary and passes from uncle to nephew through
+the female line--that is, on the death of a kiva chief the eldest son of
+his eldest sister succeeds him.
+
+A kiva may belong either to a society, a group of gentes, or an
+individual. If belonging to a society or order, the kiva chief commonly
+has inherited his office in the manner indicated from the "eldest
+brother" of the society who assumed its construction. But the kiva chief
+is not necessarily chief of the society; in fact, usually he is but an
+ordinary member. A similar custom of inheritance prevails where the kiva
+belongs to a group of gentes, only in that case the kiva chief is
+usually chief of the gentile group.
+
+As for those held by individuals, a couple of examples will illustrate
+the Tusayan practice. In Hano the chief kiva was originally built by a
+group of "Sun" gentes, but about 45 years ago, during an epidemic of
+smallpox, all the people who belonged to the kiva died except one man.
+The room fell into ruin, its roof timbers were carried off, and it
+became filled up with dust and rubbish. The title to it, however, rested
+with the old survivor, as all the more direct heirs had died, and he,
+when about to die, gave the kiva to Kotshve, a "Snake" man from Walpi,
+who married a Tewa (Hano) woman and still lives in Hano. This man
+repaired it and renamed it Tokónabi (said to be a Pah-Ute term, meaning
+black mountain, but it is the only name the Tusayan have for Navajo
+Mountain) because his people (the "Snake") came from that place. He in
+turn gave it to his eldest son, who is therefore kiva mungwi, but the
+son says his successor will be the eldest son of his eldest sister. The
+membership is composed of men from all the Hano gentes, but not all of
+any one gens. In fact, it is not now customary for all the members of a
+gens to be members of the same kiva.
+
+Another somewhat similar instance occurs in Sichumovi. A kiva, abandoned
+for a long time after the smallpox plague, was taken possession of by an
+individual, who repaired it and renamed it Kevinyáp tshómo--Oak Mound.
+He made his friends its members, but he called the kiva his own. He also
+says that his eldest sister's son will succeed him as chief.
+
+In each village one of the kivas, usually the largest one, is called
+(aside from its own special name) mungkiva--chief kiva. It is frequented
+by the kimungwi--house or village chief--and the tshaakmungwi--chief
+talker, councillor--and in it also the more elaborate ceremonies are
+observed.
+
+No women frequent any of the kivas; in fact they never enter them except
+to plaster the walls at customary periods, or during the occasion of
+certain ceremonies. Yet one at least of the Oraibi kivas was built for
+the observances of a society of women, the Mamzrántiki. This and another
+female society--Lalénkobáki--exist in all the other villages, and on the
+occasion of their festivals the women are given the exclusive use of one
+of the kivas.
+
+_Motives for building a kiva._--Only two causes are mentioned for
+building a new kiva. Quarrels giving rise to serious dissensions among
+the occupants of a kiva are one cause. An instance of this occurred
+quite recently at Hano. The conduct of the kiva chief gave rise to
+dissensions, and the members opposed to him prepared to build a separate
+room of their own. They chose a gap on the side of the mesa cliff, close
+to Hano, collected stones for the walls, and brought the roof timbers
+from the distant wooded mesas; but when all was ready to lay the
+foundation their differences were adjusted and a complete reconciliation
+was effected.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXIII. Kin-tiel, plan (also showing
+ excavations).]
+
+The other cause assigned is the necessity for additional room when a
+gens has outgrown its kiva. When a gens has increased in numbers
+sufficiently to warrant its having a second kiva, the chief of the
+gentile group, who in this case is also chief of the order, proposes to
+his kin to build a separate kiva, and that being agreed to, he assumes
+the direction of the construction and all the dedicatory and other
+ceremonies connected with the undertaking. An instance of this kind
+occurred within the last year or two at Oraibi, where the members of the
+"Katchina" gentes, who are also members of the religious order of
+Katchina, built a spacious kiva for themselves.
+
+The construction of a new kiva is said to be of rare occurrence. On the
+other hand, it is common to hear the kiva chief lament the decadence of
+its membership. In the "Oak Mound" kiva at Sichumovi there are now but
+four members. The young men have married and moved to their wives'
+houses in more thriving villages, and the older men have died. The chief
+in this case also says that some 2 years ago the agent gave him a stove
+and pipe, which he set up in the room to add to its comfort. He now has
+grave fears that the stove is an evil innovation, and has exercised a
+deleterious influence upon the fortune of his kiva and its members; but
+the stove is still retained.
+
+_Significance of structural plan._--The designation of the curious
+orifice of the sipapuh as "the place from which the people emerged" in
+connection with the peculiar arrangement of the kiva interior with its
+change of floor level, suggested to the author that these features might
+be regarded as typifying the four worlds of the genesis myth that has
+exercised such an influence on Tusayan customs; but no clear data on
+this subject were obtained by the writer, nor has Mr. Stephen, who is
+specially well equipped for such investigations, discovered that a
+definite conception exists concerning the significance of the structural
+plan of the kiva. Still, from many suggestive allusions made by the
+various kiva chiefs and others, he also has been led to infer that it
+typifies the four "houses," or stages, described in their creation
+myths. The sipapuh, with its cavity beneath the floor, is certainly
+regarded as indicating the place of beginning, the lowest house under
+the earth, the abode of Myuingwa, the Creator; the main or lower floor
+represents the second stage; and the elevated section of the floor is
+made to denote the third stage, where animals were created. Mr. Stephen
+observed, at the New Year festivals, that animal fetiches were set in
+groups upon this platform. It is also to be noted that the ladder
+leading to the surface is invariably made of pine, and always rests upon
+the platform, never upon the lower floor, and in their traditional
+genesis it is stated that the people climbed up from the third house
+(stage) by a ladder of pine, and through such an opening as the kiva
+hatchway; only most of the stories indicate that the opening was round.
+The outer air is the fourth world, or that now occupied.
+
+There are occasional references in the Tusayan traditions to circular
+kivas, but these are so confused with fantastic accounts of early mythic
+structures that their literal rendition would serve no useful purpose in
+the present discussion.
+
+_Typical measurements._--The following list is a record of a number
+of measurements of Tusayan kivas collected by Mr. Stephen. The wide
+difference between the end measurements of the same kiva are usually
+due to the interior offsets that have been noticed on the plans, but
+the differences in the lengths of the sides are due to irregularities
+of the site. The latter differences are not so marked as the former.
+
+ +-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+
+ | Width at ends. | Length of sides. |Height at| Height |
+ | | | center. | at ends. |
+ +-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+
+ | 13 6 -- -- | 24 0 -- -- | 8 6 | -- -- -- -- |
+ | 12 0 -- -- | 21 9 -- -- | 7 6 | 6 6 -- -- |
+ | 14 6 14 6 | 24 6 23 3 | 8 0 | 6 6 6 6 |
+ | 12 2 12 11 | 23 9 23 9 | 7 10 | 6 1 6 0 |
+ | 12 6 12 6 | 26 0 25 3 | 7 6 | 6 6 6 6 |
+ | 13 4 12 10 | 26 8 26 7 | 7 10 | 7 0 7 0 |
+ | 15 0 13 6 | 26 6 24 11 | 7 4 | 6 3 6 2 |
+ | 12 6 11 5 | 23 7 21 9 | 8 0 | 7 0 7 0 |
+ | 12 5 13 5 | 22 8 24 1 | 7 3 | 6 1 6 9 |
+ | 10 6 13 6 | 27 0 27 0 | 8 3 | 6 3 6 2 |
+ | 13 6 11 6 | 29 9 29 0 | 11 0 | 5 11 -- -- |
+ | 14 6 -- -- | 28 6 28 6 | 9 8 | 6 0 -- -- |
+ | 13 2 14 0 | 28 9 29 9 | 8 6 | 7 0 6 4 |
+ | 15 1 14 0 | 28 6 -- -- | 9 6 | 7 3 6 6 |
+ | 13 0 12 6 | 28 7 29 6 | -- -- | 7 4 6 3 |
+ +-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+
+
+_List of Tusayan kivas._--The following list gives the present names
+of all the kivas in use at Tusayan. The mungkiva or chief kiva of the
+village is in each case designated:
+
+ HANO.
+ 1. Toko´nabi kiva Navajo Mountain.
+ 2. Hano sinte´ kiva Place of the Hano.
+ Toko´nabi kiva is the mungkiva.
+
+ WALPI.
+ 1. Djiva´to kiva Goat.
+ 2. Al kiva A´la, Horn.
+ 3. Naca´b kiva Na´cabi, half-way or central.
+ 4. Picku´ibi kiva Opening oak bud.[5]
+ Wikwa´lobi kiva Place of the watchers.
+ 5. Mung kiva Mungwi chief.
+ No. 5 is the mungkiva.
+
+ [Footnote 5: These two names are common to the kiva in which the
+ Snake order meets and in which the indoor ceremonies pertaining to
+ the Snake-dance are celebrated.]
+
+ SICHUMOVI.
+ 1. Bave´ntcomo Water mound.
+ 2. Kwinzaptcomo Oak mound.
+ Bave´ntcomo is the mungkiva.
+
+ MASHONGNAVI.
+ 1. Tcavwu´na kiva A small coiled-ware jar.
+ 2. Hona´n kiva Honani, Badger, a gens.
+ 3. Gy´arzohi kiva Gy´arzo, Paroquet, a gens.
+ 4. Kotcobi kiva High place.
+ 5. Al kiva A´la, Horn.
+ Teavwu´na kiva is the mungkiva.
+
+ SHUPAULOVI.
+ 1. A´tkabi kiva Place below.
+ 2. Kokyangobi kiva Place of spider.
+ A´tkabi kiva is the mungkiva.
+
+ SHUMOPAVI.
+ 1. Nuvwa´tikyuobi High place of snow, San Francisco
+ Mountain.
+ 2. Al kiva A´la, Horn.
+ 3. Gy´arzobi Gy´arzo, Paroquet, a gens.
+ 4. Tco´sobi Blue Jay, a gens.
+ Tco´sobi is the mungkiva.
+
+ ORAIBI.
+ 1. Tdau kiva Tda´uollauwuh The singers.
+ 2. Ha´wiobi kiva Ha´wi, stair; High stair place.
+ obi, high place.
+ 3. Ish kiva Isa´uwuh Coyote, a gens.
+ 4. Kwang kiva Kwa´kwanti Religious order.
+ 5. Ma´zrau kiva Ma´mzrauti Female order.
+ 6. Na´cabi kiva Half way or Central place.
+ 7. Sa´kwalen kiva Sa´kwa le´na Blue Flute, a religious order.
+ 8. Po´ngobi kiva Pongo, a circle An order who decorate
+ themselves with circular
+ marks on the body.
+ 9. Hano´ kiva Ha´nomuh A fashion of cutting the hair.
+ 10. Motc kiva Mo´mtci The Warriors, an order.
+ 11. Kwita´koli kiva Kwita, ordure; Ordure heap.
+ ko´li, a heap.
+ 12. Katcin kiva Katcina A gens.
+ 13. Tcu kiva Tcua, a snake Religions order.
+ Tdau kiva is the mungkiva.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXIV. North wall of Kin-tiel.]
+
+
+DETAILS OF TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA CONSTRUCTION.
+
+WALLS.
+
+The complete operation of building a wall has never been observed at
+Zuñi by the writer, but a close examination of numerous finished and
+some broken-down walls indicates that the methods of construction
+adopted are essentially the same as those employed in Tusayan, which,
+have been repeatedly observed; with the possible difference, however,
+that in the former adobe mud mortar is more liberally used. A singular
+feature of pueblo masonry as observed at Tusayan is the very sparing use
+of mud in the construction of the walls; in fact, in some instances when
+walls are built during the dry season, the larger stones are laid up in
+the walls without the use of mud at all, and are allowed to stand in
+this condition until the rains come; then the mud mortar is mixed, the
+interstices of the walls filled in with it and with chinking stones, and
+the inside walls are plastered. But the usual practice is to complete
+the house at once, finishing it inside and out with the requisite
+mortar. In some instances the outside walls are coated, completely
+covering the masonry, but this is not done in many of the houses, as may
+be seen by reference to the preceding illustrations of the Tusayan
+villages. At Zuñi, on the other hand, a liberal and frequently renewed
+coating of mud is applied to the walls. Only one piece of masonry was
+seen in the entire village that did not have traces of this coating of
+mud, viz, that portion of the second story wall of house No. 2 described
+as possibly belonging to the ancient nucleus pueblo of Halona and
+illustrated in Pl. LVIII. Even the rough masonry of the kivas is partly
+surfaced with this medium, though many jagged stones are still visible.
+As a result of this practice it is now in many cases impossible to
+determine from mere superficial inspection whether the underlying
+masonry has been constructed of stone or of adobe; a difficulty that may
+be realized from an examination of the views of Zuñi in Chapter III.
+Where the fall of water, such as the discharge from a roof-drain, has
+removed the outer coating of mud that covers stonework and adobe alike,
+a large proportion of these exposures reveal stone masonry, so that it
+is clearly apparent that Zuñi is essentially a stone village. The
+extensive use of sun-dried bricks of adobe has grown up within quite
+recent times. It is apparent, however, that the Zuñi builders preferred
+to use stone; and even at the present time they frequently eke out with
+stonework portions of a house when the supply of adobe has fallen short.
+An early instance of such supplementary use of stone masonry still
+survives in the church building, where the old Spanish adobe has been
+repaired and filled in with the typical tabular aboriginal masonry,
+consisting of small stones carefully laid, with very little intervening
+mortar showing on the face. Such reversion to aboriginal methods
+probably took place on every opportunity, though it is remarkable that
+the Indians should have been allowed to employ their own methods in this
+instance. Although this church building has for many generations
+furnished a conspicuous example of typical adobe construction to the
+Zuñi, he has never taken the lesson sufficiently to heart to closely
+imitate the Spanish methods either in the preparation of the material or
+in the manner of its use. The adobe bricks of the church are of large
+and uniform size, and the mud from which they were made had a liberal
+admixture of straw. This binding material does not appear in Zuñi in any
+other example of adobe that has been examined, nor does it seem to have
+been utilized in any of the native pueblo work either at this place or
+at Tusayan. Where molded adobe bricks have been used by the Zuñi in
+housebuilding they have been made from the raw material just as it was
+taken from the fields. As a result these bricks have little of the
+durability of the Spanish work. Pl. XCVI illustrates an adobe wall of
+Zuñi, part of an unroofed house. The old adobe church at Hawikuh (Pl.
+XLVIII), abandoned for two centuries, has withstood the wear of time and
+weather better than any of the stonework of the surrounding houses. On
+the right-hand side of the street that shows in the foreground of Pl.
+LXXVIII is an illustration of the construction of a wall with adobe
+bricks. This example is very recent, as it has not yet been roofed over.
+The top of the wall, however, is temporarily protected by the usual
+series of thin sandstone slabs used in the finishing of wall copings.
+The very rapid disintegration of native-made adobe walls has brought
+about the use in Zuñi of many protective devices, some of which will be
+noticed in connection with the discussion of roof drains and wall
+copings. Figs. 32 and 33 illustrate a curious employment of pottery
+fragments on a mud-plastered wall and on the base of a chimney to
+protect the adobe coating against rapid erosion by the rains. These
+pieces, usually fragments from large vessels, are embedded in the adobe
+with the convex side out, forming an armor of pottery scales well
+adapted to resist disintegration, by the elements.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXV. Standing walls of Kin-tiel.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 32. A Zuñi chimney, showing pottery fragments
+ embedded in its adobe base.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 33. A Zuñi oven with pottery scales embedded in
+ its surface.]
+
+The introduction of the use of adobe in Zuñi should probably be
+attributed to foreign influence, but the position of the village in the
+open plain at a distance of several miles from the nearest outcrop of
+suitable building stone naturally led the builders to use stone more
+sparingly when an available substitute was found close at hand. The thin
+slabs of stone, which had to be brought from a great distance, came to
+be used only for the more exposed portions of buildings, such as copings
+on walls and borders around roof openings. Still, the pueblo builders
+never attained to a full appreciation of the advantages and requirements
+of this medium as compared with stone. The adobe walls are built only as
+thick as is absolutely necessary, few of them being more than a foot in
+thickness. The walls are thus, in proportion, to height and weight,
+sustained, thinner than the crude brick construction of other peoples,
+and require protection and constant repairs to insure durability. As to
+thickness, they are evidently modeled directly after the walls of stone
+masonry, which had already, in both Tusayan and Cibola, been pushed to
+the limit of thinness. In fact, since the date of the survey of Zuñi, on
+which the published plan is based, the walls of several rooms over the
+court passageway in the house, illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, have entirely
+fallen in, demonstrating the insufficiency of the thin walls to sustain
+the weight of several stories.
+
+The climate of the pueblo region is not wholly suited to the employment
+of adobe construction, as it is there practiced. For several months in
+the year (the rainy season) scarcely a day passes without violent storms
+which play havoc with the earth-covered houses, necessitating constant
+vigilance and frequent repairs on the part of the occupants.
+
+Though the practice of mud-coating all walls has in Cibola undoubtedly
+led to greater carelessness and a less rigid adherence to ancient
+methods of construction, the stone masonry may still be seen to retain
+some of the peculiarities that characterize ancient examples. Features
+of this class are still more apparent at Tusayan, and notwithstanding
+the rudeness of much of the modern stone masonry of this province, the
+fact that the builders are familiar with the superior methods of the
+ancient builders, is clearly shown in the masonry of the present
+villages.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXVI. Kinna-Zinde.]
+
+Perhaps the most noteworthy characteristic of pueblo masonry, and one
+which is more or less present in both ancient and modern examples, is
+the use of small chinking stones for bringing the masonry to an even
+face after the larger stones forming the body of the wall have been laid
+in place. This method of construction has, in the case of some of the
+best built ancient pueblos, such as those on the Chaco in New Mexico,
+resulted in the production of marvelously finished stone walls, in which
+the mosaic-like bits are so closely laid as to show none but the finest
+joints on the face of the wall with but little trace of mortar. The
+chinking wedges necessarily varied greatly in dimensions to suit the
+sizes of the interstices between the larger stones of the wall. The use
+of stone in this manner no doubt suggested the banded walls that form so
+striking a feature in some of the Chaco houses. This arrangement was
+likely to be brought about by the occurrence in the cliffs of seams of
+stone of two degrees of thickness, suggesting to the builders the use of
+stones of similar thickness in continuous bands. The ornamental effect
+of this device was originally an accidental result of adopting the most
+convenient method of using the material at hand. Though the masonry of
+the modern pueblos does not afford examples of distinct bands, the
+introduction of the small chinking spalls often follows horizontal lines
+of considerable length. Even in mud-plastered Zuñi, many outcrops of
+these thin, tabular wedges protrude from the partly eroded mudcoating
+of a wall and indicate the presence of this kind of stone masonry.
+An example is illustrated in Fig. 34, a tower-like projection at the
+northeast corner of house No. 2.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 34. Stone wedges of Zuñi masonry exposed in
+ rain-washed wall.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 35. An unplastered house wall in Ojo Caliente.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXVII. Nutria, plan.]
+
+In the Tusayan house illustrated in Pl. LXXXIV, the construction of
+which was observed at Oraibi, the interstices between the large stones
+that formed the body of the wall, containing but small quantities of mud
+mortar, were filled in or plugged with small fragments of stone, which,
+after being partly embedded in the mud of the joint, were driven in with
+unhafted stone hammers, producing a fairly even face of masonry,
+afterward gone over with mud plastering of the consistency of modeling
+clay, applied a handful at a time. Piled up on the ground near the new
+house at convenient points for the builders may be seen examples of the
+larger wall stones, indicating the marked tabular character of the
+pueblo masons' material. The narrow edges of similar stones are visible
+in the unplastered portions of the house wall, which also illustrates
+the relative proportion of chinking stones. This latter, however, is a
+variable feature. Pl. XV affords a clear illustration of the proportion
+of these small stones in the old masonry of Payupki; while in Pl. XI,
+illustrating a portion of the outer wall of the Fire House, the tablets
+are fewer in number and thinner, their use predominating in the
+horizontal joints, as in the best of the old examples, but not to the
+same extent. Fig. 35 illustrates the inner face of an unplastered wall
+of a small house at Ojo Caliente, in which the modern method of using
+the chinking stones is shown. This example bears a strong resemblance to
+the Payupki masonry illustrated in Pl. XV in the irregularity with which
+the chinking stones are distributed in the joints of the wall. The same
+room affords an illustration of a cellar-like feature having the
+appearance of an intentional excavation to attain a depth for this room
+corresponding to the adjoining floor level, but this effect is due
+simply to a clever adaptation of the house wall to an existing ledge of
+sandstone. The latter has had scarcely any artificial treatment beyond
+the partial smoothing of the rock in a few places and the cutting out of
+a small niche from the rocky wall. This niche occupies about the same
+position in this room that it does in the ordinary pueblo house. It is
+remarkable that the pueblo builders did not to a greater extent utilize
+their skill in working stone in the preparation of some of the irregular
+rocky sites that they have at times occupied for the more convenient
+reception of their wall foundations; but in nearly all such cases the
+buildings have been modified to suit the ground. An example of this
+practice is illustrated in Pl. XXIII, from the west side of Walpi. In
+some of the ancient examples the labor required to so prepare the sites
+would not have exceeded that expended on the massive masonry composed of
+numberless small stones. Many of the older works testify to the
+remarkable patience and industry of the builders in amassing and
+carefully adjusting vast quantities of building materials, and the
+modern Indians of Tusayan and Cibola have inherited much of this ancient
+spirit; yet this industry was rarely diverted to the excavation of room
+or village sites, except in the case of the kivas, in which special
+motives led to the practice. In some of the Chaco pueblos, as now seen,
+the floors of outer marginal rooms seem to be depressed below the
+general level of the surrounding soil; but it is now difficult to
+determine whether such was the original arrangement, as much sand and
+soil have drifted against the outer walls, raising the surface. In none
+of the pueblos within the limits of the provinces under discussion has
+there been found any evidence of the existence of underground cellars;
+the rooms that answer such purpose are built on the level of the ground.
+At Tusayan the ancient practice of using the ground-floor rooms for
+storage still prevails. In these are kept the dried fruit, vegetables,
+and meats that constitute the principal winter food of the Tusayan.
+Throughout Tusayan the walls of the first terrace rooms are not finished
+with as much care as those above that face the open courts. A quite
+smoothly finished coat of adobe is often seen in the upper stories, but
+is much more rarely applied to the rough masonry of the ground-floor
+rooms. At Zuñi no such difference of treatment is to be seen, a result
+of the recent departure from their original defensive use. At the
+present day most of the rooms that are built on the ground have external
+doors, often of large size, and are regarded by the Zuñi as preferable
+to the upper terraces as homes. This indicates that the idea of
+convenience has already largely overcome the traditional defensive
+requirements of pueblo arrangement. The general finish and quality of
+the masonry, too, does not vary noticeably in different portions of the
+village. An occasional wall may be seen in which underlying stones may
+be traced through the thin adobe covering, as in one of the walls of the
+court illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, but most of the walls have a fairly
+smooth finish. The occasional examples of rougher masonry do not seem to
+be confined to any particular portion of the village. At Tusayan, on the
+other hand, there is a noticeable difference in the extent to which the
+finishing coat of adobe has been used in the masonry. The villages of
+the first mesa, whose occupants have come in frequent contact with the
+eastern pueblo Indians and with outsiders generally, show the effect in
+the adoption of several devices still unknown to their western
+neighbors, as is shown in the discussion of the distribution of roof
+openings in these villages, pp. 201-208. The builders of the first mesa
+seem also to have imitated their eastern brethren in the free use of the
+adobe coating over their masonry, while at the villages of the middle
+mesa, and particularly at Oraibi, the practice has been comparatively
+rare, imparting an appearance of ruggedness and antiquity to the
+architecture.
+
+The stonework of this village, perhaps approaches the ancient types more
+closely than that of the others, some of the walls being noticeable for
+the frequent use of long bond stones. The execution of the masonry at
+the corners of some of the houses enforces this resemblance and
+indicates a knowledge of the principles of good construction in the
+proper alternation of the long stones. A comparison with the Kin-tiel
+masonry (Pl. LXXXIX) will show this resemblance. As a rule in pueblo
+masonry an upper house wall was supported along its whole length by a
+wall of a lower story, but occasional exceptions occur in both ancient
+and modern work, where the builders have dared to trust the weight of
+upper walls to wooden beams or girders, supported along part of their
+length by buttresses from the walls at their ends or by large, clumsy
+pieces of masonry, as was seen in the house of Sichumovi. In an upper
+story of Walpi also, partitions occur that are not built immediately
+over the lower walls, but on large beams supported on masonry piers.
+In the much higher terraces of Zuñi, the strength of many of the inner
+ground walls must be seriously taxed to withstand the superincumbent
+weight, as such walls are doubtless of only the average thickness and
+strength of ground walls. The dense clustering of this village has
+certainly in some instances thrown the weight of two, three, or even
+four additional, stories upon walls in which no provision was made for
+the unusual strain. The few supporting walls that were accessible to
+inspection did not indicate any provision in their thickness for the
+support of additional weight; in fact, the builders of the original
+walls could have no knowledge of their future requirements in this
+respect. In the pueblos of the Chaco upper partition walls were, in a
+few instances, supported directly on double girders, two posts of 12 or
+14 inches in diameter placed side by side, without reinforcement by
+stone piers or buttresses, the room below being left wholly
+unobstructed. This construction was practicable for the careful builders
+of the Chaco, but an attempt by the Tusayan to achieve the same result
+would probably end in disaster. It was quite common among the ancient
+builders to divide the ground or storage floor into smaller rooms than
+the floor above, still preserving the vertical alignment of the walls.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXVIII. Nutria, view.]
+
+The finish of pueblo masonry rarely went far beyond the two leading
+forms, to which attention has been called, the free use of adobe on the
+one hand and the banded arrangement of ancient masonry on the other.
+These types appear to present development along divergent lines. The
+banded feature doubtless reached such a point of development in the
+Chaco pueblos that its decorative value began to be appreciated, for it
+is apparent that its elaboration has extended far beyond the
+requirements of mere utility. This point would never have been reached
+had the practice prevailed of covering the walls with a coating of mud.
+The cruder examples of banded construction, however--those that still
+kept well within constructional expediency--were doubtless covered with
+a coating of plaster where they occurred inside of the rooms. At Tusayan
+and Cibola, on the other hand, the tendency has been rather to elaborate
+the plastic element of the masonry. The nearly universal use of adobe is
+undoubtedly largely responsible for the more slovenly methods of
+building now in vogue, as it effectually conceals careless construction.
+It is not to be expected that walls would be carefully constructed of
+banded stonework when they were to be subsequently covered with mud. The
+elaboration of the use of adobe and its employment as a periodical
+coating for the dwellings, probably developed gradually into the use of
+a whitewash for the house walls, resulting finally in crude attempts at
+wall decoration.
+
+Many of the interiors in Zuñi are washed with a coating of white, clayey
+gypsum, used in the form of a solution made by dissolving in hot water
+the lumps of the raw material, found in many localities. The mixture is
+applied to the walls while hot, and is spread by means of a rude
+glove-like sack, made of sheep or goat skin, with the hair side out.
