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The Human Comedy, by Honore de Balzac
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The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Human Comedy, by Honore de Balzac
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: The Human Comedy
Introductions and Appendix
Author: Honore de Balzac
Commentator: George Saintsbury
Release Date: March 8, 2010 [EBook #1968]
Last Updated: November 26, 2012
Language: English
Character set encoding: ASCII
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HUMAN COMEDY ***
Produced by John Bickers, and Dagny, and David Widger
</pre>
<p>
<br /><br />
</p>
<h1>
THE HUMAN COMEDY
</h1>
<h2>
INTRODUCTIONS AND APPENDIX
</h2>
<p>
<br /><br />
</p>
<h2>
By Honore De Balzac
</h2>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<div class="mynote">
<p>
<b>Note:</b> This reposting is dedicated to Dagny, who, 10 years ago,
was part of the "Balzac Team" which produced 113 eBooks for Project
Gutenberg. I cannot locate her present email address to thank her for
the extraordinarily fine work she did at a time when we had none of the
present easy programs to help locate errors--and to notify her that all
her Balzac files have been rechecked and reposted.
</p>
<p>
DW
</p>
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<br /> <br />
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<h2>
Contents
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<table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto">
<tr>
<td>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_INTR"> <b>INTRODUCTIONS AND APPENDIX</b> </a>
</p>
<br />
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0002"> <b>HONORE DE BALZAC</b> </a>
</p>
<br />
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_APPE"> <b>APPENDIX</b> </a>
</p>
<br />
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0004"> <b>COMEDIE HUMAINE</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc2">
<a href="#link2H_4_0005"> SCENES DE LA VIE PRIVEE </a>
</p>
<p class="toc2">
<a href="#link2H_4_0006"> SCENES DE LA VIE PROVINCE </a>
</p>
<p class="toc2">
<a href="#link2H_4_0007"> SCENES DE LA VIE PARISIENNE </a>
</p>
<p class="toc2">
<a href="#link2H_4_0008"> SCENES DE LA VIE POLITIQUE </a>
</p>
<p class="toc2">
<a href="#link2H_4_0009"> SCENES DE LA VIE MILITAIRE </a>
</p>
<p class="toc2">
<a href="#link2H_4_0010"> SCENES DE LA VIE DE CAMPAGNE </a>
</p>
<p class="toc2">
<a href="#link2H_4_0011"> ETUDES PHILOSOPHIQUES </a>
</p>
<br />
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0012"> <b>AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION</b> </a>
</p>
</td>
</tr>
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<pre xml:space="preserve">
CONTENTS
Honore de Balzac
Introduction and brief biography by George Saintsbury.
Appendix
List of titles in French with English translations and grouped
in the various classifications.
Author's introduction
Balzac's 1842 introduction to The Human Comedy.
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<h2>
HONORE DE BALZAC
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<i>"Sans genie, je suis flambe!"</i>
</pre>
<p>
Volumes, almost libraries, have been written about Balzac; and perhaps of
very few writers, putting aside the three or four greatest of all, is it
so difficult to select one or a few short phrases which will in any way
denote them, much more sum them up. Yet the five words quoted above, which
come from an early letter to his sister when as yet he had not "found his
way," characterize him, I think, better than at least some of the volumes
I have read about him, and supply, when they are properly understood, the
most valuable of all keys and companions for his comprehension.
</p>
<p>
"If I have not genius, it is all up with me!" A very matter-of-fact person
may say: "Why! there is nothing wonderful in this. Everybody knows what
genius is wanted to make a name in literature, and most people think they
have it." But this would be a little short-sighted, and only excusable
because of the way in which the word "genius" is too commonly bandied
about. As a matter of fact, there is not so very much genius in the world;
and a great deal of more than fair performance is attainable and attained
by more or less decent allowances or exhibitions of talent. In prose, more
especially, it is possible to gain a very high place, and to deserve it,
without any genius at all: though it is difficult, if not impossible, to
do so in verse. But what Balzac felt (whether he was conscious in detail
of the feeling or not) when he used these words to his sister Laure, what
his critical readers must feel when they have read only a very little of
his work, what they must feel still more strongly when they have read that
work as a whole—is that for him there is no such door of escape and
no such compromise. He had the choice, by his nature, his aims, his
capacities, of being a genius or nothing. He had no little gifts, and he
was even destitute of some of the separate and indivisible great ones. In
mere writing, mere style, he was not supreme; one seldom or never derives
from anything of his the merely artistic satisfaction given by perfect
prose. His humor, except of the grim and gigantic kind, was not
remarkable; his wit, for a Frenchman, curiously thin and small. The minor
felicities of the literature generally were denied to him. <i>Sans genie,
il etait flambe</i>; <i>flambe</i> as he seemed to be, and very reasonably
seemed, to his friends when as yet the genius had not come to him, and
when he was desperately striving to discover where his genius lay in those
wonderous works which "Lord R'Hoone," and "Horace de Saint Aubin," and
others obligingly fathered for him.
</p>
<p>
It must be the business of these introductions to give what assistance
they may to discover where it did lie; it is only necessary, before taking
up the task in the regular biographical and critical way of the
introductory cicerone, to make two negative observations. It did not lie,
as some have apparently thought, in the conception, or the outlining, or
the filling up of such a scheme as the <i>Comedie Humaine</i>. In the
first place, the work of every great writer, of the creative kind,
including that of Dante himself, is a <i>comedie humaine</i>. All humanity
is latent in every human being; and the great writers are merely those who
call most of it out of latency and put it actually on the stage. And, as
students of Balzac know, the scheme and adjustment of his comedy varied so
remarkably as time went on that it can hardly be said to have, even in its
latest form (which would pretty certainly have been altered again), a
distinct and definite character. Its so-called scenes are even in the mass
by no means exhaustive, and are, as they stand, a very "cross," division
of life: nor are they peopled by anything like an exhaustive selection of
personages. Nor again is Balzac's genius by any means a mere vindication
of the famous definition of that quality as an infinite capacity of taking
pains. That Balzac had that capacity—had it in a degree probably
unequaled even by the dullest plodders on record—is very well known,
is one of the best known things about him. But he showed it for nearly ten
years before the genius came, and though no doubt it helped him when
genius had come, the two things are in his case, as in most, pretty
sufficiently distinct. What the genius itself was I must do my best to
indicate hereafter, always beseeching the reader to remember that all
genius is in its essence and quiddity indefinable. You can no more get
close to it than you can get close to the rainbow, and your most
scientific explanation of it will always leave as much of the heart of the
fact unexplained as the scientific explanation of the rainbow leaves of
that.
</p>
<p>
Honore de Balzac was born at Tours on the 16th of May, 1799, in the same
year which saw the birth of Heine, and which therefore had the honor of
producing perhaps the most characteristic writers of the nineteenth
century in prose and verse respectively. The family was a respectable one,
though its right to the particle which Balzac always carefully assumed,
subscribing himself "<i>de</i> Balzac," was contested. And there appears
to be no proof of their connection with Jean Guez de Balzac, the founder,
as some will have him, of modern French prose, and the contemporary and
fellow-reformer of Malherbe. (Indeed, as the novelist pointed out with
sufficient pertinence, his earlier namesake had no hereditary right to the
name at all, and merely took it from some property.) Balzac's father, who,
as the <i>zac</i> pretty surely indicates, was a southerner and a native
of Languedoc, was fifty-three years old at the birth of his son, whose
Christian name was selected on the ordinary principle of accepting that of
the saint on whose day he was born. Balzac the elder had been a barrister
before the Revolution, but under it he obtained a post in the
commissariat, and rose to be head of that department for a military
division. His wife, who was much younger than himself and who survived her
son, is said to have possessed both beauty and fortune, and was evidently
endowed with the business faculties so common among Frenchwomen. When
Honore was born, the family had not long been established at Tours, where
Balzac the elder (besides his duties) had a house and some land; and this
town continued to be their headquarters till the novelist, who was the
eldest of the family, was about sixteen. He had two sisters (of whom the
elder, Laure, afterwards Madame Surville, was his first confidante and his
only authoritative biographer) and a younger brother, who seems to have
been, if not a scapegrace, rather a burden to his friends, and who later
went abroad.
</p>
<p>
The eldest boy was, in spite of Rousseau, put out to nurse, and at seven
years old was sent to the Oratorian grammar-school at Vendome, where he
stayed another seven years, going through, according to his own account,
the future experiences and performances of Louis Lambert, but making no
reputation for himself in the ordinary school course. If, however, he
would not work in his teacher's way, he overworked himself in his own by
devouring books; and was sent home at fourteen in such a state of health
that his grandmother (who after the French fashion, was living with her
daughter and son-in-law), ejaculated: <i>"Voila donc comme le college nous
renvoie les jolis enfants que nous lui envoyons!"</i> It would seem indeed
that, after making all due allowance for grandmotherly and sisterly
partiality, Balzac was actually a very good-looking boy and young man,
though the portraits of him in later life may not satisfy the more
romantic expectations of his admirers. He must have had at all times eyes
full of character, perhaps the only feature that never fails in men of
intellectual eminence; but he certainly does not seem to have been in his
manhood either exactly handsome or exactly "distinguished-looking." But
the portraits of the middle of the century are, as a rule, rather wanting
in this characteristic when compared with those of its first and last
periods; and I cannot think of many that quite come up to one's
expectations.
</p>
<p>
For a short time he was left pretty much to himself, and recovered
rapidly. But late in 1814 a change of official duties removed the Balzacs
to Paris, and when they had established themselves in the famous old <i>bourgeois</i>
quarter of the Marais, Honore was sent to divers private tutors or private
schools till he had "finished his classes" in 1816 at the age of seventeen
and a half. Then he attended lectures at the Sorbonne where Villemain,
Guizot, and Cousin were lecturing, and heard them, as his sister tells us,
enthusiastically, though there are probably no three writers of any
considerable repute in the history of French literature who stand further
apart from Balzac. For all three made and kept their fame by spirited and
agreeable generalizations and expatiations, as different as possible from
the savage labor of observation on the one hand and the gigantic
developments of imagination on the other, which were to compose Balzac's
appeal. His father destined him for the law; and for three years more he
dutifully attended the offices of an attorney and a notary, besides going
through the necessary lectures and examinations. All these trials he seems
to have passed, if not brilliantly, yet sufficiently.
</p>
<p>
And then came the inevitable crisis, which was of an unusually severe
nature. A notary, who was a friend of the elder Balzac's and owed him some
gratitude offered not merely to take Honore into his office, but to allow
him to succeed to his business, which was a very good one, in a few years
on very favorable terms. Most fathers, and nearly all French fathers,
would have jumped at this; and it so happened that about the same time M.
de Balzac was undergoing that unpleasant process of compulsory retirement
which his son has described in one of the best passages of the <i>Oeuvres
de Jeunesse</i>, the opening scene of <i>Argow le Pirate</i>. It does not
appear that Honore had revolted during his probation—indeed he is
said, and we can easily believe it from his books, to have acquired a very
solid knowledge of law, especially in bankruptcy matters, of which he was
himself to have a very close shave in future. A solicitor, indeed, told
Laure de Balzac that he found <i>Cesar Birotteau</i> a kind of <i>Balzac
on Bankruptcy</i>; but this may have been only the solicitor's fun.
</p>
<p>
It was no part of Honore's intentions to use this knowledge—however
content he had been to acquire it—in the least interesting, if
nearly the most profitable, of the branches of the legal profession; and
he protested eloquently, and not unsuccessfully, that he would be a man of
letters and nothing else. Not unsuccessfully; but at the same time with
distinctly qualified success. He was not turned out of doors; nor were the
supplies, as in Quinet's case only a few months later, absolutely withheld
even for a short time. But his mother (who seems to have been less
placable than her husband) thought that cutting them down to the lowest
point might have some effect. So, as the family at this time (April 1819)
left Paris for a house some twenty miles out of it, she established her
eldest son in a garret furnished in the most Spartan fashion, with a
starvation allowance and an old woman to look after him. He did not
literally stay in this garret for the ten years of his astonishing and
unparalleled probation; but without too much metaphor it may be said to
have been his Wilderness, and his Wanderings in it to have lasted for that
very considerable time.
