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diff --git a/19628-tei/19628-tei.tei b/19628-tei/19628-tei.tei new file mode 100644 index 0000000..df276b6 --- /dev/null +++ b/19628-tei/19628-tei.tei @@ -0,0 +1,3176 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8" ?> + +<!-- +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Siouan Indians by W. J. McGee + + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no +restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under +the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or +online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license + + +Title: The Siouan Indians + +Author: W. J. McGee + +Release Date: October, 2006 [Ebook #19628] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 +--> + +<!DOCTYPE TEI.2 SYSTEM "http://www.gutenberg.org/tei/marcello/0.4/dtd/pgtei.dtd"> + +<TEI.2 lang="en"> +<teiHeader> + <fileDesc> + <titleStmt> + <title>The Siouan Indians</title> + <title type="sub">A Preliminary Sketch - Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1893-1894, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1897, pages 153-204</title> + <author>W. J. McGee</author> + </titleStmt> + <editionStmt> + <edition n="1">Edition 1</edition> + </editionStmt> + <publicationStmt> + <publisher>Project Gutenberg</publisher> + <date value="2006-10-23">October 23, 2006</date> + <idno type="etext-no">19628</idno> + <availability> + <p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and + with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it + away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg + License online at www.gutenberg.org/license</p> + </availability> + </publicationStmt> + <sourceDesc> + <bibl> + </bibl> + </sourceDesc> + </fileDesc> + <encodingDesc> + <classDecl> + <taxonomy id="lc"> + <bibl> + <title>Library of Congress Classification</title> + </bibl> + </taxonomy> + </classDecl> + </encodingDesc> + <profileDesc> + <langUsage> + <language id="en"></language> + </langUsage> + <textClass> + </textClass> + </profileDesc> + <revisionDesc> + <change> + <date value="2006-10-23">October 23, 2006</date> + <respStmt> + <name>PM for Bureau of American Ethnology,<lb /></name> + <name>Joshua Hutchinson and<lb /></name> + <name>The Online Distributed Proofreading Team<lb /></name> + <name>(This file was produced from images generously made available by the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr)</name> + </respStmt> + <item>Posted to Project Gutenberg</item> + </change> + </revisionDesc> +</teiHeader> + +<pgExtensions> + <pgStyleSheet> + figure { text-align: center; page-float: 'htbp' } + .floatleft { float: left; margin-right: 2em } + .floatright { float: right; margin-left: 2em } + .w90 { } + .w50 { } + .w20 { } + .w05 { } + @media pdf { + .w90 { width: 90% } + .w50 { width: 50% } + .w20 { width: 20% } + .w05 { width: 5% } + } + </pgStyleSheet> +</pgExtensions> + +<text lang="en"> + <front> + <div> + <divGen type="pgheader" /> + </div> + + <div> + <divGen type="encodingDesc" /> + </div> + + <div rend="page-break-before: right"> + <divGen type="titlepage" /> + </div> + + <div rend="page-break-before: right"> + <head>Contents</head> + <divGen type="toc" /> + </div> + +</front> + +<body> +<div rend="page-break-before: right"> +<pb n="157" /><anchor id="Pg157" /> +<head>THE SIOUAN INDIANS</head> + +<p>A PRELIMINARY SKETCH<note place="foot"><p>Prepared as a complement and introduction to the following paper oil "Siouan Sociology," by the +late James Owen Dorsey.</p></note></p> + +<p>BY W.J. McGEE</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>THE SIOUAN STOCK</head> +<p></p> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>DEFINITION</head> +<p></p> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>EXTENT OF THE STOCK</head> + +<p>Out of some sixty aboriginal stocks or families found in North America +above the Tropic of Cancer, about five-sixths were confined to the +tenth of the territory bordering Pacific ocean; the remaining nine-tenths +of the land was occupied by a few strong stocks, comprising the Algonquian, +Athapascan, Iroquoian, Shoshonean, Siouan, and others of more +limited extent.</p> + +<p>The Indians of the Siouan stock occupied the central portion of the +continent. They were preeminently plains Indians, ranging from Lake +Michigan to the Rocky mountains, and from the Arkansas to the Saskatchewan, +while an outlying body stretched to the shores of the +Atlantic. They were typical American barbarians, headed by hunters +and warriors and grouped in shifting tribes led by the chase or driven +by battle from place to place over their vast and naturally rich domain, +though a crude agriculture sprang up whenever a tribe tarried long in +one spot. No native stock is more interesting than the great Siouan +group, and none save the Algonquian and Iroquoian approach it in +wealth of literary and historical records; for since the advent of white +men the Siouan Indians have played striking rôles on the stage of +human development, and have caught the eye of every thoughtful +observer.</p> + +<p>The term Siouan is the adjective denoting the "Sioux" Indians and +cognate tribes. The word "Sioux" has been variously and vaguely +used. Originally it was a corruption of a term expressing enmity or +contempt, applied to a part of the plains tribes by the forest-dwelling +Algonquian Indians. According to Trumbull, it was the popular appellation +of those tribes which call themselves Dakota, Lakota, or Nakota<pb n="158" /><anchor id="Pg158" /> +("Friendly," implying confederated or allied), and was an abbreviation +of <hi rend="font-style: italic">Nadowessioux</hi>, a Canadian-French corruption of <hi rend="font-style: italic">Nadowe-ssi-wag</hi> +("the snake-like ones" or "enemies"), a term rooted in the Algonquian +<hi rend="font-style: italic">nadowe</hi> ("a snake"); and some writers have applied the designation to +different portions of the stock, while others have rejected it because of +the offensive implication or for other reasons. So long ago as 1836, +however, Gallatin employed the term "Sioux" to designate collectively +"the nations which speak the Sioux language,"<note place="foot"><p>"A synopsis of the Indian tribes ... in North America," Trans, and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., +vol. II, p. 120.</p></note> and used an alternative +term to designate the subordinate confederacy—i.e., he used the +term in a systematic way for the first time to denote an ethnic unit +which experience has shown to be well defined. Gallatin's terminology +was soon after adopted by Prichard and others, and has been followed +by most careful writers on the American Indians. Accordingly the +name must be regarded as established through priority and prescription, +and has been used in the original sense in various standard +publications.<note place="foot"><p>"Indian linguistic families of America north of Mexico," Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of +Ethnology, for 1885-86 (1891), pp. 111-118. Johnson's Cyclopedia, 1893-95 edition, vol. VII, p. 546, etc.</p></note></p> + +<p>In colloquial usage and in the usage of the ephemeral press, the +term "Sioux" was applied sometimes to one but oftener to several of +the allied tribes embraced in the first of the principal groups of which +the stock is composed, i.e., the group or confederacy styling themselves +Dakota. Sometimes the term was employed in its simple form, +but as explorers and pioneers gained an inkling of the organization of +the group, it was often compounded with the tribal name as "Santee-Sioux," +"Yanktonnai-Sioux," "Sisseton-Sioux," etc. As acquaintance +between white men and red increased, the stock name was gradually +displaced by tribe names until the colloquial appellation "Sioux" +became but a memory or tradition throughout much of the territory +formerly dominated by the great Siouan stock. One of the reasons +for the abandonment of the name was undoubtedly its inappropriateness +as a designation for the confederacy occupying the plains of the upper +Missouri, since it was an alien and opprobrious designation for a people +bearing a euphonious appellation of their own. Moreover, colloquial +usage was gradually influenced by the usage of scholars, who accepted +the native name for the Dakota (spelled Dahcota by Gallatin) confederacy, +as well as the tribal names adopted by Gallatin, Prichard, and +others. Thus the ill-defined term "Sioux" has dropped out of use in +the substantive form, and is retained, in the adjective form only, to +designate a great stock to which no other collective name, either intern +or alien, has ever been definitely and justly applied.</p> + +<p>The earlier students of the Siouan Indians recognized the plains +tribes alone as belonging to that stock, and it has only recently been +shown that certain of the native forest-dwellers long ago encountered +by English colonists on the Atlantic coast were closely akin to the<pb n="159" /><anchor id="Pg159" /> +plains Indians in language, institutions, and beliefs. In 1872 Hale +noted a resemblance between the Tutelo and Dakota languages, and this +resemblance was discussed orally and in correspondence with several +students of Indian languages, but the probability of direct connection +seemed so remote that the affinity was not generally accepted. Even +in 1880, after extended comparison with Dakota material (including +that collected by the newly instituted Bureau of Ethnology), this +distinguished investigator was able to detect only certain general similarities +between the Tutelo tongue and the dialects of the Dakota +tribes.<note place="foot"><p>Correspondence with the Bureau of Ethnology.</p></note> In 1881 Gatschet made a collection of linguistic material +among the Catawba Indians of South Carolina, and was struck with +the resemblance of many of the vocables to Siouan terms of like meaning, +and began the preparation of a comparative Catawba-Dakota +vocabulary. To this the Tutelo, ¢egiha, ʇɔiwe´re, and Hotcañgara +(Winnebago) were added by Dorsey, who made a critical examination +of all Catawba material extant and compared it with several Dakota +dialects, with which he was specially conversant. These examinations +and comparisons demonstrated the affinity between the Dakota and +Catawba tongues and showed them to be of common descent; and the +establishment of this relation made easy the acceptance of the affinity +suggested by Hale between the Dakota and Tutelo.</p> + +<p>Up to this time it was supposed that the eastern tribes "were merely +offshoots of the Dakota;" but in 1883 Hale observed that "while the +language of these eastern tribes is closely allied to that of the western +Dakota, it bears evidence of being older in form,"<note place="foot"><p>"The Tutelo tribe and language," Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., vol. xxi, 3883, p. 1.