+With this primitive brush the Zuñi housewives succeed in laying on a
+smooth and uniform coating over the plaster. An example of this class of
+work was observed in a room of house No. 2. It is difficult to determine
+to what extent this idea is aboriginal; as now employed it has doubtless
+been affected by the methods of the neighboring Spanish population,
+among whom the practice of white-coating the adobe houses inside and out
+is quite common. Several traces of whitewashing have been found among
+the cliff-dwellings of Canyon de Chelly, notably at the ruin known as
+Casa Blanca, but as some of these ruins contained evidences of
+post-Spanish occupation, the occurrence there of the whitewash does not
+necessarily imply any great antiquity for the practice.
+
+External use of this material is much rarer, particularly in Zuñi, where
+only a few walls of upper stories are whitened. Where it is not
+protected from the rains by an overhanging coping or other feature, the
+finish is not durable. Occasionally where a doorway or other opening has
+been repaired the evidences of patchwork are obliterated by a
+surrounding band of fresh plastering, varying in width from 4 inches to
+a foot or more. Usually this band is laid on as a thick wash of adobe,
+but in some instances a decorative effect is attained by using white.
+It is curious to find that at Tusayan the decorative treatment of the
+finishing wash has been carried farther than, at Zuñi. The use of a
+darker band of color about the base of a whitewashed room has already
+been noticed in the description of a Tusayan interior. On many of the
+outer walls of upper stories the whitewash has been stopped within a
+foot of the coping, the unwhitened portion of the walls at the top
+having the effect of a frieze. In a second story house of Mashongnavi,
+that had been carefully whitewashed, additional decorative effect was
+produced by tinting a broad band about the base of the wall with an
+application of bright pinkish clay, which was also carried around the
+doorway as an enframing band, as in the case of the Zuñi door above
+described. The angles on each side, at the junction of the broad base
+band with the narrower doorway border, were filled in with a design of
+alternating pink and white squares. This doorway is illustrated in Fig.
+36. Farther north, on the same terrace, the jamb of a whitewashed
+doorway was decorated with the design shown on the right hand side of
+Fig. 36, executed also in pink clay. This design closely resembles a
+pattern that is commonly embroidered upon the large white "kachina," or
+ceremonial blankets. It is not known whether the device is here regarded
+as having any special significance. The pink clay in which these designs
+have been executed has in Sichumovi been used for the coating of an
+entire house front.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 36. Wall decorations in Mashongnavi executed in
+ pink on a white ground].
+
+In addition to the above-mentioned uses of stone and earth in the
+masonry of house walls, the pueblo builders have employed both these
+materials in a more primitive manner in building the walls of corrals
+and gardens, and for other purposes. The small terraced gardens of Zuñi,
+located on the borders of the village on the southwest and southeast
+sides, close to the river bank, are each surrounded by walls 2½ or 3
+feet high, of very light construction, the average thickness not
+exceeding 6 or 8 inches. These rude walls are built of small,
+irregularly rounded lumps of adobe, formed by hand, and coarsely
+plastered with mud. When the crops are gathered in the fall the walls
+are broken down in places to facilitate access to the inclosures, so
+that they require repairing at each planting season. Aside from this
+they are so frail as to require frequent repairs throughout the period
+of their use. This method of building walls was adopted because it was
+the readiest and least laborious means of inclosing the required space.
+The character of these garden walls is illustrated in Pl. XC, and their
+construction with rough lumps of crude adobe shows also the contrast
+between the weak appearance of this work and the more substantial effect
+of the masonry of the adjoining unfinished house. At the Cibolan farming
+pueblos inclosing walls were usually made of stone, as were also those
+of Tusayan. Pl. LXX indicates the manner in which the material has been
+used in the corrals of Pescado, located within the village. The stone
+walls are used in combination with stakes, such as are employed at the
+main pueblo.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXIX. Pescado, plan.]
+
+Small inclosed gardens, like those of Zuñi, occur at several points in
+Tusayan. The thin walls are made of dry masonry, quite as rude in
+character as those inclosing the Zuñi gardens. The smaller clusters are
+usually located in the midst of large areas of broken stone that has
+fallen from the mesa above. In the foreground of Pl. XXII may be seen a
+number of examples of such work. Pl. XCI illustrates a group of corrals
+at Oraibi whose walls are laid up without the use of mud mortar.
+
+Where exceptionally large blocks of stone are available they have been
+utilized in an upright position, and occur at greater or less intervals
+along the thin walls of dry masonry. An example of this use was seen in
+a garden wall on the west side of Walpi, where the stones had been set
+on end in the yielding surface of a sandy slope among the foothills.
+A similar arrangement, occurring close to the houses at Ojo Caliente,
+is illustrated in Pl. XCII. Large, upright slabs of stone have been used
+by the pueblo builders in many ways, sometimes incorporated into the
+architecture of the houses, and again in detached positions at some
+distance from the villages. Pls. XCIII and XCIV, drawn from the
+photographs of Mr. W. H. Jackson, afford illustrations of this usage in
+the ancient ruins of Montezuma Canyon. In the first of these cases the
+stones were utilized, apparently, in house masonry. Among the ruins in
+the valley of the San Juan and its tributaries, as described by Messrs.
+W. H. Holmes and W. H. Jackson, varied arrangements of upright slabs of
+stone are of frequent occurrence. The rows of stones are sometimes
+arranged in squares, sometimes in circles, and occasionally are
+incorporated into the walls of ordinary masonry, as in the example
+illustrated. Isolated slabs are also met with among the ruins. At
+K'iakima, at a point near the margin of the ruin, occurs a series of
+very large, upright slabs, which occupy the positions of headstones to a
+number of small inclosures, thought to be mortuary, outlined upon the
+ground. These have been already described in connection with the ground
+plan of this village.
+
+The employment of upright slabs of stone to mark graves probably
+prevailed to some extent in ancient practice, but other uses suggest
+themselves. Occupying a conspicuous point in the village of Kin-tiel
+(Pl. LXIII) is an upright slab of sandstone which seems to stand in its
+original position undisturbed, though the walls of the adjoining rooms
+are in ruins. A similar feature was seen at Peñasco Blanco, on the east
+side of the village and a short distance without the inclosing wall.
+Both these rude pillars are, in character and in position, very similar
+to an upright stone of known use at Zuñi. A hundred and fifty feet from
+this pueblo is a large upright block of sandstone, which is said to be
+used as a datum point in the observations of the sun made by a priest of
+Zuñi for the regulation of the time for planting and harvesting, for
+determining the new year, and for fixing the dates of certain other
+ceremonial observances. By the aid of such devices as the native priests
+have at their command they are enabled to fix the date of the winter
+solstice with a fair degree of accuracy. Such rude determination of time
+was probably an aboriginal invention, and may have furnished the motive
+in other cases for placing stone pillars in such unusual positions. The
+explanation of the governor of Zuñi for a sun symbol seen on an upright
+stone at Matsaki has been given in the description of that place. Single
+slabs are also used, as seen in the easternmost room group of
+Tâaaiyalana, and in the southwestern cluster on the same mesa, in the
+building of shrines for the deposit of plume sticks and other ceremonial
+objects.
+
+An unusual employment of small stones in an upright position occurs at
+Zuñi. The inclosing wall of the church yard, still used as a burial
+place, is provided at intervals along its top with upright pieces of
+stone set into the joints of a regular coping course that caps the wall.
+This feature may have some connection with the idea of vertical grave
+stones, noted at K'iakima. It is difficult to surmise what practical
+purpose could have been subserved by these small upright stones.
+
+Notwithstanding the use of large stones for special purposes the pueblo
+builders rarely appreciated the advantages that might be obtained by the
+proper use of such material. Pueblo masonry is essentially made up of
+small, often minute, constructional units. This restriction doubtless
+resulted in a higher degree of mural finish than would otherwise have
+been attained, but it also imposes certain limitations upon their
+architectural achievement. Some of these are noted in the discussion of
+openings and of other details of construction.
+
+Pl. XLV, an illustration of a Mormon mill building at Moen-kopi, already
+referred to in the description of that village, is introduced for the
+purpose of comparing the methods adopted by the natives and by the
+whites in the treatment of the same class of material. Perhaps the most
+noteworthy contrast is seen in the sills and lintels of the openings.
+
+ROOFS AND FLOORS.
+
+In the pueblo system of building, roof and floor is one; for all the
+floors, except such as are formed immediately on the surface of the
+ground, are at the same time the roofs and ceilings of lower rooms. The
+pueblo plan of to-day readily admits of additions at any time and almost
+at any point of the basal construction. The addition of rooms above
+converts a roof into the floor of the new room, so that there can be no
+distinction in method of construction between floors and roofs, except
+the floors are occasionally covered with a complete paving of thin stone
+slabs, a device that in external roofs is confined to the copings that
+cap the walls and enframe openings.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXX. Court view of Pescado, showing corrals.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 37. Diagram of Zuñi roof construction.]
+
+The methods of roofing their houses practiced by the pueblo builders
+varied but little, and followed the general order of construction that
+has been outlined in describing Tusayan house building. The diagram,
+shown in Fig. 37, an isometric projection illustrating roof
+construction, is taken from a Zuñi example, the building of which was
+observed by the writer. The roof is built by first a series of principal
+beams or rafters. These are usually straight, round poles of 6 or 8
+inches in diameter, with all bark and projecting knots removed. Squared
+beams are of very rare occurrence; the only ones seen were those of the
+Tusayan kivas, of Spanish manufacture. In recently constructed houses
+the principal beams are often of large size and are very neatly squared
+off at the ends. Similar square ended beams of large size are met with
+in the ancient work of the Chaco pueblos, but there the enormous labor
+involved in producing the result with only the aid of stone implements
+is in keeping with the highly finished character of the masonry and the
+general massiveness of the construction. The same treatment was adopted
+in Kin-tiel, as may be seen in Pl. XCV, which illustrates a beam resting
+upon a ledge or offset of the inner walls. The recent introduction of
+improved mechanical aids has exerted a strong influence on the character
+of the construction in greatly facilitating execution. The use of the
+American ax made it a much easier task to cut large timbers, and the
+introduction of the "burro" and ox greatly facilitated their
+transportation. In the case of the modern pueblos, such as Zuñi, the
+dwelling rooms that were built by families so poor as not to have these
+aids would to some extent indicate the fact by their more primitive
+construction, and particularly by their small size, in this respect more
+closely resembling the rooms of the ancient pueblos. As a result the
+poorer classes would be more likely to perpetuate primitive devices,
+through the necessity for practicing methods that to the wealthier
+members of the tribe were becoming a matter of tradition only. In such a
+sedentary tribe as the present Zuñi, these differences of wealth and
+station are more marked than one would expect to find among a people
+practicing a style of architecture so evidently influenced by the
+communal principle, and the architecture of to-day shows the effect of
+such distinctions. In the house of the governor of Zuñi a new room has
+been recently built, in which the second series of the roof, that
+applied over the principal beams, consisted of pine shakes or shingles,
+and these supported the final earth covering without any intervening
+material. In the typical arrangement, however, illustrated in the
+figure, the first series, or principal beams, are covered by another
+series of small poles, about an inch and a half or two inches in
+diameter, at right angles to the first, and usually laid quite close
+together. The ends of these small poles are partially embedded in the
+masonry of the walls. In an example of the more careful and laborious
+work of the ancient builders seen at Peñasco Blanco, on the Chaco, the
+principal beams were covered with narrow boards, from 2 to 4 inches wide
+and about 1 inch thick, over which was put the usual covering of earth.
+The boards had the appearance of having been split out with wedges, the
+edges and faces having the characteristic fibrous appearance of torn or
+split wood. At Zuñi an instance occurs where split poles have been used
+for the second series of a roof extending through the whole thickness of
+the wall and projecting outside, as is commonly the case with the first
+series. A similar arrangement was seen in a ruined tower in the vicinity
+of Fort Wingate, New Mexico. In the typical roof construction
+illustrated the second series is covered with small twigs or brush,
+laid in close contact and at right angles to the underlying series, or
+parallel with the main beams. Pl. XCVI, illustrating an unroofed adobe
+house in Zuñi, shows several bundles of this material on an adjoining
+roof. This series is in turn covered with a layer of grass and small
+brush, again at right angles, which prepares the frame for the reception
+of the final earth covering, this latter being the fifth application to
+the roof. In the example illustrated the entire earth covering of the
+roof was finished in a single application of the material. It has been
+seen that at Tusayan a layer of moistened earth is applied, followed by
+a thicker layer of the dry soil.
+
+In ancient construction, the method of arranging the material varied
+somewhat. In some cases series 3 was very carefully constructed of
+straight willow wands laid side by side in contact. This gave a very
+neat appearance to the ceiling within the room. Examples were seen in
+Canyon de Chelly, at Mummy Cave, and at Hungo Pavie and Pueblo Bonito on
+the Chaco.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXI. Pescado houses.]
+
+Again examples occur where series 2 is composed of 2-inch poles in
+contact and the joints are chinked on the upper side with small stones
+to prevent the earth from sifting through. This arrangement was seen in
+a small cluster on the canyon bottom on the de Chelly.
+
+The small size of available roofing rafters has at Tusayan brought about
+a construction of clumsy piers of masonry in a few of the larger rooms,
+which support the ends of two sets of main girders, and these in turn
+carry series 1, or the main ceiling beams of the roof. The girders are
+generally double, an arrangement that has been often employed in ancient
+times, as many examples occur among the ruins. The purpose of such
+arrangement may have been to admit of the abutment of the ends of series
+1, when the members of the latter were laid in contact. In the absence
+of squared beams, which seem never to have been used in the old work,
+this abutment could only be securely accomplished by the use of double
+girders, as suggested in the following diagram, Fig. 38.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 38. Showing abutment of smaller roof beams over
+ round girders.]
+
+The final roof covering, composed of clay, is usually laid on very
+carefully and firmly, and, when the surface is unbroken, answers fairly
+well as a watershed. A slight slope or fall is given to the roof. This
+roof subserves every purpose of a front yard to the rooms that open upon
+it, and seems to be used exactly like the ground itself. Sheepskins are
+stretched and pegged out upon it for tanning or drying, and the
+characteristic Zuñi dome-shaped oven is frequently built upon it. In
+Zuñi generally upper rooms are provided only with a mud floor, although
+occasionally the method of paving with large thin slabs of stone is
+adopted. These are often somewhat irregular in form, the object being to
+have them as large as possible, so that considerable ingenuity is often
+displayed in selecting the pieces and in joining the irregular edges.
+This arrangement, similar to that of the kiva floors of Tusayan, is
+occasionally met with in the kivas.
+
+In making excavations at Kin-tiel, the floor of the ground room in which
+the circular door illustrated in Pl. C, was found was paved with large,
+irregular fragments of stone, the thickness of which did not average
+more than an inch. Its floor, whose paving was all in place, was strewn
+with broken, irregular fragments similar in character, which must have
+been used as the flooring of an upper chamber.
+
+WALL COPINGS AND ROOF DRAINS.
+
+In the construction of the typical pueblo house the walls are carried up
+to the height of the roof surface, and are then capped with a continuous
+protecting coping of thin flat stones, laid in close contact, their
+outer edges flush with the face of the wall. This arrangement is still
+the prevailing one at Tusayan, though there is an occasional example of
+the projecting coping that practically forms a cornice. This latter is
+the more usual form at Zuñi, though in the farming pueblos of Cibola it
+does not occur with any greater frequency than at Tusayan. The flush
+coping is in Tusayan made of the thinnest and most uniform specimens of
+building stone available, but these are not nearly so well adapted to
+the purpose as those found in the vicinity of Zuñi.
+
+Here the projecting stones are of singularly regular and symmetrical
+form, and receive very little artificial treatment. Their extreme
+thinness makes it easy to trim off the projecting corners and angles,
+reducing them to such a form that they can be laid in close contact.
+Thus laid they furnish an admirable protection against the destructive
+action of the violent rains. The stones are usually trimmed to a width
+corresponding to the thickness of the walls. Of course where a
+projecting cornice is built, it can be made, to some extent, to conform
+to the width of available coping stones. These can usually be procured,
+however, of nearly uniform width. In the case of the overhanging
+cornices the necessary projection is attained by continuing either the
+main roof beams, or sometimes the smaller poles of the second series,
+according to the position of the required cornice, for a foot or more
+beyond the outer face of the wall. Over these poles the roofing is
+continued as in ordinary roof construction with the exception that the
+edge of the earth covering is built of masonry, an additional precaution
+against its destruction by the rains. In many places the adobe
+plastering originally applied to the faces of these cornices, as well as
+to the walls, has been washed away, exposing the whole construction. In
+some of these instances the face of the cornice furnishes a complete
+section of the roof, in which all the series of its construction can be
+readily identified. The protective agency of these coping stones is well
+illustrated in Pl. XCVII, which shows the destructive effect of rain at
+a point where an open joint has admitted enough water to bare the
+masonry of the cornice face, eating through its coating of adobe, while
+at the firmly closed joint toward the left there has been no erosive
+action. The much larger proportion of projecting copings or cornices in
+Zuñi, as compared with Tusayan, is undoubtedly attributable to the
+universal smoothing of the walls with adobe, and to the more general use
+of this perishable medium in this village, and the consequent necessity
+for protecting the walls. The efficiency of this means of protecting the
+wall against the wear of weather is seen in the preservation of external
+whitewashing for several feet below such a cornice on the face of the
+walls. At the pueblo of Acoma a similar extensive use of projecting
+cornices is met with, particularly on the third story walls. Here again
+it is due to the use of adobe, which has been more frequently employed
+in the finish of the higher and newer portions of the village than in
+the lower terraces. As a rule these overhanging copings occur
+principally on the southern exposures of the buildings and on the
+terraced sides of house rows. When walls rise to the height of several
+stories directly from the ground, such as the back walls of house rows,
+they are not usually provided with this feature but are capped with
+flush copings.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXII. Fragments of ancient masonry in Pescado.]
+
+The rapid and destructive erosion of the earthen roof covering must have
+early stimulated the pueblo architect to devise means for promptly
+distributing where it would do the least harm, the water which came upon
+his house. This necessity must have led to the early use of roof drains,
+for in no other way could the ancient builders have provided for the
+effectual removal of the water from, the roofs and at the same time have
+preserved intact the masonry of the walls. Unfortunately we have no
+examples of such features in the ruined pueblos, for in the destruction
+or decay of the houses they are among the first details to be lost. The
+roof drain in the modern architecture becomes a very prominent feature,
+particularly at Zuñi.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 39. Single stone roof drains.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 40. Trough roof drains of stone.]
+
+These drains are formed by piercing an opening through the thickness of
+the coping wall, at a point where the drainage from the roof would
+collect, the opening being made with a decided pitch and furnished with
+a spout or device of some kind to insure the discharge of the water
+beyond the face of the wall. These spouts assume a variety of forms.
+Perhaps the most common is that of a single long, narrow slab of stone,
+set at a suitable angle and of sufficient projection to throw the
+discharge clear of the wall. Fig. 39 illustrates drains of this type,
+No. 1 being a Tusayan example and No. 2 from Zuñi. It will be noted that
+the surrounding masonry of the former, as well as the stone itself, are
+much ruder than the Zuñi example. Another type of drain, not differing
+greatly from the preceding, is illustrated in Fig. 40. This form is a
+slight improvement on the single stone drain, as it is provided with
+side pieces which convert the device into a trough-like spout, and more
+effectually direct the discharge. No. 1 is a Tusayan spout and No. 2 a
+Zuñi example. Wooden spouts are also commonly used for this purpose.
+Fig. 41 illustrates an example from each province of this form of drain.
+These are usually made from small tree trunks, not exceeding 3 or 4
+inches in diameter, and are gouged out from one side. No tubular
+specimens of wooden spouts were seen. At Tusayan the builders have
+utilized stone of a concretionary formation for roof drains. The workers
+in stone could not wish for material more suitably fashioned for the
+purpose than these specimens. Two of these curious stone channels are
+illustrated in Fig. 42. Two more examples of Tusayan roof drains are
+illustrated in Fig. 43. The first of the latter shows the use of a
+discarded metate, or mealing stone, and the second of a gourd that has
+been walled into the coping.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 41. Wooden roof drains.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 42. Curved roof drains of stone in Tusayan.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXIV. General view of Ojo Caliente.]
+
+It is said that tubes of clay were used at Awatubi in olden times for
+roof drains, but there remains no positive evidence of this. Three forms
+of this device are attributed to the people of that village. Some are
+said to have been made of wood, others of stone, and some again of
+sun-dried clay. The native explanation of the use in this connection of
+sun-dried clay, instead of the more durable baked product, was that the
+application of fire to any object that water passes through would be
+likely to dry up the rains. It was stated in this connection that at the
+present day the cobs of the corn used for planting are not burned until
+rain has fallen on the crop. If the clay spout described really existed
+among the people at Awatubi, it was likely to have been an innovation
+introduced by the Spanish missionaries. Among the potsherds picked up at
+this ruin was a small piece of coarsely made clay tube, which seemed to
+be too large and too roughly modeled to have been the handle of a ladle,
+which it roughly resembled, or to have belonged to any other known form
+of domestic pottery. As a roof drain its use would not accord with the
+restrictions referred to in the native account, as the piece had been
+burnt.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 43. Tusayan roof drains; a discarded metate and
+ a gourd.]
+
+In some cases in Zuñi where drains discharge from the roofs of upper
+terraces directly upon those below, the lower roofs and also the
+adjoining vertical walls are protected by thin tablets of stone, as
+shown in Fig. 44. It will be seen that one of these is placed upon the
+lower roof in such a position that the drainage falls directly upon it.
+Where the adobe roof covering is left unprotected its destruction by the
+rain is very rapid, as the showers of the rainy season in these regions,
+though usually of short duration, are often extremely violent. The force
+of the torrents is illustrated in the neighboring country. Here small
+ruts in the surface of the ground are rapidly converted into large
+arroyos. Frequently ordinary wagon tracks along a bit of valley slope
+serve as an initial channel to the rapidly accumulating waters and are
+eaten away in a few weeks so that the road becomes wholly impassable,
+and must be abandoned for a new one alongside.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 44. Zuñi roof drain, with splash stones on roof
+ below.]
+
+The shiftlessness of the native builders in the use of the more
+convenient material brings its own penalty during this season in a
+necessity for constant watchfulness and frequent repairs to keep the
+houses habitable. One can often see in Zuñi where an inefficient drain
+or a broken coping has given the water free access to the face of a
+plastered wall, carrying away all its covering and exposing in a
+vertical space the jagged stones of the underlying masonry. It is
+noticeable that much more attention has been paid to protective devices
+at Zuñi than at Tusayan. This is undoubtedly due to the prevalent use of
+adobe in the former. This friable material must be protected at all
+vulnerable points with slabs of stone in order quickly to divert the
+water and preserve the roofs and walls from destruction.
+
+LADDERS AND STEPS.
+
+In the inclosed court of the old fortress pueblos the first terrace was
+reached only by means of ladders, but the terraces or rooms above this
+were reached both by ladders and steps. The removal of the lower tier of
+ladders thus gave security against intrusion and attack. The builders of
+Tusayan have preserved this primitive arrangement in much greater purity
+than those of Cibola.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXV. House at Ojo Caliente.]
+
+In Zuñi numerous ladders are seen on every terrace, but the purpose of
+these, on the highest terraces, is not to provide access to the rooms of
+the upper story, which always have external doors opening on the
+terraces, but to facilitate repairs of the roofs. At Tusayan, on the
+other hand, ladders are of rare occurrence above the first terrace,
+their place being supplied by flights of stone steps. The relative
+scarcity of stone at Zuñi, suitable for building material, and its great
+abundance at Tusayan, undoubtedly account for this difference of usage,
+especially as the proximity of the timber supply of the Zuñi mountains
+to the former facilitates the substitution of wood for steps of masonry.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 45. A modern notched ladder in Oraibi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 46. Tusayan notched ladders from Mashongnavi.]
+
+The earliest form of ladder among the pueblos was probably a notched
+log, a form still occasionally used. Figures 45 and 46 illustrate
+examples of this type of ladder from Tusayan.
+
+A notched ladder from Oraibi, made with a modern axe, is shown. This
+specimen has a squareness of outline and an evenness of surface not
+observed in the ancient examples. The ladder from Mashongnavi,
+illustrated on the left of Fig. 46, closely resembles the Oraibi
+specimen, though the workmanship is somewhat ruder. The example
+illustrated on the right of the same figure is from Oraibi. This ladder
+is very old, and its present rough and weatherbeaten surface affords but
+little evidence of the character of the implement used in making it.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 47. Aboriginal American forms of ladder.]
+
+The ladder having two poles connected by cross rungs is undoubtedly a
+native invention, and was probably developed through a series of
+improvements on the primitive notched type. It is described in detail in
+the earliest Spanish accounts. Fig. 47 illustrates on the left the
+notched ladder, and on the right a typical two-pole ladder in its most
+primitive form. In this case the rungs are simply lashed to the
+uprights. The center ladder of the diagram is a Mandan device
+illustrated by Mr. Lewis H. Morgan.[6] As used by the Mandans this
+ladder is placed with its forked end on the ground, the reverse of the
+Pueblo practice. It will readily be seen, on comparing these examples,
+that an elongation of the fork which occurs as a constant accompaniment
+of the notched ladder might eventually suggest a construction similar to
+that of the Mandan ladder reversed. The function of the fork on the
+notched ladder in steadying it when placed against the wall would be
+more effectually performed by enlarging this feature.
+
+ [Footnote 6: Cont. to N.A. Ethn., vol. 4, Houses and House life,
+ pp. 129-131.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXVII. Outline plan of Zuñi, showing
+ distribution of oblique openings.]
+
+At one stage in the development of the form of ladder in common use
+to-day the rungs were laid in depressions or notches of the vertical
+poles, resembling the larger notches of the single ladder, and then
+lashed on with thongs of rawhide or with other materials. Later, when
+the use of iron became known, holes were burned through the side poles.
+This is the nearly universal practice to-day, though some of the more
+skillful pueblo carpenters manage to chisel out rectangular holes. The
+piercing of the side poles, particularly prevalent in Zuni, has brought
+about a curious departure from the ancient practice of removing the
+ladder in times of threatened danger. Long rungs are loosely slipped
+into the holes in the side pieces, and the security formerly gained by
+taking up the entire ladder is now obtained, partially at least, by the
+removal of the rungs. The boring of the side pieces and the employment
+of loose rungs seriously interferes with the stability of the structure,
+as means must be provided to prevent the spreading apart of the side
+pieces. The Zuni architect has met this difficulty by prolonging the
+poles of the ladder and attaching a cross piece near their upper ends to
+hold them together. As a rule this cross piece is provided with a hole
+near each end into which the tapering extremities of the poles are
+inserted. From their high position near the extremities of the ladders,
+seen in silhouette against the sky, they form peculiarly striking
+features of Zuni. They are frequently decorated with rude carvings of
+terraced notches. Examples of this device may be seen in the views of
+Zuni, and several typical specimens are illustrated in detail in Pl.
+XCVIII. The use of cross pieces on ladders emerging from roof openings
+is not so common as on external ones, as there is not the same necessity
+for holding together the poles, the sides of the opening performing that
+office.