</p>
<p>
We know, in detail, very little of him during the period. For the first
years, between 1819 and 1822, we have a good number of letters to Laure;
between 1822 and 1829, when he first made his mark, very few. He began, of
course, with verse, for which he never had the slightest vocation, and,
almost equally of course, with a tragedy. But by degrees and apparently
pretty soon, he slipped into what was his vocation, and like some, though
not very many, great writers, at first did little better in it than if it
had not been his vocation at all. The singular tentatives which, after
being allowed for a time a sort of outhouse in the structure of the <i>Comedie
Humaine</i>, were excluded from the octavo <i>Edition Definitive</i>
five-and-twenty years ago, have never been the object of that exhaustive
bibliographical and critical attention which has been bestowed on those
which follow them. They were not absolutely unproductive—we hear of
sixty, eighty, a hundred pounds being paid for them, though whether this
was the amount of Balzac's always sanguine expectations, or hard cash
actually handed over, we cannot say. They were very numerous, though the
reprints spoken of above never extended to more than ten. Even these have
never been widely read. The only person I ever knew till I began this
present task who had read them through was the friend whom all his friends
are now lamenting and are not likely soon to cease to lament, Mr. Louis
Stevenson; and when I once asked him whether, on his honor and conscience,
he could recommend me to brace myself to the same effort, he said that on
his honor and conscience he must most earnestly dissuade me. I gather,
though I am not sure, that Mr. Wedmore, the latest writer in English on
Balzac at any length, had not read them through when he wrote.
</p>
<p>
Now I have, and a most curious study they are. Indeed I am not sorry, as
Mr. Wedmore thinks one would be. They are curiously, interestingly, almost
enthrallingly bad. Couched for the most part in a kind of Radcliffian or
Monk-Lewisian vein—perhaps studied more directly from Maturin (of
whom Balzac was a great admirer) than from either—they often begin
with and sometimes contain at intervals passages not unlike the Balzac
that we know. The attractive title of <i>Jane la Pale</i> (it was
originally called, with a still more Early Romantic avidity for <i>baroque</i>
titles, <i>Wann-Chlore</i>) has caused it, I believe, to be more commonly
read than any other. It deals with a disguised duke, a villainous Italian,
bigamy, a surprising offer of the angelic first wife to submit to a sort
of double arrangement, the death of the second wife and first love, and a
great many other things. <i>Argow le Pirate</i> opens quite decently and
in order with that story of the <i>employe</i> which Balzac was to
rehandle so often, but drops suddenly into brigands stopping diligences,
the marriage of the heroine Annette with a retired pirate marquis of vast
wealth, the trial of the latter for murdering another marquis with a
poisoned fish-bone scarf-pin, his execution, the sanguinary reprisals by
his redoubtable lieutenant, and a finale of blunderbusses, fire, devoted
peasant girl with <i>retrousse</i> nose, and almost every possible <i>tremblement</i>.
</p>
<p>
In strictness mention of this should have been preceded by mention of <i>Le
Vicaire des Ardennes</i>, which is a sort of first part of <i>Argow le
Pirate</i>, and not only gives an account of his crimes, early history,
and manners (which seem to have been a little robustious for such a
mild-mannered man as Annette's husband), but tells a thrilling tale of the
loves of the <i>vicaire</i> himself and a young woman, which loves are
crossed, first by the belief that they are brother and sister, and
secondly by the <i>vicaire</i> having taken orders under this delusion. <i>La
Derniere Fee</i> is the queerest possible cross between an actual fairy
story <i>a la</i> Nordier and a history of the fantastic and inconstant
loves of a great English lady, the Duchess of "Sommerset" (a piece of
actual <i>scandalum magnatum</i> nearly as bad as Balzac's cool use in his
acknowledged work of the title "Lord Dudley"). This book begins so well
that one expects it to go on better; but the inevitable defects in
craftsmanship show themselves before long. <i>Le Centenaire</i> connects
itself with Balzac's almost lifelong hankering after the <i>recherche de
l'absolu</i> in one form or another, for the hero is a wicked old person
who every now and then refreshes his hold on life by immolating a virgin
under a copper-bell. It is one of the most extravagant and "Monk-Lewisy"
of the whole. <i>L'Excommunie</i>, <i>L'Israelite</i>, and <i>L'Heritiere
de Birague</i> are mediaeval or fifteenth century tales of the most
luxuriant kind, <i>L'Excommunie</i> being the best, <i>L'Israelite</i> the
most preposterous, and <i>L'Heritiere de Birague</i> the dullest. But it
is not nearly so dull as <i>Dom Gigadus</i> and <i>Jean Louis</i>, the
former of which deals with the end of the seventeenth century and the
latter with the end of the eighteenth. These are both as nearly unreadable
as anything can be. One interesting thing, however, should be noted in
much of this early work: the affectionate clinging of the author to the
scenery of Touraine, which sometimes inspires him with his least bad
passages.
</p>
<p>
It is generally agreed that these singular <i>Oeuvres de Jeunesse</i> were
of service to Balzac as exercise, and no doubt they were so; but I think
something may be said on the other side. They must have done a little, if
not much, to lead him into and confirm him in those defects of style and
form which distinguish him so remarkably from most writers of his rank. It
very seldom happens when a very young man writes very much, be it
book-writing or journalism, without censure and without "editing," that he
does not at the same time get into loose and slipshod habits. And I think
we may set down to this peculiar form of apprenticeship of Balzac's not
merely his failure ever to attain, except in passages and patches, a
thoroughly great style, but also that extraordinary method of composition
which in after days cost him and his publishers so much money.
</p>
<p>
However, if these ten years of probation taught him his trade, they taught
him also a most unfortunate avocation or by-trade, which he never ceased
to practise, or to try to practise, which never did him the least good,
and which not unfrequently lost him much of the not too abundant gains
which he earned with such enormous labor. This was the "game of
speculation." His sister puts the tempter's part on an unknown "neighbor,"
who advised him to try to procure independence by <i>une bonne speculation</i>.
Those who have read Balzac's books and his letters will hardly think that
he required much tempting. He began by trying to publish—an attempt
which has never yet succeeded with a single man of letters, so far as I
can remember. His scheme was not a bad one, indeed it was one which has
brought much money to other pockets since, being neither more nor less
than the issuing of cheap one-volume editions of French classics. But he
had hardly any capital; he was naturally quite ignorant of his trade, and
as naturally the established publishers and booksellers boycotted him as
an intruder. So his <i>Moliere</i> and his <i>La Fontaine</i> are said to
have been sold as waste paper, though if any copies escaped they would
probably fetch a very comfortable price now. Then, such capital as he had
having been borrowed, the lender, either out of good nature or avarice,
determined to throw the helve after the hatchet. He partly advanced
himself and partly induced Balzac's parents to advance more, in order to
start the young man as a printer, to which business Honore himself added
that of typefounder. The story was just the same: knowledge and capital
were again wanting, and though actual bankruptcy was avoided, Balzac got
out of the matter at the cost not merely of giving the two businesses to a
friend (in whose hands they proved profitable), but of a margin of debt
from which he may be said never to have fully cleared himself.
</p>
<p>
He had more than twenty years to live, but he never cured himself of this
hankering after <i>une bonne speculation</i>. Sometimes it was ordinary
stock-exchange gambling; but his special weakness was, to do him justice,
for schemes that had something more grandiose in them. Thus, to finish
here with the subject, though the chapter of it never actually finished
till his death, he made years afterwards, when he was a successful and a
desperately busy author, a long, troublesome, and costly journey to
Sardinia to carry out a plan of resmelting the slag from Roman and other
mines there. Thus in his very latest days, when he was living at
Vierzschovnia with the Hanska and Mniszech household, he conceived the
magnificently absurd notion of cutting down twenty thousand acres of oak
wood in the Ukraine, and sending it <i>by railway</i> right across Europe
to be sold in France. And he was rather reluctantly convinced that by the
time a single log reached its market the freight would have eaten up the
value of the whole plantation.
</p>
<p>
It was perhaps not entirely chance that the collapse of the printing
scheme, which took place in 1827, the ninth year of the Wanderings in the
Wilderness, coincided with or immediately preceded the conception of the
book which was to give Balzac passage into the Promised Land. This was <i>Les
Chouans</i>, called at its first issue, which differed considerably from
the present form, <i>Le Dernier Chouan ou la Bretagne en 1800</i> (later
<i>1799</i>). It was published in 1829 without any of the previous
anagrammatic pseudonyms; and whatever were the reasons which had induced
him to make his bow in person to the public, they were well justified, for
the book was a distinct success, if not a great one. It occupies a kind of
middle position between the melodramatic romance of his nonage and the
strictly analytic romance-novel of his later time; and, though dealing
with war and love chiefly, inclines in conception distinctly to the
latter. Corentin, Hulot, and other personages of the actual Comedy (then
by no means planned, or at least avowed) appear; and though the influence
of Scott is in a way paramount* on the surface, the underwork is quite
different, and the whole scheme of the loves of Montauran and Mademoiselle
de Verneuil is pure Balzac.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
* Balzac was throughout his life a fervent admirer of Sir Walter,
and I think Mr. Wedmore, in his passage on the subject, distinctly
undervalues both the character and the duration of this esteem.
Balzac was far too acute to commit the common mistake of thinking
Scott superficial—men who know mankind are not often blind to
each other's knowledge. And while Mr. Wedmore seems not to know
any testimony later than Balzac's <i>thirty-eighth</i> year, it is in
his <i>forty-sixth</i>, when all his own best work was done, except the
<i>Parents Pauvres</i>, that he contrasts Dumas with Scott saying that
<i>on relit Walter Scott</i>, and he does not think any one will
re-read Dumas. This may be unjust to the one writer, but it is
conclusive as to any sense of "wasted time" (his own phrase)
having ever existed in Balzac's mind about the other.
</pre>
<p>
It would seem as if nothing but this sun of popular approval had been
wanting to make Balzac's genius burst out in full bloom. Although we have
a fair number of letters for the ensuing years, it is not very easy to
make out the exact sequence of production of the marvelous harvest which
his genius gave. It is sufficient to say that in the three years following
1829 there were actually published the <i>Physiologie du Mariage</i>, the
charming story of <i>La Maison du Chat-que-Pelote</i>, the <i>Peau de
Chagrin</i>, the most original and splendid, if not the most finished and
refined, of all Balzac's books, most of the short <i>Contes Philosophiques</i>,
of which some are among their author's greatest triumphs, many other
stories (chiefly included in the <i>Scenes de la Vie Privee</i>) and the
beginning of the <i>Contes Drolatiques</i>.*
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
* No regular attempt will after this be made to indicate the date of
production of successive works, unless they connect themselves
very distinctly with incidents in the life or with general
critical observations. At the end of this introduction will be
found a full table of the <i>Comedie Humaine</i> and the other works.
It may perhaps be worth while to add here, that while the labors
of M. de Lovenjoul (to whom every writer on Balzac must
acknowledge the deepest obligation) have cleared this matter up
almost to the verge of possibility as regards the published works,
there is little light to be thrown on the constant references in
the letters to books which never appeared. Sometimes they are
known, and they may often be suspected, to have been absorbed into
or incorporated with others; the rest must have been lost or
destroyed, or, which is not quite impossible, have existed chiefly
in the form of project. Nearly a hundred titles of such things are
preserved.
</pre>
<p>
But without a careful examination of his miscellaneous work, which is very
abundant and includes journalism as well as books, it is almost as
impossible to come to a just appreciation of Balzac as it is without
reading the early works and letters. This miscellaneous work is all the
more important because a great deal of it represents the artist at quite
advanced stages of his career, and because all its examples, the earlier
as well as the later, give us abundant insight on him as he was "making
himself." The comparison with the early works of Thackeray (in <i>Punch</i>,
<i>Fraser</i>, and elsewhere) is so striking that it can escape no one who
knows the two. Every now and then Balzac transferred bodily, or with
slight alterations, passages from these experiments to his finished
canvases. It appears that he had a scheme for codifying his "Physiologies"
(of which the notorious one above mentioned is only a catchpenny exemplar
and very far from the best) into a seriously organized work. Chance was
kind or intention was wise in not allowing him to do so; but the value of
the things for the critical reader is not less. Here are tales—extensions
of the scheme and manner of the <i>Oeuvres de Jeunesse</i>, or attempts at
the <i>goguenard</i> story of 1830—a thing for which Balzac's hand
was hardly light enough. Here are interesting evidences of striving to be
cosmopolitan and polyglot—the most interesting of all of which, I
think, is the mention of certain British products as "mufflings."
"Muffling" used to be a domestic joke for "muffin;" but whether some
wicked Briton deluded Balzac into the idea that it was the proper form or
not it is impossible to say. Here is a <i>Traite de la Vie Elegante</i>,
inestimable for certain critical purposes. So early as 1825 we find a <i>Code
des Gens Honnetes</i>, which exhibits at once the author's legal studies
and his constant attraction for the shady side of business, and which
contains a scheme for defrauding by means of lead pencils, actually
carried out (if we may believe his exulting note) by some literary
swindlers with unhappy results. A year later he wrote a <i>Dictionnaire
des Enseignes de Paris</i>, which we are glad enough to have from the
author of the <i>Chat-que-Pelote</i>; but the persistence with which this
kind of miscellaneous writing occupied him could not be better exemplified
than by the fact that, of two important works which closely follow this in
the collected edition, the <i>Physiologie de l'Employe</i> dates from 1841
and the <i>Monographie de la Presse Parisienne</i> from 1843.