</p></note> and consequently +that the Siouan tribes of the interior seem to have migrated westward +from a common fatherland with their eastern brethren bordering the +Atlantic. Subsequently Gatschet discovered that the Biloxi Indians +of the Gulf coast used many terms common to the Siouan tongues; and +in 1891 Dorsey visited these Indians and procured a rich collection of +words, phrases, and myths, whereby the Siouan affinity of these Indians +was established. Meantime Mooney began researches among the Cherokee +and cognate tribes of the southern Atlantic slope and found fresh +evidence that their ancient neighbors were related in tongue and belief +with the buffalo hunters of the plains; and he has recently set forth +the relations of the several Atlantic slope tribes of Siouan affinity in full +detail.<note place="foot"><p>Siouan Tribes of the East; Bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1894.</p></note> Through the addition of these eastern tribes the great Siouan +stock is augmented in extent and range and enhanced in interest; for +the records of a group of cognate tribes are thereby increased so fully +as to afford historical perspective and to indicate, if not clearly to display, +the course of tribal differentiation.</p> + +<p>According to Dorsey, whose acquaintance with the Siouan Indians +was especially close, the main portion of the Siouan stock, occupying +the continental interior, comprised seven principal divisions (including<pb n="160" /><anchor id="Pg160" /> +the Biloxi and not distinguishing the Asiniboin), each composed of +one or more tribes or confederacies, all defined and classified by linguistic, +social, and mythologic relations; and he and Mooney recognize +several additional groups, denned by linguistic affinity or historical evidence +of intimate relations, in the eastern part of the country. So far +as made out through the latest researches, the grand divisions, confederacies, +and tribes of the stock,<note place="foot"><p>The subdivisions are set forth, in the following treatise on "Siouan Sociology."</p></note> with their present condition, are as +follows:</p> + +<p rend="text-align: center">1. <hi rend="font-style: italic">Dakota-Asiniboin</hi></p> + +<p>Dakota ("Friendly") or Ot´-ce-ti ca-ko-wi<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi> ("Seven council-fires") confederacy, +comprising—</p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-latin"> +<item>Santee, including Mde-wa-ka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>´-ton-wa<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi> ("Spirit Lake village") +and Wa-qpe´-ku-te ("Shoot among deciduous trees"), +mostly located in Knox county, Nebraska, on the former +Santee reservation, with some oa Fort Peck reservation, +Montana.</item> + +<item>Sisseton or Si-si´-to<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>-wa<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>´ ("Fish-scale village"), mostly on +Sisseton reservation, South Dakota, partly on Devils Lake +reservation, North Dakota.</item> + +<item>Wahpetou or Wa´-qpe´-to<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>-wa<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi> ("Dwellers among deciduous +trees"), mostly on Devils Lake reservation, North Dakota.</item> + +<item>Yankton or I-hank´-to<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>-wa<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi> ("End village"), in Yankton +village, South Dakota.</item> + +<item>Yanktonai or I-hank´-to<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>-wa<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>-na ("Little End village"), +comprising— + + <list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: lower-latin"> + <item>Upper Yanktonai, on Standing Rock reservation, + North Dakota, with the Pa´-ba-kse ("Cut head") gens + on Devils Lake reservation, North Dakota.</item> + + <item>Lower Yanktonai, or Huñkpatina ("Campers at the + horn [or end of the camping circle]"), mostly on Crow + Creek reservation, South Dakota, with some on Standing + Bock reservation, North Dakota, and others on + Fort Peck reservation, Montana.</item></list> +</item> + +<item>Teton or Ti´-to<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>-wa<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi> ("Prairie dwellers"), comprising— + + <list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: lower-latin"> + <item>Brulé or Si-tca<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>´-xu ("Burnt thighs "), including Upper + Brulé, mostly on Rosebud reservation, South Dakota, + and Lower Brulé, on Lower Brulé reservation, in the + same state, with some of both on Standing Rock + reservation, North Dakota, and others on Fort Peck + reservation, Montana.</item> + + <item>Sans Arcs or I-ta´-zip-tco ("Without bows"), largely on + Cheyenne reservation, South Dakota, with others on + Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota.</item> + + <item>Blackfeet or Si-ha´-sa-pa ("Black-feet"), mostly on + Cheyenne reservation, South Dakota, with some on + Standing Eock reservation, North Dakota.</item> + + <pb n="161" /><anchor id="Pg161" /> + + <item>Minneconjou or Mi´-ni-ko´-o-ju ("Plant beside the + stream"), mostly on Cheyenne reservation, South + Dakota, partly on Rosebud reservation, South Dakota, + with some on Standing Rock reservation, North + Dakota.</item> + + <item>Two Kettles or O-o´-he no<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>´-pa ("Two boilings"), on + Cheyenne reservation, South Dakota.</item> + + <item>Ogalala or O-gla´-la ("She poured out her own"), + mostly on Pine Ridge reservation, South Dakota, with + some on Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota, + including the Wa-ja´-ja ("Fringed") gens on Pine + Ridge reservation, South Dakota, and Loafers or + Wa-glu´-xe ("Inbreeders"), mostly on Pine Ridge + reservation, with some on Rosebud reservation, South + Dakota.</item> + + <item>Huñkpapa ("At the entrance"), on Standing Rock + reservation, North Dakota.</item></list> +</item> +</list> + +<p>Asiuiboin ("Cook-with-stones people" in Algonquian), commonly called +Nakota among themselves, and called Hohe ("Rebels") by the +Dakota; an offshoot from the Yanktonnai; not studied in detail during +recent years; partly on Fort Peck reservation, Montana, mostly +in Canada; comprising in 1833 (according to Prince Maximilian)<note place="foot"><p>Travels in the Interior of North America; Translated by H. Evans Lloyd; London, 1843, p. 194. +In this and other lists of names taken from early writers the original orthography and interpretation +are preserved.</p></note>—</p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-latin"> +<item>Itscheabiné ("Les gens des filles"=Girl people?).</item> + +<item>Jatonabinè ("Les gens des roches"=Stone people); apparently +the leading band.</item> + +<item>Otopachguato ("Les gens du large"=Roamers?).</item> + +<item>Otaopabinè ("Les gens des canots"=Canoe people?).</item> + +<item>Tschantoga ("Les gens des bois"=Forest people).</item> + +<item>Watópachnato ("Les gens de l'age"=Ancient people?).</item> + +<item>Tanintauei ("Les gens des osayes"=Bone people).</item> + +<item>Chábin ("Les gens des montagnes"=Mountain people).</item> +</list> + +<p rend="text-align: center">2. <hi rend="font-style: italic">¢egiha</hi> ("<hi rend="font-style: italic">People Dwelling here</hi>")<note place="foot"><p>"Defined in" The ¢egiha Language," by J. Owen Dorsey, Cont. N.A. Eth., vol. VI, 1890, p. xv. Miss +Fletcher, who is intimately acquainted with the Omaha, questions whether the relations between the +tribes are so close as to warrant the maintenance of this division; yet as an expression of linguistic +affinity, at least, the division seems to be useful and desirable.</p></note></p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-latin"> +<item>Omaha or U-ma<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>-ha<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi> ("Upstream people"), located on +Omaha reservation, Nebraska, comprising in 1819 (according +to James)<note place="foot"><p>Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains, performed in the years 1819-1820. +... under the Command of Major S.H. Long, by Edwin James; London, 1823, vol. ii, p. 47 et seq.</p></note>— + + <list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: lower-latin"> + <item>Honga-sha-no tribe, including— + + <list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: decimal"> + <item>Wase-ish-ta band.</item> + + <item>Enk-ka-sa-ba band.</item> + + <pb n="162" /><anchor id="Pg162" /> + + <item>Wa-sa-ba-eta-je ("Those who do not touch + bears") band.</item> + + <item>Ka-e-ta-je ("Those who do not touch turtles") + band.</item> + + <item>Wa-jinga-e-ta-je band.</item> + + <item>Hun-guh band.</item> + + <item>Kon-za band.</item> + + <item>Ta-pa-taj-je band.</item></list> + </item> + + <item>Ish-ta-sun-da ("Gray eyes") tribe, including— + + <list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: decimal"> + <item>Ta-pa-eta-je band.</item> + + <item>Mon-eka-goh-ha ("Earth makers") band.</item> + + <item>Ta-sin-da ("Bison tail") band.</item> + + <item>Ing-gera-je-da ("Red dung") band.</item> + + <item>Wash-a-tung band.</item></list> + </item></list> +</item> + +<item>Ponka ("Medicine"?), mostly on Ponca reservation, Indian +Territory, partly at Santee agency, Nebraska.</item> + +<item>Kwapa, Quapaw, or U-ʞa´-qpa ("Downstream people," a +correlative of U-ma<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>´-ha<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>), the "Arkansa" of early writers, +mostly on Osage reservation, Oklahoma, partly on Quapaw +reservation, Indian Territory.</item> + +<item>(D) Osage or Wa-ca´-ce ("People"), comprising— + + <list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: lower-latin"> + <item>Big Osage or Pa-he´-tsi ("Campers on the mountain"), + on Osage reservation, Indian Territory.</item> + + <item>Little Osage or U-ʇsĕɥ´-ta ("Campers on the lowland,") + on Osage reservation, Indian Territory.</item> + + <item>San-ʇsu´-ʞ¢i<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi><note place="foot"><p>Corrupted to "Chancers" in early days; cf. James ibid., vol. III, p. 108.</p></note> ("Campers in the highland grove") or + "Arkansa band," chiefly on Osage reservation, Indian + Territory.</item></list> +</item> + +<item>Kansa or Ka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>´-ze (refers to winds, though precise significance +is unknown; frequently called Kaw), on Kansas reservation, +Indian Territory.</item> +</list> + +<p rend="text-align: center">3. <hi rend="font-style: italic">ʇɔiwe´re</hi> ("<hi rend="font-style: italic">People of this place</hi>")</p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-latin"> +<item>Iowa or Pá-qo-tce ("Dusty-heads"), chiefly on Great Nemaha +reservation, Kansas and Nebraska, partly on Sac and Fox +reservation, Indian Territory.