+
+There are two places in Zuni, portions of the densest house cluster,
+where the needs of unusual traffic have been met by the employment of
+double ladders, made of three vertical poles, which accommodate two
+tiers of rungs. The sticks forming the rungs are inserted in continuous
+lengths through all three poles, and the cross pieces at the top are
+also continuous, being formed of a single flat piece of wood perforated
+by three holes for the reception of the tips of the poles. In additional
+to the usual cross pieces pierced for the reception of the side poles
+and rudely carved into ornamental forms, many temporary cross pieces are
+added during the harvest season in the early autumn to support the
+strips of meat and melons, strings of red peppers, and other articles
+dried in the open air prior to storage for winter use. At this season
+every device that will serve this purpose is employed. Occasionally
+poles are seen extending across the reentering angles of a house or are
+supported on the coping and rafters. The projecting roof beams also are
+similarly utilized at this season.
+
+Zuni ladders are usually provided with about eight rungs, but a few have
+as many as twelve. The women ascend these ladders carrying ollas of
+water on their heads, children play upon them, and a few of the most
+expert of the numerous dogs that infest the village can clumsily make
+their way up and down them. As described in a previous section all
+houses built during the year are consecrated at a certain season, and
+among other details of the ceremonial, certain rites, intended to
+prevent accidents to children, etc., are performed at the foot of the
+ladders.
+
+In Tusayan, where stone is abundant, the ladder has not reached the
+elaborate development seen in Zuñi. The perforated cross piece is rarely
+seen, as there is little necessity for its adoption. The side poles are
+held together by the top and bottom rungs, which pass entirely through
+the side pieces and are securely fixed, while the ends of the others are
+only partly embedded in the side pieces. In other cases (Pl. XXXII) the
+poles are rigidly held in place by ropes or rawhide lashings.
+
+Short ladders whose side poles are but little prolonged beyond the top
+rung are of common occurrence, particularly in Oraibi. Three such
+ladders are shown in Pl. LXXXIV. A similar example may be seen in Pl.
+CVII, in connection with a large opening closed with rough masonry. In
+these cases the rungs are made to occupy slight notches or depressions
+in the upright poles and are then firmly lashed with rawhide, forming a
+fairly rigid structure. This type of ladder is probably a survival of
+the earliest form of the pueblo ladder.
+
+In addition to the high cross piece whose function is to retain in place
+the vertical poles, the kiva ladders are usually provided, both in Zuñi
+and Tusayan, with a cross piece consisting of a round stick tied to the
+uprights and placed at a uniform height above the kiva roof. This stick
+affords a handhold for the marked dancers who are often encumbered with
+ceremonial paraphernalia as they enter the kiva. In the case of the
+Oraibi kiva occupying the foreground of Pl. XXXVIII, it may be seen that
+this handhold cross piece is inserted into holes in the side poles, an
+exception to the general practice. In Pl. LXXXVII, illustrating kivas,
+the position of this feature will be seen.
+
+The exceptional mode of access to Tusayan kiva hatchways by means of
+short nights of stone steps has already been noticed. In several
+instances the top steps of these short flights cover the thickness of
+the wall. The remains of a similar stairway were observed in Pueblo
+Bonito, where it evidently reached directly from the ground to an
+external doorway. Access by such means, however, is a departure from the
+original defensive idea.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXVIII. General inside view of Zuñi, looking
+ west.]
+
+Modern practice in Zuñi has departed more widely from the primitive
+system than at Tusayan. In the former pueblo short nights of stone steps
+giving access to doors raised but a short distance above the ground are
+very commonly seen. Even in the small farming pueblo of Pescado two
+examples of this arrangement are met with. Pl. XCIX illustrates one of
+these found on the north outside wall. In the general views of the
+Tusayan villages the closer adherence to primitive methods is clearly
+indicated, although the modern compare very unfavorably with the ancient
+examples in precision of execution. Pl. XXXII illustrates two flights of
+stone steps of Shupaulovi. In many cases the workmanship of these stone
+steps does not surpass that seen in the Walpi trail, illustrated in Pl.
+XXV.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 48. Stone steps at Oraibi, with platform at
+ corner.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 49. Stone steps, with platform at chimney,
+ in Oraibi.]
+
+Perhaps in no one detail of pueblo construction are the careless and
+shiftless modern methods so conspicuous as in the stone steps of the
+upper terraces of Tusayan. Here are seen many awkward makeshifts by
+means of which the builders have tried to compensate for their lack of
+foresight in planning. The absence of a definite plan for a house
+cluster of many rooms, already noted in the discussion of dwelling-house
+construction, is rendered conspicuous by the manner in which the stone
+stairways are used. Figs. 48 and 49 illustrate stone steps on upper
+terraces in Oraibi. In both cases the steps have been added long after
+the rooms against which they abut were built. In order to conform to the
+fixed requirement of placing such means of access at the corners of the
+upper rooms, the builders constructed a clumsy platform to afford
+passage around the previously built chimney. Fig. 50 shows the result of
+a similar lack of foresight. The upper portion of the flight, consisting
+of three steps, has been abruptly turned at right angles to the main
+flight, and is supported upon rude poles and beams. The restriction of
+this feature to the corners of upper rooms where they were most likely
+to conflict with chimneys is undoubtedly a survival of ancient practice,
+and due to the necessary vertical alignment of walls and masonry in this
+primitive construction.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 50. Stone steps in Shumopavi.]
+
+COOKING PITS AND OVENS.
+
+Most of the cooking of the ancient Pueblos was probably done out of
+doors, as among the ruins vestiges of cooking pits, almost identical in
+character with those still found in Tusayan, are frequently seen. In
+Cibola the large dome-shaped ovens, common to the Pueblos of the Rio
+Grande and to their Mexican neighbors are in general use. In Tusayan a
+few examples of this form of oven occur upon the roofs of the terraces,
+while the cooking pit in a variety of forms is still extensively used.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXIX. Zuñi terraces.]
+
+The distribution of the dome-shaped ovens in Cibola and in Tusayan may
+be seen on the ground plans in Chapters III and IV. The simplest form of
+cooking pit, still commonly used in Tusayan, consists of a depression in
+the ground, lined with a coating of mud. The pit is usually of small
+size and is commonly placed at some little distance from the house; in a
+few cases it is located in a sheltered corner of the building. Fig. 51
+illustrates a series of three such primitive ovens built against a house
+wall, in a low bench or ledge of masonry raised 6 inches above the
+ground; the holes measure about a foot across and are about 18 or 20
+inches deep. Many similar pits occur in the Tusayan villages; some of
+them are walled in with upright stone slabs, whose rough edges project 6
+or 8 inches above the ground, the result closely resembling the ancient
+form of in-door fireplace, such as that seen in a room of Kin-tiel. (Pl.
+C.)
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 51. A series of cooking pits in Mashongnavi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 52. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 53. Cross sections of pi-gummi ovens of
+ Mashongnavi.]
+
+In its perfected form the cooking pit in Tusayan takes the place of the
+more elaborate oven used in Zuñi. Figs. 52 and 53 show two specimens of
+pits used for the preparation of pi-gummi, a kind of baked mush.
+
+These occur on the east side of Mashongnavi. They project 6 or 8 inches
+above the ground, and have a depth of from 18 to 24 inches. The débris
+scattered about the pits indicates the manner in which they are covered
+with slabs of stone and sealed with mud when in use. In all the oven,
+devices of the pueblos the interior is first thoroughly heated by a long
+continued fire within, the structure. When the temperature is
+sufficiently high the ashes and dirt are cleaned out, the articles to be
+cooked inserted, and the orifices sealed. The food is often left in
+these heated receptacles for 12 hours or more, and on removal it is
+generally found to be very nicely cooked. Each of the pi-gummi ovens
+illustrated above is provided with a tube-like orifice 3 or 4 inches in
+diameter, descending obliquely from the ground level into the cavity.
+Through this opening the fire is arranged and kept in order, and in this
+respect it seems to be the counterpart of the smaller hole of the Zuñi
+dome-shaped ovens. When the principal opening, by which the vessel
+containing the pi-gummi or other articles is introduced, has been
+covered with a slab of stone and sealed with mud, the effect is similar
+to that of the dome-shaped oven when the ground-opening or doorway is
+hermetically closed.
+
+No example of the dome-shaped oven of pre-Columbian origin has been
+found among the pueblo ruins, although its prototype probably existed in
+ancient times, possibly in the form of a kiln for baking a fine quality
+of pottery formerly manufactured. However, the cooking pit alone,
+developed to the point of the pi-gummi oven of Tusayan, may have been
+the stem upon which the foreign idea was engrafted. Instances of the
+complete adoption by these conservative people of a wholly foreign idea
+or feature of construction are not likely to be found, as improvements
+are almost universally confined to the mere modification of existing
+devices. In the few instances in which more radical changes are
+attempted the resulting forms bear evidence of the fact.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 54. Diagram showing foundation stones of a Zuñi
+ oven.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXX. Old adobe church of Zuñi.]
+
+In Cibola the construction of a dome-shaped oven is begun by laying out
+roughly a circle of flat stones as a foundation. Upon these the upper
+structure is rudely built of stones laid in the mud and approximately in
+the courses, though often during construction one side will be carried
+considerably higher than another. The walls curve inward to an
+apparently unsafe degree, but the mud mortar is often allowed to partly
+dry before carrying the overhanging portion so far as to endanger the
+structure, and accidents rarely happen. The oven illustrated in Pl.
+XCVII shows near its broken doorway the arrangement of foundation stones
+referred to. Typical examples of the dome oven occur in the foreground
+of the general view of Zuñi shown in Pl. LXXVIII.
+
+The dome ovens of Cibola are generally smoothly plastered, inside and
+out, but a few examples are seen in which the stones of the masonry are
+exposed. In. Pl. XCIX may be seen two ovens differing in size, one of
+which shows the manner in which the opening is blocked up with stone to
+keep out stray dogs during periods of disuse. Fig. 55 illustrates a
+mud-plastered oven at Pescado, which is elevated about a foot above the
+ground on a base or plinth of masonry. The opening of this oven is on
+the side toward the houses. This form is quite exceptional in Cibola,
+though of frequent occurrence among the Rio Grande pueblos. A very large
+and carefully finished example was examined at Jemez.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 55. Dome-shaped oven on a plinth of masonry.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 56. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 57. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry.]
+
+Figs. 56 and 57 illustrate two specimens of rough masonry ovens seen at
+Pescado. In one of these a decided horizontal arrangement of the stones
+in the masonry prevails. The specimen at the right is small and rudely
+constructed, showing but little care in the use of the building
+material. The few specimens of dome ovens seen in Tusayan are
+characterized by the same rudeness of construction noticed in their
+house masonry. The rarity of this oven at Tusayan, where so many of the
+constructions have retained a degree of primitiveness not seen
+elsewhere, is perhaps an additional evidence of its foreign origin.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXXI. Eastern rows of Zuñi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 58. Shrines in Mashongnavi.]
+
+OVEN-SHAPED STRUCTURES.
+
+In Tusayan, there are other structures, of rude dome-shape, likely to be
+mistaken for some form of cooking device. Fig. 58 illustrates two
+specimens of shrines that occur in courts of Mashongnavi. These are
+receptacles for plume sticks (bahos) and other votive offerings used at
+certain festivals, which, after being so used, are sealed up with stone
+slabs and adobe. These shrines occur at several of the villages, as
+noted in the discussion of the plans in Chapter III. In the foreground
+of Pl. XXXVIII may be seen an Oraibi specimen somewhat resembling those
+seen at Mashongnavi.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 59. A poultry house in Sichumovi resembling an
+ oven.]
+
+Fig. 59 illustrates a very rude structure of stones in Sichumovi,
+resembling in form a dome oven, which is used as a poultry house.
+Several of these are seen in the Tusayan villages.
+
+FIREPLACES AND CHIMNEYS.
+
+The original fireplace of the ancient pueblo builders was probably the
+simple cooking pit transferred to a position within the dwelling room,
+and employed for the lighter cooking of the family as well as for
+warming the dwelling. It was placed in the center of the floor in order
+that the occupants of the house might conveniently gather around it. One
+of the first improvements made in this shallow indoor cooking pit must
+have consisted in surrounding it with a wall of sufficient height to
+protect the fire against drafts, as seen in the outdoor pits of Tusayan.
+In excavating a room in the ancient pueblo of Kin-tiel, a completely
+preserved fireplace, about a foot deep, and walled in with thin slabs of
+stone set on edge, was brought to light. The depression had been
+hollowed out of the solid rock.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 60. Ground plan of an excavated room in Kin-tiel.]
+
+This fireplace, together with the room in which it was found, is
+illustrated in Pl. C and Fig. 60. It is of rectangular form, but other
+examples have been found which are circular. Mr. W. H. Jackson describes
+a fireplace in a cliff dwelling in "Echo Cave" that consisted of a
+circular, basin-like depression 30 inches across and 10 inches deep.
+Rooms furnishing evidence that fires were made in the corners against
+the walls are found in many cliff dwellings; the smoke escaped overhead,
+and the blackened walls afford no trace of a chimney or flue of any
+kind.
+
+The pueblo chimney is undoubtedly a post-Spanish feature, and the best
+forms in use at the present time are probably of very recent origin,
+though they are still associated with fireplaces that have departed
+little from the aboriginal form seen at Kin-tiel and elsewhere. It is
+interesting to note, in this connection, that the ceremony consecrating
+the house is performed in Tusayan before the chimney is added,
+suggesting that the latter feature did not form a part of the aboriginal
+dwelling.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXXII. A Zuñi court.]
+
+In Cibola a few distinct forms of chimney are used at the present time,
+but in the more remote Tusayan the chimney seems to be still in the
+experimental stage. Numbers of awkward constructions, varying from the
+ordinary cooking pit to the more elaborate hooded structures, testify to
+the chaotic condition of the chimney-building art in the latter
+province.
+
+Before the invention of a chimney hood, and while the primitive
+fireplace occupied a central position in the floor of the room, the
+smoke probably escaped through the door and window openings. Later a
+hole in the roof provided an exit, as in the kivas of to-day, where
+ceremonial use has perpetuated an arrangement long since superseded in
+dwelling-house construction. The comfort of a dwelling room provided
+with this feature is sufficiently attested by the popularity of the
+modern kivas as a resort for the men. The idea of a rude hood or flue to
+facilitate the egress of the smoke would not be suggested until the
+fireplace was transferred from the center of a room to a corner, and in
+the first adoption of this device the builders would rely upon the
+adjacent walls for the needed support of the constructional members.
+Practically all of the chimneys of Tusayan are placed in corners at the
+present time, though the Zuñi builders have developed sufficient skill
+to construct a rigid hood and flue in the center of a side wall, as may
+be seen in the view of a Zuñi interior, Pl. LXXXVI.
+
+Although the pueblo chimney owes its existence to foreign suggestion it
+has evidently reached its present form through a series of timid
+experiments, and the proper principles of its construction seem to have
+been but feebly apprehended by the native builders, particularly in
+Tusayan. The early form of hood, shown in Fig. 66, was made by placing a
+short supporting pole across the corner of a room at a sufficient
+distance from the floor and upon it arranging sticks to form the frame
+work of a contracting hood or flue. The whole construction was finally
+covered with a thick coating of mud. This primitive wooden construction
+has probably been in use for a long time, although it was modified in
+special cases so as to extend across the entire width of narrow rooms to
+accommodate "piki" stones or other cumbersome cooking devices. It
+embodies the principle of roof construction that must have been employed
+in the primitive house from which the pueblo was developed, and
+practically constitutes a miniature conical roof suspended over the
+fireplace and depending upon the walls of the room for support. On
+account of the careful and economical use of fuel by these people the
+light and inflammable material of which the chimney is constructed does
+not involve the danger of combustion that would be expected. The perfect
+feasibility of such use of wood is well illustrated in some of the old
+log-cabin chimneys in the Southern States, where, however, the
+arrangement of the pieces is horizontal, not vertical. These latter
+curiously exemplify also the use of a miniature section of house
+construction to form a conduit for the smoke, placed at a sufficient
+height to admit of access to the fire.
+
+A further improvement in the chimney was the construction of a corner
+hood support by means of two short poles instead of a single piece, thus
+forming a rectangular smoke hood of enlarged capacity. This latter is
+the most common form in use at the present time in both provinces, but
+its arrangement in Tusayan, where it represents the highest achievement
+of the natives in chimney construction, is much more varied than in
+Cibola. In the latter province the same form is occasionally executed in
+stone. Fig. 61 illustrates a corner hood, in which the crossed ends of
+the supporting poles are exposed to view. The outer end of the lower
+pole is supported from the roof beams by a cord or rope, the latter
+being embedded in the mud plastering with which the hood is finished.
+The vertically ridged character of the surface reveals the underlying
+construction, in which light sticks have been used as a base for the
+plaster. The Tusayans say that large sunflower stalks are preferred for
+this purpose on account of their lightness. Figs. 63 and 64 show another
+Tusayan hood of the type described, and in Fig. 69 a large hood of the
+same general form, suspended over a piki-stone, is noticeable for the
+frank treatment of the suspending cords, which are clearly exposed to
+view for nearly their entire length.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 61. A corner chimney hood with two supporting
+ poles (Tusayan).]
+
+In a chimney in a Mashongnavi house, illustrated in Fig. 62, a simple,
+sharply curved piece of wood has been used for the lower rim of this
+hood, thus obtaining all the capacity of the two-poled form. The
+vertical sticks in this example are barely discernible through the
+plastering, which has been applied with more than the usual degree of
+care.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 62. A curved chimney hood of Mashongnavi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXXIII. A Zuñi small house.]
+
+A curious example illustrating a rudimentary form of two-poled hood is
+shown in Fig. 63. A straight pole of unusual length is built into the
+walls across the corner of a room, and its insertion into the wall is
+much farther from the corner on one side than the other. From the longer
+stretch of inclosed wall protrudes a short pole that joins the principal
+one and serves as a support for one side of the chimney-hood. In this
+case the builder appears to have been too timid to venture on the bolder
+construction required in the perfected two-poled hood. This example
+probably represents a stage in the development of the higher form.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 63. A Mashongnavi chimney hood and walled up
+ fireplace.]
+
+In some instances the rectangular corner hood is not suspended from the
+ceiling, but is supported from beneath by a stone slab or a piece of
+wood. Such a chimney hood seen in a house of Shupaulovi measures nearly
+4 by 5 feet. The short side is supported by two stone slabs built into
+the wall and extending from the hood to the floor. Upon the upper stone
+rests one end of the wooden lintel supporting the long side, while the
+other end, near the corner of the room, is held in position by a light
+crotch of wood. Fig. 64 illustrates this hood; the plan indicating the
+relation of the stones and the forked stick to the corner of the room.
+Fig. 71, illustrating a terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi,
+shows the employment of similar supports.
+
+Corner chimney hoods in Zuñi do not differ essentially from the more
+symmetrical of the Tusayan specimens, but they are distinguished by
+better finish, and by less exposure of the framework, having been, like
+the ordinary masonry, subjected to an unusually free application of
+adobe.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 64. A chimney hood of Shupaulovi.]
+
+The builders of Tusayan appear to have been afraid to add the necessary
+weight of mud mortar to produce this finished effect, the hoods usually
+showing a vertically ridged or crenated surface, caused by the sticks of
+the framework showing through the thin mud coat. Stone also is often
+employed in their construction, and its use has developed a large,
+square-headed type of chimney unknown at Tusayan. This is illustrated in
+Fig. 65. This form of hood, projecting some distance beyond its flue,
+affords space that may be used as a mantel-shelf, an advantage gained
+only to a very small degree by the forms discussed above. This chimney,
+as before stated, is built against one of the walls of a room, and near
+the middle.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 65. A semi-detached square chimney hood of Zuñi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXXIV. A house-building at Oraibi.]
+
+All the joints of these hoods, and even the material used, are generally
+concealed from view by a carefully applied coating of plaster,
+supplemented by a gypsum wash, and usually there is no visible evidence
+of the manner in which they are built, but the construction is little
+superior to that of the simple corner hoods. The method of framing the
+various types of hoods is illustrated in Fig. 66. The example on the
+left shows an unplastered wooden hood skeleton. The arrangement of the
+parts in projecting rectangular stone hoods is illustrated in the
+right-hand diagram of the figure. In constructing such a chimney a thin
+buttress is first built against the wall of sufficient width and height
+to support one side of the hood. The opposite side of the hood is
+supported by a flat stone, firmly set on edge into the masonry of the
+wall. The front of the hood is supported by a second flat stone which
+rests at one end on a rude shoulder in the projecting slab, and at the
+other end upon the front edge of the buttress. It would be quite
+practicable for the pueblo builders to form a notch in the lower corner
+of the supported stone to rest firmly upon a projection of the
+supporting stone, but in the few cases in which the construction could
+be observed no such treatment was seen, for they depended mainly on the
+interlocking of the ragged ends of the stones. This structure serves to
+support the body of the flue, usually with an intervening stone-covered
+space forming a shelf. At the present period the flue is usually built
+of thin sandstone slabs, rudely adjusted to afford mutual support. The
+whole structure is bound together and smoothed over with mud plastering,
+and is finally finished with the gypsum wash, applied also to the rest
+of the room. Mr. A. F. Bandelier describes "a regular chimney, with
+mantel and shelf, built of stone slabs," which he found "in the caves of
+the Rito de los Frijoles, as well as in the cliff dwellings of the
+regular detached family house type,"[7] which, from the description,
+must have closely resembled the Zuñi chimney described above. Houses
+containing such devices may be quite old, but if so they were certainly
+reoccupied in post-Spanish times. Such dwellings are likely to have been
+used as places of refuge in times of danger up to a comparatively recent
+date.
+
+ [Footnote 7: Fifth Ann. Rept. Arch. Inst. Am., p. 74.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 66. Unplastered Zuñi chimney hoods, illustrating
+ construction.]
+
+Among the many forms of chimneys and fireplaces seen in Tusayan a
+curious approach to our own arrangement of fireplace and mantel was
+noticed in a house in Sichumovi. In addition to the principal mantel
+ledge, a light wooden shelf was arranged against the wall on one side of
+the flue, one of its ends being supported by an upright piece of wood
+with a cap, and the other resting on a peg driven into the wall. This
+fireplace and mantel is illustrated in Fig. 67.
+
+Aside from the peculiar "guyave" or "piki" baking oven, there is but
+little variation in the form of indoor fireplaces in Cibola, while in
+Tusayan it appears to have been subjected to about the same mutations
+already noted in the outdoor cooking pits. A serious problem was
+encountered by the Tusayan builder when he was called upon to construct
+cooking-pit fireplaces, a foot or more deep, in a loom of an upper
+terrace. As it was impracticable to sink the pit into the floor, the
+necessary depth was obtained by walling up the sides, as is shown in
+Fig. 68, which illustrates a second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi.
+Other examples may be seen in the outdoor chimneys shown in Figs. 72 and
+73.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 67. A fireplace and mantel in Sichumovi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 68. A second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXXV. A Tusayan interior.]
+
+A modification of the interior fireplace designed for cooking the thin,
+paper-like bread, known to the Spanish-speaking peoples of this region
+as "guyave," and by the Tusayan as "piki," is common to both Cibola and
+Tusayan, though in the former province the contrivance is more carefully
+constructed than in the latter, and the surface of the baking stone
+itself is more highly finished. In the guyave oven a tablet of carefully
+prepared sandstone is supported in a horizontal position by two slabs
+set on edge and firmly imbedded in the floor. A horizontal flue is thus
+formed in which the fire is built. The upper stone, whose surface is to
+receive the thin guyave batter, undergoes during its original
+preparation a certain treatment with fire and piñon gum, and perhaps
+other ingredients, which imparts to it a highly polished black finish.
+This operation is usually performed away from the pueblo, near a point
+where suitable stone is found, and is accompanied by a ceremonial, which
+is intended to prevent the stone from breaking on exposure to the fire
+when first used. During one stage of these rites the strictest silence
+is enjoined, as, according to the native account, a single word spoken
+at such a time would crack the tablet.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 69. Piki stone and chimney hood in Sichumovi.]
+
+When the long guyave stone is in position upon the edges of the back and
+front stones the fire must be so applied as to maintain the stone at a
+uniform temperature. This is done by frequent feeding with small bits of
+sage brush or other fuel. The necessity for such economy in the use of
+fuel has to a certain extent affected the forms of all the heating and
+cooking devices. Fig. 69 illustrates a Sichumovi piki stone, and Fig. 70
+shows the use of the oven in connection with a cooking fireplace, a
+combination that is not uncommon. The latter example is from Shumopavi.
+The illustration shows an interesting feature in the use of a primitive
+andiron or boss to support the cooking pot in position above the fire.
+This boss is modeled from the same clay as the fireplace floor and is
+attached to it and forms a part of it. Mr. Stephen has collected free
+specimens of these primitive props which had never been attached to the
+floor. These were of the rudely conical form illustrated in the figure,
+and were made of a coarsely mixed clay thoroughly baked to a stony
+hardness.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 70. Piki stone and primitive andiron in
+ Shumopavi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXXVI. A Zuñi interior.]
+
+Chimneys and fireplaces are often found in Tusayan in the small,
+recessed, balcony-like rooms of the second terrace. When a deep
+cooking-pit is required in such a position, it is obtained by building
+up the sides, as in the indoor fireplaces of upper rooms. Such a
+fireplace is illustrated in Fig. 71. A roofed recess which usually
+occurs at one end of the first terrace, called "tupubi," takes its name
+from the flat piki oven, the variety of fireplace generally built in
+these alcoves. The transfer of the fireplace from the second-story room
+to the corner of such a roofed-terrace alcove was easily accomplished,
+and probably led to the occasional use of the cooking-pit, with
+protecting chimney hood on the open and unsheltered roof. Fig. 72
+illustrates a deep cooking-pit on an upper terrace of Walpi. In this
+instance the cooking pit is very massively built, and in the absence of
+a sheltering "tupubi" corner is effectually protected on three sides by
+mud-plastered stone work, the whole being capped with the usual
+chimneypot. The contrivance is placed conveniently near the roof
+hatchway of a dwelling room.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 71. A terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 72. A terrace cooking-pit and chimney of Walpi.]
+
+The outdoor use of the above-described fireplaces on upper terraces has
+apparently suggested the improvement of the ground cooking pit in a
+similar manner. Several specimens were seen in which the cooking pit of
+the ordinary depressed type, excavated near an inner corner of a house
+wall, was provided with sheltering masonry and a chimney cap; but such
+an arrangement is by no means of frequent occurrence. Fig. 73
+illustrates an example that was seen on the east side of Shumopavi. It
+will be noticed that in the use of this arrangement on the ground--an
+arrangement that evidently originated on the terraces--the builders have
+reverted to the earlier form of excavated pit. In other respects the
+example illustrated is not distinguishable from the terrace forms above
+described.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 73. A ground cooking-pit of Shumopavi covered with
+ a chimney.]
+
+In the discussion of the details of kiva arrangement in Tusayan (p. 121)
+it was shown that the chimney is not used in any form in these
+ceremonial chambers; but the simple roof-opening forming the hatchway
+serves as a smoke vent, without the addition of either an internal hood
+or an external shaft. In the Zuñi kivas the smoke also finds vent
+through the opening that gives access to the chamber, but in the framing
+of the roof, as is shown elsewhere, some distinction between door and
+chimney is observed. The roof-hole is made double, one portion
+accommodating the ingress ladder and the other intended to serve for the
+egress of the smoke.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXXVII. A kiva hatchway of Tusayan.]