</p>
<p>
It is well known that from the time almost of his success as a novelist he
was given, like too many successful novelists (<i>not</i> like Scott), to
rather undignified and foolish attacks on critics. The explanation may or
may not be found in the fact that we have abundant critical work of his,
and that it is nearly all bad. Now and then we have an acute remark in his
own special sphere; but as a rule he cannot be complimented on these
performances, and when he was half-way through his career this critical
tendency of his culminated in the unlucky <i>Revue Parisienne</i>, which
he wrote almost entirely himself, with slight assistance from his friends,
MM. de Belloy and de Grammont. It covers a wide range, but the literary
part of it is considerable, and this part contains that memorable and
disastrous attack on Sainte-Beuve, for which the critic afterwards took a
magnanimous revenge in his obituary <i>causerie</i>. Although the thing is
not quite unexampled it is not easily to be surpassed in the blind fury of
its abuse. Sainte-Beuve was by no means invulnerable, and an anti-critic
who kept his head might have found, as M. de Pontmartin and others did
find, the joints in his armor. But when, <i>a propos</i> of the <i>Port
Royal</i> more especially, and of the other works in general, Balzac
informs us that Sainte-Beuve's great characteristic as a writer is <i>l'ennui,
l'ennui boueux jusqu'a mi-jambe</i>, that his style is intolerable, that
his historical handling is like that of Gibbon, Hume, and other dull
people; when he jeers at him for exhuming "La mere Angelique," and scolds
him for presuming to obscure the glory of the <i>Roi Soleil</i>, the thing
is partly ludicrous, partly melancholy. One remembers that agreeable
Bohemian, who at a symposium once interrupted his host by crying, "Man o'
the hoose, gie us less o' yer clack and mair o' yer Jairman wine!" Only,
in human respect and other, we phrase it: "Oh, dear M. de Balzac! give us
more <i>Eugenie Grandets</i>, more <i>Pere Goriots</i>, more <i>Peaux de
Chagrin</i>, and don't talk about what you do not understand!"
</p>
<p>
Balzac was a great politician also, and here, though he may not have been
very much more successful, he talked with more knowledge and competence.
He must have given himself immense trouble in reading the papers, foreign
as well as French; he had really mastered a good deal of the political
religion of a French publicist. It is curious to read, sixty years after
date, his grave assertion that "<i>La France a la conquete de Madagascar a
faire</i>," and with certain very pardonable defects (such as his
Anglophobia), his politics may be pronounced not unintelligent and not
ungenerous, though somewhat inconsistent and not very distinctly traceable
to any coherent theory. As for the Anglophobia, the Englishman who thinks
the less of him for that must have very poor and unhappy brains. A
Frenchman who does not more or less hate and fear England, an Englishman
who does not regard France with a more or less good-humored impatience, is
usually "either a god or a beast," as Aristotle saith. Balzac began with
an odd but not unintelligible compound, something like Hugo's, of
Napoleonism and Royalism. In 1824, when he was still in the shades of
anonymity, he wrote and published two by no means despicable pamphlets in
favor of Primogeniture and the Jesuits, the latter of which was reprinted
in 1880 at the last <i>Jesuitenhetze</i> in France. His <i>Lettres sur
Paris</i> in 1830-31, and his <i>La France et l'Etranger</i> in 1836, are
two considerable series of letters from "Our Own Correspondent," handling
the affairs of the world with boldness and industry if not invariably with
wisdom. They rather suggest (as does the later <i>Revue Parisienne</i>
still more) the political writing of the age of Anne in England, and
perhaps a little later, when "the wits" handled politics and society,
literature and things in general with unquestioned competence and an easy
universality.
</p>
<p>
The rest of his work which will not appear in this edition may be
conveniently despatched here. The <i>Physiologie du Mariage</i> and the <i>Scenes
de la Vie Conjugale</i> suffer not merely from the most obvious of their
faults but from defect of knowledge. It may or may not be that marriage,
in the hackneyed phrase, is a net or other receptacle where all the
outsiders would be in, and all the insiders out. But it is quite clear
that Coelebs cannot talk of it with much authority. His state may or may
not be the more gracious: his judgment cannot but lack experience. The
"Theatre," which brought the author little if any profit, great annoyance,
and a vast amount of trouble, has been generally condemned by criticism.
But the <i>Contes Drolatiques</i> are not so to be given up. The famous
and splendid <i>Succube</i> is only the best of them, and though all are
more or less tarred with the brush which tars so much of French
literature, though the attempt to write in an archaic style is at best a
very successful <i>tour de force</i>, and represents an expenditure of
brain power by no means justifiable on the part of a man who could have
made so much better use of it, they are never to be spoken of
disrespectfully. Those who sneer at their "Wardour Street" Old French are
not usually the best qualified to do so; and it is not to be forgotten
that Balzac was a real countryman of Rabelais and a legitimate inheritor
of <i>Gauloiserie</i>. Unluckily no man can "throw back" in this way,
except now and then as a mere pastime. And it is fair to recollect that as
a matter of fact Balzac, after a year or two, did not waste much more time
on these things, and that the intended ten <i>dizains</i> never, as a
matter of fact, went beyond three.
</p>
<p>
Besides this work in books, pamphlets, etc., Balzac, as has been said, did
a certain amount of journalism, especially in the <i>Caricature</i>, his
performances including, I regret to say, more than one puff of his own
work; and in this, as well as by the success of the <i>Chouans</i>, he
became known about 1830 to a much wider circle, both of literary and of
private acquaintance. It cannot indeed be said that he ever mixed much in
society; it was impossible that he should do so, considering the vast
amount of work he did and the manner in which he did it. This subject,
like that of his speculations, may be better finished off in a single
passage than dealt with by scattered indications here and there. He was
not one of those men who can do work by fits and starts in the intervals
of business or of amusement; nor was he one who, like Scott, could work
very rapidly. It is true that he often achieved immense quantities of work
(subject to a caution to be given presently) in a very few days, but then
his working day was of the most peculiar character. He could not bear
disturbance; he wrote best at night, and he could not work at all after
heavy meals. His favorite plan (varied sometimes in detail) was therefore
to dine lightly about five or six, then to go to bed and sleep till
eleven, twelve, or one, and then to get up, and with the help only of
coffee (which he drank very strong and in enormous quantities) to work for
indefinite stretches of time into the morning or afternoon of the next
day. He speaks of a sixteen hours' day as a not uncommon shift or spell of
work, and almost a regular one with him; and on one occasion he avers that
in the course of forty-eight hours he took but three of the rest, working
for twenty-two hours and a half continuously on each side thereof. In such
spells, supposing reasonable facility of composition and mechanical power
in the hand to keep going all the time, an enormous amount can of course
be accomplished. A thousand words an hour is anything but an extraordinary
rate of writing, and fifteen hundred by no means unheard of with persons
who do not write rubbish.
</p>
<p>
The references to this subject in Balzac's letters are very numerous; but
it is not easy to extract very definite information from them. It would be
not only impolite but incorrect to charge him with unveracity. But the
very heat of imagination which enabled him to produce his work created a
sort of mirage, through which he seems always to have regarded it; and in
writing to publishers, editors, creditors, and even his own family, it was
too obviously his interest to make the most of his labor, his projects,
and his performance. Even his contemporary, though elder, Southey, the
hardest-working and the most scrupulously honest man of letters in England
who could pretend to genius, seems constantly to have exaggerated the idea
of what he could perform, if not of what he had performed in a given time.
The most definite statement of Balzac's that I remember is one which
claims the second number of <i>Sur Catherine de Medicis</i>, "La
Confidence des Ruggieri," as the production of a single night, and not one
of the most extravagant of his nights. Now, "La Confidence des Ruggieri"
fills, in the small edition, eighty pages of nearer four hundred than
three hundred words each, or some thirty thousand words in all. Nobody in
the longest of nights could manage that, except by dictating it to
shorthand clerks. But in the very context of this assertion Balzac assigns
a much longer period to the correction than to the composition, and this
brings us to one of the most curious and one of the most famous points of
his literary history.
</p>
<p>
Some doubts have, I believe, been thrown on the most minute account of his
ways of composition which we have, that of the publisher Werdet. But there
is too great a consensus of evidence as to his general system to make the
received description of it doubtful. According to this, the first draft of
Balzac's work never presented it in anything like fulness, and sometimes
it did not amount to a quarter of the bulk finally published. This being
returned to him from the printer in "slip" on sheets with very large
margins, he would set to work on the correction; that is to say, on the
practical rewriting of the thing, with excisions, alterations, and above
all, additions. A "revise" being executed, he would attack this revise in
the same manner, and not unfrequently more than once, so that the expenses
of mere composition and correction of the press were enormously heavy (so
heavy as to eat into not merely his publisher's but his own profits), and
that the last state of the book, when published, was something utterly
different from its first state in manuscript. And it will be obvious that
if anything like this was usual with him, it is quite impossible to judge
his actual rapidity of composition by the extent of the published result.
</p>
<p>
However this may be (and it is at least certain that in the years above
referred to he must have worked his very hardest, even if some of the work
then published had been more or less excogitated and begun during the
Wilderness period), he certainly so far left his eremitical habits as to
become acquainted with most of the great men of letters of the early
thirties, and also with certain ladies of more or less high rank, who were
to supply, if not exactly the full models, the texts and starting-points
for some of the most interesting figures of the <i>Comedie</i>. He knew
Victor Hugo, but certainly not at this time intimately; for as late as
1839 the letter in which he writes to Hugo to come and breakfast with him
at Les Jardies (with interesting and minute directions how to find that
frail abode of genius) is couched in anything but the tone of a familiar
friendship. The letters to Beyle of about the same date are also
incompatible with intimate knowledge. Nodier (after some contrary
expressions) he seems to have regarded as most good people did regard that
true man of letters and charming tale-teller; while among the younger
generation Theophile Gautier and Charles de Bernard, as well as Goslan and
others, were his real and constant friends. But he does not figure
frequently or eminently in any of the genuine gossip of the time as a
haunter of literary circles, and it is very nearly certain that the
assiduity with which some of his heroes attend <i>salons</i> and clubs had
no counterpart in his own life. In the first place he was too busy; in the
second he would not have been at home there. Like the young gentleman in
<i>Punch</i>, who "did not read books but wrote them," though in no
satiric sense, he felt it his business not to frequent society but to
create it.
</p>
<p>
He was, however, aided in the task of creation by the ladies already
spoken of, who were fairly numerous and of divers degrees. The most
constant, after his sister Laure, was that sister's schoolfellow, Madame
Zulma Carraud, the wife of a military official at Angouleme and the
possessor of a small country estate at Frapesle, near Tours. At both of
these places Balzac, till he was a very great man, was a constant visitor,
and with Madame Carraud he kept up for years a correspondence which has
been held to be merely friendly, and which was certainly in the vulgar
sense innocent, but which seems to me to be tinged with something of that
feeling, midway between love and friendship, which appears in Scott's
letters to Lady Abercorn, and which is probably not so rare as some think.
Madame de Berny, another family friend of higher rank, was the prototype
of most of his "angelic" characters, but she died in 1836. He knew the
Duchesse d'Abrantes, otherwise Madame Junot, and Madame de Girardin,
otherwise Delphine Gay; but neither seems to have exercised much influence
over him. It was different with another and more authentic duchess, Madame
de Castries, after whom he dangled for a considerable time, who certainly
first encouraged him and probably then snubbed him, and who is thought to
have been the model of his wickeder great ladies. And it was comparatively
early in the thirties that he met the woman whom, after nearly twenty
years, he was at last to marry, getting his death in so doing, the Polish
Madame Hanska. These, with some relations of the last named, especially
her daughter, and with a certain "Louise"—an <i>Inconnue</i> who
never ceased to be so—were Balzac's chief correspondents of the
other sex, and, as far as is known, his chief friends in it.