</item> + +<item>Oto or Wa-to´-ta ("Aphrodisian"), on Otoe reservation, +Indian Territory.</item> + +<item>Missouri or Ni-u´-t'a-tci (exact meaning uncertain; said to +refer to drowning of people in a stream; possibly a corruption +of Ni-shu´-dje, "Smoky water," the name of Missouri +river); on Otoe reservation, Indian Territory.</item> +</list> + +<p rend="text-align: center">4. <hi rend="font-style: italic">Winnebago</hi></p> + +<p>Winnebago (Algonquian designation, meaning "Turbid water +people"?) or Ho-tcañ-ga-ra ("People of the parent speech"),<pb n="163" /><anchor id="Pg163" /> +mostly on Winnebago reservation in Nebraska, some in Wisconsin, +and a few in Michigan; composition never definitely +ascertained; comprised in 1850 (according to Schoolcraft<note place="foot"><p>Information Respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United +States, part I, Philadelphia, 1853, p. 498.</p></note>) +twenty-one bands, all west of the Mississippi, viz.:</p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: lower-latin"> +<item>Little Mills' band.</item> +<item>Little Dekonie's band.</item> +<item>Maw-kuh-soonch-kaw's band.</item> +<item>Ho-pee-kaw's band.</item> +<item>Waw-kon-haw-kaw's band.</item> +<item>Baptiste's band.</item> +<item>Wee-noo-shik's band.</item> +<item>Con-a-ha-ta-kaw's band.</item> +<item>Paw-sed-ech-kaw's band.</item> +<item>Taw-nu-nuk's band.</item> +<item>Ah-hoo-zeeb-kaw's band.</item> +<item>Is-chaw-go-baw-kaw's band.</item> +<item>Watch-ha-ta-kaw's band.</item> +<item>Waw-maw-noo-kaw-kaw's band.</item> +<item>Waw-kon-chaw-zu-kaw's band.</item> +<item>Good Thunder's band.</item> +<item>Koog-ay-ray-kaw's band.</item> +<item>Black Hawk's band.</item> +<item>Little Thunder's band.</item> +<item>Naw-key-ku-kaw's band.</item> +<item>O-chin-chin-nu-kaw's band.</item> +</list> + +<p rend="text-align: center">5. <hi rend="font-style: italic">Mandan</hi></p> + +<p>Mandan (their own name is questionable; Catlin says they +called themselves See-pohs-kah-nu-mah-kah-kee, "People +of the pheasants;"<note place="foot"><p>Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, 4th +edition; London, 1844, vol. I, p. 80.</p></note> Prince Maximilian says they called +themselves Numangkake, "Men," adding usually the name +of their village, and that another name is Mahna-Narra, +"The Sulky [Ones]," applied because they separated from +the rest of their nation;<note place="foot"><p>Travels, op. cit., p. 335.</p></note> of the latter name their common +appellation seems to be a corruption); on Fort Berthold +reservation, North Dakota, comprising in 1804 (according +to Lewis and Clark<note place="foot"><p>History of the Expedition, under the Command of Lewis and Clark, by Elliott Coues, 1893, vol. I, +pp. 182-4. The other two villages enumerated appear to belong rather to the Hidatsa. Prince Maximilian +found but two villages in 1833, Mih-Tutta-Hang-Kush and Ruhptare, evidently corresponding +to the first two mentioned by the earlier explorers (op. cit., p. 335).</p></note>) three villages—</p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: lower-latin"> +<item>Matootonha.</item> +<item>Rooptahee.</item> +<item>__________(Eapanopa's village).</item> +</list> + +<pb n="164" /><anchor id="Pg164" /> + +<p rend="text-align: center">6. <hi rend="font-style: italic">Hidatsa</hi></p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-latin"> +<item>Hidatsa (their own name, the meaning of which is uncertain, +but appears to refer to a traditional buffalo pannch connected +with the division of the group, though supposed by +some to refer to "willows"); formerly called Minitari ("Cross +the water," or, objectionally, Gros Ventres); on Fort Berthold +reservation, North Dakota, comprising in 1796 (according +to information gained by Matthews<note place="foot"><p>Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indiana; Miscel. Publ. No. 7, U.S. Geol. and Geog. +Survey, 1877, p. 38.</p></note>) three villages— + + <list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: lower-latin"> + <item>Hidatsa.</item> + + <item>Amatìlia ("Earth-lodge [village]"?).</item> + + <item>Amaliami ("Mountain-country [people]"?).</item></list> +</item> + +<item>Crow or Ab-sa´-ru-ke, on the Crow reservation, Montana.</item> +</list> + +<p rend="text-align: center">7. <hi rend="font-style: italic">Biloxi</hi></p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-latin"> +<item>Biloxi ("Trifling" or "Worthless" in Choctaw) or Ta-neks´ +Ha<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>-ya-di´ ("Original people" in their own language); partly +in Rapides parish, Louisiana; partly in Indian Territory, with +the Choctaw and Caddo.</item> + +<item>Paskagula ("Bread people" in Choctaw), probably extinct.</item> + +<item>?Moctobi (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>?Chozetta (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> +</list> + +<p rend="text-align: center">8. <hi rend="font-style: italic">Monakan</hi></p> + +<p>Monakan confederacy.</p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-latin"> +<item>Monakan ("Country [people of?]"), ? extinct.</item> + +<item>Meipontsky (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>?Mahoc (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>Nuntaneuck or Nuntaly (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>Mohetan ("People of the earth"?), extinct.</item> +</list> + +<p>Tutelo.</p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-latin"> +<item>Tutelo or Ye-sa<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>´ (meaning unknown), probably extinct.</item> + +<item>Saponi (meaning unknown), probably extinct. (According +to Mooney, the Tutelo and Saponi tribes were intimately connected +or identical, and the names were used interchangeably, +the former becoming more prominent after the removal +of the tribal remnant from the Carolinas to New York.<note place="foot"><p>Siouan Tribes of the East, p. 37. Local names derived from the Saponi dialect were recognized and +interpreted by a Kwapa when pronounced by Dorsey.</p></note>)</item> + +<item>Occanichi (meaning unknown), probably extinct.</item> +</list> + +<p>?Manahoac confederacy, extinct.</p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-latin"> +<item> Manahoac (meaning unknown).</item> + +<item>Stegarake (meaning unknown).</item> + +<item>Shackakoni (meaning unknown).</item> + +<item>Tauxitania (meaning unknown).</item> + +<pb n="165" /><anchor id="Pg165" /> + +<item>Ontponi (meaning unknown).</item> + +<item>Tegniati (meaning unknown).</item> + +<item>Whonkenti (meaning unknown).</item> + +<item>Hasinninga (meaning unknown).</item> +</list> + +<p rend="text-align: center">9. <hi rend="font-style: italic">Catawba or Ni-ya ("People")</hi></p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-latin"> +<item>Catawba (meaning unknown; they called themselves Ni-ya, +"Men" in the comprehensive sense), nearly extinct.</item> + +<item>Woccon (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>? Sissipahaw (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>? Cape Fear (proper name unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>? Warrennuncock (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>? Adshusheer (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>? Eno (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>? Shocco (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>? Waxhaw (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>? Sugeri (meaning unknown), extinct.</item> + +<item>Santee (meaning unknown).</item> + +<item>Wateree (derived from the Catawba word watĕrăn, "to +float in the water").</item> + +<item>Sewee (meaning unknown).</item> + +<item>Congaree (meaning unknown).</item> +</list> + +<p rend="text-align: center">10. <hi rend="font-style: italic">Sara (extinct)</hi></p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-latin"> +<item>Sara ("Tall grass").</item> + +<item>Keyauwi (meaning unknown).</item> +</list> + + +<p rend="text-align: center">11. <hi rend="font-style: italic">? Pedee (extinct)</hi></p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-latin"> +<item>Pedee (meaning unknown).</item> + +<item>Waccamaw (meaning unknown).</item> + +<item>Winyaw (meaning unknown).</item> + +<item>"Hooks" and "Backhooks"(?).</item> +</list> + +<p>The definition of the first six of these divisions is based on extended +researches among the tribes and in the literature representing the +work of earlier observers, and may be regarded as satisfactory. In some +cases, notably the Dakota confederacy, the constitution of the divisions +is also satisfactory, though in others, including the Asiniboin, +Mandan, and Winnebago, the tabulation represents little more than +superficial enumeration of villages and bands, generally by observers +possessing little knowledge of Indian sociology or language. So far +as the survivors of the Biloxi are concerned the classification is satisfactory; +but there is doubt concerning the former limits of the +division, and also concerning the relations of the extinct tribes referred +to on slender, yet the best available, evidence. The classification of<pb n="166" /><anchor id="Pg166" /> +the extinct and nearly extinct Siouan Indians of the east is much less +satisfactory. In several cases languages are utterly lost, and in others +a few doubtful terms alone remain. In these cases affinity is inferred +in part from geographic relation, but chiefly from the recorded federation +of tribes and union of remnants as the aboriginal population +faded under the light of brighter intelligence; and in all such instances +it has been assumed that federation and union grew out of that conformity +in mode of thought which is characteristic of peoples speaking +identical or closely related tongues. Accordingly, while the grouping +of eastern tribes rests in part on meager testimony and is open to +question at many points, it is perhaps the best that can be devised, +and suffices for convenience of statement if not as a final classification. +So far as practicable the names adopted for the tribes, confederacies, +and other groups are those in common use, the aboriginal designations, +when distinct, being added in those cases in which they are known.</p> + +<p>The present population of the Siouan stock is probably between +40,000 and 45,000, including 2,000 or more (mainly Asiniboin) in +Canada.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>TRIBAL NOMENCLATURE</head> + +<p>In the Siouan stock, as among the American Indians generally, the +accepted appellations for tribes and other groups are variously derived. +Many of the Siouan tribal names were, like the name of the stock, +given by alien peoples, including white men, though most are founded +on the descriptive or other designations used in the groups to which +they pertain. At first glance, the names seem to be loosely applied +and perhaps vaguely defined, and this laxity in application and definition +does not disappear, but rather increases, with closer examination.