+
+The external chimney of the pueblos is a simple structure, and exhibits
+but few variations from the type. The original form was undoubtedly a
+mere hole in the roof; its use is perpetuated in the kivas. This
+primitive form was gradually improved by raising its sides above the
+roof, forming a rudimentary shaft. The earlier forms are likely to have
+been rectangular, the round following and developing later short masonry
+shafts which were finally given height by the addition of chimney pots.
+In Zuñi the chimney has occasionally developed into a rather tall shaft,
+projecting sometimes to a height of 4 or 5 feet above the roof. This is
+particularly noticeable on the lower terraces of Zuñi, the chimneys of
+the higher rooms being more frequently of the short types prevalent in
+the farming pueblos of Cibola and in Tusayan. The tall chimneys found in
+Zuñi proper, and consisting often of four or five chimney pots on a
+substructure of masonry, are undoubtedly due to the same conditions that
+have so much influenced other constructional details; that is, the
+exceptional height of the clusters and crowding of the rooms. As a
+result of this the chimney is a more conspicuous feature in Zuñi than
+elsewhere, as will be shown by a comparison of the views of the villages
+given in Chapters III and IV.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 74. Tusayan chimneys.]
+
+In Tusayan many of the chimneys are quite low, a single pot surmounting
+a masonry substructure not more than 6 inches high being quite common.
+As a rule, however, the builders preferred to use a series of pots. Two
+typical Tusayan chimneys are illustrated in Fig. 74. Most of the
+substructures for chimneys in this province are rudely rectangular in
+form, and clearly expose the rough stonework of the masonry, while in
+Zuñi the use of adobe generally obliterates all traces of construction.
+In both provinces chimneys are seen without the chimney pot. These
+usually occur in clusters, simply because the builder of a room or group
+of rooms preferred that form of chimney. Pl. CI illustrates a portion of
+the upper terraces of Zuñi where a number of masonry chimneys are
+grouped together. Those on the highest roof are principally of the
+rectangular form, being probably a direct development from the square
+roof hole. The latter is still sometimes seen with a rim rising several
+inches above the roof surface and formed of slabs set on edge or of
+ordinary masonry. These upper chimneys are often closed or covered with
+thin slabs of sandstone laid over them in the same manner as the roof
+holes that they resemble. The fireplaces to which some of them belong
+appear to be used for heating the rooms rather than for cooking, as they
+are often disused for long periods during the summer season.
+
+Pl. CI also illustrates chimneys in which pots have been used in
+connection with masonry bases, and also a round masonry chimney. The
+latter is immediately behind the single pot chimney seen in the
+foreground. On the extreme left of the figure is shown a chimney into
+which fire pots have been incorporated, the lower ones being almost
+concealed from view by the coating of adobe. A similar effect may be
+seen in the small chimney on the highest roof shown in Pl. LVIII. Pl.
+LXXXII shows various methods of using the chimney pots. In one case the
+chimney is capped with a reversed large-mouthed jar, the broken bottom
+serving as an outlet for the smoke. The vessel usually employed for this
+purpose is an ordinary black cooking pot, the bottom being burned out,
+or otherwise rendered unfit for household use. Other vessels are
+occasionally used. Pl. LXXXIII shows the use, as the crowning member of
+the chimney, of an ordinary water jar, with dark decorations on a white
+ground. A vessel very badly broken is often made to serve in chimney
+building by skillful use of mud and mortar. To facilitate smoke exit the
+upper pot is made to overlap the neck of the one below by breaking out
+the bottom sufficiently. The joining is not often visible, as it is
+usually coated with adobe. The lower pots of a series are in many cases
+entirely embedded in the adobe.
+
+The pueblo builder has never been able to construct a detached chimney a
+full story in height, either with or without the aid of chimney pots;
+where it is necessary to build such shafts to obtain the proper draft he
+is compelled to rely on the support of adjoining walls, and usually
+seeks a corner. Pl. CI shows a chimney of this kind that has been built
+of masonry to the full height of a story. A similar example is shown in
+the foreground of Pl. LXXVIII. In Pl. XXII may be seen a chimney of the
+full height of the adjoining story, but in this instance it is
+constructed wholly of pots. Pl. LXXXV illustrates a similar case
+indoors.
+
+The external chimney probably developed gradually from the simple roof
+opening, as previously noted. The raised combing about trapdoors or roof
+holes afforded the first suggestion in this direction. From this
+developed the square chimney, and finally the tall round shaft, crowned
+with a series of pots. The whole chimney, both internal and external,
+excluding only the primitive fireplace, is probably of comparatively
+recent origin, and based on the foreign (Spanish) suggestion.
+
+GATEWAYS AND COVERED PASSAGES.
+
+Gateways, arranged for defense, occur in many of the more
+compactly-built ancient pueblos. Some of the passageways in the modern
+villages of Tusayan and Cibola resemble these older examples, but most
+of the narrow passages, giving access to the inner courts of the
+inhabited villages, are not the result of the defensive idea, but are
+formed by the crowding together of the dwellings. They occur, as a rule,
+within the pueblo and not upon its periphery. Many of the terraces now
+face outward and are reached from the outside of the pueblo, being in
+marked contrast to the early arrangement, in which narrow passages to
+inclose courts were exclusively used for access. In the ground plans of
+several villages occupied within historic times, but now ruined,
+vestiges of openings arranged on the original defensive plan may be
+traced. About midway on the northeast side of Awatubi fragments of a
+standing wall were seen, apparently the two sides of a passageway to the
+inclosed court of the pueblo. The masonry is much broken down, however,
+and no indication is afforded of the treatment adopted, nor do the
+remains indicate whether this entrance was originally covered or not.
+It is illustrated in Pl. CII.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXXVIII. North kivas of Shumopavi, from the
+ northeast.]
+
+Other examples of this feature may be seen in the ground plans of
+Tebugkihu, Chukubi, and Payupki (Fig. 7, and Pls. XII and XIII).
+
+In the first of these the deep jambs of the opening are clearly defined,
+but in the other two only low mounds of débris suggest the gateway. In
+the ancient Cibolan pueblos, including those on the mesa of Tâaaiyalana,
+no remains of external gateways have been found; the plans suggest that
+the disposition of the various clusters approximated somewhat the
+irregular arrangement of the present day. There are only occasional
+traces, as of a continuous defensive outer wall, such as those seen at
+Nutria and Pescado. In the pueblos of the Cibola group, ancient and
+modern, access to the inner portion of the pueblo was usually afforded
+at a number of points. In the pueblo of Kin-tiel, however, occurs an
+excellent example of the defensive gateway. The jambs and corners of the
+opening are finished with great neatness, as may be seen in the
+illustration (Pl. CIII). This gateway or passage was roofed over, and
+the rectangular depressions for the reception of cross-beams still
+contain short stumps, protected from destruction by the masonry. The
+masonry over the passageway in falling carried away part of the masonry
+above the jamb corner, thus indicating continuity of bond. The ground
+plan of this ruin (Pl. LXIII) indicates clearly the various points at
+which access to the inner courts was obtained. On the east side a
+noticeable feature is the overlapping of the boundary wall of the south
+wing, forming an indirect entranceway. The remains do not indicate that
+this passage, like the one just described, was roofed over. In some
+cases the modern passageways, as they follow the jogs and angles of
+adjoining rows of houses, display similar changes of direction. In
+Shupaulovi, which preserves most distinctly in its plan the idea of the
+inclosed court, the passageway at the south end of the village changes
+its direction at a right angle before emerging into the court (Pl. XXX).
+This arrangement was undoubtedly determined by the position of the
+terraces long before the passageway was roofed over and built upon. Pl.
+XXII shows the south passageway of Walpi; the entrances are made
+narrower than the rest of the passage by building buttresses of masonry
+at the sides. This was probably done to secure the necessary support for
+the north and south walls of the upper story. One of the walls, as maybe
+seen in the illustration, rests directly upon a cross beam, strengthened
+in this manner.
+
+One of the smaller inclosed courts of Zuñi, illustrated in Pl. LXXXII,
+is reached by means of two covered passages, bearing some general
+resemblance to the ancient defensive entrances, but these houses,
+reached from within the court, have also terraces without. The low
+passage shown in the figure has gradually been surmounted by rooms,
+reaching in some cases a height of three terraces above the openings;
+but the accumulated weight finally proved too much for the beams and
+sustaining walls--probably never intended by the builders to withstand
+the severe test afterwards put upon them--and following an unusually
+protracted period of wet weather, the entire section of rooms above fell
+to the ground. This occurred since the surveying and photographing. It
+is rather remarkable that the frail adobe walls withstood so long the
+unusual strain, or even that they sustained the addition of a top story
+at all.
+
+In the preceding examples the passageway was covered throughout its
+length by rooms, but cases occur in both Tusayan and Cibola in which
+only portions of the roof form the floor of superstructures. Pl. CIV
+shows a passage roofed over beyond the two-story portion of the building
+for a sufficient distance to form a small terrace, upon which a ladder
+stands. Pl. XXIII illustrates a similar arrangement on the west side of
+Walpi. The outer edges of these terraces are covered with coping stones
+and treated in the same manner as outer walls of lower rooms. In Zuñi an
+example of this form of passage roof occurs between two of the eastern
+house rows, where the rooms have not been subjected to the close
+crowding characteristic of the western clusters of the pueblo.
+
+DOORS.
+
+In Zuñi many rooms of the ground story, which in early times must have
+been used largely for storage, have been converted into well-lighted,
+habitable apartments by the addition of external doors. In Tusayan this
+modification has not taken place to an equal extent, the distinctly
+defensive character of the first terrace reached by removable ladders
+being still preserved. In this province a doorway on the ground is
+always provided in building a house, but originally this space was not
+designed to be permanent; it was left merely for convenience of passing
+in and out during the construction, and was built up before the walls
+were completed. Of late years, however, such doorways are often
+preserved, and additional small openings are constructed for windows.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate LXXXIX. Masonry in the north wing of Kin-tiel.]
+
+In ancient times the larger doorways of the upper terraces were probably
+never closed, except by means of blankets or rabbit-skin robes hung over
+them in cold weather. Examples have been seen that seem to have been
+constructed with this object in view, for a slight pole, of the same
+kind as those used in the lintels, is built into the masonry of the
+jambs a few inches below the lintel proper. Openings imperfectly closed
+against the cold and wind were naturally placed in the lee walls to
+avoid the prevailing southwest winds, and the ground plans of the
+exposed mesa villages were undoubtedly influenced by this circumstance,
+the tendency being to change them from the early inclosed court type and
+to place the houses in longitudinal rows facing eastward. This is
+noticeable in the plans given in Chapter II.
+
+Doorways closed with masonry are seen in many ruins. Possibly these are
+an indication of the temporary absence of the owner, as in the harvest
+season, or at the time of the destruction or abandonment of the village;
+but they may have been closed for the purpose of economizing warmth and
+fuel during the winter season. No provision was made for closing them
+with movable doors. The practice of fastening up the doors during the
+harvesting season prevails at the present time among the Zuñi, but the
+result is attained without great difficulty by means of rude cross bars,
+now that they have framed wooden doors. One of these is illustrated in
+Fig. 75. These doors are usually opened by a latch-string, which, when
+not hung outside, is reached by means of a small round hole through the
+wall at the side of the door. Through this hole the owner of the house,
+on leaving it, secures the door by props and braces on the inside of the
+room, the hole being sealed up and plastered in the same manner that
+other openings are treated.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 75. A barred Zuñi door.]
+
+This curious arrangement affords another illustration of the survival of
+ancient methods in modified forms. It is not employed, however, in
+closing the doors of the first terrace; these are fastened by barring
+from the inside, the exit being made by means of internal ladders to the
+terrace above, the upper doors only being fastened in the manner
+illustrated. In Pl. LXXIX may be seen good examples of the side hole.
+Fig. 75 shows a barred door. The plastering or sealing of the small side
+hole instead of the entire opening was brought about by the introduction
+of the wooden door, which in its present paneled form is of foreign
+introduction, but in this, as in so many other cases, some analogous
+feature which facilitated the adoption of the idea probably already
+existed. Tradition points to the early use of a small door, made of a
+single slab of wood, that closed the small rectangular wall niches, in
+which valuables, such as turquoise, shell, etc., were kept. This slab,
+it is said, was reduced and smoothed by rubbing with a piece of
+sandstone. A number of beams, rafters, and roofing planks, seen in the
+Chaco pueblos, were probably squared and finished in this way. The
+latter examples show a degree of familiarity with this treatment of wood
+that would enable the builders to construct such doors with ease. As
+yet, however, no examples of wooden doors have been seen in any of the
+pre-Columbian ruins.
+
+The pueblo type of paneled door is much more frequently seen in Cibola
+than in Tusayan, and in the latter province it does not assume the
+variety of treatment seen in Zuñi, nor is the work so neatly executed.
+The views of the modern pueblos, given in Chapters III and IV, will
+indicate the extent to which this feature occurs in the two groups. In
+the construction of a paneled door the vertical stile on one side is
+prolonged at the top and bottom into a rounded pivot, which works into
+cup-like sockets in the lintel and sill, as illustrated in Fig. 76. The
+hinge is thus produced in the wood itself without the aid of any
+external appliances.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 76. Wooden pivot hinges of a Zuñi door.]
+
+It is difficult to trace the origin of this device among the pueblos. It
+closely resembles the pivot hinges sometimes used in mediæval Europe in
+connection with massive gates for closing masonry passages; in such
+cases the prolonged pivots worked in cavities of stone sills and
+lintels. The Indians claim to have employed it in very early times, but
+no evidence on this point has been found. It is quite possible that the
+idea was borrowed from some of the earlier Mormon settlers who came into
+the country, as these people use a number of primitive devices which are
+undoubtedly survivals of methods of construction once common in the
+countries from which they came. Vestiges of the use of a pivotal hinge,
+constructed on a much more massive scale than any of the pueblo
+examples, were seen at an old fortress-like, stone storehouse of the
+Mormons, built near the site of Moen-kopi by the first Mormon settlers.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XC. Adobe garden walls near Zuñi.]
+
+The paneled door now in use among the pueblos is rudely made, and
+consists of a frame inclosing a single panel. This panel, when of large
+size, is occasionally made of two or more pieces. These doors vary
+greatly in size. A few reach the height of 5 feet, but the usual height
+is from 3½ to 4 feet. As doors are commonly elevated a foot or more
+above the ground or floor, the use of such openings does not entail the
+full degree of discomfort that the small size suggests. Doors of larger
+size, with sills raised but an inch or two above the floor or ground,
+have recently been introduced in some of the ground stories in Zuñi; but
+these are very recent, and the idea has been adopted only by the most
+progressive people.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 77. Paneled wooden doors in Hano.]
+
+Pl. XLI shows a small paneled door, not more than a foot square, used as
+a blind to close a back window of a dwelling. The smallest examples of
+paneled doors are those employed for closing the small, square openings
+in the back walls of house rows, which still retain the defensive
+arrangement so marked in many of the ancient pueblos. In some instances
+doors occur in the second stories of unterraced walls, their sills being
+5 or 6 feet above the ground. In such cases the doors are reached by
+ladders whose upper ends rest upon the sills. Elevated openings of this
+kind are closed in the usual manner with a rude, single-paneled door,
+which is often whitened with a coating of clayey gypsum.
+
+Carefully worked paneled doors are much more common in Zuñi than in
+Tusayan, and within the latter province the villages of the first mesa
+make more extended use of this type of door, as they have come into more
+intimate contact with their eastern brethren than other villages of the
+group. Fig. 77 illustrates a portion of a Hano house in which two wooden
+doors occur. These specimens indicate the rudeness of Tusayan
+workmanship. It will be seen that the workman who framed the upper one
+of these doors met with considerable difficulty in properly joining the
+two boards of the panel and in connecting these with the frame. The
+figure shows that at several points the door has been reenforced and
+strengthened by buckskin and rawhide thongs. The same device has been
+employed in the lower door, both in fastening together the two pieces of
+the panel and in attaching the latter to the framing. These doors also
+illustrate the customary manner of barring the door during the absence
+of the occupant of the house.
+
+The doorway is usually framed at the time the house is built. The sill
+is generally elevated above the ground outside and the floor inside, and
+the door openings, with a few exceptions, are thus practically only
+large windows. In this respect they follow the arrangement
+characteristic of the ancient pueblos, in which all the larger openings
+are window-like doorways. These are sometimes seen on the court margin
+of house rows, and frequently occur between communicating rooms within
+the cluster. They are usually raised about a foot and a half above the
+floor, and in some cases are provided with one or two steps. In Zuñi,
+doorways between communicating rooms, though now framed in wood,
+preserve the same arrangement, as may be seen in Pl. LXXXVI.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 78. Framing of a Zuñi door-panel.]
+
+The side pieces of a paneled pueblo door are mortised, an achievement
+far beyond the aboriginal art of these people. Fig. 78 illustrates the
+manner in which the framing is done. All the necessary grooving, and the
+preparation of the projecting tenons is laboriously executed with the
+most primitive tools, in many cases the whole frame, with all its
+joints, being cut out with a small knife.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XCI. A group of stone corrals near Oraibi.]
+
+Doors are usually fastened by a simple wooden latch, the bar of which
+turns upon a wooden pin. They are opened from without by lifting the
+latch from its wooden catch, by means of a string passed through a small
+hole in the door, and hanging outside. Some few doors are, however,
+provided with a cumbersome wooden lock, operated by means of a square,
+notched stick that serves as a key. These locks are usually fastened to
+the inner side of the door by thongs of buckskin or rawhide, passed
+through small holes bored or drilled through the edge of the lock, and
+through the stile and panel of the door at corresponding points. The
+entire mechanism consists of wood and strings joined together in the
+rudest manner. Primitive as this device is, however, its conception is
+far in advance of the aboriginal culture of the pueblos, and both it and
+the string latch must have come from without. The lock was probably a
+contrivance of the early Mormons, as it is evidently roughly modeled
+after a metallic lock.
+
+Many doors having no permanent means of closure are still in use. These
+are very common in Tusayan, and occur also in Cibola, particularly in
+the farming pueblos. The open front of the "tupubi" or balcony-like
+recess, seen so frequently at the ends of first-terrace roofs in
+Tusayan, is often constructed with a transom-like arrangement in
+connection with the girder supporting the edge of the roof, in the same
+manner in which doorways proper are treated. Pl. XXXII illustrates a
+balcony in which one bounding side is formed by a flight of stone steps,
+producing a notched or terraced effect. The supporting girder in this
+instance is embedded in the wall and coated over with adobe, obscuring
+the construction. Fig. 79 shows a rude transom over the supporting beam
+of a balcony roof in the principal house of Hano. The upper doorway
+shown in this house has been partly walled in, reducing its size
+somewhat. It is also provided with a small horizontal opening over the
+main lintel, which, like the doorway, has been partly filled with
+masonry. This upper transom often seems to have resulted from carrying
+such openings to the full height of the story. The transom probably
+originated from the spaces left between the ends of beams resting on the
+main girder that spanned the principal opening (see Fig. 81). Somewhat
+similar balconies are seen in Cibola, both in Zuñi and in the farming
+villages, but they do not assume so much importance as in Tusayan. An
+example is shown in Pl. CI, in which the construction of this feature is
+clearly visible.
+
+In the remains of the ancient pueblos there is no evidence of the use of
+the half-open terrace rooms described above. If such rooms existed,
+especially if constructed in the open manner of the Tusayan examples,
+they must have been among the first to succumb to destruction. The
+comparative rarity of this feature in Zuñi does not necessarily indicate
+that it is not of native origin, as owing to the exceptional manner of
+clustering and to prolonged exposure to foreign influence, this pueblo
+exhibits a wider departure from the ancient type than do any of the
+Tusayan villages. It is likely that the ancient builders, trusting to
+the double protection of the inclosed court and the defensive first
+terrace, freely adopted this open and convenient arrangement in
+connection with the upper roofs.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 79. Rude transoms over Tusayan openings.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XCII. An inclosing wall of upright stones at Ojo
+ Caliente.]
+
+The transom-like opening commonly accompanying the large opening is also
+seen in many of the inclosed doorways of Tusayan, but in some of these
+cases its origin can not be traced to the roof constructions, as the
+openings do not approach the ceilings of the rooms. In early days such
+doorways were closed by means of large slabs of stone set on edge, and
+these were sometimes supplemented by a suspended blanket. In severe
+winter weather many of the openings were closed with masonry. At the
+present time many doorways not provided with paneled doors are closed in
+such ways. When a doorway is thus treated its transom is left open for
+the admission of light and air. The Indians state that in early times
+this transom was provided for the exit of smoke when the main doorway
+was closed, and even now such provision is not wholly superfluous. Fig.
+80 illustrates a large doorway of Tusayan with a small transom. The
+opening was being reduced in size by means of adobe masonry at the time
+the drawing was made. Fig. 81 shows a double transom over a lintel
+composed of two poles; a section of masonry separating the transom into
+two distinct openings rests upon the lintel of the doorway and supports
+a roof-beam; this is shown in the figure. Other examples of transoms may
+be seen in connection with many of the illustrations of Tusayan
+doorways.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 80. A large Tusayan doorway with small transom
+ openings.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 81. A doorway and double transom in Walpi.]
+
+The transom bars over exterior doorways of houses probably bear some
+relation to a feature seen in some of the best preserved ruins and still
+surviving to some extent in Tusayan practice. This consists of a
+straight pole, usually of the same dimensions as the poles of which the
+lintel is made, extending across the opening from 2 to 6 inches below
+the main lintel, and fixed into the masonry in a position to serve as a
+curtain pole. Originally this pole undoubtedly served as a means of
+suspension for the blanket or skin rug used in closing the opening, just
+as such means are now used in the huts of the Navajo, as well as
+occasionally in the houses of Tusayan. The space above this cross stick
+answered the same purpose as the transoms of the present time.
+
+A most striking feature of doorways is the occasional departure from the
+quadrangular form, seen in some ruined villages and also in some of the
+modern houses of Tusayan. Fig. 82 illustrates a specimen of this type
+found in a small cliff ruin, in Canyon de Chelly. Ancient examples of
+this form of opening are distinguished by a symmetrical disposition of
+the step in the jamb, while the modern doors are seldom so arranged.
+A modern example from Mashongnavi is shown in Fig. 83. This opening also
+illustrates the double or divided transom. The beam ends shown in the
+figure project beyond the face of the wall and support an overhanging
+coping or cornice. A door-like window, approximating the symmetrical
+form described, is seen immediately over the passage-way shown in Pl.
+XXII. This form is evidently the result of the partial closing of a
+larger rectangular opening.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 82. An ancient doorway in Canyon de Chelly cliff
+ ruin.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 83. A symmetrically notched doorway in
+ Mashongnavi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XCIII. Upright blocks of sandstone built into
+ an ancient pueblo wall.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 84. A Tusayan notched doorway.]
+
+Fig. 84 shows the usual type of terraced doorway in Tusayan, in which
+one jamb is stepped at a considerably greater height than the other.
+In Tusayan large openings occur in which only one jamb is stepped,
+producing an effect somewhat of that of the large balcony openings with
+flights of stone steps at one side, previously illustrated. An opening
+of this form is shown in Fig. 85. Both of the stepped doorways,
+illustrated above, are provided with transom openings extending from one
+roof beam to another. In the absence of a movable door the openings were
+made of the smallest size consistent with convenient use. The stepped
+form was very likely suggested by the temporary partial blocking up of
+an opening with loose, flat stones in such a manner as to least impair
+its use. This is still quite commonly done, large openings being often
+seen in which the lower portion on one or both sides is narrowed by
+means of adobe bricks or stones loosely piled up. In this connection it
+may be noted that the secondary lintel pole, previously described as
+occurring in both ancient and modern doorways, serves the additional
+purpose of a hand-hold when supplies are brought into the house on the
+backs of the occupants. The stepping of the doorway, while diminishing
+its exposed area, does not interfere with its use in bringing in large
+bundles, etc. Series of steps, picked into the faces of the cliffs, and
+affording access to cliff dwellings, frequently have a supplementary
+series of narrow and deep cavities that furnish a secure hold for the
+hands. The requirements of the precipitous environment of these people
+have led to the carrying of loads of produce, fuel, etc., on the back by
+means of a suspending band passed across the forehead; this left the
+hands free to aid in the difficult task of climbing. These conditions
+seem to have brought about the use, in some cases, of handholds in the
+marginal frames of interior trapdoors as an aid in climbing the ladder.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 85. A large Tusayan doorway with one notched
+ jamb.]
+
+One more characteristic type of the ancient pueblo doorway remains to be
+described. During the autumn of 1883, when the ruined pueblo of Kin-tiel
+was surveyed, a number of excavations were made in and about the pueblo.
+A small room on the east side, near the brink of the arroyo that
+traverses the ruin from east to west, was completely cleared out,
+exposing its fireplace, the stone paving of its floor, and other details
+of construction. Built into an inner partition of this room was found a
+large slab of stone, pierced with a circular hole of sufficient size for
+a man to squeeze through. This slab was set on edge and incorporated
+into the masonry of the partition, and evidently served as a means of
+communication with another room. The position of this doorway and its
+relation to the room in which it occurs may be seen from the
+illustration in Pl. C, which shows the stone in situ. The doorway or
+"stone-close" is shown in Fig. 86 on a sufficient scale to indicate the
+degree of technical skill in the architectural treatment of stone
+possessed by the builders of this old pueblo. The writer visited Zuñi in
+October of the same season, and on describing this find to Mr. Frank H.
+Cushing, learned that the Zuñi Indians still preserved traditional
+knowledge of this device. Mr. Cushing kindly furnished at the time the
+following extract from the tale of "The Deer-Slayer and the Wizards,"
+a Zuñi folk-tale of the early occupancy of the valley of Zuñi.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XCIV. Ancient wall of upright rocks in
+ southwestern Colorado.]
+
+"'How will they enter?' said the young man to his wife. 'Through the
+stone-close at the side,' she answered. In the days of the ancients, the
+doorways were often made of a great slab of stone with a round hole cut
+through the middle, and a round stone slab to close it, which was called
+the stone-close, that the enemy might not enter in times of war."
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 86. An ancient circular doorway or "stone-close"
+ in Kin-tiel.]
+
+Mr. Cushing had found displaced fragments of such circular stone
+doorways at ruins some distance northwest from Zuñi, but had been under
+the impression that they were used as roof openings. All examples of
+this device known to the writer as having been found in place occurred
+in side walls of rooms. Mr. E. W. Nelson, while making collections of
+pottery from ruins near Springerville, Arizona, found and sent to the
+Smithsonian Institution, in the autumn of 1884, "a flat stone about 18
+inches square with a round hole cut in the middle of it. This stone was
+taken from the wall of one of the old ruined stone houses near
+Springerville, in an Indian ruin. The stone was set in the wall between
+two inner rooms of the ruin, and evidently served as a means of
+communication or perhaps a ventilator. I send it on mainly as an example
+of their stone-working craft." The position of this feature in the
+excavated room of Kin-tiel is indicated on the ground plan, Fig. 60,
+which also shows the position of other details seen in the general view
+of the room, Pl. C.