</p>
<p>
About his life, without extravagant "pudding" of guesswork or of mere
quotation and abstract of his letters, it would be not so much difficult
as impossible to say much; and accordingly it is a matter of fact that
most lives of Balzac, including all good ones, are rather critical than
narrative. From his real <i>debut</i> with <i>Le Dernier Chouan</i> to his
departure for Poland on the long visit, or brace of visits, from which he
returned finally to die, this life consisted solely of work. One of his
earliest utterances, "<i>Il faut piocher ferme</i>," was his motto to the
very last, varied only by a certain amount of traveling. Balzac was always
a considerable traveler; indeed if he had not been so his constitution
would probably have broken down long before it actually did; and the
expense of these voyagings (though by his own account he generally
conducted his affairs with the most rigid economy), together with the
interruption to his work which they occasioned, entered no doubt for
something into his money difficulties. He would go to Baden or Vienna for
a day's sight of Madame Hanska; his Sardinian visit has been already
noted; and as a specimen of others it may be mentioned that he once
journeyed from Paris to Besancon, then from Besancon right across France
to Angouleme, and then back to Paris on some business of selecting paper
for one of the editions of his books, which his publishers would probably
have done much better and at much less expense.
</p>
<p>
Still his actual receipts were surprisingly small, partly, it may be,
owing to his expensive habits of composition, but far more, according to
his own account, because of the Belgian piracies, from which all popular
French authors suffered till the government of Napoleon the Third managed
to put a stop to them. He also lived in such a thick atmosphere of bills
and advances and cross-claims on and by his publishers, that even if there
were more documents than there are it would be exceedingly difficult to
get at facts which are, after all, not very important. He never seems to
have been paid much more than 500 pounds for the newspaper publication
(the most valuable by far because the pirates could not interfere with its
profits) of any one of his novels. And to expensive fashions of
composition and complicated accounts, a steady back-drag of debt and the
rest, must be added the very delightful, and to the novelist not useless,
but very expensive mania for the collector. Balzac had a genuine taste
for, and thought himself a genuine connoisseur in, pictures, sculpture,
and objects of art of all kinds, old and new; and though prices in his day
were not what they are in these, a great deal of money must have run
through his hands in this way. He calculated the value of the contents of
the house, which in his last days he furnished with such loving care for
his wife, and which turned out to be a chamber rather of death than of
marriage, at some 16,000 pounds. But part of this was Madame Hanska's own
purchasing, and there were offsets of indebtedness against it almost to
the last. In short, though during the last twenty years of his life such
actual "want of pence" as vexed him was not due, as it had been earlier,
to the fact that the pence refused to come in, but only to imprudent
management of them, it certainly cannot be said that Honore de Balzac, the
most desperately hard worker in all literature for such time as was
allotted him, and perhaps the man of greatest genius who was ever a
desperately hard worker, falsified that most uncomfortable but truest of
proverbs—"Hard work never made money."
</p>
<p>
If, however, he was but scantily rewarded with the money for which he had
a craving (not absolutely, I think, devoid of a touch of genuine avarice,
but consisting chiefly of the artist's desire for pleasant and beautiful
things, and partly presenting a variety or phase of the grandiose
imagination, which was his ruling characteristic), Balzac had plenty of
the fame, for which he cared quite as much as he cared for money. Perhaps
no writer except Voltaire and Goethe earlier made such a really European
reputation; and his books were of a kind to be more widely read by the
general public than either Goethe's or Voltaire's. In England (Balzac
liked the literature but not the country, and never visited England,
though I believe he planned a visit) this popularity was, for obvious
reasons, rather less than elsewhere. The respectful vogue which French
literature had had with the English in the eighteenth century had ceased,
owing partly to the national enmity revived and fostered by the great war,
and partly to the growth of a fresh and magnificent literature at home
during the first thirty years of the nineteenth in England. But Balzac
could not fail to be read almost at once by the lettered; and he was
translated pretty early, though not perhaps to any great extent. It was in
England, moreover, that by far his greatest follower appeared, and
appeared very shortly. For it would be absurd in the most bigoted admirer
of Thackeray to deny that the author of <i>Vanity Fair</i>, who was in
Paris and narrowly watching French literature and French life at the very
time of Balzac's most exuberant flourishing and education, owed something
to the author of <i>Le Pere Goriot</i>. There was no copying or imitation;
the lessons taught by Balzac were too much blended with those of native
masters, such as Fielding, and too much informed and transformed by
individual genius. Some may think—it is a point at issue not merely
between Frenchmen and Englishmen, but between good judges of both nations
on each side—that in absolute veracity and likeness to life, in
limiting the operation of the inner consciousness on the outward
observation to strictly artistic scale, Thackeray excelled Balzac as far
as he fell short of him in the powers of the seer and in the gigantic
imagination of the prophet. But the relations of pupil and master in at
least some degree are not, I think, deniable.
</p>
<p>
So things went on in light and in shade, in homekeeping and in travel, in
debts and in earnings, but always in work of some kind or another, for
eighteen years from the turning point of 1829. By degrees, as he gained
fame and ceased to be in the most pressing want of money, Balzac left off
to some extent, though never entirely, those miscellaneous writings—reviews
(including puffs), comic or general sketches, political diatribes,
"physiologies" and the like—which, with his discarded prefaces and
much more interesting matter, were at last, not many years ago, included
in four stout volumes of the <i>Edition Definitive</i>. With the exception
of the <i>Physiologies</i> (a sort of short satiric analysis of this or
that class, character, or personage), which were very popular in the reign
of Louis Philippe in France, and which Albert Smith and others introduced
into England, Balzac did not do any of this miscellaneous work extremely
well. Very shrewd observations are to be found in his reviews, for
instance his indication, in reviewing La Touche's <i>Fragoletta</i>, of
that common fault of ambitious novels, a sort of woolly and "ungraspable"
looseness of construction and story, which constantly bewilders the reader
as to what is going on. But, as a rule, he was thinking too much of his
own work and his own principles of working to enter very thoroughly into
the work of others. His politics, those of a moderate but decided Royalist
and Conservative, were, as has been said, intelligent in theory, but in
practice a little distinguished by that neglect of actual business detail
which has been noticed in his speculations.
</p>
<p>
At last, in the summer of 1847, it seemed as if the Rachel for whom he had
served nearly if not quite the full fourteen years already, and whose
husband had long been out of the way, would at last grant herself to him.
He was invited to Vierzschovnia in the Ukraine, the seat of Madame Hanska,
or in strictness of her son-in-law, Count Georges Mniszech; and as the
visit was apparently for no restricted period, and Balzac's pretensions to
the lady's hand were notorious, it might have seemed that he was as good
as accepted. But to assume this would have been to mistake what perhaps
the greatest creation of Balzac's great English contemporary and
counterpart on the one side, as Thackeray was his contemporary and
counterpart on the other, considered to be the malignity of widows. What
the reasons were which made Madame Hanska delay so long in doing what she
did at last, and might just as well, it would seem, have done years
before, is not certainly known, and it would be quite unprofitable to
discuss them. But it was on the 8th of October 1847 that Balzac first
wrote to his sister from Vierzschovnia, and it was not till the 14th of
March 1850 that, "in the parish church of Saint Barbara at Berditchef, by
the Count Abbe Czarski, representing the Bishop of Jitomir (this is as
characteristic of Balzac in one way as what follows is in another) a
Madame Eve de Balzac, born Countess Rzevuska, or a Madame Honore de Balzac
or a Madame de Balzac the elder" came into existence.
</p>
<p>
It does not appear that Balzac was exactly unhappy during this huge
probation, which was broken by one short visit to Paris. The interest of
uncertainty was probably much for his ardent and unquiet spirit, and
though he did very little literary work for him, one may suspect that he
would not have done very much if he had stayed at Paris, for signs of
exhaustion, not of genius but of physical power, had shown themselves
before he left home. But it is not unjust or cruel to say that by the
delay "Madame Eve de Balzac" (her actual baptismal name was Evelina)
practically killed her husband. These winters in the severe climate of
Russian Poland were absolutely fatal to a constitution, and especially to
lungs, already deeply affected. At Vierzschovnia itself he had illnesses,
from which he narrowly escaped with life, before the marriage; his heart
broke down after it; and he and his wife did not reach Paris till the end
of May. Less than three months afterwards, on the 18th of August, he died,
having been visited on the very day of his death in the Paradise of
bric-a-brac which he had created for his Eve in the Rue Fortunee—a
name too provocative of Nemesis—by Victor Hugo, the chief maker in
verse as he himself was the chief maker in prose of France. He was buried
at Pere la Chaise. The after-fortunes of his house and its occupants were
not happy: but they do not concern us.
</p>
<p>
In person Balzac was a typical Frenchman, as indeed he was in most ways.
From his portraits there would seem to have been more force and address
than distinction or refinement in his appearance, but, as has been already
observed, his period was one ungrateful to the iconographer. His
character, not as a writer but as a man, must occupy us a little longer.
For some considerable time—indeed it may be said until the
publication of his letters—it was not very favorably judged on the
whole. We may, of course, dismiss the childish scandals (arising, as
usual, from clumsy or malevolent misinterpretation of such books as the <i>Physiologie
de Mariage</i>, the <i>Peau de Chagrin</i>, and a few others), which gave
rise to the caricatures of him such as that of which we read, representing
him in a monk's dress at a table covered with bottles and supporting a
young person on his knee, the whole garnished with the epigraph: Scenes de
la Vie Cachee. They seem to have given him, personally, a very unnecessary
annoyance, and indeed he was always rather sensitive to criticism. This
kind of stupid libel will never cease to be devised by the envious,
swallowed by the vulgar, and simply neglected by the wise. But Balzac's
peculiarities, both of life and of work, lent themselves rather fatally to
a subtler misconstruction which he also anticipated and tried to remove,
but which took a far stronger hold. He was represented—and in the
absence of any intimate male friends to contradict the representation, it
was certain to obtain some currency—as in his artistic person a
sardonic libeler of mankind, who cared only to take foibles and vices for
his subjects, and who either left goodness and virtue out of sight
altogether, or represented them as the qualities of fools. In private life
he was held up as at the best a self-centered egotist who cared for
nothing but himself and his own work, capable of interrupting one friend
who told him of the death of a sister by the suggestion that they should
change the subject and talk of "something real, of <i>Eugenie Grandet</i>,"
and of levying a fifty per cent commission on another who had written a
critical notice of his, Balzac's, life and works.*
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
* Sandeau and Gautier, the victims in these two stories, were
neither spiteful, nor mendacious, nor irrational, so they are
probably true. The second was possibly due to Balzac's odd notions
of "business being business." The first, I have quite recently
seen reason to think, may have been a sort of reminiscence of one
of the traits in Diderot's extravagant encomium on Richardson.
</pre>
<p>
With the first of these charges he himself, on different occasions, rather
vainly endeavored to grapple, once drawing up an elaborate list of his
virtuous and vicious women, and showing that the former outnumbered the
latter; and, again, laboring (with that curious lack of sense of humor
which distinguishes all Frenchmen but a very few, and distinguished him
eminently) to show that though no doubt it is very difficult to make a
virtuous person interesting, he, Honore de Balzac, had attempted it, and
succeeded in it, on a quite surprising number of occasions.
</p>
<p>
The fact is that if he had handled this last matter rather more lightly
his answer would have been a sufficient one, and that in any case the
charge is not worth answering. It does not lie against the whole of his
work; and if it lay as conclusively as it does against Swift's, it would
not necessarily matter. To the artist in analysis as opposed to the
romance-writer, folly always, and villainy sometimes, does supply a much
better subject than virtuous success, and if he makes his fools and his
villains lifelike and supplies them with a fair contrast of better things,
there is nothing more to be said. He will not, indeed, be a Shakespeare,
or a Dante, or even a Scott; but we may be very well satisfied with him as
a Fielding, a Thackeray, or a Balzac. As to the more purely personal
matter I own that it was some time before I could persuade myself that
Balzac, to speak familiarly, was a much better fellow than others, and I
myself, have been accustomed to think him. But it is also some time since
I came to the conclusion that he was so, and my conversion is not to be
attributed to any editorial retainer. His education in a lawyer's office,
the accursed advice about the <i>bonne speculation</i>, and his constant
straitenings for money, will account for his sometimes looking after the
main chance rather too narrowly; and as for the Eugenie Grandet story
(even if the supposition referred to in a note above be fanciful) it
requires no great stretch of charity or comprehension to see in it nothing
more awkward, very easily misconstrued, but not necessarily in the least
heartless or brutal attempt of a rather absent and very much self-centered
recluse absorbed in one subject, to get his interlocutor as well as
himself out of painful and useless dwelling on sorrowful matters.