</p> + +<p>There are special reasons for the indefiniteness of Indian nomenclature: +The aborigines were at the time of discovery, and indeed +most of them remain today, in the prescriptorial stage of culture, i.e., +the stage in which ideas are crystallized, not by means of arbitrary +symbols, but by means of arbitrary associations,<note place="foot"><p>The leading culture stages are defined in the Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, +for 1891-92 (1896), p. xxiii et seq.</p></note> and in this stage +names are connotive or descriptive, rather than denotive as in the +scriptorial stage. Moreover, among the Indians, as among all other +prescriptorial peoples, the ego is paramount, and all things are +described, much more largely than among cultured peoples, with +reference to the describer and the position which he occupies—Self +and Here, and, if need be, Now and Thus, are the fundamental elements +of primitive conception and description, and these elements +are implied and exemplified, rather than expressed, in thought and +utterance. Accordingly there is a notable paucity in names, especially +for themselves, among the Indian tribes, while the descriptive +designations applied to a given group by neighboring tribes are +often diverse.</p> + +<pb n="167" /><anchor id="Pg167" /> + +<p>The principles controlling nomenclature in its inchoate stages are +illustrated among the Siouan peoples. So far as their own tongues were +concerned, the stock was nameless, and could not be designated save +through integral parts. Even the great Dakota confederacy, one of the +most extensive and powerful aboriginal organizations, bore no better +designation than a term probably applied originally to associated tribes +in a descriptive way and perhaps used as a greeting or countersign, +although there was an alternative proper descriptive term.—"Seven +Council-fires"—apparently of considerable antiquity, since it seems to +have been originally applied before the separation of the Asiniboin.<note place="foot"><p>Cf. Schoolcraft, "Information," etc, op. cit., pt. II, 1852, p. 169. Dorsey was inclined to consider +the number as made up without the Asiniboin.</p></note> +In like manner the ¢egiha, ʇɔiwe're, and Hotcañgara groups, and perhaps +the Niya, were without denotive designations for themselves, merely +styling themselves "Local People," "Men," "Inhabitants," or, still more +ambitiously, "People of the Parent Speech," in terms which are variously +rendered by different interpreters; they were lords in their own domain, +and felt no need for special title. Different Dakota tribes went so far +as to claim that their respective habitats marked the middle of the +world, so that each insisted on precedence as the leading tribe,<note place="foot"><p>Riggs-Dorsey: "Dakota Grammar,Texts, and Ethnography," Cont. N.A. Eth., vol. IX, 1893, p. 164.</p></note> and +it was the boast of the Mandan that they were the original people of +the earth.<note place="foot"><p>Catlin: "Letters and Notes," op. cit., p. 80.</p></note> In the more carefully studied confederacies the constituent +groups generally bore designations apparently used for convenient distinction +in the confederation; sometimes they were purely descriptive, +as in the case of the Sisseton, Wahpeton, Sans Arcs, Blackfeet, Oto, and +several others; again they referred to the federate organization (probably, +possibly to relative position of habitat), as in the Yankton, Yanktonai, +and Huñkpapa; more frequently they referred to geographic or +topographic position, e.g., Teton, Omaha, Pahe'tsi, Kwapa, etc; while +some appear to have had a figurative or symbolic connotation, as Brulé, +Ogalala, and Ponka. Usually the designations employed by alien peoples +were more definite than those used in the group designated, as +illustrated by the stock name, Asiniboin, and Iowa. Commonly the +alien appellations were terms of reproach; thus Sioux, Biloxi, and +Hohe (the Dakota designation for the Asiniboin) are clearly opprobrious, +while Paskagula might easily be opprobrious among hunters and +warriors, and Iowa and Oto appear to be derogatory or contemptuous +expressions. The names applied by the whites were sometimes taken +from geographic positions, as in the case of Upper Yanktonai and +Cape Fear—the geographic names themselves being frequently of +Indian origin. Some of the current names represent translations of +the aboriginal terms either into English ("Blackfeet," "Two Kettles," +"Crow,") or into French ("Sans Arcs," "Brulé"," "Gros Ventres"); +yet most of the names, at least of the prairie tribes, are simply corruptions +of the aboriginal terms, though frequently the modification is +so complete as to render identification and interpretation difficult—it<pb n="168" /><anchor id="Pg168" /> +is not easy to find Waca'ce in "Osage" (so spelled by the French, whose +orthography was adopted and mispronounced by English-speaking +pioneers), or Pa'qotce in "Iowa."</p> + +<p>The meanings of most of the eastern names are lost; yet so far as +they are preserved they are of a kind with those of the interior. So, +too, are the subtribal names enumerated by Dorsey.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS</head> +<p></p> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>PHONETIC AND GRAPHIC ARTS</head> + +<p>The Siouan stock is defined by linguistic characters. The several +tribes and larger and smaller groups speak dialects so closely related +as to imply occasional or habitual association, and hence to indicate +community in interests and affinity in development; and while the arts +(reflecting as they did the varying environment of a wide territorial +range) were diversified, the similarity in language was, as is usual, +accompanied by similarity in institutions and beliefs. Nearly all of +the known dialects are eminently vocalic, and the tongues of the plains, +which have been most extensively studied, are notably melodious; thus +the leading languages of the group display moderately high phonetic +development. In grammatic structure the better-known dialects are +not so well developed; the structure is complex, chiefly through the large +use of inflection, though agglutination sometimes occurs. In some cases +the germ of organization is found in fairly definite juxtaposition or +placement. The vocabulary is moderately rich, and of course represents +the daily needs of a primitive people, their surroundings, their avocations, +and their thoughts, while expressing little of the richer ideation +of cultured cosmopolites. On the whole, the speech of the Siouan stock +may be said to have been fairly developed, and may, with the Algonquian, +Iroquoian, and Shoshonean, be regarded as typical for the portion +of North America lying north of Mexico. Fortunately it has been +extensively studied by Riggs, Hale, Dorsey, and several others, including +distinguished representatives of some of the tribes, and is thus +accessible to students. The high phonetic development of the Siouan +tongues reflects the needs and records the history of the hunter and +warrior tribes, whose phonetic symbols were necessarily so differentiated +as to be intelligible in whisper, oratory, and war cry, as well as +in ordinary converse, while the complex structure is in harmony with +the elaborate social organization and ritual of the Siouan people.</p> + +<p>Many of the Siouan Indians were adepts in the sign language; +indeed, this mode of conveying intelligence attained perhaps its highest +development among some of the tribes of this stock, who, with +other plains Indians, developed pantomime and gesture into a surprisingly +perfect art of expression adapted to the needs of huntsmen and +warriors.</p> + +<p>Most of the tribes were fairly proficient in pictography; totemic and +other designs were inscribed on bark and wood, painted on skins,<pb n="169" /><anchor id="Pg169" /> +wrought into domestic wares, and sometimes carved on rocks. Jonathan +Carver gives an example of picture-writing on a tree, in charcoal +mixed with bear's grease, designed to convey information from the +"Chipe'ways" (Algonquian) to the "Naudowessies,"<note place="foot"><p>Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America in the Years 1766, 1767, and 1768; London, +1778, p. 418.</p></note> and other instances +of intertribal communication by means of pictography are on record. +Personal decoration was common, and was largely symbolic; the face +and body were painted in distinctive ways when going on the warpath, +in organizing the hunt, in mourning the dead, in celebrating the victory, +and in performing various ceremonials. Scarification and maiming +were practiced by some of the tribes, always in a symbolic way. +Among the Mandan and Hidatsa scars were produced in cruel ceremonials +originally connected with war and hunting, and served as enduring +witnesses of courage and fortitude. Symbolic tattooing was fairly +common among the westernmost tribes. Eagle and other feathers were +worn as insignia of rank and for other symbolic purposes, while bear +claws and the scalps of enemies were worn as symbols of the chase +and battle. Some of the tribes recorded current history by means of +"winter counts" or calendaric inscriptions, though their arithmetic +was meager and crude, and their calendar proper was limited to recognition +of the year, lunation, and day—or, as among so many primitive +people, the "snow," "dead moon," and "night,"—with no definite system +of fitting lunations to the annual seasons. Most of the graphic +records were perishable, and have long ago disappeared; but during +recent decades several untutored tribesmen have executed vigorous +drawings representing hunting scenes and conflicts with white soldiery, +which have been preserved or reproduced. These crude essays in +graphic art were the germ of writing, and indicate that, at the time of +discovery, several Siouan tribes were near the gateway opening into +the broader field of scriptorial culture. So far as it extends, the crude +graphic symbolism betokens warlike habit and militant organization, +which were doubtless measurably inimical to further progress.