+
+A small fragment of a "stone-close" doorway was found incorporated into
+the masonry of a flight of outside stone steps at Pescado, indicating
+its use in some neighboring ruin, thus bringing it well within the
+Cibola district. Another point at which similar remains have been
+brought to light is the pueblo of Halona, just across the river from the
+present Zuñi. Mr. F. Webb Hodge, recently connected with the Hemenway
+Southwestern Archeological Exposition, under the direction of Mr. F. H.
+Cushing, describes this form of opening as being of quite common
+occurrence in the rooms of this long-buried pueblo. Here the doorways
+are associated with the round slabs used for closing them. The latter
+were held in place by props within the room. No slabs of this form were
+seen at Kin-tiel, but quite possibly some of the large slabs of nearly
+rectangular form, found within this ruin, may have served the same
+purpose. It would seem more reasonable to use the rectangular slabs for
+this purpose when the openings were conveniently near the floors. No
+example of the stone-close has as yet been found in Tusayan.
+
+The annular doorway described above affords the only instance known to
+the writer where access openings were closed with a rigid device of
+aboriginal invention; and from the character of its material this device
+was necessarily restricted to openings of small size. The larger
+rectangular doorways, when not partly closed by masonry, probably were
+covered only with blankets or skin rugs suspended from the lintel.
+In the discussion of sealed windows modern examples resembling the
+stone-close device will be noted, but these are usually employed in a
+more permanent manner.
+
+The small size of the ordinary pueblo doorway was perhaps due as much to
+the fact that there was no convenient means of closing it as it was to
+defensive reasons. Many primitive habitations, even quite rude ones
+built with no intention of defense, are characterized by small doors and
+windows. The planning of dwellings and the distribution of openings in
+such a manner as to protect and render comfortable the inhabited rooms
+implies a greater advance in architectural skill than these builders had
+achieved.
+
+The inconveniently small size of the doorways of the modern pueblos is
+only a survival of ancient conditions. The use of full-sized doors,
+admitting a man without stooping, is entirely practicable at the present
+day, but the conservative builders persist in adhering to the early
+type. The ancient position of the door, with its sill at a considerable
+height from the ground, is also retained. From the absence of any
+convenient means of rigidly closing the doors and windows, in early
+times external openings were restricted to the smallest practicable
+dimensions. The convenience of these openings was increased without
+altering their dimensions by elevating them to a certain height above
+the ground. In the ruin of Kin-tiel there is marked uniformity in the
+height of the openings above the ground, and such openings were likely
+to be quite uniform when used for similar purposes. The most common
+elevation of the sills of doorways was such that a man could readily
+step over at one stride. It will be seen that the same economy of space
+has effected the use of windows in this system of architecture.
+
+WINDOWS.
+
+In the pueblo system of building, doors and windows are not always
+clearly differentiated. Many of the openings, while used for access to
+the dwellings, also answer all the purposes of windows, and, both in
+their form and in their position in the walls, seem more fully to meet
+the requirements of openings for the admission of light and air than for
+access. We have seen in the illustrations in Chapters III and IV,
+openings of considerable size so located in the face of the outer wall
+as to unfit them for use as doorways, and others whose size is wholly
+inadequate, but which are still provided with the typical though
+diminutive single-paneled door. Many of these small openings, occurring
+most frequently in the back walls of house rows, have the jambs,
+lintels, etc., characteristic of the typical modern door. However,
+as the drawings above referred to indicate, there are many openings
+concerning the use of which there can be no doubt, as they can only
+provide outlook, light, and air.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XCV. Ancient floor-beams at Kin-tiel.]
+
+In the most common form of window in present use in Tusayan and Cibola
+the width usually exceeds the height. Although found often in what
+appear to be the older portions of the present pueblos, this shape
+probably does not date very far back. The windows of the ancient pueblos
+were sometimes square, or nearly so, when of small size, but when larger
+they were never distinguishable from doorways in either size or finish,
+and the height exceeded the width. This restriction of the width of
+openings was due to the exceptionally small size of the building stone
+made use of. Although larger stones were available, the builders had not
+sufficient constructive skill to successfully utilize them. The failure
+to utilize this material indicates a degree of ignorance of mechanical
+aids that at first thought seems scarcely in keeping with the
+massiveness of form and the high degree of finish characterizing many of
+the remains; but as already seen in the discussion of masonry, the
+latter results were attained by the patient industry of many hands,
+although laboring with but little of the spirit of cooperation. The
+narrowness of the largest doors and windows in the ancient pueblos
+suggests timidity on the part of the ancient builders. The apparently
+bolder construction of the present day, shown in the prevailing use of
+horizontal openings, is not due to greater constructive skill, but
+rather to the markedly greater carelessness of modern construction.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 87. Diagram illustrating symmetrical arrangement
+ of small openings in Pueblo Bonito.]
+
+The same contrast between modern and ancient practice is seen in the
+disposition of openings in walls. In the modern pueblos there does not
+seem to be any regularity or system in their introduction, while in some
+of the older pueblos, such as Pueblo Bonito on the Chaco, and others of
+the same group, the arrangement of the outer openings exhibits a certain
+degree of symmetry. The accompanying diagram, Fig. 87, illustrates a
+portion of the northern outer wall of Pueblo Bonito, in which the small
+windows of successive rooms, besides being uniform in size, are grouped
+in pairs. The degree of technical skill shown in the execution of the
+masonry about these openings is in keeping with the precision with which
+the openings themselves are placed. Pl. CV, gives a view of a portion of
+the wall containing these openings.
+
+In marked contrast to the above examples is the slovenly practice of the
+modern pueblos. There are rarely two openings of the same size, even in
+a single room, nor are these usually placed at a uniform height from the
+floor. The placing appears to be purely a matter of individual taste,
+and no trace of system or uniformity is to be found. Windows occur
+sometimes at considerable height, near or even at the ceiling in some
+cases, while others are placed almost at the base of the wall; examples
+may be found occupying all intermediate heights between these extremes.
+Many of the illustrations show this characteristic irregularity, but
+Pls. LXXIX and LXXXII of Zuñi perhaps represent it most clearly.
+
+The framing of these openings differs but little from that of the
+ancient examples. The modern opening is distinguished principally by the
+more careless method of combining the materials, and by the introduction
+in many instances of a rude sash. A number of small poles or sticks,
+usually of cedar, with the bark peeled off, are laid side by side in
+contact, across the opening, to form a support for the stones and earth
+of the superposed masonry. Frequently a particularly large tablet of
+stone is placed immediately upon the sticks, but this stone is never
+long enough or thick enough to answer the purpose of a lintel for larger
+openings. The number of small sticks used is sufficient to reach from
+the face to the back of the wall, and in the simplest openings the
+surrounding masonry forms jambs and sill. American or Spanish influence
+occasionally shows itself in the employment of sawed boards for lintels,
+sills, and jambs. The wooden features of the windows exhibit a curiously
+light and flimsy construction.
+
+A large percentage of the windows, in both Tusayan and Cibola, are
+furnished with glass at the present time. Occasionally a primitive sash
+of several lights is found, but frequently the glass is used singly; in
+some instances it is set directly into the adobe without any intervening
+sash or frame. In several cases in Zuñi the primitive sash or frame has
+been rudely decorated with incised lines and notches. An example of this
+is shown in Fig. 88. The frame or sash is usually built solidly into the
+wall. Hinged sashes do not seem to have been adopted as yet. Often the
+introduction of lights shows a curious and awkward compromise between
+aboriginal methods and foreign ideas.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 88. Incised decoration on a rude window sash in
+ Zuñi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XCVI. Adobe walls in Zuñi.]
+
+Characteristic of Zuñi windows, and also of those of the neighboring
+pueblo of Acoma, is the use of semitranslucent slabs of selenite, about
+1 inch in thickness and of irregular form. Pieces are occasionally met
+with about 18 inches long and 8 or 10 inches wide, but usually they are
+much smaller and very irregular in outline. For windows pieces are
+selected that approximately fit against each other, and thin, flat
+strips of wood are fixed in a vertical position in the openings to serve
+as supports for the irregular fragments of selenite, which could not be
+retained in place without some such provision. The use of window
+openings at the bases of walls probably suggested this use of vertical
+sticks as a support to slabs of selenite, as in this position they would
+be particularly useful, the windows being generally arranged on a slope,
+as shown in Fig. 89. Similar glazing is also employed in the related,
+obliquely pierced openings of Zuñi, to be described later.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 89. Sloping selenite window at base of Zuñi wall
+ on upper terrace.]
+
+Selenite, in all probability, was not used in pre-Spanish times. No
+examples have as yet been met with among ruins in the region where this
+material is found and now used. Throughout the south and east portion of
+the ancient pueblo region, explored by Mr. A. F. Bandelier, where many
+of the remains were in a very good state of preservation, no cases of
+the use of this substance were seen. Fig. 90 illustrates a typical
+selenite window.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 90. A Zuñi window glazed with selenite.]
+
+In Zuñi some of the kivas are provided with small external windows
+framed with slabs of stone. It is likely that the kivas would for a long
+time perpetuate methods and practices that had been superseded in the
+construction of dwellings. The use of stone jambs, however, would
+necessarily be limited to openings of small size, as such use for large
+openings was beyond the mechanical skill of the pueblo builders.
+
+Fig. 91 illustrates the manner of making small openings in external
+exposed walls in Zuñi. Stone frames occur only occasionally in what seem
+to be the older and least modified portions of the village. At Tusayan,
+however, this method of framing windows is much more noticeable, as the
+exceptional crowding that has exercised such an influence on Zuñi
+construction has not occurred there. The Tusayan houses are arranged
+more in rows, often with a suggestion of large inclosures resembling the
+courts of the ancient pueblos. The inclosures have not been encroached
+upon, the streets are wider, and altogether the earlier methods seem to
+have been retained in greater purity than in Zuñi. The unbroken outer
+wall, of two or three stories in height, like the same feature of the
+old villages, is pierced at various heights with small openings that do
+not seriously impair its efficiency for defense. Tusayan examples of
+these loop-hole-like openings maybe seen in Pls. XXII, XXIII, and XXXIX.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 91. Small openings in the back wall of a Zuñi
+ house-cluster.]
+
+In some of the ancient pueblos such openings were arranged on a
+distinctly defensive plan, and were constructed with great care.
+Openings of this type, not more than 4 inches square, pierced the second
+story outer wall of the pueblo of Wejegi in the Chaco Canyon. In the
+pueblo of Kin-tiel (Pl. LXIII) similar loop-hole-like openings were very
+skillfully constructed in the outer wall at the rounded northeastern
+corner of the pueblo. The openings pierced the wall at an oblique angle,
+as shown on the plan. Two of these channel-like loopholes maybe seen in
+Pl. LXV. This figure also shows the carefully executed jamb corners and
+faces of three large openings of the second story, which, though greatly
+undermined by the falling away of the lower masonry, are still held in
+position by the bond of thin flat stones of which the wall is built.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XCVII. Wall coping and oven at Zuñi.]
+
+It is often the practice in the modern pueblos to seal up the windows of
+a house with masonry, and sometimes the doors also during the temporary
+absence of the occupant, which absence often takes place at the seasons
+of planting and harvesting. At such times many Zuñi families occupy
+outlying farming pueblos, such as Nutria and Pescado, and the Tusayans,
+in a like manner, live in rude summer shelters close to their fields.
+Such absence from the home pueblo often lasts for a month or more at a
+time. The work of closing the opening is done sometimes in the roughest
+manner, but examples are seen in which carefully laid masonry has been
+used. The latter is sometimes plastered. Occasionally the sealing is
+done with a thin slab of sandstone, somewhat larger than the opening,
+held in place with mud plastering, or propped from the inside after the
+manner of the "stone close" previously described. Fig. 92 illustrates
+specimens of sealed openings in the village of Hano of the Tusayan
+group. The upper window is closed with a single large slab and a few
+small chinking stones at one side. The masonry used in closing the lower
+opening is scarcely distinguishable from that of the adjoining walls.
+Pl. CVI illustrates a similar treatment of an opening in a detached
+house of Nutria, whose occupants had returned to the home pueblo of Zuñi
+at the close of the harvesting season. The doorway in this case is only
+partly closed, leaving a window-like aperture at its top, and the stones
+used for the purpose are simply piled up without the use of adobe
+mortar.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 92. Sealed openings in Tusayan.]
+
+Windows and doors closed with masonry are often met with in the remains
+of ancient pueblos, suggesting, perhaps, that some of the occupants were
+absent at the time of the destruction of the village. When large
+door-like openings in upper external walls were built up and plastered
+over in this way, as in some ruins, the purpose was to economize heat
+during the winter, as blankets or rugs made of skins would be
+inadequate.
+
+Besides the closing and reopening of doors and windows just described,
+the modern pueblo builders frequently make permanent changes in such
+openings. Doors are often converted into windows, and windows are
+reduced in size or enlarged, or new ones are broken through the walls,
+apparently, with the greatest freedom, so that they do not, from their
+finish or method of construction, furnish any clue to the antiquity of
+the mud-covered wall in which they are found. Occasionally surface
+weathering of the walls, particularly in Zuñi, exposes a bit of
+horizontal pole embedded in the masonry, the lintel of a window long
+since sealed up and obliterated by successive coats of mud finish. It is
+probable that many openings are so covered up as to leave no trace of
+their existence on the external wall. In Zuñi particularly, where the
+original arrangement for entering and lighting many of the rooms must
+have been wholly lost in the dense clustering of later times, such
+changes are very numerous. It often happens that the addition of a new
+room will shut off one or more old windows, and in such cases the latter
+are often converted into interior niches which serve as open cupboards.
+Such niches were sometimes of considerable size in the older pueblos.
+Changes in the character of openings are quite common in all of the
+pueblos. Usually the evidences of such changes are much clearer in the
+rougher and more exposed work of Tusayan than in the adobe-finished
+houses of Zuñi. Pl. CVII illustrates a large, balcony-like opening in
+Oraibi that has been reduced to the size of an ordinary door by filling
+in with rough masonry. A small window has been left immediately over the
+lintel of the newer door. Pl. CVIII illustrates two large openings in
+this village that have been treated in a somewhat similar manner, but
+the filling has been carried farther. Both of these openings have been
+used as doorways at one stage of their reduction, the one on the right
+having been provided with a small transom; the combined opening was
+arranged wholly within the large one and under its transom. In the
+further conversion of this doorway into a small window, the secondary
+transom was blocked up with stone slabs, set on edge, and a small
+loophole window in the upper lefthand corner of the large opening was
+also closed. The masonry filling of the large opening on the left in
+this illustration shows no trace of a transom over the smaller doorway.
+A small loophole in the corner of this large opening is still left open.
+It will be noted that the original transoms of the large openings have
+in all these cases been entirely filled up with masonry.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XCVIII. Cross-pieces on Zuñi ladders.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 93. A Zuñi doorway converted into a window.]
+
+The clearness with which all the steps of the gradual reduction of these
+openings can be traced in the exposed stone work is in marked contrast
+with the obscurity of such features in Zuñi. In the latter group,
+however, examples are occasionally seen where a doorway has been partly
+closed with masonry, leaving enough space at the top for a window. Often
+in such cases the filled-in masonry is thinner than that of the
+adjoining wall, and consequently the form of the original doorway is
+easily traced. Fig. 93, from an adobe wall in Zuñi, gives an
+illustration of this. The entrance doorway of the detached Zuñi house
+illustrated in Pl. LXXXIII, has been similarly reduced in size, leaving
+traces of the original form in a slight offset. In modern times, both in
+Tusayan and Cibola, changes in the form and disposition of openings seem
+to have been made with the greatest freedom, but in the ancient pueblos
+altered doors or windows have rarely been found. The original placing of
+these features was more carefully considered, and the buildings were
+rarely subjected to unforeseen and irregular crowding.
+
+In both ancient and modern pueblo work, windows, used only as such, seem
+to have been universally quadrilateral, offsets and steps being confined
+exclusively to doorways.
+
+ROOF OPENINGS.
+
+The line of separation between roof openings and doors and windows is,
+with few exceptions, sharply drawn. The origin of these roof-holes,
+whose use at the present time is widespread, was undoubtedly in the
+simple trap door which gave access to the rooms of the first terrace.
+Pl. XXXVIII, illustrating a court of Oraibi, shows in the foreground a
+kiva hatchway of the usual form seen in Tusayan. Here there is but
+little difference between the entrance traps of the ceremonial chambers
+and those that give access to the rooms of the first terrace; the former
+are in most cases somewhat larger to admit of ingress of costumed
+dancers, and the kiva traps are usually on a somewhat sharper slope,
+conforming to the pitch of the small dome-roof of the kivas, while those
+of the house terraces have the scarcely perceptible fall of the house
+roofs in which they are placed. In Zuñi, however, where the development
+and use of openings has been carried further, the kiva hatchways are
+distinguished by a specialized form that will be described later. An
+examination of the plans of the modern villages in Chapters II and III
+will show the general distribution of roof openings. Those used as
+hatchways are distinguishable by their greater dimensions, and in many
+cases by the presence of the ladders that give access to the rooms
+below. The smaller roof openings in their simplest form are constructed
+in essentially the same manner as the trap doors, and the width is
+usually regulated by the distance between two adjacent roof beams. The
+second series of small roof poles is interrupted at the sides of the
+opening, which sides are finished by means of carefully laid small
+stones in the same manner as are projecting copings. This finish is
+often carried several inches above the roof and crowned with narrow
+stone slabs, one on each of the four sides, forming a sort of frame
+which protects the mud plastered sides of the opening from the action of
+the rains. Examples of this simple type may be seen in many of the
+figures illustrating Chapters II and III, and in Pl. XCVII. Fig. 94 also
+illustrates common types of roof openings seen in Zuñi. Two of the
+examples in this figure are of openings that give access to lower rooms.
+Occasional instances are seen in this pueblo in which an exaggerated
+height is given to the coping, the result slightly approaching a square
+chimney in effect. Fig. 95 illustrates an example of this form.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 94. Zuñi roof-openings.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate XCIX. Outside steps at Pescado.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 95. A Zuñi roof opening, with raised coping.]
+
+In Zuñi, where many minor variations in the forms of roof openings
+occur, certain of these variations appear to be related to roof
+drainage. These have three sides crowned in the usual manner with coping
+stones laid flat, but the fourth side is formed by setting a thin slab
+on edge, as illustrated in Fig. 96.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 96. Zuñi roof-openings, with one elevated end.]
+
+Fig. 94 also embodies two specimens of this form.
+
+The special object of this arrangement is in some cases difficult to
+determine; the raised end in all the examples on any one roof always
+takes the same direction, and in many cases its position relative to
+drainage suggests that it is a provision against flooding by rain on the
+slightly sloping roof; but this relation to drainage is by no means
+constant. Roof holes on the west side of the village in such positions
+as to be directly exposed to the violent sand storms that prevail here
+during certain months of the year seem in some cases to have in view
+protection against the flying sand. We do not meet with evidence of any
+fixed system to guide the disposition of this feature. In many cases
+these trap holes are provided with a thin slab of sandstone large enough
+to cover the whole opening, and used in times of rain. During fair
+weather these are laid on the roof, near the hole they are designed to
+cover, or lie tilted against the higher edge of the trap, as shown in
+Fig. 97.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 97. A Zuñi roof hole with cover.]
+
+When the cover is placed on one of these holes, with a high slab at one
+end, it has a steep pitch, to shed water, and at the same time light and
+air are to some extent admitted, but it is very doubtful if this is the
+result of direct intention on the part of the builder. The possible
+development of this roof trap of unusual elevation into a rudimentary
+chimney has already been mentioned in the discussion of chimneys.
+A development in this direction would possibly be suggested by the
+desirability of separating the access by ladder from the inconvenient
+smoke hole. This must have been brought very forcibly to the attention
+of the Indian when, at the time a fire was burning in the fireplace,
+they were compelled to descend the ladder amidst the smoke and heat.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate C. An excavated room at Kin-tiel.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 98. Kiva trapdoor in Zuñi.]
+
+The survival to the present time of such an inconvenient arrangement in
+the kivas can be explained only on the ground of the intense
+conservatism of these people in all that pertains to religion. In the
+small roof holes methods of construction are seen which would not be so
+practicable on the larger scale of the ladder holes after which they
+have been modeled. In these latter the sides are built up of masonry or
+adobe, but the framing around them is more like the usual coping over
+walls. The stone that, set on edge in the small openings built for the
+admission of light, forms a raised end never occurs in these. The ladder
+for access rests against the coping.
+
+When occurring in connection with kivas, ladder holes have certain
+peculiarities in which they differ from the ordinary form used in
+dwellings. The opening in such cases is made of large size to admit
+dancers in costume with full paraphernalia. These, the largest roof
+openings to be found in Zuñi, are framed with pieces of wood. The
+methods of holding the pieces in place vary somewhat in minor detail. It
+is quite likely that recent examples, while still preserving the form
+and general appearance of the earlier ones, would bear evidence that the
+builders had used their knowledge of improved methods of joining and
+finishing.
+
+As may readily be seen from the illustration, Fig. 98, this framing,
+by the addition of a cross piece, divides the opening unequally. The
+smaller aperture is situated immediately above the fireplace (which
+conforms to the ancient type without chimney and located in the open
+floor of the room) and is very evidently designed to furnish an outlet
+to the smoke. In a chamber having no side doors or windows, or at most
+very small square windows, and consequently no drafts, the column of
+smoke and flame can often on still nights be seen rising vertically from
+the roof. The other portion of the opening containing the ladder is used
+for ingress and egress. This singular combination strongly suggests that
+at no very remote period one opening was used to answer both purposes,
+as it still does in the Tusayan kivas. It also suggests the direction in
+which differentiation of functions began to take place, which in the
+kiva was delayed and held back by the conservative religious feeling,
+when in the civil architecture it may have been the initial point of a
+development that culminated in the chimney, a development that was
+assisted in its later steps by suggestions from foreign sources. In the
+more primitively constructed examples the cross pieces seem to be simply
+laid on without any cutting in. The central piece is held in place by a
+peg set into each side piece, the weight and thrust of the ladder
+helping to hold it. The primitive arrangement here seen has been
+somewhat improved upon in some other cases, but it was not ascertained
+whether these were of later date or not.
+
+In the best made frames for kiva entrances the timbers are "halved" in
+the manner of our carpenters, the joint being additionally secured by a
+pin as shown in Fig. 99.
+
+The use of a frame of wood in these trapdoors dates back to a
+comparatively high antiquity, and is not at all a modern innovation,
+as one would at first be inclined to believe. Their use in so highly
+developed a form in the ceremonial chamber is an argument in favor of
+antiquity. Only two examples were discovered by Mr. L. H. Morgan in a
+ruined pueblo on the Animas. "One of these measured 16 by 17 inches and
+the other was 16 inches square. Each was formed in the floor by pieces
+of wood put together. The work was neatly done."[8]
+
+ [Footnote 8: Contributions to N.A. Ethnology, vol. 4. House Life,
+ etc., p. 182.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 99. Halved and pinned trapdoor frame of a Zuñi
+ kiva.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate CI. Masonry chimneys of Zuñi.]
+
+Unfortunately, Mr. Morgan does not describe in detail the manner in
+which the joining was effected, or whether the pieces were halved or cut
+to fit. It seems hardly likely, considering the rude facilities
+possessed by the ancients, that the enormous labor of reducing large
+pieces of wood to such interfitting shapes would have been undertaken.
+A certain neatness of finish would undoubtedly be attained by arranging
+the principal roof beams and the small poles that cross them at right
+angles, in the usual careful manner of the ancient builders. The kiva
+roof opening, with the hole serving for access and smoke exit, is
+paralleled in the excavated lodges of the San Francisco Mountains, where
+a single opening served this double purpose. A slight recess or
+excavation in the side of the entrance shaft evidently served for the
+exit of smoke.
+
+At the village of Acoma the kiva trapdoors differ somewhat from the Zuñi
+form. The survey of this village was somewhat hasty, and no opportunity
+was afforded of ascertaining from the Indians the special purpose of the
+mode of construction adopted. The roof hole is divided, as in Zuñi, but
+the portion against which the ladder leans, instead of being made into a
+smoke vent, is provided with a small roof. These roof holes to the
+ceremonial chamber are entered directly from the open air, while in the
+dwelling rooms it seems customary (much more customary than at Zuñi) to
+enter the lower stories through trapdoors within upper rooms. In many
+instances second-story rooms have no exterior rooms but are entered from
+rooms above, contrary to the usual arrangement in both Tusayan and
+Cibola. All six of the kivas in this village are provided with this
+peculiarly constructed opening.
+
+In Zuñi close crowding of the cells has led to an exceptionally frequent
+use of roof-lights and trapdoors. The ingenuity of the builders was
+greatly taxed to admit sufficient light to the inner rooms. The roof
+hole, which was originally used only to furnish the means of access and
+light for the first terrace, as is still the case in Tusayan, is here
+used in all stories indiscriminately, and principally for light and air.
+In large clusters there are necessarily many dark rooms, which has led
+to the employment of great numbers of roof holes, more or less directly
+modeled after the ordinary trapdoor. Their occurrence is particularly
+frequent in the larger clusters of the village, as in house No. 1. The
+exceptional size of this pile, and of the adjoining house No. 4, with
+the consequent large proportion of dark rooms, have taxed the ingenuity
+of the Zuñi to the utmost, and as a result we see roof openings here
+assuming a degree of importance not found elsewhere.
+
+In addition to roof openings of the type described, the dense clustering
+of the Zuñi houses has led to the invention of a curious device for
+lighting inner rooms not reached by ordinary external openings. This
+consists of an opening, usually of oval or subrectangular form in
+elevation, placed at the junction of the roof with a vertical wall. This
+opening is carried down obliquely between the roofing beams, as shown in
+the sections, Fig. 100, so that the light is admitted within the room
+just at the junction of the ceiling and the inner face of the wall. With
+the meager facilities and rude methods of the Zuñi, this peculiar
+arrangement often involved weak construction, and the openings, placed
+so low in the wall, were in danger of admitting water from the roof. The
+difficulty of obtaining the desired light by this device was much
+lessened where the outer roof was somewhat lower than the ceiling
+within.
+
+These oblique openings occur not only in the larger clusters of houses
+Nos. 1 and 4, but also in the more openly planned portions of the
+village, though they do not occur either at Acoma or in the Tusayan
+villages. They afford an interesting example of the transfer and
+continuance in use of a constructional device developed in one place by
+unusual conditions to a new field in which it was uncalled for, being
+less efficient and more difficult of introduction than the devices in
+ordinary use.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 100. Typical sections of Zuñi oblique openings.]
+
+FURNITURE.
+
+The pueblo Indian has little household furniture, in the sense in which
+the term is commonly employed; but his home contains certain features
+which are more or less closely embodied in the house construction and
+which answers the purpose. The suspended pole that serves as a clothes
+rack for ordinary wearing apparel, extra blankets, robes, etc., has
+already been described in treating of interiors. Religious costumes and
+ceremonial paraphernalia are more carefully provided for, and are stored
+away in some hidden corner of the dark storerooms.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate CII. Remains of a gateway in Awatubi.]
+
+The small wall niches, which are formed by closing a window with a thin
+filling-in wall, and which answer the purpose of cupboards or
+receptacles for many of the smaller household articles, have also been
+described and illustrated in connection with the Zuñi interior (Pl.
+LXXXVI).