Self-centered and self-absorbed Balzac no doubt was; he could not have
lived his life or produced his work if he had been anything else. And it
must be remembered that he owed extremely little to others; that he had
the independence as well as the isolation of the self-centered; that he
never sponged or fawned on a great man, or wronged others of what was due
to them. The only really unpleasant thing about him that I know, and even
this is perhaps due to ignorance of all sides of the matter, is a slight
touch of snobbishness now and then, especially in those late letters from
Vierzschovnia to Madame de Balzac and Madame Surville, in which, while
inundating his mother and sister with commissions and requests for
service, he points out to them what great people the Hanskas and Mniszechs
are, what infinite honor and profit it will be to be connected with them,
and how desirable it is to keep struggling engineer brothers-in-law and
ne'er-do-well brothers in the colonies out of sight lest they should
disgust the magnates.
</p>
<p>
But these are "sma' sums, sma' sums," as Bailie Jarvie says; and smallness
of any kind has, whatever it may have to do with Balzac the man, nothing
to do with Balzac the writer. With him as with some others, but not as
with the larger number, the sense of <i>greatness</i> increases the longer
and the more fully he is studied. He resembles, I think, Goethe more than
any other man of letters—certainly more than any other of the
present century—in having done work which is very frequently, if not
even commonly, faulty, and in yet requiring that his work shall be known
as a whole. His appeal is cumulative; it repeats itself on each occasion
with a slight difference, and though there may now and then be the same
faults to be noticed, they are almost invariably accompanied, not merely
by the same, but by fresh merits.
</p>
<p>
As has been said at the beginning of this essay, no attempt will be made
in it to give that running survey of Balzac's work which is always useful
and sometimes indispensable in treatment of the kind. But something like a
summing up of that subject will here be attempted because it is really
desirable that in embarking on so vast a voyage the reader should have
some general chart—some notes of the soundings and log generally of
those who have gone before him.
</p>
<p>
There are two things, then, which it is more especially desirable to keep
constantly before one in reading Balzac—two things which, taken
together, constitute his almost unique value, and two things which not a
few critics have failed to take together in him, being under the
impression that the one excludes the other, and that to admit the other is
tantamount to a denial of the one. These two things are, first, an immense
attention to detail, sometimes observed, sometimes invented or imagined;
and secondly; a faculty of regarding these details through a mental lens
or arrangement of lenses almost peculiar to himself, which at once
combines, enlarges, and invests them with a peculiar magical halo or
mirage. The two thousand personages of the <i>Comedie Humaine</i> are, for
the most part, "signaled," as the French official word has it, marked and
denoted by the minutest traits of character, gesture, gait, clothing,
abode, what not; the transactions recorded are very often given with a
scrupulous and microscopic accuracy of reporting which no detective could
outdo. Defoe is not more circumstantial in detail of fact than Balzac;
Richardson is hardly more prodigal of character-stroke. Yet a very large
proportion of these characters, of these circumstances, are evidently
things invented or imagined, not observed. And in addition to this the
artist's magic glass, his Balzacian speculum, if we may so say (for none
else has ever had it), transforms even the most rigid observation into
something flickering and fanciful, the outline as of shadows on the wall,
not the precise contour of etching or of the camera.
</p>
<p>
It is curious, but not unexampled, that both Balzac himself when he
struggled in argument with his critics and those of his partisans who have
been most zealously devoted to him, have usually tried to exalt the first
and less remarkable of these gifts over the second and infinitely more
remarkable. Balzac protested strenuously against the use of the word
"gigantesque" in reference to his work; and of course it is susceptible of
an unhandsome innuendo. But if we leave that innuendo aside, if we adopt
the sane reflection that "gigantesque" does not exceed "gigantic," or
assert as constant failure of greatness, but only indicates that the
magnifying process is carried on with a certain indiscriminateness, we
shall find none, I think, which so thoroughly well describes him.
</p>
<p>
The effect of this singular combination of qualities, apparently the most
opposite, may be partly anticipated, but not quite. It results
occasionally in a certain shortcoming as regards <i>verite vraie</i>,
absolute artistic truth to nature. Those who would range Balzac in point
of such artistic veracity on a level with poetical and universal realists
like Shakespeare and Dante, or prosaic and particular realists like
Thackeray and Fielding, seem not only to be utterly wrong but to pay their
idol the worst of all compliments, that of ignoring his own special
qualifications. The province of Balzac may not be—I do no think it
is—identical, much less co-extensive, with that of nature. But it is
his own—a partly real, partly fantastic region, where the lights,
the shades, the dimensions, and the physical laws are slightly different
from those of this world of ours, but with which, owing to the things it
has in common with that world, we are able to sympathize, which we can
traverse and comprehend. Every now and then the artist uses his observing
faculty more, and his magnifying and distorting lens less; every now and
then he reverses the proportion. Some tastes will like him best in the one
stage; some in the other; the happier constituted will like him best in
both. These latter will decline to put <i>Eugenie Grandet</i> above the <i>Peau
de Chagrin</i>, or <i>Le Pere Goriot</i> above the wonderful handful of
tales which includes <i>La Recherche de l'Absolu</i> and <i>Le
Chef-d'oeuvre Inconnu</i>, though they will no doubt recognize that even
in the first two named members of these pairs the Balzacian quality, that
of magnifying and rendering grandiose, is present, and that the martyrdom
of Eugenie, the avarice of her father, the blind self-devotion of Goriot
to his thankless and worthless children, would not be what they are if
they were seen through a perfectly achromatic and normal medium.
</p>
<p>
This specially Balzacian quality is, I think, unique. It is like—it
may almost be said to <i>be</i>—the poetic imagination, present in
magnificent volume and degree, but in some miraculous way deprived and
sterilized of the specially poetical quality. By this I do not of course
mean that Balzac did not write in verse: we have a few verses of his, and
they are pretty bad, but that is neither here nor there. The difference
between Balzac and a great poet lies not in the fact that the one fills
the whole page with printed words, and the other only a part of it—but
in something else. If I could put that something else into distinct words
I should therein attain the philosopher's stone, the elixir of life, the
<i>primum mobile</i>, the <i>grand arcanum</i>, not merely of criticism
but of all things. It might be possible to coast about it, to hint at it,
by adumbrations and in consequences. But it is better and really more
helpful to face the difficulty boldly, and to say that Balzac, approaching
a great poet nearer perhaps than any other prose writer in any language,
is distinguished from one by the absence of the very last touch, the
finally constituting quiddity, which makes a great poet different from
Balzac.
</p>
<p>
Now, when we make this comparison, it is of the first interest to remember—and
it is one of the uses of the comparison, that it suggests the remembrance
of the fact—that the great poets have usually been themselves
extremely exact observers of detail. It has not made them great poets; but
they would not be great poets without it. And when Eugenie Grandet starts
from <i>le petit banc de bois</i> at the reference to it in her
scoundrelly cousin's letter (to take only one instance out of a thousand),
we see in Balzac the same observation, subject to the limitation just
mentioned, that we see in Dante and Shakespeare, in Chaucer and Tennyson.
But the great poets do not as a rule <i>accumulate</i> detail. Balzac
does, and from this very accumulation he manages to derive that singular
gigantesque vagueness—differing from the poetic vague, but ranking
next to it—which I have here ventured to note as his distinguishing
quality. He bewilders us a very little by it, and he gives us the
impression that he has slightly bewildered himself. But the compensations
of the bewilderment are large.
</p>
<p>
For in this labyrinth and whirl of things, in this heat and hurry of
observation and imagination, the special intoxication of Balzac consists.
Every great artist has his own means of producing this intoxication, and
it differs in result like the stimulus of beauty or of wine. Those persons
who are unfortunate enough to see in Balzac little or nothing but an
ingenious piler-up of careful strokes—a man of science taking his
human documents and classing them after an orderly fashion in portfolio
and deed-box—must miss this intoxication altogether. It is much more
agreeable as well as much more accurate to see in the manufacture of the
<i>Comedie</i> the process of a Cyclopean workshop—the bustle, the
hurry, the glare and shadow, the steam and sparks of Vulcanian forging.
The results, it is true, are by no means confused or disorderly—neither
were those of the forges that worked under Lipari—but there
certainly went much more to them than the dainty fingering of a literary
fretwork-maker or the dull rummagings of a realist <i>a la Zola</i>.
</p>
<p>
In part, no doubt, and in great part, the work of Balzac is dream-stuff
rather than life-stuff, and it is all the better for that. What is better
than dreams? But the coherence of his visions, their bulk, their solidity,
the way in which they return to us and we return to them, make them such
dream-stuff as there is all too little of in this world. If it is true
that evil on the whole predominates over good in the vision of this
"Voyant," as Philarete Chasles so justly called him, two very respectable,
and in one case very large, though somewhat opposed divisions of mankind,
the philosophic pessimist and the convinced and consistent Christian
believer, will tell us that this is at least not one of the points in
which it is unfaithful to life. If the author is closer and more faithful
in his study of meanness and vice than in his studies of nobility and
virtue, the blame is due at least as much to his models as to himself. If
he has seldom succeeded in combining a really passionate with a really
noble conception of love, very few of his countrymen have been more
fortunate in that respect. If in some of his types—his journalists,
his married women, and others—he seems to have sacrificed to
conventions, let us remember that those who know attribute to his
conventions such a power if not altogether such a holy influence that two
generations of the people he painted have actually lived more and more up
to his painting of them.
</p>
<p>
And last of all, but also greatest, has to be considered the immensity of
his imaginative achievement, the huge space that he has filled for us with
vivid creation, the range of amusement, of instruction, of (after a
fashion) edification which he has thrown open for us all to walk in. It is
possible that he himself and others more or less well-meaningly, though
more or less maladroitly, following his lead, may have exaggerated the
coherence and the architectural design of the <i>Comedie</i>. But it has
coherence and it has design; nor shall we find anything exactly to
parallel it. In mere bulk the <i>Comedie</i> probably, if not certainly,
exceeds the production of any novelist of the first class in any kind of
fiction except Dumas, and with Dumas, for various and well-known reasons,
there is no possibility of comparing it. All others yield in bulk; all in
a certain concentration and intensity; none even aims at anything like the
same system and completeness. It must be remembered that owing to
shortness of life, lateness of beginning, and the diversion of the author
to other work, the <i>Comedie</i> is the production, and not the sole
production, of some seventeen or eighteen years at most. Not a volume of
it, for all that failure to reach the completest perfection in form and
style which has been acknowledged, can be accused of thinness, of scamped
work, of mere repetition, of mere cobbling up. Every one bears the marks
of steady and ferocious labor, as well as of the genius which had at last
come where it had been so earnestly called and had never gone away again.
It is possible to overpraise Balzac in parts or to mispraise him as a
whole. But so long as inappropriate and superfluous comparisons are
avoided and as his own excellence is recognized and appreciated, it is
scarcely possible to overestimate that excellence in itself and for
itself. He stands alone; even with Dickens, who is his nearest analogue,
he shows far more points of difference than of likeness. His vastness of
bulk is not more remarkable than his peculiarity of quality; and when
these two things coincide in literature or elsewhere, then that in which
they coincide may be called, and must be called, Great, without hesitation
and without reserve.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
GEORGE SAINTSBURY.
</pre>
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<h2>
APPENDIX
</h2>
<p>
THE BALZAC PLAN OF THE COMEDIE HUMAINE
</p>
<p>
The form in which the Comedie Humaine was left by its author, with the
exceptions of <i>Le Depute d'Arcis</i> (incomplete) and <i>Les Petits
Bourgeois</i>, both of which were added, some years later, by the Edition
Definitive.
</p>
<p>
The original French titles are followed by their English equivalents.
Literal translations have been followed, excepting a few instances where
preference is shown for a clearer or more comprehensive English title.
</p>
<div class="mynote">
<p>
[Note from Team Balzac, the Etext preparers: In some cases more than one
English translation is commonly used for various translations/editions.
In such cases the first translation is from the Saintsbury edition
copyrighted in 1901 and that is the title referred to in the personages
following most of the stories. We have added other title translations of
which we are currently aware for the readers' convenience.]