</p> + +<p>It would appear that, in connection with their proficiency in gesture +speech and their meager graphic art, the Siouan Indians had become +masters in a vaguely understood system of dramaturgy or symbolized +conduct. Among them the use of the peace-pipe was general; among +several and perhaps all of the tribes the definite use of insignia was common; +among them the customary hierarchic organization of the aborigines +was remarkably developed and was maintained by an elaborate +and strict code of etiquette whose observance was exacted and yielded +by every tribesman. Thus the warriors, habituated to expressing and +recognizing tribal affiliation and status in address and deportment, were +notably observant of social minutiæ, and this habit extended into every +activity of their lives. They were ceremonious among themselves and<pb n="170" /><anchor id="Pg170" /> +crafty toward enemies, tactful diplomatists as well as brave soldiers, +shrewd strategists as well as fierce fighters; ever they were skillful +readers of human nature, even when ruthless takers of human life. +Among some of the tribes every movement and gesture and expression +of the male adult seems to have been affected or controlled with +the view of impressing spectators and auditors, and through constant +schooling the warriors became most consummate actors. To the casual +observer, they were stoics or stupids according to the conditions of +observation; to many observers, they were cheats or charlatans; to +scientific students, their eccentrically developed volition and the thaumaturgy +by which it was normally accompanied suggests early stages +in that curious development which, in the Orient, culminates in necromancy +and occultism. Unfortunately this phase of the Indian character +(which was shared by various tribes) was little appreciated by +the early travelers, and little record of it remains; yet there is enough +to indicate the importance of constantly studied ceremony, or symbolic +conduct, among them. The development of affectation and self-control +among the Siouan tribesmen was undoubtedly shaped by warlike disposition, +and their stoicism was displayed largely in war—as when the +captured warrior went exultingly to the torture, taunting and tempting +his captors to multiply their atrocities even until his tongue was torn +from its roots, in order that his fortitude might be proved; but the +habit was firmly fixed and found constant expression in commonplace +as well as in more dramatic actions.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>INDUSTRIAL AND ESTHETIC ARTS</head> + +<p>Since the arts of primitive people reflect environmental conditions +with close fidelity, and since the Siouan Indians were distributed over +a vast territory varying in climate, hydrography, geology, fauna, and +flora, their industrial and esthetic arts can hardly be regarded as distinctive, +and were indeed shared by other tribes of all neighboring +stocks.</p> + +<p>The best developed industries were hunting and warfare, though all +of the tribes subsisted in part on fruits, nuts, berries, tubers, grains, +and other vegetal products, largely wild, though sometimes planted +and even cultivated in rude fashion. The southwestern tribes, and to +some extent all of the prairie denizens and probably the eastern remnant, +grew maize, beans, pumpkins, melons, squashes, sunflowers, and +tobacco, though their agriculture seems always to have been subordinated +to the chase. Aboriginally, they appear to have had no domestic +animals except dogs, which, according to Carver—one of the first +white men seen by the prairie tribes,—were kept for their flesh, which +was eaten ceremonially,<note place="foot"><p>Op.cit., p.278.</p></note> and for use in the chase.<note place="foot"><p>Op. cit., p. 445. Carver says, "The dogs employed by the Indians in hunting appear to be all of the +same species; they carry their ears erect, and greatly resemble a wolf about the head. They are +exceedingly useful to them in their hunting excursions and will attack the fiercest of the game they +are in pursuit of. They are also remarkable for their fidelity to their masters, but being ill fed by +them are very troublesome in their huts or tents."</p></note> According to<pb n="171" /><anchor id="Pg171" /> +Lewis and Clark (1804-1806), they were used for burden and draft;<note place="foot"><p>"Coues, "History of the Expedition," op. cit., vol. I, p. 140. A note adds, "The dogs are not large, +much resemble a wolf, and will haul about 70 pounds each."</p></note> +according to the naturalists accompanying Long's expedition (1819-20), +for flesh (eaten ceremonially and on ordinary occasions), draft, burden, +and the chase,<note place="foot"><p>Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River ... under the Command of Stephen +H. Long, U.S.T.E., by William H. Keating; London, 1825, vol. I, p. 451; vol. II, p. 44, et al. Account +of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains ... under the Command of Major S.H. +Long, U.S.T.E., by Edwin James; London, 1823, vol. I, pp. 155, 182, et al.</p> + +<p>Say remarks (James, loc. cit., p. 155) of the coyote(?), "This animal ... is probably the original +of the domestic dog, so common in the villages of the Indians of this region [about Council Bluffs +and Omaha], some of the varieties of which still retain much of the habit and manners of this +species." James says (loc. cit., vol. II, p. 13), "The dogs of the Konzas are generally of a mixed breed, +between our dogs with pendent ears and the native dogs, whose ears are universally erect. The +Indians of this nation seek every opportunity to cross the breed. These mongrel dogs are less common +with the Omawhaws, while the dogs of the Pawnees generally have preserved their original +form."</p></note> and according to Prince Maximilian, for food and +draft,<note place="foot"><p>Travels in the Interior of North America; London, 1843. The Prince adds, "In shape they differ +very little from the wolf, and are equally large and strong. Some are of the real wolf color; others +are black, white, or spotted with black and white, and differing only by the tail being rather more +turned up. Their voice is not a proper barking, but a howl like that of the wolf, and they partly +descend from wolves, which approach the Indian huts, even in the daytime, and mix with the dogs" +(cf. p. 203 et al.). Writing at the Mandan village, he says, "The Mandans and Manitaries have not, by +any means, so many dogs as the Assiniboin, Crows, and Blackfeet. They are rarely of true wolf +color, but generally black or white, or else resemble the wolf, but here they are more like the prairie +wolf (<hi rend="font-style: italic">Canis latrans</hi>). We likewise found among these animals a brown race, descended from European +pointers; hence the genuine bark of the dog is more frequently heard here, whereas among the western +nations they only howl. The Indian dogs are worked very hard, have hard blows and hard fare; in +fact, they are treated just as this fine animal is treated among the Esquimaux" (p. 345).</p></note> all these functions indicating long familiarity with the canines. +Catlin, too, found "dog's meat ... the most honorable food that +can be presented to a stranger;" it was eaten ceremonially and on +important occasions.<note place="foot"><p>"Letters and Notes," etc, vol. I, p. 14; of. p. 230 et al. He speaks (p. 201) of the Minitari canines +as "semiloup dogs and whelps."</p></note> Moreover, the terms used for the dog and his +harness are ancient and even archaic, and some of the most important +ceremonials were connected with this animal,<note place="foot"><p>Keating's "Narrative," op. cit., vol. II, p. 452; James' +"Account," op. cit., vol. I, p.127 et al.</p></note> implying long-continued +association. Casual references indicate that some of the tribes lived +in mutual tolerance with several birds<note place="foot"><p>According to Prince Maximilian, both the Mandan and Minitari kept owls in their lodges and +regarded them as soothsayers ("Travels," op. cit., pp. 383, 403), and the eagle was apparently tolerated +for the sake of his feathers.</p></note> and mammals not yet domesticated +(indeed the buffalo may be said to have been in this condition), +so that the people were at the threshold of zooculture.</p> + +<p>The chief implements and weapons were of stone, wood, bone, horn, +and antler. According to Carver, the "Nadowessie" were skillful bowmen, +using also the "casse-tête"<note place="foot"><p>"Cassa Tate, the antient tomahawk" on the plate illustrating the objects ("Travels," op. cit., pl. +4, p. 298).</p></note> or warclub, and a flint scalping-knife. +Catlin was impressed with the shortness of the bows used +by the prairie tribes, though among the southwestern tribes they were +longer. Many of the Siouan Indians used the lance, javelin, or spear. +The domestic utensils were scant and simple, as became wanderers +and fighters, wood being the common material, though crude pottery<pb n="172" /><anchor id="Pg172" /> +and basketry were manufactured, together with bags and bottles of +skins or animal intestines. Ceremonial objects were common, the +most conspicuous being the calumet, carved out of the sacred pipestone +or catlinite quarried for many generations in the midst of the +Siouan territory. Frequently the pipes were fashioned in the form of +tomahawks, when they carried a double symbolic significance, standing +alike for peace and war, and thus expressing well the dominant +idea of the Siouan mind. Tobacco and kinnikinic (a mixture of tobacco +with shredded bark, leaves, etc<note place="foot"><p>Described by Coues, "History of the Expedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark," 1893, +vol. I, p. 139, note.</p></note>) were smoked.</p> + +<p>Aboriginally the Siouan apparel was scanty, commonly comprising +breechclout, moccasins, leggings, and robe, and consisted chiefly of +dressed skins, though several of the tribes made simple fabrics of bast, +rushes, and other vegetal substances. Fur robes and rush mats commonly +served for bedding, some of the tribes using rude bedsteads. +The buffalo-hunting prairie tribes depended largely for apparel, bedding, +and habitations, as well as for food, on the great beast to whose +comings and goings their movements were adjusted. Like other +Indians, the Siouan hunters and their consorts quickly availed themselves +of the white man's stuffs, as well as his metal implements, and +the primitive dress was soon modified.</p> + +<p>The woodland habitations were chiefly tent-shape structures of saplings +covered with bark, rush mats, skins, or bushes; the prairie habitations +were mainly earth lodges for winter and buffalo-skin tipis for +summer. Among many of the tribes these domiciles, simple as they +were, were constructed in accordance with an elaborate plan controlled +by ritual. According to Morgan, the framework of the aboriginal +Dakota house consisted of 13 poles;<note place="foot"><p>"Houses and House-life of the American Aborigines," Cont. N.A. Eth., vol. IV. 1881, p. 114.</p></note> and Dorsey describes the systematic +grouping of the tipis belonging to different gentes and tribes. +Sudatories were characteristic in most of the tribes, menstrual lodges +were common, and most of the more sedentary tribes had council +houses or other communal structures. The Siouan domiciles were thus +adapted with remarkable closeness to the daily habits and environment +of the tribesmen, while at the same time they reflected the complex +social organization growing out of their prescriptorial status and +militant disposition.