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 101. Arrangement of mealing stones in a Tusayan
+ house.]
+
+In many houses, both in Tusayan and in Cibola, shelves are constructed
+for the more convenient storage of food, etc. These are often
+constructed in a very primitive manner, particularly in the former
+province. An unusually frail example may be seen in Fig. 67, in
+connection with a fireplace. Fig. 101, showing a series of mealing
+stones in a Tusayan house, also illustrates a rude shelf in the corner
+of the room, supported at one end by an upright stone slab and at the
+other by a projecting wooden peg. Shelves made of sawed boards are
+occasionally seen, but as a rule such boards are considered too valuable
+to be used in this manner. A more common arrangement, particularly in
+Tusayan, is a combination of three or four slender poles placed side by
+side, 2 or 3 inches apart, forming a rude shelf, upon which trays of
+food are kept.
+
+Another device for the storage of food, occasionally seen in the pueblo
+house, is a pocket or bin built into the corner of a room. Fig. 101,
+illustrating the plan of a Tusayan house, indicates the position of one
+of these cupboard-like inclosures. A sketch of this specimen is shown in
+Fig. 102. This bin, used for the storage of beans, grain, and the like,
+is formed by cutting off a corner of the room by setting two stone slabs
+into the floor, and it is covered with the mud plastering which extends
+over the neighboring walls.
+
+A curious modification of this device was seen in one of the inner rooms
+in Zuñi, in the house of José Pié. A large earthen jar, apparently an
+ordinary water vessel, was built into a projecting masonry bench near
+the corner of the room in such a manner that its rim projected less than
+half an inch above its surface. This jar was used for the same purpose
+as the Tusayan corner bin.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 102. A Tusayan grain bin.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 103. A Zuñi plume box.]
+
+Some of the Indians of the present time have chests or boxes in which
+their ceremonial blankets and paraphernalia are kept. These of course
+have been introduced since the days of American boards and boxes. In
+Zuñi, however, the Indians still use a small wooden receptacle for the
+precious ceremonial articles, such as feathers and beads. This is an
+oblong box, provided with a countersunk lid, and usually carved from a
+single piece of wood. Typical specimens are illustrated in Figs. 103 and
+104. The workmanship displayed in these objects is not beyond the
+aboriginal skill of the native workman, and their use is undoubtedly
+ancient.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 104. A Zuñi plume box.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate CIII. Ancient gateway, Kin-tiel.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 105. A Tusayan mealing trough.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 106. An ancient pueblo form of metate.]
+
+Perhaps the most important article of furniture in the home of the
+pueblo Indian is the mealing trough, containing the household milling
+apparatus. This trough usually contains a series of three metates of
+varying degrees of coarseness firmly fixed in a slanting position most
+convenient for the workers. It consists of thin slabs of sandstone set
+into the floor on edge, similar slabs forming the separating partitions
+between the compartments. This arrangement is shown in Fig. 105,
+illustrating a Tusayan mealing trough. Those of Zuñi are of the same
+form, as maybe seen in the illustration of a Zuñi interior, Fig. 105.
+Occasionally in recently constructed specimens the thin inclosing walls
+of the trough are made of planks. In the example illustrated one end of
+the series is bounded by a board, all the other walls and divisions
+being made of the usual stone slabs. The metates themselves are not
+usually more than 3 inches in thickness. They are so adjusted in their
+setting of stones and mortar as to slope away from the operator at the
+proper angle. This arrangement of the mealing stones is characteristic
+of the more densely clustered communal houses of late date. In the more
+primitive house the mealing stone was usually a single large piece of
+cellular basalt, or similar rock, in which a broad, sloping depression
+was carved, and which could be transported from place to place. Fig. 106
+illustrates an example of this type from the vicinity of Globe, in
+southern Arizona. The stationary mealing trough of the present day is
+undoubtedly the successor of the earner moveable form, yet it was in use
+among the pueblos at the time of the first Spanish expedition, as the
+following extract from Castañeda's account[9] of Cibola will show. He
+says a special room is designed to grind the grain: "This last is apart,
+and contains a furnace and three stones made fast in masonry. Three
+women sit down before these stones; the first crushes the grain, the
+second brays it, and the third reduces it entirely to powder." It will
+be seen how exactly this description fits both the arrangement and the
+use of this mill at the present time. The perfection of mechanical
+devices and the refinement of methods here exhibited would seem to be in
+advance of the achievement of this people in other directions.
+
+ [Footnote 9: Given by W. W. H. Davis in El Gringo, p. 119.]
+
+The grinding stones of the mealing apparatus are of correspondingly
+varying degrees of roughness; those of basalt or lava are used for the
+first crushing of the corn, and sandstone is used for the final grinding
+on the last metate of the series. By means of these primitive appliances
+the corn meal is as finely ground as our wheaten flour. The grinding
+stones now used are always flat, as shown in Fig. 105, and differ from
+those that were used with the early massive type of metate in being of
+cylindrical form.
+
+One end of the series of milling troughs is usually built against the
+wall near the corner of the room. In some cases, where the room is quite
+narrow, the series extends across from wall to wall. Series comprising
+four mealing stones, sometimes seen in Zuñi, are very generally arranged
+in this manner. In all cases sufficient floor space is left behind the
+mills to accommodate the women who kneel at their work. Pl. LXXXVI
+illustrates an unusual arrangement, in which the fourth mealing stone is
+set at right angles to the other stones of the series.
+
+Mortars are in general use in Zuñi and Tusayan households. As a rule
+they are of considerable size, and made of the same material as the
+rougher mealing stones. They are employed for crushing and grinding the
+chile or red pepper that enters so largely into the food of the Zuñi,
+and whose use has extended to the Mexicans of the same region. These
+mortars have the ordinary circular depressions and are used with a round
+pestle or crusher, often of somewhat long, cylindrical form for
+convenience in handling.
+
+Parts of the apparatus for indoor blanket weaving seen in some of the
+pueblo houses may be included under the heading of furniture. These
+consist of devices for the attachment of the movable parts of the loom,
+which need not be described in this connection. In some of the Tusayan
+houses may be seen examples of posts sunk in the floor provided with
+holes for the insertion of cords for attaching and tightening the warp,
+similar to those built into the kiva floors, illustrated in Fig. 31.
+No device of this kind was seen in Zuñi. A more primitive appliance for
+such work is seen in both groups of pueblos in an occasional stump of a
+beam or short pole projecting from the wall at varying heights. Ceiling
+beams are also used for stretching the warp both in blanket and belt
+weaving.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate CIV. A covered passageway in Mashongnavi.]
+
+The furnishings of a pueblo house do not include tables and chairs. The
+meals are eaten directly from the stone-paved floor, the participants
+rarely having any other seat than the blanket that they wear, rolled up
+or folded into convenient form. Small stools are sometimes seen, but the
+need of such appliances does not seem to be keenly felt by these
+Indians, who can, for hours, sit in a peculiar squatting position on
+their haunches, without any apparent discomfort. Though moveable chairs
+or stools are rare, nearly all of the dwellings are provided with the
+low ledge or bench around the rooms, which in earlier times seems to
+have been confined to the kivas. A slight advance on this fixed form of
+seat was the stone block used in the Tusayan kivas, described on p. 132,
+which at the same time served a useful purpose in the adjustment of the
+warp threads for blanket weaving.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 107. Zuñi stools.]
+
+The few wooden stools observed show very primitive workmanship, and are
+usually made of a single piece of wood. Fig. 107 illustrates two forms
+of wooden stool from Zuñi. The small three-legged stool on the left has
+been cut from the trunk of a piñon tree in such a manner as to utilize
+as legs the three branches into which the main stem separated. The other
+stool illustrated is also cut from a single piece of tree trunk, which
+has been reduced in weight by cutting out one side, leaving the two ends
+for support.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 108. A Zuñi chair.]
+
+A curiously worked chair of modern form seen in Zuñi is illustrated in
+Fig. 108. It was difficult to determine the antiquity of this specimen,
+as its rickety condition may have been due to the clumsy workmanship
+quite as much as to the effects of age. Rude as is the workmanship,
+however, it was far beyond the unaided skill of the native craftsman to
+join and mortise the various pieces that go to make up this chair. Some
+decorative effect has been sought here, the ornamentation, made up of
+notches and sunken grooves, closely resembling that on the window sash
+illustrated in Fig. 88, and somewhat similar in effect to the carving on
+the Spanish beams seen in the Tusayan kivas. The whole construction
+strongly suggests Spanish influence.
+
+Even the influence of Americans has as yet failed to bring about the use
+of tables or bedsteads among the pueblo Indians. The floor answers all
+the purposes of both these useful articles of furniture. The food dishes
+are placed directly upon it at meal times, and at night the blankets,
+rugs, and sheep skins that form the bed are spread directly upon it.
+These latter, during the day, are suspended upon the clothes pole
+previously described and illustrated.
+
+CORRALS AND GARDENS.
+
+The introduction of domestic sheep among the pueblos has added a new and
+important element to their mode of living, but they seem never to have
+reached a clear understanding as to how these animals should be cared
+for. No forethought is exercised to separate the rams so that the lambs
+will be born at a favorable season. The flocks consist of sheep and
+goats which are allowed to run together at all tunes. Black sheep and
+some with a grayish color of wool are often seen among them. No attempt
+is made to eliminate these dark-fleeced members of the flock, since the
+black and gray wool is utilized in its natural color in producing many
+of the designs and patterns of the blankets woven by these people. The
+flocks are usually driven up into the corrals or inclosures every
+evening, and are taken out again in the morning, frequently at quite a
+late hour. This, together with the time consumed in driving them to and
+from pasture, gives them much less chance to thrive than those of the
+nomadic Navajo. In Tusayan the corrals are usually of small size and
+inclosed by thin walls of rude stone work. This may be seen in the
+foreground of Pl. XXI. Pl. CIX illustrates several corrals just outside
+the village of Mashongnavi similarly constructed, but of somewhat larger
+size. Some of the corrals of Oraibi are of still larger size,
+approaching in this respect the corrals of Cibola. The Oraibi pens are
+rudely rectangular in form, with more or less rounded angles, and are
+also built of rude masonry.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate CV. Small square openings in Pueblo Bonito.]
+
+In the less important villages of Cibola stone is occasionally used for
+inclosing the corrals, as in Tusayan, as may be seen in Pl. LXX,
+illustrating an inclosure of this character in the court of the farming
+pueblo of Pescado. Pl. CX illustrates in detail the manner in which
+stone work is combined with the use of rude stakes in the construction
+of this inclosure. On the rugged sites of the Tusayan villages corrals
+are placed wherever favorable nooks happen to be found in the rocks, but
+at Zuñi, built in the comparatively open plain, they form a nearly
+continuous belt around the pueblo. Here they are made of stakes and
+brush held in place by horizontal poles tied on with strips of rawhide.
+The rudely contrived gateways are supported in natural forks at the top
+and sides of posts. Often one or two small inclosures used for burros or
+horses occur near these sheep corrals. The construction is identical
+with those above described and is very rude. It is illustrated in Fig.
+109, which shows the manner in which the stakes are arranged, and also
+the method of attaching the horizontal tie-pieces. The construction of
+these inclosures is frail, and the danger of pushing the stakes over by
+pressure from within is guarded against by employing forked braces that
+abut against horizontal pieces tied on 4 or 5 feet from the ground.
+Reference to Pl. LXXIV will illustrate this construction.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 109. Construction of a Zuñi corral.]
+
+Within the village of Zuñi inclosures resembling miniature corrals are
+sometimes seen built against the houses; these are used as cages for
+eagles. A number of these birds are kept in Zuñi for the sake of their
+plumage, which is highly valued for ceremonial purposes. Pl. CXI
+illustrates one of these coops, constructed partly with a thin adobe
+wall and partly with stakes arranged like those of the corrals.
+
+In both of the pueblo groups under discussion, small gardens contiguous
+to the villages are frequent. Those of Tusayan are walled in with stone.
+
+Within the pueblo of Zuñi a small group of garden patches is inclosed by
+stake fences, but the majority of the gardens in the vicinity of the
+principal villages are provided with low walls of mud masonry. The small
+terraced gardens here are near the river bank on the southwest and
+southeast sides of the village. The inclosed spaces, averaging in size
+about 10 feet square, are used for the cultivation of red peppers,
+beans, etc., which, during the dry season, are watered by hand. These
+inclosures, situated close to the dwellings, suggest a probable
+explanation for similar inclosures found in many of the ruins in the
+southern and eastern portions of the ancient pueblo region. Mr.
+Bandelier was informed by the Pimas[10] that these inclosures were
+ancient gardens. He concluded that since acequias were frequent in the
+immediate vicinity these gardens must have been used as reserves in case
+of war, when the larger fields were not available, but the manner of
+their occurrence in Zuñi suggests rather that they were intended for
+cultivation of special crops, such as pepper, beans, cotton, and perhaps
+also of a variety of tobacco--corn, melons, squashes, etc., being
+cultivated elsewhere in larger tracts. There is a large group of gardens
+on the bank of the stream at the southeastern corner of Zuñi, and here
+there are slight indications of terracing. A second group on the steeper
+slope at the southwestern corner is distinctly terraced. Small walled
+gardens of the same type as these Zuñi examples occur in the vicinity of
+some of the Tusayan villages on the middle mesa. They are located near
+the springs or water pockets, apparently to facilitate watering by hand.
+Some of them contain a few small peach trees in addition to the
+vegetable crops ordinarily met with. The clusters here are, as a rule,
+smaller than those of Zuñi, as there is much less space available in the
+vicinity of the springs. At one point on the west side of the first
+mesa, a few miles above Walpi, a copious spring serves to irrigate quite
+an extensive series of small garden patches distributed over lower
+slopes.
+
+ [Footnote 10: Fifth Ann. Rept. Arch. Inst. Am., p. 92.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 110. Gardens of Zuñi.]
+
+ [Illustration: Plate CVI. Sealed openings in a detached house of
+ Nutria.]
+
+At several points around Zuñi, usually at a greater distance than the
+terrace gardens, are fields of much larger area inclosed in a similar
+manner. Their inclosure was simply to secure them against the
+depredations of stray burros, so numerous about the village. When the
+crops are gathered in the autumn, several breaches are made in the low
+wall and the burros are allowed to luxuriate on the remains. Pl. LIX
+indicates the position of the large cluster of garden patches on the
+southeastern side of Zuñi. Fig. 110, taken from photographs made in
+1873, shows several of these small gardens with their growing crops and
+a large field of corn beyond. The workmanship of the garden walls as
+contrasted with that of the house masonry has been already described and
+is illustrated in Pl. XC.
+
+"KISI" CONSTRUCTION.
+
+Lightly constructed shelters for the use of those in charge of fields
+were probably a constant accompaniment of pueblo horticulture. Such
+shelters were built of stone or of brush, according to which material
+was most available.
+
+In very precipitous localities, as the Canyon de Chelly, these outlooks
+naturally became the so-called cliff-dwellings or isolated shelters.
+In Cibola single stone houses are in common use, not to the exclusion,
+however, of the lighter structures of brush, while in Tusayan these
+lighter forms, of which there are a number of well defined varieties,
+are almost exclusively used. A detailed study of the methods of
+construction employed in these rude shelters would be of great interest
+as affording a comparison both with the building methods of the ruder
+neighboring tribes and with those adopted in constructing some of the
+details of the terraced house; the writer, however, did not have an
+opportunity of making an examination of all the field shelters used in
+these pueblos. Two of the simpler types are the "tuwahlki," or watch
+house, and the "kishoni," or uncovered shade. The former is constructed
+by first planting a short forked stick in the ground, which supports one
+end of a pole, the other end resting on the ground. The interval between
+this ridge pole and the ground is roughly filled in with slanting sticks
+and brush, the inclosed space being not more than 3 feet in height, with
+a maximum width of four or five feet. These shelters are for the
+accommodation of the children who watch the melon patches until the
+fruit is harvested.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 111. Kishoni, or uncovered shade, of Tusayan.]
+
+The kishoni, or uncovered shade, illustrated in Fig. 111, is perhaps the
+simplest form of shelter employed. Ten or a dozen cottonwood saplings
+are set firmly into the ground, so as to form a slightly curved
+inclosure with convex side toward the south. Cottonwood and willow
+boughs in foliage, grease-wood, sage brush, and rabbit brush are laid
+with stems upward in even rows against these saplings to a height of 6
+or 7 feet. This light material is held in place by bands of small
+cottonwood branches laid in continuous horizontal lines around the
+outside of the shelter and these are attached to the upright saplings
+with cottonwood and willow twigs.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate CVII. Partial filling-in of a large opening in
+ Oraibi, converting it into a doorway.]
+
+Figs. 112 and 113 illustrate a much more elaborate field shelter in
+Tusayan. As may readily be seen from the figures this shelter covers a
+considerable area; it will be seen too that the upright branches that
+inclose two of its sides are of sufficient height to considerably shade
+the level roof of poles and brush, converting it into a comfortable
+retreat.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 112. A Tusayan field shelter, from southwest.]
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 113. A Tusayan field shelter, from northeast.]
+
+ARCHITECTURAL NOMENCLATURE.
+
+The following nomenclature, collected by Mr. Stephen, comprises the
+terms commonly used in designating the constructional details of Tusayan
+houses and kivas:
+
+ Kiko´li The ground floor rooms forming the first terrace.
+ Tupu´bi The roofed recess at the end of the first terrace.
+ Ah´pabi } A terrace roof.
+ Ih´pobi }
+ Tupat´ca ih´pobi The third terrace, used in common as a loitering
+ place.
+ Tumtco´kobi "The place of the flat stone;" small rooms in
+ which "piki," or paper-bread, is baked. "Tuma,"
+ the piki stone, and "tcok" describing its flat
+ position.
+ Tupa´tca "Where you sit overhead;" the third story.
+ O´mi Ah´pabi The second story; a doorway always opens from it
+ upon the roof of the "kiko´li."
+ Kitcobi "The highest place;" the fourth story.
+ Tuhkwa A wall.
+ Puce An outer corner.
+ Apaphucua An inside corner.
+ Lestabi The main roof timbers.
+ Wina´kwapi Smaller cross poles. "Winahoya," a small pole, and
+ "Kwapi," in place.
+ Kaha´b kwapi The willow covering.
+ Süibi kwapi The brush covering.
+ Si´hü kwapi The grass covering.
+ Kiam´ balawi The mud plaster of roof covering,
+ "Balatle´lewini," to spread.
+ Tcukat´cvewata Dry earth covering the roof. "Tcuka," earth,
+ "katuto," to sit, and "at´cvewata," one laid
+ above another.
+ Kiami An entire roof.
+ Kwo´pku The fireplace.
+ Kwi´tcki "Smoke-house," an inside chimney-hood.
+ Sibvu´tütük´mula A series of bottomless jars piled above each
+ other, and luted together as a chimney-top.
+ Sibvu´ A bottomless earthen vessel serving as a chimney
+ pot.
+ Bok´ci Any small hole in a wall, or roof, smaller than
+ a doorway.
+ Hi´tci An opening, such as a doorway. This term is also
+ applied to a gap in a cliff.
+ Hi´tci Kalau´wata A door frame.
+ Tûñañ´îata A lintel; literally, "that holds the sides in
+ place."
+ Wuwûk´pi "The place step;" the door sill.
+ Niñuh´pi A handhold; the small pole in a doorway below the
+ lintel.
+ Pana´ptca ütc´pi bok´ci
+ A window; literally, "glass covered opening."
+ Ut´cpi A cover.
+ Ahpa´bütc´pi } A door. "Apab," inside; wina, a pole.
+ Wina´ütc´pi }
+ O´wa ütc´ppî "Stone cover," a stone slab.
+ Tüi´ka A projection in the wall of a room suggesting a
+ partition, such as shown in Pl. LXXXV. The same
+ term is applied to a projecting cliff in a mesa.
+ Kiam´i An entire roof. The main beams, cross poles, and
+ roof layers have the same names as in the kiva,
+ given later.
+ W[)i]na´kü´i Projecting poles; rafters extending beyond the
+ walls.
+ Bal´kakini "Spread out;" the floor.
+ O´tcokpü´h "Leveled with stones;" a raised level for the
+ foundation.
+ Ba´lkakini tü´wi "Floor ledge;" the floor of one room raised above
+ that of an adjoining one.
+ Hako´la "Lower place;" the floor of a lower room. Sand
+ dunes in a valley are called "Hakolpi."
+ Ko´ltci A shelf.
+ Owako´ltci A stone shelf.
+ Ta´pü kü´ita A support for a shelf.
+ Wina´koltci A hewn plank shelf.
+ Kokiüni A wooden peg in a wall.
+ Tületa A shelf hanging from the ceiling.
+ Tület´haipi The cords for suspending a shelf.
+ Tükûlci A niche in the wall.
+ Tükûli A stone mortar.
+ Ma´ta The complete mealing apparatus for grinding corn.
+ Owa´mata The trough or outer frame of stone slabs.
+ Mata´ki The metate or grinding slab.
+ Kakom´ta mata´ki The coarsest grinding slab.
+ Tala´kî mata´ki The next finer slab; from "talaki" to parch
+ crushed corn in a vessel at the fire.
+ Piñ´nyümta mata´ki The slab of finest texture; from "pin," fine.
+ Ma´ta ü´tci The upright partition stones separating the
+ metates. The rubbing stones have the same names
+ as the metates.
+ Hawi´wita A stone stairway.
+ Tütü´beñ hawi´wita A stairway pecked into a cliff face.
+ Sa´ka A ladder.
+ Wina´hawi´pi Steps of wood.
+ Ki´cka The covered way.
+ Hitcu´yî´wa "Opening to pass through;" a narrow passage
+between
+ houses.
+ Ki´sombi "Place closed with houses;" courts and spaces
+ between house groups.
+ Bavwa´kwapi A gutter pipe inserted in the roof coping.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate CVIII. Large openings reduced to small windows,
+ Oraibi.]
+
+In kiva nomenclature the various parts of the roof have the same names
+as the corresponding features of the dwellings. These are described on
+pp. 148-151.
+
+ Le´stabi The main roof timbers.
+ Wina´kwapi The smaller cross poles.
+ Kaha´b kwapi The willow covering.
+ Süibi kwapi The brush covering.
+ Si´hü kwapi The grass covering.
+ Tcuka´tcve wata The dry earth layer of the roof.
+ Kiam´ba´lawi The layer of mud plaster on the roof.
+ Kiami An entire roof.
+
+The following terms are used to specially designate various features of
+the kivas:
+
+ Tüpat´caiata, Both of these terms are used to designate
+ lestabi } the kiva hatchway beams upon which the
+ Lesta´bkwapi, } hatchway walls rest.
+ Süna´cabi le´stabi The main beams in the roof, nearest to the
+ hatchway.
+ [)E]p´eoka le´stabi The main beams next to the central ones.
+ Püep´eoka le´stabi The main beams next in order, and all the beams
+ intervening between the "epeoka" and the end
+ beams are so designated.
+ Kala´beoka lestabi The beams at the ends of a kiva.
+ Mata´owa "Stone placed with hands."
+ Hüzrüowa "Hard stone."
+ Both of these latter terms are applied to
+ corner foundation stones.
+ Kwa´kü üt´cpi Moveable mat of reeds or sticks for covering
+ hatchway opening, Fig. 29.
+ "Kwaku," wild hay; "utepi," a stopper.
+ Tüpat´caiata The raised hatchway; "the sitting place,"
+ Fig. 95.
+ Tüpat´caiata tü´kwa The walls of the hatchway.
+ Kipat´ctjua´ta The kiva doorway; the opening into the hatchway,
+ Fig. 28.
+ Apa´pho´ya Small niches in the wall. "Apap," from "apabi,"
+ inside, and "hoya," small.
+ Si´papüh An archaic term. The etymology of this word is
+ not known.
+ Kw[)o]p´kota The fireplace. "Kwuhi," coals or embers;
+ "küaiti," head.
+ K[)o]i´tci Pegs for drying fuel, fixed under the hatchway.
+ "Ko-hu," wood; Fig. 28.
+ Kokü´ina Pegs in the walls.
+ Sa´ka A ladder. This term is applied to any ladder.
+ Figs. 45-47.
+ Sa´kaleta Ladder rungs; "Leta," from "lestabi;" see above.
+ Tüvwibi The platform elevation or upper level of the
+ floor. "Tu-vwi," a ledge; Fig. 24.
+ Tüvwi Stone ledges around the sides, for seats. The
+ same term is used to designate any ledge,
+ as that of a mesa, etc.
+ Katcin´ Kibü "Katcina," house. The niche in a ledge at the
+ end of the kiva.
+ Kwi´sa The planks set into the floor, to which the
+ lower beam of a blanket loom is fastened.
+ Kaintup´ha } Terms applied to the main floor; they both mean
+ Kiva´kani } "the large space."
+ Tapü´wü´tci Hewn planks a foot wide and 6 to 8 feet long,
+ set into the floor.
+ Wina´wü´tci A plank.
+ Owa´pühü´imiata "Stone spread out;" the flagged floor; also
+ designates the slabs covering the hatchway.
+ Yau´wiopi. Stones with holes pecked in the ends for holding
+ the loom beam while the warp is being
+ adjusted; also used as seats; see p. 132.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate CIX. Stone corrals and kiva of Mashongnavi.]
+
+The accompanying diagram is an ideal section of a Tusayan four-story
+house, and gives the native names for the various rooms and terraces.
+
+ [Illustration: Fig. 114. Diagram showing ideal section of terraces,
+ with Tusayan names.]
+
+
+
+
+CONCLUDING REMARKS.
+
+
+The modern villages of Tusayan and Cibola differ more widely in
+arrangement and in the relation they bear to the surrounding topography
+than did their predecessors even of historic times.
+
+Many of the older pueblos of both groups appear to have belonged to the
+valley types--villages of considerable size, located in open plains or
+on the slopes of low-lying foothills. A comparison of the plans in
+Chapters II and III will illustrate these differences. In Tusayan the
+necessity of defense has driven the builders to inaccessible sites, so
+that now all the occupied villages of the province are found on mesa
+summits. The inhabitants of the valley pueblos of Cibola, although
+compelled at one time to build their houses upon the almost inaccessible
+summit of Tâaaiyalana mesa, occupied this site only temporarily, and
+soon established a large valley pueblo, the size and large population of
+which afforded that defensive efficiency which the Tusayan obtained only
+by building on mesa promontories. This has resulted in some adherence on
+the part of the Tusayan to the village plans of their ancestors, while
+at Zuni the great house clusters, forming the largest pueblo occupied in
+modern times, show a wide departure from the primitive types. In both
+provinces the architecture is distinguished from that of other portions
+of the pueblo region by greater irregularity of plan and by less
+skillfully executed constructional details; each group, however, happens
+to contain a notable exception to this general carelessness.
+
+In Cibola the pueblo of Kin-tiel, built with a continuous defensive
+outer wall, occupies architecturally a somewhat anomalous position,
+notwithstanding its traditional connection with the group, and the Fire
+House occupies much the same relation in reference to Tusayan. The
+latter, however, does not break in upon the unity of the group, since
+the Tusayan, to a much greater extent than the Zuñi, are made up of
+remnants of various bands of builders. In Cibola, however, some of the
+Indians state that their ancestors, before reaching Zuñi, built a number
+of pueblos, whose ruins are distinguished from those illustrated in the
+present paper by the presence of circular kivas, this form of ceremonial
+room being, apparently, wholly absent from the Cibolan pueblos here
+discussed.