</p>
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<br /> <br />
</p>
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<h1>
COMEDIE HUMAINE
</h1>
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<h2>
SCENES DE LA VIE PRIVEE
</h2>
<p>
SCENES FROM PRIVATE LIFE
</p>
<table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto">
<tr>
<td>
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1680/1680-h/1680-h.htm"> <b>At
the Sign of the Cat and Racket</b></a> (<i>La Maison du Chat-qui
Pelote</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1305/1305-h/1305-h.htm"> <b>The
Ball at Sceaux</b></a> (<i>Le Bal de Sceaux</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1196/1196-h/1196-h.htm"> <b>The
Purse</b></a> (<i>La Bourse</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1374/1374-h/1374-h.htm"> <b>Vendetta</b></a>
(<i>La Vendetta</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1357/1357-h/1357-h.htm"> <b>Madame
Firmiani</b></a> (<i>Mme. Firmiani</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1810/1810-h/1810-h.htm"> <b>A
Second Home</b></a> (<i>Une Double Famille</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1411/1411-h/1411-h.htm"> <b>Domestic
Peace</b></a> (<i>La Paix du Menage</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1369/1369-h/1369-h.htm"> <b>Paz</b></a>
(<i>La Fausse Maitresse</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1373/1373-h/1373-h.htm"> <b>Study
of a Woman</b></a> (<i>Etude de femme</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1714/1714-h/1714-h.htm"> <b>Another
Study of Woman</b></a> (<i>Autre etude de femme</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1710/1710-h/1710-h.htm"> <b>The
Grand Breteche</b></a> (<i>La Grande Breteche</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1898/1898-h/1898-h.htm"> <b>Albert
Savarus</b></a> (<i>Albert Savarus</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1941/1941-h/1941-h.htm"> <b>Letters
of Two Brides</b></a> (<i>Memoires de deux Jeunes Mariees</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1481/1481-h/1481-h.htm"> <b>A
Daughter of Eve</b></a> (<i>Une Fille d'Eve</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1950/1950-h/1950-h.htm"> <b>A
Woman of Thirty</b></a> (<i>La Femme de Trente Ans</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1729/1729-h/1729-h.htm"> <b>The
Deserted Woman</b></a> (<i>La Femme abandonnee</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1428/1428-h/1428-h.htm"> <b>La
Grenadiere</b></a> (<i>La Grenadiere</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1189/1189-h/1189-h.htm"> <b>The
Message</b></a> (<i>Le Message</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1389/1389-h/1389-h.htm"> <b>Gobseck</b></a>
(<i>Gobseck</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1556/1556-h/1556-h.htm"> <b>The
Marriage Contract</b></a> (<i>Le Contrat de Mariage</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1403/1403-h/1403-h.htm"> <b>A
Start in Life</b></a> (<i>Un Debut dans la vie</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1482/1482-h/1482-h.htm"> <b>Modeste
Mignon</b></a> (<i>Modeste Mignon</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1957/1957-h/1957-h.htm"> <b>Beatrix</b></a>
(<i>Beatrix</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1683/1683-h/1683-h.htm"> <b>Honorine</b></a>
(<i>Honorine</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1954/1954-h/1954-h.htm"> <b>Colonel
Chabert</b></a> (<i>Le Colonel Chabert</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1220/1220-h/1220-h.htm"> <b>The
Atheist's Mass</b></a> (<i>La Messe de l'Athee</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1410/1410-h/1410-h.htm"> <b>The
Commission in Lunacy</b></a> (<i>L'Interdiction</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1230/1230-h/1230-h.htm"> <b>Pierre
Grassou</b></a> (<i>Pierre Grassou</i>)<br />
</td>
</tr>
</table>
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</div>
<h2>
SCENES DE LA VIE PROVINCE
</h2>
<p>
SCENES FROM PROVINCIAL LIFE
</p>
<table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto">
<tr>
<td>
Ursule Mirouet (<i>Ursule Mirouet</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1715/1715-h/1715-h.htm"> <b>Eugenie
Grandet</b></a> (<i>Eugenie Grandet</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1704/1704-h/1704-h.htm"> <b>Pierrette</b></a>
(<i>Les Celibataires, Pierrette</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1345/1345-h/1345-h.htm"> <b>The
Vicar of Tours</b></a> (<i>Le Cure de Tours</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1380/1380-h/1380-h.htm"> <b>The
Two Brothers, (The Black Sheep)</b></a> (<i>Un Menage de Garcon, La
Rabouilleuse</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1474/1474-h/1474-h.htm"> <b>The
Illustrious Gaudissart</b></a> (<i>L'illustre Gaudissart, Parisians in
the Country</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1912/1912-h/1912-h.htm"> <b>The
Muse of the Department</b></a> (<i>La Muse du departement</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1352/1352-h/1352-h.htm"> <b>The
Old Maid, Jealousies of a Country Town</b></a> (<i>La Vieille Fille,
Les Rivalites</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1405/1405-h/1405-h.htm"> <b>The
Collection of Antiquities</b></a> (<i>Le Cabinet des antiques</i>)<br />
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1569/1569-h/1569-h.htm"> <b>The
Lily of the Valley</b></a> (<i>Le Lys dans la Vallee</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1443/1443-h/1443-h.htm"> <b>Two
Poets, Lost Illusions:—I.</b></a> (<i>Les Deux Poetes, Illusions
Perdues:—I.</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1559/1559-h/1559-h.htm"> <b>A
Distinguished Provincial at Paris</b></a> (<i>Un Grand homme de
province a Paris, 1re partie</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1639/1639-h/1639-h.htm"> <b>Eve
and David</b></a> (<i>Eve et David</i>)<br />
</td>
</tr>
</table>
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<h2>
SCENES DE LA VIE PARISIENNE
</h2>
<p>
SCENES FROM PARISIAN LIFE
</p>
<table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto">
<tr>
<td>
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1660/1660-h/1660-h.htm"> <b>Scenes
from a Courtesan's Life, Esther Happy</b></a> (<i>Splendeurs et
Miseres des Courtisanes</i><br /> What Love Costs an Old Man (<i>A
combien l'amour revient aux vieillards</i>)<br /> The End of Evil Ways
(<i>Ou menent les mauvais Chemins</i>)<br /> Vautrin's Last Avatar (La
derniere Incarnation de Vautrin)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1812/1812-h/1812-h.htm"> <b>A
Prince of Bohemia</b></a> (<i>Un Prince de la Boheme</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1813/1813-h/1813-h.htm"> <b>A Man
of Business</b></a> (<i>Un Homme d'affaires</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1475/1475-h/1475-h.htm"> <b>Gaudissart
II</b></a> (<i>Gaudissart II.</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1242/1242-h/1242-h.htm"> <b>Unconscious
Comedians, The Unconscious Humorists</b></a> (<i>Les Comediens sans le
savoir</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1649/1649-h/1649-h.htm"> <b>Ferragus,
The Thirteen</b></a> (Ferragus, Histoire des Treize)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/469/469-h/469-h.htm"> <b>The
Duchesse de Langeais</b></a> (<i>La Duchesse de Langeais</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1659/1659-h/1659-h.htm"> <b>Girl
with the Golden Eyes</b></a> (<i>La Fille aux yeux d'or</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1237/1237-h/1237-h.htm"> <b>Father
Goriot, Old Goriot</b></a> (<i>Le Pere Goriot</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1942/1942-h/1942-h.htm"> <b>Rise
and Fall of Cesar Birotteau</b></a> (<i>Grandeur et Decadence de Cesar
Birotteau</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1294/1294-h/1294-h.htm"> <b>The
Firm of Nucingen</b></a> (<i>La Maison Nucingen</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1344/1344-h/1344-h.htm"> <b>Secrets
of the Princesse de Cadignan</b></a> (<i>Les Secrets de la princesse
de Cadignan</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1343/1343-h/1343-h.htm"> <b>Bureaucracy,
The Government Clerks</b></a> (<i>Les Employes</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1826/1826-h/1826-h.htm"> <b>Sarrasine</b></a>
(<i>Sarrasine</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1737/1737-h/1737-h.htm"> <b>Facino
Cane</b></a> (<i>Facino Cane</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1749/1749-h/1749-h.htm"> <b>Cousin
Betty, Poor Relations:—I.</b></a> (<i>La Cousine Bette, Les
Parents Pauvres:—I.</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1856/1856-h/1856-h.htm"> <b>Cousin
Pons, Poor Relations:—II.</b></a> (<i>Le Cousin Pons, Les
Parents Pauvres:—II.</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1641/1641-h/1641-h.htm"> <b>The
Lesser Bourgeoisie, The Middle Classes</b></a> (<i>Les Petits
Bourgeois</i>)<br />
</td>
</tr>
</table>
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<h2>
SCENES DE LA VIE POLITIQUE
</h2>
<p>
SCENES FROM POLITICAL LIFE
</p>
<table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto">
<tr>
<td>
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1678/1678-h/1678-h.htm"> <b>An
Historical Mystery, The Gondreville Mystery</b></a> (<i>Une Tenebreuse
Affaire</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1456/1456-h/1456-h.htm"> <b>An
Episode Under the Terror</b> </a> (<i>Un Episode sous
la Terreur</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1967/1967-h/1967-h.htm"> <b>Brotherhood
of Consolation, Seamy Side of History</b></a> (<i>Mme. de la
Chanterie, L'Envers de l'Histoire Contemporaine)</i><br /> Initiated,
The Initiate (<i>L'Initie</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1841/1841-h/1841-h.htm"> <b>Z.
Marcas</b></a> (<i>Z. Marcas</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1871/1871-h/1871-h.htm"> <b>The
Deputy of Arcis, The Member for Arcis</b></a> (<i>Le Depute d'Arcis</i>)<br />
</td>
</tr>
</table>
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<h2>
SCENES DE LA VIE MILITAIRE
</h2>
<p>
SCENES FROM MILITARY LIFE
</p>
<table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto">
<tr>
<td>
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1921/1921-h/1921-h.htm"> <b>The
Chouans</b></a> (<i>Les Chouans</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1555/1555-h/1555-h.htm"> <b>A
Passion in the Desert</b></a> (<i>Une Passion dans le desert</i>)<br />
</td>
</tr>
</table>
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<h2>
SCENES DE LA VIE DE CAMPAGNE
</h2>
<p>
SCENES FROM COUNTRY LIFE
</p>
<table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto">
<tr>
<td>
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1350/1350-h/1350-h.htm"> <b>The
Country Doctor</b></a> (<i>Le Medecin de Campagne</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1899/1899-h/1899-h.htm"> <b>The
Village Rector, The Country Parson</b></a> (<i>Le Cure de Village</i>)<br />
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1417/1417-h/1417-h.htm"> <b>Sons
of the Soil, The Peasantry</b></a> (<i>Les Paysans</i>)<br />
</td>
</tr>
</table>
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<h2>
ETUDES PHILOSOPHIQUES
</h2>
<p>
PHILOSOPHICAL STUDIES
</p>
<table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto">
<tr>
<td>
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1307/1307-h/1307-h.htm"> <b>The
Magic Skin</b></a> (<i>La Peau de Chagrin</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1453/1453-h/1453-h.htm"> <b>The
Alkahest, The Quest of the Absolute</b></a> (<i>La Recherche de
l'Absolu</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1940/1940-h/1940-h.htm"> <b>Christ
in Flanders</b></a> (<i>Jesus-Christ en Flandre</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1277/1277-h/1277-h.htm"> <b>Melmoth
Reconciled</b></a> (<i>Melmoth reconcilie</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/23060/23060-h/23060-h.htm"> <b>The
Unknown Masterpiece, The Hidden Masterpiece</b></a> (<i>Le
Chef-d'oeuvre inconnu</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1455/1455-h/1455-h.htm"> <b>The
Hated Son</b></a> (<i>L'Enfant Maudit</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1873/1873-h/1873-h.htm"> <b>Gambara</b></a>
(<i>Gambara</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1811/1811-h/1811-h.htm"> <b>Massimilla
Doni</b></a> (<i>Massimilla Doni</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1437/1437-h/1437-h.htm"> <b>Juana,
The Maranas</b></a> (<i>Les Marana</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/5873/5873-h/5873-h.htm"> <b>Farewell</b></a>
(<i>Adieu</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1426/1426-h/1426-h.htm"> <b>The
Recruit, The Conscript</b></a> (<i>Le Requisitionnaire</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1425/1425-h/1425-h.htm"> <b>El
Verdugo</b></a> (<i>El Verdugo</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1427/1427-h/1427-h.htm"> <b>A
Drama on the Seashore, A Seaside Tragedy</b></a> (<i>Un Drame au bord
de la mer</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1433/1433-h/1433-h.htm"> <b>The
Red Inn</b></a> (<i>L'Auberge rouge</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1215/1215-h/1215-h.htm"> <b>The
Elixir of Life</b></a> (<i>L'Elixir de longue vie</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1454/1454-h/1454-h.htm"> <b>Maitre
Cornelius</b></a> (<i>Maitre Cornelius</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1854/1854-h/1854-h.htm"> <b>Catherine
de' Medici, The Calvinist Martyr</b></a> (<i>Sur Catherine de Medicis,
Le Martyr calviniste</i>)<br /> The Ruggieri's Secret, (<i>La
Confidence des Ruggieri</i>)<br /> The Two Dreams (<i>Les Deux Reves</i>)
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1943/1943-h/1943-h.htm"> <b>Louis
Lambert</b></a> (<i>Louis Lambert</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1884/1884-h/1884-h.htm"> <b>The
Exiles</b></a> (<i>Les Proscrits</i>)<br /> <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1432/1432-h/1432-h.htm"> <b>Seraphita</b></a>
(<i>Seraphita</i>)<br />
</td>
</tr>
</table>
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<h2>
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
</h2>
<p>
In giving the general title of "The Human Comedy" to a work begun nearly
thirteen years since, it is necessary to explain its motive, to relate its
origin, and briefly sketch its plan, while endeavoring to speak of these
matters as though I had no personal interest in them. This is not so
difficult as the public might imagine. Few works conduce to much vanity;
much labor conduces to great diffidence. This observation accounts for the
study of their own works made by Corneille, Moliere, and other great
writers; if it is impossible to equal them in their fine conceptions, we
may try to imitate them in this feeling.