</p> + +<p>Most of the Siouan men, women, and children were fine swimmers, +though they did not compare well with neighboring tribes as makers +and managers of water craft. The Dakota women made coracles of +buffalo hides, in which they transported themselves and their householdry, +but the use of these and other craft seems to have been regarded +as little better than a feminine weakness. Other tribes were better +boatmen; for the Siouan Indian generally preferred land travel to +journeying by water, and avoided the burden of vehicles by which his<pb n="173" /><anchor id="Pg173" /> +ever-varying movements in pursuit of game or in waylaying and evading +enemies would have been limited and handicapped.</p> + +<p>There are many indications and some suggestive evidences that the +chief arts and certain institutions and beliefs, as well as the geographic +distribution, of the principal Siouan tribes were determined by a single +conspicuous feature in their environment—the buffalo. As Riggs, +Hale, and Dorsey have demonstrated, the original home of the Siouan +stock lay on the eastern slope of the Appalachian mountains, stretching +down over the Piedmont and Coastplain provinces to the shores of +the Atlantic between the Potomac and the Savannah. As shown by +Allen, the buffalo, "prior to the year 1800," spread eastward across the +Appalachians<note place="foot"><p>"The American Bisons, Living and Extinct," by J.A. Allen; Memoirs of the Geol. Survey of Kentucky, +vol. 1, pt. ii, 1876, map; also pp. 55, 72-101, et al.</p></note> and into the priscan territory of the Siouan tribes. As +suggested by Shaler, the presence of this ponderous and peaceful +animal materially affected the vocations of the Indians, tending to discourage +agriculture and encourage the chase; and it can hardly be +doubted that the bison was the bridge that carried the ancestors of the +western tribes from the crest of the Alleghenies to the Côteau des +Prairies and enabled them to disperse so widely over the plains beyond. +Certainly the toothsome flesh and useful skins must have attracted +the valiant huntsmen among the Appalachians; certainly the feral +herds must have become constantly larger and more numerous westward, +thus tempting the pursuers down the waterways toward the +great river; certainly the vast herds beyond the Mississippi gave +stronger incentives and richer rewards than the hunters of big game +found elsewhere; and certainly when the prairie tribes were discovered, +the men and animals lived in constant interaction, and many of the +hunters acted and thought only as they were moved by their easy prey. +As the Spanish horse spread northward over the Llano Estacado and +overflowed across the mountains from the plains of the Cayuse, the +Dakota and other tribes found a new means of conquest over the +herds, and entered on a career so facile that they increased and multiplied +despite strife and imported disease.</p> + +<p>The horse was acquired by the prairie tribes toward the end of the +last century. Carver (1766-1768) describes the methods of hunting +among the "Naudowessie" without referring to the horse,<note place="foot"><p>Op. cit., p. 283 et seq.</p></note> though he +gives their name for the animal in his vocabulary,<note place="foot"><p>Ibid., p. 435.</p></note> and describes their +mode of warfare with "Indians that inhabit still farther to the westward +a country which extends to the South Sea," having "great plenty +of horses."<note place="foot"><p>Ibid., p. 294.</p></note> Lewis and Clark (1804-1806) mention that the "Sioux of +the Teton tribe ... frequently make excursions to steal horses" +from the Mandan,<note place="foot"><p>"History of the Expedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark," etc, by Elliott Coues, 1893 +vol. 1, p. 175. It is noted that in winter the Mandan kept their horses in their lodges at night, and, +fed them on cottonwood branches. Ibid., pp. 220, 233, et al.</p></note> and make other references indicating that the horse<pb n="174" /><anchor id="Pg174" /> +was in fairly common use among some of the Siouan tribes, though the +animal was "confined principally to the nations inhabiting the great +plains of the Columbia,"<note place="foot"><p>Coues, Expedition of Lewis and Clark, vol. III, p. 839.</p></note> and dogs were still used for burden and +draft.<note place="foot"><p>Ibid., vol. I, p. 140.</p></note> Grinnell learned from an aged Indian that horses came into +the hands of the neighboring Piegan (Algonquian) about 1804-1806.<note place="foot"><p>"The Story of the Indian," 1895, p. 237.</p></note> +Long's naturalists found the horse, ass, and mule in use among the +Kansa and other tribes,<note place="foot"><p>James' "Account," op. cit., vol. I, pp. 126, 148; vol. II, p. 12 et al.</p></note> and described the mode of capture of wild +horses by the Osage;<note place="foot"><p>Ibid., vol. III, p. 107.</p></note> yet when, two-thirds of a century after Carver, +Catlin (1832-1839) and Prince Maximilian (1833-34) visited the Siouan +territory, they found the horse established and in common use in the +chase and in war.<note place="foot"><p>"Letters and Notes," op. cit., vol. I, pp. 142 (where the manner of lassoing wild horses is mentioned), +p. 251 et al.; "Travels," op. cit., p. 149 et al. (The Crow were said to have between 9,000 and +10,000 head, p. 174.)</p></note> It is significant that the Dakota word for horse +(śuk-taɲ'-ka or śuɲ-ka'-wa-kaɲ) is composed of the word for dog +(śuɲ'-ka), with an affix indicating greatness, sacredness, or mystery, +so that the horse is literally "great mysterious dog," or "ancient sacred +dog," and that several terms for harness and other appurtenances correspond +with those used for the gear of the dog when used as a draft +animal.<note place="foot"><p>Keating in Long's Expedition, op. cit., vol. II, appendix, p. 152. Riggs' "Dakota-English Dictionary," +Cont. N.A. Eth., vol. VII, 1890.</p></note> This terminology corroborates the direct evidence that the +dog was domesticated by the Siouan aborigines long before the advent +of the horse.</p> + +<p>Among the Siouan tribes, as among other Indians, amusements +absorbed a considerable part of the time and energy of the old and +young of both sexes. Among the young, the gambols, races, and +other sports were chiefly or wholly diversional, and commonly mimicked +the avocations of the adults. The girls played at the building +and care of houses and were absorbed in dolls, while the boys played +at archery, foot racing, and mimic hunting, which soon grew into +the actual chase of small birds and animals. Some of the sports of the +elders were unorganized diversions, leaping, racing, wrestling, and +other spontaneous expressions of exuberance. Certain diversions were +controlled by more persistent motive, as when the idle warrior occupied +his leisure in meaningless ornamentation of his garment or tipi, or +spent hours of leisure in esthetic modification of his weapon or ceremonial +badge, and to this purposeless activity, which engendered +design with its own progress, the incipient graphic art of the tribes +was largely due. The more important and characteristic sports were +organized and interwoven with social organization and belief so as +commonly to take the form of elaborate ceremonial, in which dancing, +feasting, fasting, symbolic painting, song, and sacrifice played important +parts, and these organized sports were largely fiducial. To many<pb n="175" /><anchor id="Pg175" /> +of the early observers the observances were nothing more than meaningless +mummeries; to some they were sacrilegious, to others sortilegious; +to the more careful students, like Carver, whose notes are of +especial value by reason of the author's clear insight into the Indian +character, they were invocations, expiations, propitiations, expressing +profound and overpowering devotion. Carver says of the "Naudowessie," +"They usually dance either before or after every meal; and +by this cheerfulness, probably, render the Great Spirit, to whom they +consider themselves as indebted for every good, a more acceptable +sacrifice than a formal and unanimated thanksgiving;"<note place="foot"><p>Op. cit., p. 265.</p></note> and he proceeds +to describe the informal dances as well as the more formal ceremonials +preparatory to joining in the chase or setting out on the +warpath. The ceremonial observances of the Siouan tribes were not +different in kind from those of neighboring contemporaries, yet some +of them were developed in remarkable degree—for example, the bloody +rites by which youths were raised to the rank of warriors in some of +the prairie tribes were without parallel in severity among the aborigines +of America, or even among the known primitive peoples of the +world. So the sports of the Siouan Indians were both diversional and +divinatory, and the latter were highly organized in a manner reflecting +the environment of the tribes, their culture-status, their belief, and +especially their disposition toward bloodshed; for their most characteristic +ceremonials were connected, genetically if not immediately, +with warfare and the chase.</p> + +<p>Among many of the Siouan tribes, games of chance were played +habitually and with great avidity, both men and women becoming so +absorbed as to forget avocations and food, mothers even neglecting +their children; for, as among other primitive peoples, the charm of +hazard was greater than among the enlightened. The games were not +specially distinctive, and were less widely differentiated than in certain +other Indian stocks. The sport or game of chungke stood high in favor +among the young men in many of the tribes, and was played as a game +partly of chance, partly of skill; but dice games (played with plum +stones among the southwestern prairie tribes) were generally preferred, +especially by the women, children, and older men. The games were +partly, sometimes wholly, diversional, but generally they were in large +part divinatory, and thus reflected the hazardous occupations and low +culture-status of the people. One of the evils resulting from the advent +of the whites was the introduction of new games of chance which tended +further to pervert the simple Siouan mind; but in time the evil brought +its own remedy, for association with white gamblers taught the ingenuous +sortilegers that there is nothing divine or sacred about the gaming +table or the conduct of its votaries.</p> + +<p>The primitive Siouan music was limited to the chant and rather +simple vocal melody, accompanied by rattle, drum, and flute, the drum +among the northwestern tribes being a skin bottle or bag of water.<pb n="176" /><anchor id="Pg176" /> +The music of the Omaha and some other tribes has been most appreciatively +studied by Miss Fletcher, and her memoir ranks among the +Indian classics.<note place="foot"><p>"A study of Omaha Indian Music, by Alice C. Fletcher ... aided by Francis La Flesche, +with a report on the structural peculiarities of the music, by John Comfort Fillmore, A.M.;" Arch. +and Eth. papers of the Peabody Museum, vol. I, No. 5, 1893, pp. i-vi + 7-152 (=231-382).