+
+The people of Cibola and of Tusayan belong to distinct linguistic
+stocks, but their arts are very closely related, the differences being
+no greater than would result from the slightly different conditions that
+have operated within the last few generations. Zuñi, perhaps, came more
+directly under early Spanish influence than Tusayan.
+
+Churches were established, as has been seen, in both provinces, but it
+is doubtful whether their presence produced any lasting impression on
+the people. In Tusayan the sway of the Spaniards was very brief. At some
+of the pueblos the churches seem to have been built outside of the
+village proper where ample space was available within the pueblo; but
+such an encroachment on the original inclosed courts seems never to have
+been attempted. Zuñi is an apparent exception; but all the house
+clusters east of the church have probably been built later than the
+church itself, the church court of the present village being a much
+larger area than would be reserved for the usual pueblo court. These
+early churches were, as a rule, built of adobe, even when occurring in
+stone pueblos. The only exception noticed is at Ketchipauan, where it
+was built of the characteristic Indian smoothly chinked masonry. The
+Spaniards usually intruded their own construction, even to the
+composition of the bricks, which are nearly always made of straw adobe.
+
+At Tusayan there is no evidence that a church or mission house ever
+formed part of the villages on the mesa summits. Their plans are
+complete in themselves, and probably represent closely the first pueblos
+built on these sites. These summits have been extensively occupied only
+in comparatively recent times, although one or more small clusters may
+have been built here at an early date as outlooks over the fields in the
+valleys below.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate CX. Portion of a corral in Pescado.]
+
+It is to be noted that some of the ruins connected traditionally and
+historically with Tusayan and Cibola differ in no particular from stone
+pueblos widely scattered over the southwestern plateaus which have been
+from time to time invested with a halo of romantic antiquity, and
+regarded as remarkable achievements in civilization by a vanished but
+once powerful race. These deserted stone houses, occurring in the midst
+of desert solitudes, appealed strongly to the imaginations of early
+explorers, and their stimulated fancy connected the remains with
+"Aztecs" and other mysterious peoples. That this early implanted bias
+has caused the invention of many ingenious theories concerning the
+origin and disappearance of the builders of the ancient pueblos, is
+amply attested in the conclusions reached by many of the writers on this
+subject.
+
+In connection with the architectural examination of some of these
+remains many traditions have been obtained from the present tribes,
+clearly indicating that some of the village ruins, and even cliff
+dwellings, have been built and occupied by ancestors of the present
+Pueblo Indians, sometimes at a date well within the historic period.
+
+The migrations of the Tusayan clans, as described in the legends
+collected by Mr. Stephen, were slow and tedious. While they pursued
+their wanderings and awaited the favorable omens of the gods they halted
+many times and planted. They speak traditionally of stopping at certain
+places on their routes during a certain number of "plantings," always
+building the characteristic stone pueblos and then again taking up the
+march.
+
+When these Indians are questioned as to whence they came, their replies
+are various and conflicting; but this is due to the fact that the
+members of one clan came, after a long series of wanderings, from the
+north, for instance, while those of other gentes may have come last from
+the east. The tribe to-day seems to be made up of a collection or a
+confederacy of many enfeebled remnants of independent phratries and
+groups once more numerous and powerful. Some clans traditionally
+referred to as having been important are now represented by few
+survivors, and bid fair soon to become extinct. So the members of each
+phratry have their own store of traditions, relating to the wanderings
+of their own ancestors, which differ from those of other clans, and
+refer to villages successively built and occupied by them. In the case
+of others of the pueblos, the occupation of cliff dwellings and cave
+lodges is known to have occurred within historic times.
+
+Both architectural and traditional evidence are in accord in
+establishing a continuity of descent from the ancient Pueblos to those
+of the present day. Many of the communities are now made up of the more
+or less scattered but interrelated remnants of gentes which in former
+times occupied villages, the remains of which are to-day looked upon as
+the early homes of "Aztec colonies," etc.
+
+The adaptation, of this architecture to the peculiar environment
+indicates that it has long been practiced under the same conditions that
+now prevail. Nearly all of the ancient pueblos were built of the
+sandstone found in natural quarries at the bases of hundreds of cliffs
+throughout these table-lands. This stone readily breaks into small
+pieces of regular form, suitable for use in the simple masonry of the
+pueblos without receiving any artificial treatment. The walls themselves
+give an exaggerated idea of finish, owing to the care and neatness with
+which the component stones are placed. Some of the illustrations in the
+last chapter, from photographs, show clearly that the material of the
+walls was much ruder than the appearance of the finished masonry would
+suggest, and that this finish depended on the careful selection and
+arrangement of the fragments. This is even more noticeable in the Chaco
+ruins, in which the walls were wrought to a high degrees of surface
+finish. The core of the wall was laid up with the larger and more
+irregular stones, and was afterwards brought to a smooth face by
+carefully filling in and chinking the joints with smaller stones and
+fragments, sometimes not more than a quarter of an inch thick; this
+method is still roughly followed by both Tusayan and Cibolan builders.
+
+Although many details of construction and arrangement display remarkable
+adaptation to the physical character of the country, yet the influence
+of such environment would not alone suffice to produce this
+architectural type. In order to develop the results found, another
+element was necessary. This element was the necessity for defense. The
+pueblo population was probably subjected to the more or less continuous
+influence of this defensive motive throughout the period of their
+occupation of this territory. A strong independent race of people, who
+had to fear no invasion by stronger foes, would necessarily have been
+influenced more by the physical environment and would have progressed
+further in the art of building, but the motive for building rectangular
+rooms--the initial point of departure in the development of pueblo
+architecture--would not have been brought into action. The crowding of
+many habitations upon a small cliff ledge or other restricted site,
+resulting in the rectangular form of rooms, was most likely due to the
+conditions imposed by this necessity for defense.
+
+ [Illustration: Plate CXI. Zuñi eagle-cage.]
+
+The general outlines of the development of this architecture wherein the
+ancient builders were stimulated to the best use of the exceptional
+materials about them, both by the difficult conditions of their
+semi-desert environment and by constant necessity for protection against
+their neighbors, can be traced in its various stages of growth from the
+primitive conical lodge to its culmination in the large communal village
+of many-storied terraced buildings which we find to have been in use at
+the time of the Spanish discovery, and which still survives in Zuñi,
+perhaps its most striking modern example. Yet the various steps have
+resulted from a simple and direct use of the material immediately at
+hand, while methods gradually improved as frequent experiments taught
+the builders more fully to utilize local facilities. In all cases the
+material was derived from the nearest available source, and often
+variations in the quality of the finished work are due to variations in
+the quality of the stone near by. The results accomplished attest the
+patient and persistent industry of the ancient builders, but the work
+does not display great skill in construction or in preparation of
+material. The same desert environment that furnished such an abundance
+of material for the ancient builders, also, from its difficult and
+inhospitable character and the constant variations in the water supply,
+compelled the frequent employment of this material. This was an
+important factor in bringing about the attained degree of advancement in
+the building art. At the present day constant local changes occur in the
+water sources of these arid table-lands, while the general character of
+the climate remains unaltered.
+
+The distinguishing characteristics of Pueblo architecture may be
+regarded as the product of a defensive motive and of an arid environment
+that furnished an abundance of suitable building material, and at the
+same time the climatic conditions that compelled its frequent
+employment.
+
+The decline of the defensive motive within the last few years has
+greatly affected the more recent architecture. Even after the long
+practice of the system has rendered it somewhat fixed, comparative
+security from attack has caused many of the Pueblo Indians to recognize
+the inconvenience of dwellings grouped in large clusters on sites
+difficult of access, while the sources of their subsistence are
+necessarily sparsely scattered over large areas. This is noticeable in
+the building of small, detached houses at a distance from the main
+villages, the greater convenience to crops, flocks and water outweighing
+the defensive motive. In Cibola particularly, a marked tendency in this
+direction has shown itself within a score of years; Ojo Caliente, the
+newest of the farming pueblos, is perhaps the most striking example
+within the two provinces. The greater security of the pueblos as the
+country comes more fully into the hands of Americans, has also resulted
+in the more careless construction in modern examples as compared with
+the ancient.
+
+There is no doubt that, as time shall go on, the system of building
+many-storied clusters of rectangular rooms will gradually be abandoned
+by these people. In the absence of the defensive motive a more
+convenient system, employing scattered small houses, located near
+springs and fields, will gradually take its place, thus returning to a
+mode of building that probably prevailed in the evolution of the pueblo
+prior to the clustering of many rooms into large defensive villages. Pl.
+LXXXIII illustrates a building of the type described located on the
+outskirts of Zuñi, across the river from the main pueblo.
+
+The cultural distinctions between the Pueblo Indians and neighboring
+tribes gradually become less clearly defined as investigation
+progresses. Mr. Cushing's study of the Zuñi social, political, and
+religious systems has clearly established their essential identity in
+grade of culture with those of other tribes. In many of the arts, too,
+such as weaving, ceramics, etc., these people in no degree surpass many
+tribes who build ruder dwellings.
+
+In architecture, though, they have progressed far beyond their
+neighbors; many of the devices employed attest the essentially primitive
+character of the art, and demonstrate that the apparent distinction in
+grade of culture is mainly due to the exceptional condition of the
+environment.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+Acoma, arrival of the Asanyumu at 30
+ direction of kivas of 116
+ kiva trap-doors at 207
+Adobe, use in Tusayan 54, 78
+ use in Zuñi attributed to foreign influence 139
+ necessity for protecting against rain 156
+ used in Spanish churches 224
+Adobe balls used in garden walls 146
+Adobe bricks, in Hawikut church 81
+ use modern in Zuñi 138
+Adobe mortar, in Tâaaiyalana structures 90
+ Cibola and Tusayan use of, compared 137
+Adobe walls on stone foundation at Moenkopi 78
+Áikoka. See Acoma 30
+Aiyáhokwi, the descendants of the Asa at Zuñi 30
+Alleyway, Hawikuh 81
+Altar, conformity of, to direction of kiva 116
+Andiron, Shumopavi 176
+Annular doorway 192, 193
+Apache, inroads upon Tusayan by the 25, 26, 35
+ exposure of southern Cibola to the 96
+Architectural nomenclature 220, 223
+Architecture, comparison of constructional details
+ of Tusayan and Cibola 100-223
+ adaption to defense 226, 227
+ adaption to environment 225, 226, 227, 228
+Art, textile and fictile, degree of Pueblo advancement in 227
+Arts of Cibola and Tusayan closely related 224
+Asa, migrations of the 30, 31
+ language of the 37
+ houses of, Hano 61
+Asanyumu. See Asa.
+Awatubi, survey of 14
+ Spanish mission established at 22
+ when and by whom built 29
+ settlement of the Asa at 30
+ attacked by the Walpi 34
+ description of ruins of 49, 50
+ possession of sheep by the 50
+ clay tubes used as roof drains at 155
+ fragments of passage wall at 181
+Aztecs, ruined structures attributed to the 225
+
+Badger people leave Walpi 31
+Baho, use of, in kiva consecratory ceremonies 119-120, 129, 130
+Balcony, notched and terraced 187
+Banded masonry 145
+Bandelier, A. F., description of chimney 173
+ explorations of 197
+ on ancient stone inclosures 216
+Bat house, description of ruin of 52
+Bátni, the first pueblo of the Snake people of Tusayan 18
+Bedsteads not used by Pueblos 214
+Beams, Tusayan kivas, taken from Spanish church at Shumopavi 76
+ for supporting upper walls 144
+ modern finish of 149
+ construction of steps upon 162
+ for supporting passageway wall 181
+ Chaco pueblos, how squared 184
+Bear people, settlement in Tusayan of the 20, 26
+ removal to Walpi of the 21, 27
+ movements of 27, 30, 31, 38
+Bear-skin-rope people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26, 27
+Benches or ledges of masonry, Zuñi rooms 110
+ Tusayan kivas 121, 123, 125
+ Mashongnavi mungkiva 127
+ around rooms of pueblo houses 213
+Bins for storage in Tusayan rooms 109, 209, 210
+Blankets formerly used to cover doorways 182, 188, 189, 194
+Blue Jay people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26, 27
+Bond stones used in pueblo walls 144, 198
+Boss, or andiron, Shumopavi 176
+Boundary line, Hano and Sichumovi 36
+Boundary mark, Shumopavi and Oraibi 28
+Boxes for plumes 210
+Bricks of adobe modern in Zuñi 138
+Brush, use of, in roof construction 150
+Brush shelters 217-219
+Burial custom of K'iakima natives 86
+Burial inclosures at K'iakima 147
+Burial place of Zuñi 148
+Burrowing Owl people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26
+Buttress, formerly of Halona, existing in Zuñi 88, 89
+Buttress projections, Zuñi 111
+ Tusayan rooms 109, 110
+ girders supported by 144
+ chimney supported by 172, 173
+ support of passageway roofs by 181
+
+Cages for eagles at Zuñi 214
+Canyon de Chelly, proposed study of ruins of 14
+ Tusayan, tradition concerning villages of 19
+ early occupancy of, by the Bear people at Tusayan 20
+ occupied by the Asa 30
+ use of whitewash in cliff houses of 74, 145
+ circular kivas of 117, 133
+ finish of roofs of houses of 150, 151
+ doorway described and figured 190
+ cliff dwellings of 217
+Casa Blanca, traces of whitewashing at 145
+Castañeda's account of Cibolan milling 211, 212
+Cattle introduced into Tusayan 22
+Cave lodges occupied in historic times 225
+Cave used by inhabitants of Kwaituki 57
+Ceiling plan of Shupaulovi kiva 123, 125, 126
+Ceilings, retention of original appearance of rooms
+ through nonrenovation of 89
+Cellars not used in Tusayan and Cibola 143
+Ceremonial chamber. See Kiva.
+Ceremonial paraphernalia of Tusayan taken by the Navajo 50
+Ceremonies connected with Tusayan house-building 100-104, 168
+Ceremonies accompanying kiva construction 115, 118
+Ceremonies performed at placing of Zuñi ladders 160
+Chaco ruins, character of 14, 70
+ compared with Kin-tiel 92
+ finish of masonry of 140, 226
+ upper story partitions of, supported by beams 144
+ finish of woodwork of 149, 184
+ symmetry of arrangement of outer openings of 195
+ loop-holes in walls of 198
+Chairs, lack of in Pueblo houses 212
+Chalowe, description of 83
+Charred roof timbers of Tusayan kiva 120
+Chimney. See Fireplace.
+Chimney-hoods, how constructed 169-175
+Chimneys, traces of in K'iakima 85
+ remains of, at Matsaki 86
+ Tusayan 102
+ Zuñi 111
+ described and figured 167-180
+Chukubi pueblo, built by the Squash people 25
+ description 58, 59
+ fragments of passage wall at 181
+Church, Shumopavi, established by Spanish monks 75, 76
+ Hawikuh 81, 138
+ Ketchipauan, remains of 81, 82
+ in court of Zuñi 98, 138, 148
+ See Mission.
+Churches established in Zuñi and Tusayan 224
+Cibola, ruins and inhabited villages of 80-99
+ architecture of compared with that of Tusayan 100-223
+ See Zuñi.
+Circular doorway of Kin-tiel described 192
+Circular kivas, antiquity of 116
+ traditional references to 135
+ absent in Cibolan pueblos 224
+Circular room at Oraibi Wash 54-55
+Circular rooms at Kin-tiel 93
+Circular wall of kiva near Sikyatki 117
+Clay surface of pueblo roofs 151
+Clay tubes used as roof drains 155
+Cliff dwellings, Moen-kopi 54
+ use of whitewash in 74
+ absence of chimneys in 168
+ developed from temporary shelters 217
+ occupied in historic times 225
+Climatic conditions, effect of, upon pueblo architecture 140, 227
+Clustering of Tâaaiyalana ruins 89-90
+Cochití claimed to be a former Tewa pueblo 37
+Communal village, development of pueblo architecture
+ from conical lodge to 226
+Consecration of kivas 129
+Contours represented on plans, interval of 45
+Cooking, pueblo method of 164
+Cooking pits and ovens described 162-166, 176-177
+Cooking stones of Tusayan, flames of 104
+Copings of walls described 151-152
+Coping of hatchways 203
+Coping. See Roof-coping.
+Cords, used for suspending chimney 170
+Corner stones of Tusayan kivas 119
+Corrals, Payupki 59
+ Sichumovi 62-63
+ Hawikuh 81
+ Ketchipauan 81
+ modern, at K'iakima 85
+ how constructed 146
+ described in detail 214-217
+Cotton cultivated by the Tusayan 33
+Courts, Mishiptonga 52
+ Kwaituki 56
+ Chukubi 59
+ Sichumovi 62
+ Walpi 63
+ Mashongnavi 68
+ Shupaulovi 71
+ Shumopavi 74
+ Hawikuh 81
+ Ketchipauan 81
+ Matsaki 86
+ Tâaaiyalana 90
+ Kin-tiel 92
+ Pescado 95
+ Zuñi 98
+Covered way, how developed 76
+Covered passages and gateways described 180-182
+Coyote people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26
+Coyote kiva, direction of the 116
+Crossbars used in fastening wooden doors 183
+Crosspieces of ladders 159
+Cruzate, visit to Awatubi of 49
+Culture of pueblo tribes, degree of 227
+Cushing, Frank H., identifies K'iakima
+ as scene of death of Estevanico 86
+ excavations at Halona 88, 193
+ opinion concerning western wall of Halona 89
+ opinion concerning distribution of Tâaaiyalana ruins 89-90
+ on the former occupancy of Kin-tiel 92
+ Haloua identified as one of the Seven Cities of Cibola 97
+ on Zuñi tradition concerning stone-close 192
+
+Dais of kivas 121, 122, 123
+Dance ceremony in kiva consecration 130
+Dance rock, Tusayan, reference to snake dance of 65
+Débris, how indicated in plans of ruins 45
+ an indication of original height of walls 90
+Decoration, house openings 145-146
+ Kiva roof timbers 119, 120
+ ladder crosspieces 159
+ roof beams 123, 124
+ wall of Mashongnavi house 146
+ wooden chair 213
+ Zuñi window sashes 196
+Deer horns used as pegs in Zuñi 111
+Defense, wall for, at Bat House 52
+ a motive for selection of dwelling site 56
+ architecture relied upon for 58
+ method of, of Payupki 59, 60
+ not a factor in selection of Mashongnavi site 67
+ features of, at Ojo Calient 69
+ wall for, at Pueblo Bonito 70
+ features of, at Tusayan and Zuñi compared 76
+ sites chosen for, inconvenient to sources of subsistence 77
+ use of Kelchipauan church for, by natives 82
+ the motive of occupation of Tâaaiyalana mesa 90
+ provision for, at Kin-tie 92, 93
+ provisions for, in Ketchipauan church 96
+ motive for, dying out in Zuñi 96-97
+ efficiency of, at Zuñi 97
+ not a motive in selection of site of Zuñi 97
+ gateways arranged for 180, 182
+ loopholes for 198
+ adaptation of architecture to 225
+Doors to ground floor rooms of Zuñi 143
+Doors of various lands described 183-194
+Doorway, Walpi kiva, closed with cottonwood slab 64
+ Kin-tiel 93
+ position of, in Tusayan 103
+ stepped form in Tusayan 109
+ how sealed against intrusion 110
+ window and chimney in one 121
+ annular 193
+Doorways, closed with masonry 183, 187, 188, 189
+ why made small 197
+Drainage of roof, relations of certain roof openings to 203-204
+Drains of roofs described 153-156
+Drains. See roof drains.
+
+Eagle cages of Zuñi 214
+Eagle people, migration legend of the 28
+Earth used in pueblo roof construction 150
+Eaves, lack of, in Tusayan houses 102
+Echo Cave fireplace described 168
+Entrances, uniformity of direction of, in Zuñi kivas 116
+Environment, adaptation, of architecture to 225, 226, 227, 228
+Estevanico's death, at K'iakima 86
+Estufa. See Kiva.
+
+Families occupying Oraibi 105-108
+Farming outlook, Matsaki used as 86
+ near Kin-tiel 93
+Farming pueblos, Cibola 14
+ Moen-kopi 77
+ Nutria 94, 95
+ Pescado 95-96
+ Ojo Caliente 96
+ Zuñi 198
+Fastenings of doors 186
+Feathers, use of, in house-building ceremonies 101, 102
+Feather wand or baho used in kiva-building ceremonials
+ 119, 120, 129, 130
+Fences of corrals and gardens 215, 217
+Fetiches, where placed during kiva ceremonial 122
+ Tusayan kivas 130, 131
+Fire gens, Tebugkihu constructed by the 57
+Fire-house or Tebugkihu, Tusayan 20, 57, 100, 142, 224
+Fire people of Tusayan, migration of the 20
+Fireplaces 102, 109, 121, 125,
+ 163, 167-180
+Floor, Mashongnavi house 109
+ stone flags, Tusayan kiva 121
+ sandstone slabs, Shupaulovi kiva 123
+Floors in pueblo buildings, various kinds described
+ 121, 135, 148-151
+Folk-tale of the Zuñi, describing stone-close 193
+Food sacrifices in Tusayan house building 101, 102
+Fortress houses the highest type of Pueblo construction 77
+Frames of trap-doors, method of making 206
+Framing of windows, method of 196-198
+Fuel, how stored in Tusayan 103
+Fuel used in kivas 121
+Fuel of kivas, where stored 124
+Furniture of the Pueblos described 208-214
+
+Gardens and corrals of the Pueblos 214-217
+Gardens and garden walls 215-217
+Garden walls, how constructed 146
+Gateway at Awatubi 49
+Gateway jambs at Kin-tiel, finish of 181
+Gateways, probable existence in Kin-tiel of 93
+Gateways and covered passages described 180-182
+Gateways of corrals 214
+Genesis myth of the Tusayan 16
+Gentes of Tusayan, grouping of houses by 24
+ land apportionment by 29
+ list of traditionary 38
+ localization of 104-108
+Girders supporting upper walls 144
+ Tusayan houses supported by piers 151
+Glass used in modern Pueblo windows 193
+Glazing of Pueblo windows 196, 197
+Goat kiva of Walpi, height of 119
+Gourd used as roof drain 154, 155
+Grass, use of, in roof construction 150
+Graves, probable existence of, in Kin-tiel 93
+Gravestones at K'iakima 85, 86, 147
+Greasewood, the ordinary kiva fuel 121
+Grinding stones. See Metate; Milling.
+Ground plan, Mashongnavi room 108
+ Shupaulovi kiva 125
+Ground plans of Zuñi and Tusayan compared 76
+ of mesa villages influenced by prevailing winds 182
+Guyave or piki oven 173, 175
+Gyarzobi or Paroquet kiva, roof timbers of 120
+Gypsum used as whitewash 73, 74, 172
+
+Hairdressing among the Tusayan 37
+Halona, description of 88, 89
+ remains of the nucleus of Zuñi 97, 98
+ walls of the nucleus of modern Zuñi 138
+ stone-close at, described 193
+"Halving" of timbers in kiva trap-frames 206
+Hampassawan, description of 83-85
+Hand-holds cut in faces of cliffs 191
+Hand-holds in frames of trap-doors 192
+Hano, Asa group occupy site of 30
+ description of 61, 62
+ direction of kivas of 115
+ kiva, ownership of 134
+ kivas, list of 136
+ rude transom over roof beam in 187
+ sealed openings in 199
+Hano people, length of time spent in Tusayan by the 35
+ received by the Tusayan 36
+ trouble between the Walpi and 37
+Hanomuh, the inhabitants of Hano 17
+ definition of 36
+Hano traditions regarding settlement in Tusayan 35
+Harvest time, how determined in Zuñi 148
+Hatchways to pueblo houses 110, 120, 121, 124, 127
+Hawikuh, description of 80, 81
+Hawikuh church, durability of masonry of 138
+Hemenway Southwestern Archeological Expedition,
+ excavations at Halona 193
+High-house people, a Navajo clan 30
+Hinged sashes not in use in Zuñi 196
+Hinges of Pueblo doors 184
+Hodge, F. Webb, on stone-close of Halona 193
+Holmes, William H., on ruins of the San Juan 147
+Homólobi, the early home of the Sun and Water peoples 29
+ legend of Water people concerning 31
+Hopituh, the native name of the Tusayan 17
+Hopituh marriage within phratries and gentes 24
+Horn House, description of ruin of 50, 51
+Horn people migration legend 18
+ early settlement in Tusayan of the 19
+House-building rites of Tusayan 100-104
+House clusters in Zuñi, arrangement of 98
+Hungo Pavie, finish of roofs in 150
+
+Interior arrangement of pueblos 108-111
+Interior of Zuñi house described 110
+Irrigation of gardens near Walpi 217
+
+Jackson, W. H., on ruins of the San Juan 147
+ photographs of pueblo ruins by 147
+ describes fireplace of Echo Cave 168
+Jar of large size used for storage 210
+Jars used in chimney construction 180
+Jeditoh group of ruins 52, 53
+Jemez oven-opening described 165
+
+Kaékibi, an ancient pueblo 30
+Kaiwáika. See Laguna 30
+Kápung. See Santa Clara 37
+Katchina kiva of Oraibi 135
+Katchina people depart from Oraibi
+ for eastern Tusayan villages 26, 27
+Katchinkihu, occurrence of, in ruined kiva near Sikyatki 117
+ described 121, 123
+ Shupaulovi kiva 126
+ Mashonguavi mungkiva 127
+Kótite. See Cochití.
+Ketchipauan church built of stone 224
+Ketchipauan, description of 81-83
+Kiáini. See High-house people 30
+K'iakima, description of 85, 86
+ upright stone slabs at 147
+Kikoli rooms occupied in winter 103, 104, 131
+Kin-tiel, description of 91-94
+ compared with Nutria 94
+ compared with Pescado 96
+ plan of, prearranged 100
+ compared with Oraibi 114
+ occurrence of upright stone slab at 147-148
+ beams of ruins of 149
+ upper room of, paved with stone 151
+ fireplace in room of 163, 168
+ defensive gateway at 181
+Kin-tiel, finish of gateway jambs at 181
+ circular doorway at, described 192, 193
+ openings at, of uniform height 194
+ site of 224
+Kisákobi, description of pueblo of 21
+Kishoni, or uncovered shade 217-218
+"Kisi" construction 217-219
+Kitdauwi--the house song of Tusayan 118-119
+Kiva, study of construction of 14
+ remains of, at Payupki 60
+ Mashongnavi 66
+ of Moen-kopi 78
+ origin of the name 111
+ ancient form of 116, 117
+ native explanation of position of 118
+ duties of mungwi, or chief of the 133
+ ownership of 133-134
+ motive for building 134-135
+ significance of structural plan of 135
+ measurements of 136
+ hatchways of 201-202, 205-207
+ openings of, at Acoma 207
+ See Mungkiva.