</p>
<p>
The idea of <i>The Human Comedy</i> was at first as a dream to me, one of
those impossible projects which we caress and then let fly; a chimera that
gives us a glimpse of its smiling woman's face, and forthwith spreads its
wings and returns to a heavenly realm of phantasy. But this chimera, like
many another, has become a reality; has its behests, its tyranny, which
must be obeyed.
</p>
<p>
The idea originated in a comparison between Humanity and Animality.
</p>
<p>
It is a mistake to suppose that the great dispute which has lately made a
stir, between Cuvier and Geoffroi Saint-Hilaire, arose from a scientific
innovation. Unity of structure, under other names, had occupied the
greatest minds during the two previous centuries. As we read the
extraordinary writings of the mystics who studied the sciences in their
relation to infinity, such as Swedenborg, Saint-Martin, and others, and
the works of the greatest authors on Natural History—Leibnitz,
Buffon, Charles Bonnet, etc., we detect in the <i>monads</i> of Leibnitz,
in the <i>organic molecules</i> of Buffon, in the <i>vegetative force</i>
of Needham, in the correlation of similar organs of Charles Bonnet—who
in 1760 was so bold as to write, "Animals vegetate as plants do"—we
detect, I say, the rudiments of the great law of Self for Self, which lies
at the root of <i>Unity of Plan</i>. There is but one Animal. The Creator
works on a single model for every organized being. "The Animal" is
elementary, and takes its external form, or, to be accurate, the
differences in its form, from the environment in which it is obliged to
develop. Zoological species are the result of these differences. The
announcement and defence of this system, which is indeed in harmony with
our preconceived ideas of Divine Power, will be the eternal glory of
Geoffroi Saint-Hilaire, Cuvier's victorious opponent on this point of
higher science, whose triumph was hailed by Goethe in the last article he
wrote.
</p>
<p>
I, for my part, convinced of this scheme of nature long before the
discussion to which it has given rise, perceived that in this respect
society resembled nature. For does not society modify Man, according to
the conditions in which he lives and acts, into men as manifold as the
species in Zoology? The differences between a soldier, an artisan, a man
of business, a lawyer, an idler, a student, a statesman, a merchant, a
sailor, a poet, a beggar, a priest, are as great, though not so easy to
define, as those between the wolf, the lion, the ass, the crow, the shark,
the seal, the sheep, etc. Thus social species have always existed, and
will always exist, just as there are zoological species. If Buffon could
produce a magnificent work by attempting to represent in a book the whole
realm of zoology, was there not room for a work of the same kind on
society? But the limits set by nature to the variations of animals have no
existence in society. When Buffon describes the lion, he dismisses the
lioness with a few phrases; but in society a wife is not always the female
of the male. There may be two perfectly dissimilar beings in one
household. The wife of a shopkeeper is sometimes worthy of a prince, and
the wife of a prince is often worthless compared with the wife of an
artisan. The social state has freaks which Nature does not allow herself;
it is nature <i>plus</i> society. The description of social species would
thus be at least double that of animal species, merely in view of the two
sexes. Then, among animals the drama is limited; there is scarcely any
confusion; they turn and rend each other—that is all. Men, too, rend
each other; but their greater or less intelligence makes the struggle far
more complicated. Though some savants do not yet admit that the animal
nature flows into human nature through an immense tide of life, the grocer
certainly becomes a peer, and the noble sometimes sinks to the lowest
social grade. Again, Buffon found that life was extremely simple among
animals. Animals have little property, and neither arts nor sciences;
while man, by a law that has yet to be sought, has a tendency to express
his culture, his thoughts, and his life in everything he appropriates to
his use. Though Leuwenhoek, Swammerdam, Spallanzani, Reaumur, Charles
Bonnet, Muller, Haller and other patient investigators have shown us how
interesting are the habits of animals, those of each kind, are, at least
to our eyes, always and in every age alike; whereas the dress, the
manners, the speech, the dwelling of a prince, a banker, an artist, a
citizen, a priest, and a pauper are absolutely unlike, and change with
every phase of civilization.
</p>
<p>
Hence the work to be written needed a threefold form—men, women, and
things; that is to say, persons and the material expression of their
minds; man, in short, and life.
</p>
<p>
As we read the dry and discouraging list of events called History, who can
have failed to note that the writers of all periods, in Egypt, Persia,
Greece, and Rome, have forgotten to give us a history of manners? The
fragment of Petronius on the private life of the Romans excites rather
than satisfies our curiosity. It was from observing this great void in the
field of history that the Abbe Barthelemy devoted his life to a
reconstruction of Greek manners in <i>Le Jeune Anacharsis</i>.
</p>
<p>
But how could such a drama, with the four or five thousand persons which
society offers, be made interesting? How, at the same time, please the
poet, the philosopher, and the masses who want both poetry and philosophy
under striking imagery? Though I could conceive of the importance and of
the poetry of such a history of the human heart, I saw no way of writing
it; for hitherto the most famous story-tellers had spent their talent in
creating two or three typical actors, in depicting one aspect of life. It
was with this idea that I read the works of Walter Scott. Walter Scott,
the modern troubadour, or finder (<i>trouvere=trouveur</i>), had just then
given an aspect of grandeur to a class of composition unjustly regarded as
of the second rank. Is it not really more difficult to compete with
personal and parochial interests by writing of Daphnis and Chloe, Roland,
Amadis, Panurge, Don Quixote, Manon Lescaut, Clarissa, Lovelace, Robinson
Crusoe, Gil Blas, Ossian, Julie d'Etanges, My Uncle Toby, Werther,
Corinne, Adolphe, Paul and Virginia, Jeanie Deans, Claverhouse, Ivanhoe,
Manfred, Mignon, than to set forth in order facts more or less similar in
every country, to investigate the spirit of laws that have fallen into
desuetude, to review the theories which mislead nations, or, like some
metaphysicians, to explain what <i>Is</i>? In the first place, these
actors, whose existence becomes more prolonged and more authentic than
that of the generations which saw their birth, almost always live solely
on condition of their being a vast reflection of the present. Conceived in
the womb of their own period, the whole heart of humanity stirs within
their frame, which often covers a complete system of philosophy. Thus
Walter Scott raised to the dignity of the philosophy of History the
literature which, from age to age, sets perennial gems in the poetic crown
of every nation where letters are cultivated. He vivified it with the
spirit of the past; he combined drama, dialogue, portrait, scenery, and
description; he fused the marvelous with truth—the two elements of
the times; and he brought poetry into close contact with the familiarity
of the humblest speech. But as he had not so much devised a system as hit
upon a manner in the ardor of his work, or as its logical outcome, he
never thought of connecting his compositions in such a way as to form a
complete history of which each chapter was a novel, and each novel the
picture of a period.
</p>
<p>
It was by discerning this lack of unity, which in no way detracts from the
Scottish writer's greatness, that I perceived at once the scheme which
would favor the execution of my purpose, and the possibility of executing
it. Though dazzled, so to speak, by Walter Scott's amazing fertility,
always himself and always original, I did not despair, for I found the
source of his genius in the infinite variety of human nature. Chance is
the greatest romancer in the world; we have only to study it. French
society would be the real author; I should only be the secretary. By
drawing up an inventory of vices and virtues, by collecting the chief
facts of the passions, by depicting characters, by choosing the principal
incidents of social life, by composing types out of a combination of
homogeneous characteristics, I might perhaps succeed in writing the
history which so many historians have neglected: that of Manners. By
patience and perseverance I might produce for France in the nineteenth
century the book which we must all regret that Rome, Athens, Tyre,
Memphis, Persia, and India have not bequeathed to us; that history of
their social life which, prompted by the Abbe Barthelemy, Monteil
patiently and steadily tried to write for the Middle Ages, but in an
unattractive form.
</p>
<p>
This work, so far, was nothing. By adhering to the strict lines of a
reproduction a writer might be a more or less faithful, and more or less
successful, painter of types of humanity, a narrator of the dramas of
private life, an archaeologist of social furniture, a cataloguer of
professions, a registrar of good and evil; but to deserve the praise of
which every artist must be ambitious, must I not also investigate the
reasons or the cause of these social effects, detect the hidden sense of
this vast assembly of figures, passions, and incidents? And finally,
having sought—I will not say having found—this reason, this
motive power, must I not reflect on first principles, and discover in what
particulars societies approach or deviate from the eternal law of truth
and beauty? In spite of the wide scope of the preliminaries, which might
of themselves constitute a book, the work, to be complete, would need a
conclusion. Thus depicted, society ought to bear in itself the reason of
its working.
</p>
<p>
The law of the writer, in virtue of which he is a writer, and which I do
not hesitate to say makes him the equal, or perhaps the superior, of the
statesman, is his judgment, whatever it may be, on human affairs, and his
absolute devotion to certain principles. Machiavelli, Hobbes, Bossuet,
Leibnitz, Kant, Montesquieu, <i>are</i> the science which statesmen apply.
"A writer ought to have settled opinions on morals and politics; he should
regard himself as a tutor of men; for men need no masters to teach them to
doubt," says Bonald. I took these noble words as my guide long ago; they
are the written law of the monarchical writer. And those who would confute
me by my own words will find that they have misinterpreted some ironical
phrase, or that they have turned against me a speech given to one of my
actors—a trick peculiar to calumniators.
</p>
<p>
As to the intimate purpose, the soul of this work, these are the
principles on which it is based.
</p>
<p>
Man is neither good nor bad; he is born with instincts and capabilities;
society, far from depraving him, as Rousseau asserts, improves him, makes
him better; but self-interest also develops his evil tendencies.
Christianity, above all, Catholicism, being—as I have pointed out in
the Country Doctor (<i>le Medecin de Campagne</i>)—a complete system
for the repression of the depraved tendencies of man, is the most powerful
element of social order.
</p>
<p>
In reading attentively the presentment of society cast, as it were, from
the life, with all that is good and all that is bad in it, we learn this
lesson—if thought, or if passion, which combines thought and
feeling, is the vital social element, it is also its destructive element.
In this respect social life is like the life of man. Nations live long
only by moderating their vital energy. Teaching, or rather education, by
religious bodies is the grand principle of life for nations, the only
means of diminishing the sum of evil and increasing the sum of good in all
society. Thought, the living principle of good and ill, can only be
trained, quelled, and guided by religion. The only possible religion is
Christianity (see the letter from Paris in "Louis Lambert," in which the
young mystic explains, <i>a propos</i> to Swedenborg's doctrines, how
there has never been but one religion since the world began). Christianity
created modern nationalities, and it will preserve them. Hence, no doubt,
the necessity for the monarchical principle. Catholicism and Royalty are
twin principles.
</p>
<p>
As to the limits within which these two principles should be confined by
various institutions, so that they may not become absolute, every one will
feel that a brief preface ought not to be a political treatise. I cannot,
therefore, enter on religious discussions, nor on the political
discussions of the day. I write under the light of two eternal truths—Religion
and Monarchy; two necessities, as they are shown to be by contemporary
events, towards which every writer of sound sense ought to try to guide
the country back. Without being an enemy to election, which is an
excellent principle as a basis of legislation, I reject election regarded
as <i>the only social instrument</i>, especially so badly organized as it
now is (1842); for it fails to represent imposing minorities, whose ideas
and interests would occupy the attention of a monarchical government.
Elective power extended to all gives us government by the masses, the only
irresponsible form of government, under which tyranny is unlimited, for it
calls itself law. Besides, I regard the family and not the individual as
the true social unit. In this respect, at the risk of being thought
retrograde, I side with Bossuet and Bonald instead of going with modern
innovators. Since election has become the only social instrument, if I
myself were to exercise it no contradiction between my acts and my words
should be inferred. An engineer points out that a bridge is about to fall,
that it is dangerous for any one to cross it; but he crosses it himself
when it is the only road to the town. Napoleon adapted election to the
spirit of the French nation with wonderful skill. The least important
members of his Legislative Body became the most famous orators of the
Chamber after the Restoration. No Chamber has ever been the equal of the
<i>Corps Legislatif</i>, comparing them man for man. The elective system
of the Empire was, then, indisputably the best.