</p></note> In general the Siouan music was typical for the +aboriginal stocks of the northern interior. Its dominant feature was +rhythm, by which the dance was controlled, though melody was inchoate, +while harmony was not yet developed.</p> + +<p>The germ of painting was revealed in the calendars and the seed of +sculpture in the carvings of the Sionan Indians. The pictographic +paintings comprised not only recognizable but even vigorous representations +of men and animals, depicted in form and color though without +perspective, while the calumet of catlinite was sometimes chiseled into +striking verisimilitude of human and animal forms in miniature. To +the collector these representations suggest fairly developed art, though +to the Indian they were mainly, if not wholly, symbolic; for everything +indicates that the primitive artisan had not yet broken the shackles of +fetichistic symbolism, and had little conception of artistic portrayal for +its own sake.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>INSTITUTIONS</head> + +<p>Among civilized peoples, institutions are crystallized in statutes +about nuclei of common law or custom; among peoples in the prescriptorial +culture-stage statutes are unborn, and various mnemonic devices +are employed for fixing and perpetuating institutions; and, as is usual +in this stage, the devices involve associations which appear to be +essentially arbitrary at the outset, though they tend to become natural +through the survival of the fittest. A favorite device for perpetuating +institutions among the primitive peoples of many districts on different +continents is the taboo, or prohibition, which is commonly fiducial but +is often of general application. This device finds its best development +in the earlier stages in the development of belief, and is normally connected +with totemism. Another device, which is remarkably widespread, +as shown by Morgan, is kinship nomenclature. This device rests +on a natural and easily ascertained basis, though its applications are +arbitrary and vary widely from tribe to tribe and from culture-status +to culture-status. A third device, which found much favor among the +American aborigines and among some other primitive peoples, may be +called <hi rend="font-style: italic">ordination</hi>, or the arrangement of individuals and groups classified +from the prescriptorial point of view of Self, Here, and Now, with +respect to each other or to some dominant personage or group. This +device seems to have grown out of the kin-name system, in which the +Ego is the basis from which relation is reckoned. It tends to develop +into federate organization on the one hand or into caste on the other +hand, according to the attendant conditions.<note place="foot"><p>Ordination, as the term is here used, comprehends regimentation as defined by Powell, yet relates +especially to the method of reckoning from the constantly recognized but ever varying standpoint of +prescriptorial culture.</p></note> There are various other<pb n="177" /><anchor id="Pg177" /> +devices for fixing and perpetuating institutions or for expressing the +laws embodied therein. Some of these are connected with thaumaturgy +and shamanism, some are connected with the powers of nature, and +the several devices overlap and interlace in puzzling fashion.</p> + +<p>Among the Siouan Indians the devices of taboo, kin-names, and ordination +are found in such relation as to throw some light on the growth +of primitive institutions. While they blend and are measurably +involved with thaumaturgic devices, there are indications that in a +general way the three devices stand for stages in the development of +law. Among the best-known tribes the taboo pertained to the clan, +and was used (in a much more limited way than among some other +peoples) to commemorate and perpetuate the clan organization; kin-names, +which were partly natural and thus normal to the clan organization, +and at the same time partly artificial and thus characteristic of +gentile organization, served to commemorate and perpetuate not only +the family relations but the relations of the constituent elements of +the tribe; while the ordination, expressed in the camping circle, in the +phratries, in the ceremonials, and in many other ways, served to commemorate +intertribal as well as intergentile relations, and thus to promote +peace and harmonious action. It is significant that the taboo +was less potent among the Siouan Indians than among some other +stocks, and that among some tribes it has not been found; and it is +especially significant that in some instances the taboo was apparently +inversely related to kin-naming and ordination, as among the Biloxi, +where the taboo is exceptionally weak and kin-naming exceptionally +strong, and among the Dakota, where the system of ordination attained +perhaps its highest American development in domiciliary arrangement, +while the taboo was limited in function; for the relations indicate that +the taboo was archaic or even vestigial. It is noteworthy also that +among most of the Siouan tribes the kin-name system was less elaborate +than in many other stocks, while the system of ordination is so elaborate +as to constitute one of the leading characteristics of the stock.</p> + +<p>At the time of the discovery, most of the Siouan tribes had apparently +passed into gentile organization, though vestiges of clan organization +were found—e.g., among the best-known tribes the man was the head +of the family, though the tipi usually belonged to the woman. Thus, as +defined by institutions, the stock was just above savagery and just +within the lower stages of barbarism. Accordingly the governmental +functions were hereditary in the male line, yet the law of heredity was +subject to modification or suspension at the will of the group, commonly +at the instance of rebels or usurpers of marked prowess or shrewdness. +The property regulations were definite and strictly observed; as among +other barbarous peoples, the land was common to the tribe or other group +occupying it, yet was defended against alien invasion; the ownership +of movable property was a combination of communalism and individualism +delicately adjusted to the needs and habits of the several tribes—<pb n="178" /><anchor id="Pg178" /> +in general, evanescent property, such as food and fuel, was shared in +common (subject to carefully regulated individual claims), while permanent +property, such as tipis, dogs, apparel, weapons, etc, was held by +individuals. As among other tribes, the more strictly personal property +was usually destroyed on the death of the owner, though the real reason +for the custom—the prevention of dispute—was shrouded in a mantle +of mysticism.</p> + +<p>Although of primary importance in shaping the career of the Siouan +tribes, the marital institutions of the stock were not specially distinctive. +Marriage was usually effected by negotiation through parents or elders; +among some of the tribes the bride was purchased, while among others +there was an interchange of presents. Polygyny was common; in several +of the tribes the bride's sisters became subordinate wives of the +husband. The regulations concerning divorce and the punishment of +infidelity were somewhat variable among the different tribes, some of +whom furnished temporary wives to distinguished visitors. Generally +there were sanctions for marriage by elopement or individual choice. In +every tribe, so far as known, gentile exogamy prevailed—i.e., marriage +in the gens was forbidden, under pain of ostracism or still heavier penalty, +while the gentes intermarried among one another; in some cases +intermarriage between certain tribes was regarded with special favor. +There seems to have been no system of marriage by capture, though +captive women were usually espoused by the successful tribesmen, and +girls were sometimes abducted. In general it would appear that intergentile +and intertribal marriage was practiced and sanctioned by the +sages, and that it tended toward harmony and federation, and thus +contributed much toward the increase and diffusion of the great Siouan +stock.</p> + +<p>As set forth in some detail by Dorsey, the ordination of the Siouan +tribes extended beyond the hierarchic organization into families, subgentes, +gentes, tribes, and confederacies; there were also phratries, +sometimes (perhaps typically) arranged in pairs; there were societies +or associations established on social or fiducial bases; there was a general +arrangement or classification of each group on a military basis, +as into soldiers and two or more classes of noncombatants, etc. +Among the Siouan peoples, too, the individual brotherhood of the +David-Jonathan or Damon-Pythias type was characteristically developed. +Thus the corporate institutions were interwoven and superimposed +in a manner nearly as complex as that found in the national, +state, municipal, and minor institutions of civilization; yet the ordination +preserved by means of the camping circle, the kinship system, +the simple series of taboos, and the elaborate symbolism was apparently +so complete as to meet every social and governmental demand.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>BELIEFS</head> +<p></p> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>THE DEVELOPMENT OF MYTHOLOGY</head> + +<p>As explained by Powell, philosophies and beliefs may be seriated in +four stages: The first stage is hecastotheism; in this stage extranatural +or mysterious potencies are imputed to objects both animate<pb n="179" /><anchor id="Pg179" /> +and inanimate. The second stage is zootheism; within it the powers +of animate forms are exaggerated and amplified into the realm of the +supernal, and certain animals are deified. The third stage is that of +physitheism, in which the agencies of nature are personified and +exalted unto omnipotence. The fourth stage is that of psychotheism, +which includes the domain of spiritual concept. In general the development +of belief coincides with the growth of abstraction; yet it is to +be remembered that this growth represents increase in definiteness of +the abstract concepts rather than augmentation in numbers and kinds +of subjective impressions, i.e., the advance is in quality rather than +in quantity; indeed, it would almost appear that the vague and indefinite +abstraction of hecastotheism is more pervasive and prevalent than +the clearer abstraction of higher stages. Appreciation of the fundamental +characteristics of belief is essential to even the most general +understanding of the Indian mythology and philosophy, and even after +careful study it is difficult for thinkers trained in the higher methods +of thought to understand the crude and confused ideation of the +primitive thinker.