+Kivas, excavated, at Awatubi 50
+ Hano 61
+ Sichumovi 62
+ Walpi 63, 64, 65
+ Shupaulovi 72
+ Shumopavi 74
+ Kin-tiel and Cibola compared 93
+ Zuñi, where located during Spanish occupancy 99
+ in Tusayan 111-137
+ typical plans of 118-129
+ dimensions of 118, 136
+ of, measurements of 118, 136
+ annually repaired by women 129
+ uses of 130
+ nomenclature of 130, 223-223
+ Tusayan, list of 136
+ nonuse of chimneys in 178
+ Zuñi, stone window-frames of 197
+Kwaituki, description of ruin of 56-57
+Kwálakwai, Hano tradition related by 35
+Kwetcap tutwi, the second pueblo of the
+ snake people of Tusayan 18
+
+Ladders, arrangement in Tusayan kiva 121
+ withdrawal of rungs to prevent use of 113
+ significance of position of, in kivas 135
+ described 156-162
+ second-story terrace of Tusayan reached principally by 182
+ openings for, in roofs 205
+Laguna, arrival of the Asanyumu at 30
+Lalénkobáki, a female society of Tusayan 134
+Land apportionment by gentes in Tusayan 29
+Language of the Asa and Hano of Tusayan 37
+Languages of Tusayan, tradition regarding difference in 36
+Las Animas ruins, trap-door frames in 206
+Latches of doors 186-187
+Latch strings used on Zuñi doors 183
+Lathing or wattling of kiva walls 126
+Ledges of masonry in kivas 121
+Ledges or benches around rooms 213
+Lenbaki, society of Tusayan 18
+Light, method of introducing, in inner rooms 207
+Lighting, method of, in crowded portions of Zuñi 99
+Lintels of old windows embedded in masonry 200
+Lizard people move from Walpi 31, 38
+Lock and key of wood, how made 187
+Loom appurtenances 212
+Loom posts of kivas 128-129, 132
+Loophole-like openings in pueblo buildings 127, 198
+
+Mamzrántiki, an Oraibi society of women 134
+Mandan ladder described and figured 158
+Maricopa, myth of the Water people of Tusayan concerning the 32
+Marriage of the Hopituh within phratries and gentes 24
+Mashongnavi, origin of name of 26
+ settlement of Paroquet and Katchina peoples in 27
+ settlementof the Water people at 32
+ description of ruins of 48
+ age of masonry at 66
+ description of 66-70
+ ground plan of room of 108
+ direction of kivas of 115
+ description of dais of kiva at 122
+ list of kivas at 136
+ wall decoration at 146
+ notched ladder of 157-158
+ pi-gummi ovens at 163-164
+ shrines of 167
+ chimney hoods of 170-171
+ second-story fireplace at 174
+ doorway with transom at 190
+ corrals of rude stonework at 214
+ See Old Mashongnavi.
+Masonry, ancient, at Nutria 94
+ Ojo Caliente carelessly constructed 96
+ exterior, of kivas 114
+Masonry of Pueblo Bonito, skill shown in 195
+Mat close for kiva hatchways 127, 128
+Matsaki, description of 86
+ sun symbol at 148
+Meal, votive, used in pueblo house-building 101
+Mealing trough. See Milling.
+Metate used as roof-drain 154, 155
+Metates, or grinding stones,
+ how arranged in pueblo houses 109, 110, 210, 211
+Migration, effect of, upon pueblo architecture 15
+Migration of the Tusayan 17
+Migration of Tusayan Water people 31, 32
+Migration of the Horn people 18, 19
+Migration of the Bear people of Tusayan 20
+Migration of the Asanynmu of Tusayan 30
+Milling troughs of Pueblo households 109, 210, 212
+Mindeleff, Cosmos, acknowledgments to 14, 15
+ on traditional history of Tusayan 16-41
+Mindeleff, Victor, paper on pueblo architecture 3-228
+Mishiptonga, description of ruin of 52-53
+Mission buildings of Shumopavi 27, 75-76
+Mission house at Walpi, timbers of, used in Walpi kiva 119
+Missions of Tusayan 22, 49
+Moen-kopi surveyed and studied 14
+ description of ruins of 53-54
+ description of village of 77
+Mole people, settlement in Tusayan of the 27
+Montezuma Canyon ruins, use of large stone blocks in 147
+Monument marking boundary of Oraibi and Shumopavi 28
+Morgan, L. H., Mandan ladder described by 158
+ on trap-door frames in Las Animas ruins 205
+Mormon and Pueblo building compared 148
+Mormons, effect of the, upon development of Moen-kopi 77
+ establishment of woolen mill at Moen-kopi by the 78
+ fort built by, at Moen-kopi 184
+ lock and key contrivance of 187
+Mortar of adobe mud 137
+Mortars used in Pueblo households 212
+Mortised door in Zuñi house 110, 186
+Mummy cave, Arizona, ruin in 64
+ finish of roofs in ruins of 150
+Mungkiva, Mashongnavi 127
+ of Shupaulovi 113, 122
+ Tusayan 134
+
+Nambé, Tewa pueblo 37
+Navajo, Asa of Tusayan live among 30
+ huts of, closed with blankets 189
+ method of sheep-herding compared with Pueblo 214
+Nelson, E. W., graves unearthed by 86
+ collection of stone-closes by 193
+Niches, use of, in kivas 121, 122
+Niches formed in old window openings 110, 200, 208-209
+Nomenclature of Tusayan structural details 220-223
+Númi. See Nambé.
+Notched logs used as ladders 157-158
+Nutria, compared with Kin-tiel 91
+ description of 91-95
+Nuvayauma, old Mashongnavi tradition related by 47-48
+Nuvwatikyuobi kiva 120
+
+Oak mound kiva, Tusayan, decadence of membership of 135
+Ohke. See San Juan.
+Ojo Caliente, a modern village 54, 96-97
+ chinked walls of 142
+Old Mashongnavi, tradition concerning occupation of 47-48
+Openings, splayed, in Ketchipauan church 82
+ walls of Tâaaiyalana structures 90
+ Kin-tiel walls 92, 93
+ oblique Zuñi 98, 207-208
+ to kivas 113-114
+ in wall of Zuñi kiva 114
+ in lee walls 182
+Openings of Pueblo houses banded with whitewash 145-146
+Oraibi, retirement of Sikyátki inhabitants to 24
+ departure of Ketchina and Paroquet peoples from 27
+ settlement by the Bears of 27
+ traditions regarding first settlement of 27
+ settlement of the Water people at 33
+ affray between the Walpi and 35
+ description of 76-77
+ families occupying 105-108
+ direction of kivas of 115-116
+ rare use of plastering on outer walls of 144
+Oraibi, notched ladders described and figured 157-158
+ stone steps at, figured 161
+ corral walls at, laid without mortar 147
+ distribution of gentes of 104-105
+ kiva for women 134
+ list of kivas of 137
+ kiva, hatchway of 201
+ corrals at, large size of 214
+Oraibi-Shumopavi boundary stone 28
+Oraibi wash, ruins on the 54-56
+Orientation of kivas 115-116
+Ovens at Pescado 95
+ upon roofs 151
+ various kinds described 162-166
+ in Zuñi 164-165
+Oven-shaped structures described and figured 167
+Oven-surface imbedded with pottery scales 139
+
+Paintings on kiva walls 131
+Palát Kivabi, the pristine habitat of the Squash
+ and Sun people of Tusayan 25, 29
+Paneled doors in modern pueblos 184-186
+Parallelogramic form of Tusayan buildings 102-118
+Paroquet people, settlement in Shumopavi of the 37
+Partitions in Ketchipauan church 82
+Partitions of upper story supported by beams 144
+Passageways, Shupaulovi 72
+ Shumopavi 74
+ rarity of, at Oraibi 76
+ description of 180-182
+Paving Shupaulovi kiva 126
+Paving stones of kiva floor, how finished 125
+Payupki, tradition concerning pueblo of 40
+ migration legend 40
+ description of 59-60
+ finish of masonry of 143
+ fragments of passage wall at 181
+Peaches planted by the Asa people 30
+Pegs, deer horns used as, in Zuñi 111
+Pegs for suspending kiva fuel 121
+Peña Blanca formerly inhabited by the Hano 35
+Peñasco Blanco, occurrence of upright stone slab at 148
+ method of roof construction at 150
+Pescado compared with Kin-tiel 91
+ description of 95-96
+ corral walls at, how constructed 147
+ outside steps at 160
+ ovens at, described and figured 165-166
+ fragment of stone close in steps of 193
+ stone inclosure in court of 214
+Pestles or crushers used with Pueblo mortars 212
+Petroglyph, or sun-symbol at Matsaki 86
+ Ketchipauan church 82
+ legend of the Tusayan concerning 32
+Phratries, Tusayan 24, 38
+Pictograph on Oraibi-Shumopavi boundary monument 28
+Piers of masonry for supporting girders 151
+Piers. See Buttresses.
+Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163
+Piki or guyave oven 173-175
+Piki stone, process of making 175
+Pima, myth of the Water people of Tusayan concerning the 32
+ opinion of the, as to ancient stone inclosures 216
+Pinawa, description of 86, 88
+Pine invariably used for kiva ladders 135
+Pink clay used in house decorations 146
+Pits for cooking 163
+Plan of villages, traditional mention of 104
+Plans and descriptions, Tusayan ruins 45-60
+ inhabited villages 61-79
+ Cibolan ruins 80
+ Zuñi villages 94-99
+Plan of pueblo houses not usually prearranged 100-162
+Planting time, how determined in Zuñi 148
+Plaster, frequent renewal of, at Shumopavi 73
+Plastering, renovation of rooms by frequent 89
+ on outer walls in Ojo Caliente 96
+ custom formerly observed in 102
+ on floor in Mashongnavi 109
+ kiva walls 115
+ Shupaulovi kiva, condition of 124-125
+ Shupaulovi kiva 126
+ on walls 140
+ on masonry 144
+ chimney hoods 169, 172
+ side hole of door for fastening 183-184
+Platform in floor of Tusayan kiva 121
+Platform at head of steps 161-162
+Plaza. See Court.
+Plume boxes 210
+Plume stick, baho, or feather wand,
+ used in Kiva consecratory ceremonials 119-120, 129, 130
+Plume-stick shrines at Mashongnavi 167
+Pojoaque, a Tewa pueblo 37
+Pokwádi. See Pojoaque 37
+Polaka, Hano tradition given by 35
+Poles for suspension of blankets, etc. 110, 189, 208, 214
+Ponobi kiva of Oraibi, wall lathing of 126
+Population, enlargement of pueblos necessitated by increase of 70
+Porch posts 81, 82
+Posówe, a former Tewa pueblo 37
+Posts of porch, remains of, at Hawikuh and Ketchipauan 81, 82
+Posts sunk in floor forming part of loom 212
+Pots used in chimney construction 179-180
+Pottery fragments, Horn House ruin 51
+ Kwaituki 57
+ ruin on Oraibi wash 55
+ used in mud-plastered walls 139
+Pottery of Payupki, character of 60
+Poultry house of Sichumovi 167
+Prayer plume, or baho, used in
+ kiva consecratory ceremonials 119, 120, 129, 130
+Props used for fastening wooden doors 183
+Pueblo Bonito, additions to 70
+ the largest yet examined 92
+ finish of roof of 150
+ stairway described 160
+ symmetry of arrangement of outer openings of 195
+ skill shown in masonry of 195
+Pueblo buildings, mode of additions to 70, 97, 98, 102, 148-149
+Pueblo construction in Tusayan and Cibola, details of 137-223
+Pueblo Grande. See Kin-tiel.
+Pueblo openings, carelessness in placing 196
+Pueblo remains, area occupied by 13
+Pueblo revolt of 1680 89
+Pueblos of Tusayan and Cibola compared 80
+Pueblos, inhabited 61-79, 94-99
+Pyramidal form of pueblo house rows 61
+
+Rabbit-skin robes used to cover doorways 182, 194
+Racks for suspending clothes 208, 214
+Rawhide thong used in pueblo construction
+ to fasten lock 186, 187, 214
+Rectangular kivas, antiquity of 116
+Rectangular rooms, how developed 226
+Rectangular type of architecture 72
+Reeds used for kiva lathing 126
+Repair of houses infrequent in Tusayan 73
+Reservoirs, pueblo 82-83, 91, 92, 97
+Reservoir site as affecting selection of dwelling site 51-52
+Revolt of the Pueblos in 1680 23
+Rites and methods of Tusayan kiva building 118-137
+Rites of house-building at Tusayan 100-104
+Rito de los Frijoles, chimney of, described 173
+Roof construction, pueblo buildings 120, 149
+Roof-coping of Tusayan houses 102
+Roof-drains, pueblo buildings 102, 153-156
+Roof-openings, pueblo buildings 61, 63, 77, 98,
+ 169, 178, 201-208
+Roofs, pueblo buildings 63, 102, 119, 148-151
+Roof timbers of kivas 119
+Rooms, arrangement of, into rows in Tusayan 49
+ confused arrangement of, in Walpi 63
+ Tâaaiyalana ruins, arrangement of 90
+ circular, at Kin-tiel 93
+ Tusayan, smaller than in Zuñi 108
+ names of, in Tusayan 223
+Rows of houses forming Shumopavi 74
+Ruins, method of survey of 45
+Ruins, Tusayan 45-60
+ between Horn House and Bat House 51
+ Oraibi wash 54-56
+ Cibola 80
+ Tâaaiyalana 89
+Rungs of ladders, how attached 158, 159
+
+Sacrifices of food in Tusayan house-building 101, 102
+Sandals of yucca found in Canyon de Chelly 133
+Sandstone used in pueblo construction, how quarried 225
+San Felipe, return of Payupki to 41
+San Juan, a Tewa pueblo 37
+Santa Clara doubtfully identified with Kápung 37
+Santo Domingo, settlement of the Asanyumu 30
+Sash of rude construction in window openings 196
+Sealing of doorways of pueblo buildings 110, 183-184, 198-201
+Seats of stone in Tusayan kivas 132
+Selenite used in pueblo windows 196, 197
+Semisubterranean kivas of Tusayan 113
+Seven cities of Cibola. See Cibola.
+Sheep, introduced into Tusayan 22
+ possessed by the Awatubi 50
+ introduction of, among the Pueblos 214
+Shitáimu pueblo 28, 48, 49
+Shelters in pueblo fields 60, 198, 217-219
+Shelves, pueblo buildings 109, 173, 209
+Shrine, Matsaki 86
+ court of Shupaulovi 71
+ court of Shumopavi 75
+ Tâaaiyalana 90
+Shrines, pueblo 72, 148, 167
+Shumopavi, Spanish mission established at 22
+ by whom built 27
+ removal of portion of Bear people from 27
+ description of 73-76
+ kivas of 113, 114, 137
+ primitive andiron at 176
+ piki stone at 176
+ fireplace and chimney of 176, 177
+ ground cooking-pit of 178
+Shumopavi-Oraibi boundary stone 28
+Shumopavi people, removal of, to mesa site 23
+Shupaulovi, settlement of Paroquet and Ketchina peoples in 27
+ when established 29
+ settlement of Bear people at 30
+ settlement of the water people at 32
+ description of 71-73
+ mungkiva of, described 113
+ direction of kivas of 115
+ description of dais of kiva of 123
+ ground and ceiling plans of kiva of 125
+ list of kivas of 136
+ description of chimney-hood at 171, 172
+ passageway at, described 181
+Sichumovi, settled by peoples from Walpi 31
+ derivation of term 38
+ description of 62, 63
+ direction of kivas of 115
+ ownership of kiva of 134
+ list of kivas of 136
+ poultry-house of 167
+ fireplace and mantel of 173
+ piki stone at 175
+Sikyatki, ruin of 20, 21
+ pueblo of 24
+ ancient kiva near 117
+Sikyátki people dispute with the Walpi 24
+ slaughtered by the Walpi 25
+Sills of doors 110, 186, 194
+Sióki. See Zuñi 30
+Sipapuh, Tusayan kivas 117, 121, 122, 123,
+ 126, 130, 131, 135
+Sites of pueblo buildings, why selected 63, 66, 90, 97, 112, 223
+Slabs of stone in pueblo architecture 147
+Slavery among the Tusayan 41
+Smallpox prevalent in Tusayan 38, 134
+Smoke escape through roof-opening and transoms 189, 204, 206, 207
+Snake dance, relation of dance-rock to 65
+Snake people, the first occupants of the Tusayan region 17
+ construction of modern Walpi by the 23
+Snow, use of, as water supply by the Zuñi 91
+Spaniards, early visit of, to Tusayan 21, 22
+Spanish authority, effect of,
+ upon purity of Zuñi kiva type 112
+Spanish beams in Tusayan kivas 119, 123, 124, 125, 126
+Spanish churches at pueblos, Hawikuk 81, 82, 138
+Spanish influence in Zuñi and Tusayan 169, 180, 196, 213, 224
+Spanish missions established in Tusayan 22
+Spider people, settlement in Tusayan of the 27
+Splash-stones described and figured 155, 156
+Splayed openings in Ketchipauan church 82
+Squash people, settlement in Tusayan of the 25
+Stakes used in construction of stone walls 147
+Stephen, A. M., material on traditional history
+ of Tusayan collected by 16-41
+ opinion on Walpi architectural features 72
+ acknowledgments to 100
+ on distribution of Oraibi gentes 104, 105
+ on orientation of Tusayan kivas 115
+ discovery of ancient kiva type near Sikyatki 117
+ typical kiva measurements by 122
+ on wattling or lathing of kiva walls 126
+ on significance of structural plan of kiva 135
+ collection of primitive andirons or bosses by 176
+Steps and ladders described 156-162
+Steps cut in faces of cliffs 191
+Steps or foot-holes of Walpi trail 65
+Steps to kivas 114
+Stone, size, character, and finish of,
+ in pueblo ruins 55, 58, 60, 138
+ means of obtaining, in Zuñi 139
+ effect of use of, in chimney hoods 172
+ corrals 214
+ flags used to floor Tusayan kiva 121
+ inclosures in Southern Arizona 216
+ roof drains, curious forms of 154
+ shelters, possible remains of, at Payupki 60
+ slabs formerly used to close doorways 188
+Stone-close anciently used 192, 193
+Stone wedges used in pueblo wall finish 140, 142
+Stonework, Shumopavi 75
+ at Oraibi 144
+ Mormon and Pueblos compared 148
+Stone steps, Pescado 95
+ Tusayan 157
+Stools used by the Pueblos 212, 213
+Storage facilities of pueblo dwellings 57, 62, 103, 109,
+ 143, 144, 182, 209
+Straw adobe made by Spaniards 138, 224
+Structural features of kivas similar 129
+Subterranean character of kivas 63, 72, 112, 113
+Sullivan, Jeremiah, Payupki tradition obtained by 40
+Sunflower stalks used in chimney construction 170
+Sun people of Tusayan 29
+Supplies, how taken to Walpi mesa 65
+Survey of Tusayan and Cibola, methods of 44-45
+
+Tâaaiyalana, relation of K'iakima to 85
+ stone inclosures at base of 85
+ description of ruins of 89-91
+ flight of Zuñis to, during Pueblo revolt 89
+ mesa of, temporarily occupied 223
+Tables not used in Pueblo houses 212, 214
+Talla Hogan. See Awatubi 49-50
+Taos formerly partly inhabited by the Tewa 37
+Tceewáge. See Peña Blanca.
+Tcosobi or Jay kiva, roof timbers of 120
+Tebowúki, an early pueblo of the fire people of Tusayan 20
+Tebugkihu or fire-house, description of 57
+ fragments of passage-wall at 181
+Terraced doorways 190-191
+Terraced gardens 217
+Terraced roofs of Tusayan, names of 104
+Terrace cooking-pits and fireplaces 174-177
+Terrace rooms, half open, not seen in ancient pueblos 187
+Terraces, Sichumovi form of 62
+ Oraibi, formed by natural causes 76
+ Zuñi 97, 98, 144
+ ancient pueblos, how reached 156
+ Tusayan names of 223
+Tusayan, order of settlement of, by various peoples 29
+Tesuque, a Tewa pueblo 37
+Tetsógi. See Tesuque.
+Tewa conflict with the Ute 36
+Tewa, language of the 37
+Tewa. See Hano.
+Timbers for roof, kind used in kiva-building 19
+Time for planting and harvesting, how determined in Zuñi 148
+Tiponi of Tusayan explained 131
+Topography, houses of Walpi constructed to conform to 64
+ of Shupaulovi 71
+Tradition, historical value of 15
+Tradition, Tusayan 16-41
+ Hano 35
+ regarding Hano and Tusayan languages 36
+ concerning Payupki pueblo 40
+ concerning occupancy of Old Mashongnavi 47-48
+ of foundation of Walpi 63
+ concerning circular kivas 135
+ Zuñi concerning stone-close 92-193
+ concerning early occupancy of former pueblos
+ by existing tribes 225
+Traditionary gentes of Tusayan, list of 38
+Trails, Walpi 65, 66
+ Tâaaiyalana 89
+Transoms over pueblo doorways 187-189
+Transportation to Walpi mesa, Indian method 66
+Trapdoors, Sichumovi 63
+ kivas, no means of fastening 113
+ frames furnished with hand-holds 192
+Tupubi defined 176
+Túpkabi. See Canyon de Chelly.
+Tusayan, survey of 15
+ traditional history of 16-41
+ ruins and inhabited villages of 42-79
+ house-building rites 100-104
+ houses of, owned by women 101
+ kivas in 111-137
+ list of kivas of 136
+Tusayan and Cibola architecture
+ compared by constructional details 100-223
+ details of 137-223
+Tusayan. See Hopituh.
+Tuwahlki, or watch-house 217
+Tuwii. See Santo Domingo 30
+Twigs, use of, in roof construction 150
+
+Ute, conflict with, by the Tewa of Hano 36
+ inroads of, upon Tusayan 25, 26, 35
+
+Vargas, Don Diego, visit to Tusayan of 35
+Vocabulary of Tusayan architectural terms 220-223
+
+Walls, how indicated on plans of ruins 45
+ defensive, at Bat House 52
+ construction of, in Moen-kopi ruins 53
+ curved, instances of 54
+ showing precision of workmanship 54
+ dimensions in Tâaaiyalana mesa 90
+ original height of, indicated by débris 90
+ thickness of, in modern Tusayan 102
+ paintings on, in Tusayan kiva 131
+ pueblo, mode of construction of 137-148
+ copings of 139, 151, 152
+Walls, strength of 144
+ weakness of, in Zuñi 182
+ of gardens 215
+Walpi, settlement of Bear people at 21, 27
+ Spanish mission established at 22
+ construction of, by the Snake people 23
+ dispute of, with the Sikyatki 24
+ settlement of the Asa at 30, 31
+ abandoned by Bear, Lizard, Asa, and Badger peoples 31
+ description of 63-66
+ court-surrounded kiva of 114
+ kivas of 119, 136
+ upper story partitions of, supported by beams 144
+ use of large stone blocks in garden walls of 47
+ cooking pit at 176, 177
+ south passageway of, described 181
+Walpi people, attack of Awatubi by the 34
+ affray between the Oraibi and 35
+ trouble between the Hano and 37
+ various pueblos formerly occupied by the 46, 47
+Warp-sticks, mode of supporting 133
+Water, method of carrying, at Walpi 65
+Water family, last to settle at Tusayan 29
+ migration legend of 31
+Water jars used in chimney construction 180
+Water supply, Cibola 80
+ Ketchipauan 82, 83
+ Tâaaiyalana dwellings 90, 91
+ Kin-tiel 92
+ Zuñi 97
+Water vessels, forms of 109
+Wattling or lathing of kiva walls 126
+Weaving appliances 212
+Wejegi pueblo, loop-holes in 198
+Well or reservoir of Zuñi 97
+Whitewash on outer walls of Shumopavi 73-74
+ on Mashongnavi room 109
+ how made and applied in Zuñi 145
+ on house walls 145
+ used for coating doors 186
+Wíksrun people, settlement in Tusayan of the 27
+Willow wands used in roof construction 150
+Window, doorway and chimney in one 121
+Windows of various kinds described 194, 201
+Wings constructed in court of Pueblo Bonito 70
+Women, house owners at Tusayan 101
+ work of, in Tusayan house-building 101, 102
+ roof-building performed by 102
+ work of, in kiva-building 129
+ when admitted to kivas 134
+ societies of, and kivas for, in Tusayan 134
+Wood, kinds of, used in Tusayan construction 102
+Wood rack of pueblos described 103
+Wood-working, how performed 184
+Wooden doors not found in pre-Columbian ruins 184
+Wooden features of pueblo windows 196
+Woolen mill established by Mormons at Moen-kopi 78
+Workshop, use of the kiva, as a 129, 133
+
+Yeso used for interior whitewash 74
+Yucca, use of, in lathing 127
+Yucca fiber sandals from Canyon de Chelly 133
+Zuñi, survey of pueblo of 14
+ arrival of the Asanyumu at 30
+ portion of site of, formerly occupied by Halona 88
+ tradition as to occupancy of Kin-tiel by the 92
+ plans and descriptions of villages of 94-99
+ description of pueblo of 97-99
+ See Cibola.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Errors and Anomalies:
+
+Variant Forms, unchanged from original:
+
+nyumu
+ _sometimes hyphenated:_
+ nyu-mu
+Mashongnavi
+Shupaulovi
+Sichumovi
+ _sometimes written with accent:_
+ Mashóngnavi
+ Shupaúlovi
+ Sichúmovi
+
+Irregularities in Table of Contents:
+
+CHAPTER I.--Traditionary history of Tusayan
+ _title in body text reads "Traditional..."_
+Small ruin near Horn House
+Moen-kopi
+Tâaaiyalana ruins
+Kin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde
+ _titles in body text:_
+ Small ruin between Horn House and Bat House
+ Moen-kopi ruins
+ Tâaaiyalana
+ Kin-tiel
+
+Many phrases are hyphenated in the List of Illustrations but not in the
+captions themselves:
+ chief-kiva, ground-plan, loom-post, roof-beams...
+
+Whatever their motive, the Bears left Antelope Canyon
+ _text reads "Cañyon"_
+far off on the Múina (river) near Alavia (Santa Fé)
+ _text reads "Sante Fé"_
+The principal building is a long irregular row, similar to
+ _text reads "similiar"_
+All the Tusayan kivas are in the form of a parallelogram
+ _text reads "paralellogram"_
+the second level of the kiva floor, forming the dais before referred to
+The ledge, or dais, is free for the use of spectators
+ _text reads "dias" both times, but is spelled "dais" on its first
+ occurrence (earlier in text)_
+these overhanging copings occur principally on the southern exposures
+ _text reads "pricipally"_
+particularly prevalent in Zuni
+ _text reads "particulary"_
+Chapters II and III
+ _text reads "Chapter"_
+usually carved from a single piece of wood
+ _text reads "single / single" at line break_
+somewhat similar in effect to the carving on the Spanish beams
+ _text reads "similiar"_
+the almost inaccessible summit of Tâaaiyalana mesa
+ _text reads "Tâaiyalana"_
+
+[Index]
+Stonework ... Oraibi
+ _text reads "Oraib"_
+Tâaaiyalana, relation of K'iakima to
+ _text reads "Tâaiyalana"_
+
+
+Punctuation:
+
+Long ago the Hopi´tuh were few
+ _paragraph (printed as block quote) begins with redundant
+ quotation mark_
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A Study of Pueblo Architecture:
+Tusayan and Cibola, by Victor Mindeleff and Cosmos Mindeleff
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE ***
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+***** This file should be named 19856-8.txt or 19856-8.zip *****
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