</p>
<p>
Some persons may, perhaps, think that this declaration is somewhat
autocratic and self-assertive. They will quarrel with the novelist for
wanting to be an historian, and will call him to account for writing
politics. I am simply fulfilling an obligation—that is my reply. The
work I have undertaken will be as long as a history; I was compelled to
explain the logic of it, hitherto unrevealed, and its principles and moral
purpose.
</p>
<p>
Having been obliged to withdraw the prefaces formerly published, in
response to essentially ephemeral criticisms, I will retain only one
remark.
</p>
<p>
Writers who have a purpose in view, were it only a reversion to principles
familiar in the past because they are eternal, should always clear the
ground. Now every one who, in the domain of ideas, brings his stone by
pointing out an abuse, or setting a mark on some evil that it may be
removed—every such man is stigmatized as immoral. The accusation of
immorality, which has never failed to be cast at the courageous writer,
is, after all, the last that can be brought when nothing else remains to
be said to a romancer. If you are truthful in your pictures; if by dint of
daily and nightly toil you succeed in writing the most difficult language
in the world, the word <i>immoral</i> is flung in your teeth. Socrates was
immoral; Jesus Christ was immoral; they both were persecuted in the name
of the society they overset or reformed. When a man is to be killed he is
taxed with immorality. These tactics, familiar in party warfare, are a
disgrace to those who use them. Luther and Calvin knew well what they were
about when they shielded themselves behind damaged worldly interests! And
they lived all the days of their life.
</p>
<p>
When depicting all society, sketching it in the immensity of its turmoil,
it happened—it could not but happen—that the picture displayed
more of evil than of good; that some part of the fresco represented a
guilty couple; and the critics at once raised a cry of immorality, without
pointing out the morality of another position intended to be a perfect
contrast. As the critic knew nothing of the general plan I could forgive
him, all the more because one can no more hinder criticism than the use of
eyes, tongues, and judgment. Also the time for an impartial verdict is not
yet come for me. And, after all, the author who cannot make up his mind to
face the fire of criticism should no more think of writing than a traveler
should start on his journey counting on a perpetually clear sky. On this
point it remains to be said that the most conscientious moralists doubt
greatly whether society can show as many good actions as bad ones; and in
the picture I have painted of it there are more virtuous figures than
reprehensible ones. Blameworthy actions, faults and crimes, from the
lightest to the most atrocious, always meet with punishment, human or
divine, signal or secret. I have done better than the historian, for I am
free. Cromwell here on earth escaped all punishment but that inflicted by
thoughtful men. And on this point there have been divided schools. Bossuet
even showed some consideration for great regicide. William of Orange, the
usurper, Hugues Capet, another usurper, lived to old age with no more
qualms or fears than Henri IV. or Charles I. The lives of Catherine II.
and of Frederick of Prussia would be conclusive against any kind of moral
law, if they were judged by the twofold aspect of the morality which
guides ordinary mortals, and that which is in use by crowned heads; for,
as Napoleon said, for kings and statesmen there are the lesser and the
higher morality. My scenes of political life are founded on this profound
observation. It is not a law to history, as it is to romance, to make for
a beautiful ideal. History is, or ought to be, what it was; while romance
ought to be "the better world," as was said by Mme. Necker, one of the
most distinguished thinkers of the last century.
</p>
<p>
Still, with this noble falsity, romance would be nothing if it were not
true in detail. Walter Scott, obliged as he was to conform to the ideas of
an essentially hypocritical nation, was false to humanity in his picture
of woman, because his models were schismatics. The Protestant woman has no
ideal. She may be chaste, pure, virtuous; but her unexpansive love will
always be as calm and methodical as the fulfilment of a duty. It might
seem as though the Virgin Mary had chilled the hearts of those sophists
who have banished her from heaven with her treasures of loving kindness.
In Protestantism there is no possible future for the woman who has sinned;
while, in the Catholic Church, the hope of forgiveness makes her sublime.
Hence, for the Protestant writer there is but one Woman, while the
Catholic writer finds a new woman in each new situation. If Walter Scott
had been a Catholic, if he had set himself the task of describing truly
the various phases of society which have successively existed in Scotland,
perhaps the painter of Effie and Alice—the two figures for which he
blamed himself in his later years—might have admitted passion with
its sins and punishments, and the virtues revealed by repentance. Passion
is the sum-total of humanity. Without passion, religion, history, romance,
art, would all be useless.
</p>
<p>
Some persons, seeing me collect such a mass of facts and paint them as
they are, with passion for their motive power, have supposed, but wrongly,
that I must belong to the school of Sensualism and Materialism—two
aspects of the same thing—Pantheism. But their misapprehension was
perhaps justified—or inevitable. I do not share the belief in
indefinite progress for society as a whole; I believe in man's improvement
in himself. Those who insist on reading in me the intention to consider
man as a finished creation are strangely mistaken. <i>Seraphita</i>, the
doctrine in action of the Christian Buddha, seems to me an ample answer to
this rather heedless accusation.
</p>
<p>
In certain fragments of this long work I have tried to popularize the
amazing facts, I may say the marvels, of electricity, which in man is
metamorphosed into an incalculable force; but in what way do the phenomena
of brain and nerves, which prove the existence of an undiscovered world of
psychology, modify the necessary and undoubted relations of the worlds to
God? In what way can they shake the Catholic dogma? Though irrefutable
facts should some day place thought in the class of fluids which are
discerned only by their effects while their substance evades our senses,
even when aided by so many mechanical means, the result will be the same
as when Christopher Columbus detected that the earth is a sphere, and
Galileo demonstrated its rotation. Our future will be unchanged. The
wonders of animal magnetism, with which I have been familiar since 1820;
the beautiful experiments of Gall, Lavater's successor; all the men who
have studied mind as opticians have studied light—two not dissimilar
things—point to a conclusion in favor of the mystics, the disciples
of St. John, and of those great thinkers who have established the
spiritual world—the sphere in which are revealed the relations of
God and man.
</p>
<p>
A sure grasp of the purport of this work will make it clear that I attach
to common, daily facts, hidden or patent to the eye, to the acts of
individual lives, and to their causes and principles, the importance which
historians have hitherto ascribed to the events of public national life.
The unknown struggle which goes on in a valley of the Indre between Mme.
de Mortsauf and her passion is perhaps as great as the most famous of
battles (<i>Le Lys dans la Vallee</i>). In one the glory of the victor is
at stake; in the other it is heaven. The misfortunes of the two
Birotteaus, the priest and the perfumer, to me are those of mankind. La
Fosseuse (<i>Medecin de Campagne</i>) and Mme. Graslin (<i>Cure de Village</i>)
are almost the sum-total of woman. We all suffer thus every day. I have
had to do a hundred times what Richardson did but once. Lovelace has a
thousand forms, for social corruption takes the hues of the medium in
which it lives. Clarissa, on the contrary, the lovely image of impassioned
virtue, is drawn in lines of distracting purity. To create a variety of
Virgins it needs a Raphael. In this respect, perhaps literature must yield
to painting.
</p>
<p>
Still, I may be allowed to point out how many irreproachable figures—as
regards their virtue—are to be found in the portions of this work
already published: Pierrette Lorrain, Ursule Mirouet, Constance Birotteau,
La Fosseuse, Eugenie Grandet, Marguerite Claes, Pauline de Villenoix,
Madame Jules, Madame de la Chanterie, Eve Chardon, Mademoiselle
d'Esgrignon, Madame Firmiani, Agathe Rouget, Renee de Maucombe; besides
several figures in the middle-distance, who, though less conspicuous than
these, nevertheless, offer the reader an example of domestic virtue:
Joseph Lebas, Genestas, Benassis, Bonnet the cure, Minoret the doctor,
Pillerault, David Sechard, the two Birotteaus, Chaperon the priest, Judge
Popinot, Bourgeat, the Sauviats, the Tascherons, and many more. Do not all
these solve the difficult literary problem which consists in making a
virtuous person interesting?
</p>
<p>
It was no small task to depict the two or three thousand conspicuous types
of a period; for this is, in fact, the number presented to us by each
generation, and which the Human Comedy will require. This crowd of actors,
of characters, this multitude of lives, needed a setting—if I may be
pardoned the expression, a gallery. Hence the very natural division, as
already known, into the Scenes of Private Life, of Provincial Life, of
Parisian, Political, Military, and Country Life. Under these six heads are
classified all the studies of manners which form the history of society at
large, of all its <i>faits et gestes</i>, as our ancestors would have
said. These six classes correspond, indeed, to familiar conceptions. Each
has its own sense and meaning, and answers to an epoch in the life of man.
I may repeat here, but very briefly, what was written by Felix Davin—a
young genius snatched from literature by an early death. After being
informed of my plan, he said that the Scenes of Private Life represented
childhood and youth and their errors, as the Scenes of Provincial Life
represented the age of passion, scheming, self-interest, and ambition.
Then the Scenes of Parisian Life give a picture of the tastes and vice and
unbridled powers which conduce to the habits peculiar to great cities,
where the extremes of good and evil meet. Each of these divisions has its
local color—Paris and the Provinces—a great social antithesis
which held for me immense resources.
</p>
<p>
And not man alone, but the principal events of life, fall into classes by
types. There are situations which occur in every life, typical phases, and
this is one of the details I most sought after. I have tried to give an
idea of the different districts of our fine country. My work has its
geography, as it has its genealogy and its families, its places and
things, its persons and their deeds; as it has its heraldry, its nobles
and commonalty, its artisans and peasants, its politicians and dandies,
its army—in short, a whole world of its own.
</p>
<p>
After describing social life in these three portions, I had to delineate
certain exceptional lives, which comprehend the interests of many people,
or of everybody, and are in a degree outside the general law. Hence we
have Scenes of Political Life. This vast picture of society being finished
and complete, was it not needful to display it in its most violent phase,
beside itself, as it were, either in self-defence or for the sake of
conquest? Hence the Scenes of Military Life, as yet the most incomplete
portion of my work, but for which room will be allowed in this edition,
that it may form part of it when done. Finally, the Scenes of Country Life
are, in a way, the evening of this long day, if I may so call the social
drama. In that part are to be found the purest natures, and the
application of the great principles of order, politics, and morality.
</p>
<p>
Such is the foundation, full of actors, full of comedies and tragedies, on
which are raised the Philosophical Studies—the second part of my
work, in which the social instrument of all these effects is displayed,
and the ravages of the mind are painted, feeling after feeling; the first
of the series, <i>The Magic Skin</i>, to some extent forms a link between
the Philosophical Studies and Studies of Manners, by a work of almost
Oriental fancy, in which life itself is shown in a mortal struggle with
the very element of all passion.
</p>
<p>
Besides these, there will be a series of Analytical Studies, of which I
will say nothing, for one only is published as yet—The Physiology of
Marriage.
</p>
<p>
In the course of time I purpose writing two more works of this class.
First the Pathology of Social Life, then an Anatomy of Educational Bodies,
and a Monograph on Virtue.
</p>
<p>
In looking forward to what remains to be done, my readers will perhaps
echo what my publishers say, "Please God to spare you!" I only ask to be
less tormented by men and things than I have hitherto been since I began
this terrific labor. I have had this in my favor, and I thank God for it,
that the talents of the time, the finest characters and the truest
friends, as noble in their private lives as the former are in public life,
have wrung my hand and said, Courage!
</p>
<p>
And why should I not confess that this friendship, and the testimony here
and there of persons unknown to me, have upheld me in my career, both
against myself and against unjust attacks; against the calumny which has
often persecuted me, against discouragement, and against the too eager
hopefulness whose utterances are misinterpreted as those of overwhelming
conceit? I had resolved to display stolid stoicism in the face of abuse
and insults; but on two occasions base slanders have necessitated a reply.
Though the advocates of forgiveness of injuries may regret that I should
have displayed my skill in literary fence, there are many Christians who
are of opinion that we live in times when it is as well to show sometimes
that silence springs from generosity.
</p>
<p>
The vastness of a plan which includes both a history and a criticism of
society, an analysis of its evils, and a discussion of its principles,
authorizes me, I think, in giving to my work the title under which it now
appears—<i>The Human Comedy</i>. Is this too ambitious? Is it not
exact? That, when it is complete, the public must pronounce.
</p>
<p>
PARIS, July 1842
</p>
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<hr />
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
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