</p> + +<p>In hecastotheism the believer finds mysterious properties and potencies +everywhere. To his mind every object is endued with occult +power, moved by a vague volition, actuated by shadowy motive ranging +capriciously from malevolence to benevolence; in his lax estimation +some objects are more potent or more mysterious than others, the +strong, the sharp, the hard, and the swift-moving rising superior to +the feeble, the dull, the soft, and the slow. Commonly he singles out +some special object as his personal, family, or tribal mystery-symbol +or fetich, the object usually representing that which is most feared or +worst hated among his surroundings. Vaguely realizing from the +memory of accidents or unforeseen events that he is dependent on his +surroundings, he invests every feature of his environment with a +capricious humor reflecting his own disposition, and gives to each and +all a subtlety and inscrutability corresponding to his exalted estimation +of his own craft in the chase and war; and, conceiving himself to +live and move only at the mercy of his multitudinous associates, he +becomes a fatalist—kismet is his watchword, and he meets defeat and +death with resignation, just as he goes to victory with complacence; +for so it was ordained.</p> + +<p>Zootheism is the offspring of hecastotheism. As the primitive +believer assigns special potency or mystery to the strong and the swift, +he gradually comes to give exceptional rank to self-moving animals; +as his experience of the strength, alertness, swiftness, and courage of +his animate enemy or prey increases, these animals are invested with +successively higher and higher attributes, each reflecting the mental +operations of the mystical huntsman, and in time the animals with +which the primitive believers are most intimately associated come to be +regarded as tutelary daimons of supernatural power and intelligence. +At first the animals, like the undifferentiated things of hecastotheism,<pb n="180" /><anchor id="Pg180" /> +are regarded in fear or awe by reason of their strength and ferocity, +and this regard grows into an incipient worship in the form of sacrifice +or other ceremonial; meanwhile, inanimate things, and in due season +rare and unimportant animals, are neglected, and a half dozen, a dozen, +or a score of the well-known animals are exalted into a hierarchy of +petty gods, headed by the strongest like the bear, the swiftest like the +deer, the most majestic like the eagle, the most cunning like the fox +or coyote, or the most deadly like the rattlesnake. Commonly the +arts and the skill of the mystical huntsman improve from youth to +adolescence and from generation to generation, so that the later animals +appear to be easier snared or slain than the earlier; moreover, the +accounts of conflicts between men and animals grow by repetition +and are gilded by imagination as memory grows dim; and for these +and other reasons the notion grows up that the ancient animals were +stronger, swifter, slier, statelier, deadlier than their modern representatives, +and the hierarchy of petty gods is exalted into an omnipotent +thearchy. Eventually, in the most highly developed zootheistic systems, +the leading beast-god is regarded as the creator of the lesser +deities of the earth, sun, and sky, of the mythic under-world and its +real counterpart the ground or mid-world, as well as the visionary +upper-world, of men, and of the ignoble animals; sometimes the most exalted +beast-god is worshiped especially by the great man or leading class +and incidentally by all, while other men and groups choose the lesser +beast-gods, according to their rank, for special worship. In hecastotheism +the potencies revered or worshiped are polymorphic, while their +attributes reflect the mental operations of the believers; in zootheism +the deities worshiped are zoomorphic, and their attributes continue to +reflect the human mind.</p> + +<p>Physitheism, in its turn, springs from zootheism. Through contemplation +of the strong the idea of strength arises, and a means is found +for bringing the bear into analogy with thunder, with the sun, or with +the avalanche-bearing mountain; through contemplation of the swift the +concept of swiftness is engendered, and comparison of the deer with +the wind or rushing river is made easy; through contemplation of the +deadly stroke of the rattlesnake the notion of death-dealing power +assumes shape, and comparison of the snake bite and the lightning +stroke is made possible; and in every case it is inevitably perceived +that the agency is stronger, swifter, deadlier than the animal. At +first the agency is not abstracted or dissociated from the parent +zootheistic concept, and the sun is the mightiest animal as among many +peoples, the thunder is the voice of the bear as among different woodland +tribes or the flapping of the wings of the great ancient eagle as +among the Dakota and ¢egiha, while lightning is the great serpent of +the sky as among the Zuñi. Subsequently the zoic concept fades, and +the constant association of human intellectual qualities engenders an +anthropic concept, when the sun becomes an anthropomorphic deity +(perhaps bearing a dazzling mask, as among the Zuñi), and thunder is<pb n="181" /><anchor id="Pg181" /> +the rumbling of quoits pitched by the shades of old-time giants, as +among different American tribes. Eventually all the leading agencies +of nature are personified in anthropic form, and retain the human attributes +of caprice, love, and hate which are found in the minds of the +believers.</p> + +<p>Psychotheism is born of physitheism as the anthropomorphic element +in the concept of natural agency gradually fades; but since none of +the aborigines of the United States had passed into the higher stage, +the mode of transition does not require consideration.</p> + +<p>It is to be borne in mind that throughout the course of development +of belief, from the beginning of hecastotheism into the borderland of +psychotheism, the dominant characteristic is the vague notion of mystery. +At first the mystery pervades all things and extends in all directions, +representing an indefinite ideal world, which is the counterpart +of the real world with the addition of human qualities. Gradually the +mystery segregates, deepening with respect to animals and disappearing +with respect to inanimate things; and at length the slowly changing +mysteries shape themselves into semiabstractions having a strong +anthropic cast, while the remainder of the earth and the things thereof +gradually become real, though they remain under the spell and dominion +of the mysterious. Thus at every stage the primitive believer is a +mystic—a fatalist in one stage, a beast worshiper in another, a thaumaturgist +in a third, yet ever and first of all a mystic. It is also to be +borne in mind (and the more firmly because of a widespread misapprehension) +that the primitive believer, up to the highest stage attained +by the North American Indian, is not a psychotheist, much less a monotheist. +His "Great Spirit" is simply a great mystery, perhaps vaguely +anthropomorphic, oftener zoomorphic, yet not a spirit, which he is +unable to conceive save by reflection of the white man's concept and +inquiry; and his departed spirit is but a shade, much like that of the +ancient Greeks, the associate and often the inferior of animal shades.</p> + +<p>While the four stages in development of belief are fundamentally +distinct, they nevertheless overlap in such manner as apparently, and +in a measure really, to coexist and blend. Culture progress is slow. +In biotic development the effect of beneficial modification is felt immediately, +and the modified organs or organisms are stimulated and +strengthened cumulatively, while the unmodified are enfeebled and +paralyzed cumulatively through inactivity and quickly pass toward +atrophy and extinction. Conversely in demotic development, which +is characterized by the persistence of the organisms and by the elimination +of the bad and the preservation of the good among qualities +only, there is a constant tendency toward retardation of progress; for +in savagery and barbarism as in civilization, age commonly produces +conservatism, and at the same time brings responsibility for the conduct +of old and young, so that modification, howsoever beneficial, is<pb n="182" /><anchor id="Pg182" /> +measurably held in check, and so that the progress of each generation +buds in the springtime of youth yet is not permitted to fruit until the +winter of old age approaches. Accordingly the mean of demotic progress +tends to lag far behind its foremost advances, and modes of +action and especially of thought change slowly. This is especially true +of beliefs, which, during each generation, are largely vestigial. So the +stages in the evolution of mythologic philosophy overlap widely; there +is probably no tribe now living among whom zootheism has not yet +taken root, though hecastotheism has been found dominant among +different tribes; there is probably no people in the zootheistic stage +who are completely divested of hecastotheistic vestiges; and one of the +curious features of even the most advanced psychotheism is the occasional +outcropping of features inherited from all of the earlier stages. +Yet it is none the less important to discriminate the stages.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>THE SIOUAN MYTHOLOGY</head> + +<p>It was partly through pioneer study of the Siouan Indians that the +popular fallacy concerning the aboriginal "Great Spirit" gained currency; +and it was partly through the work of Dorsey among the ¢egiha +and Dakota tribes, first as a missionary and afterward as a linguist, +that the early error was corrected. Among these tribes the creation +and control of the world and the things thereof are ascribed to +"wa-ka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>-da" (the term varying somewhat from tribe to tribe), just as +among the Algonquian tribes omnipotence was assigned to "ma-ni-do" +("Manito the Mighty" of "Hiawatha"); yet inquiry shows that +waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da assumes various forms, and is rather a quality than a definite +entity. Thus, among many of the tribes the sun is waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da—not <hi rend="font-style: italic">the</hi> +waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da or <hi rend="font-style: italic">a</hi> waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da, but simply waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da; and among the same +tribes the moon is waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da, and so is thunder, lightning, the stars, the +winds, the cedar, and various other things; even a man, especially a +shaman, might be waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da or a waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da. In addition the term was +applied to mythic monsters of the earth, air, and waters; according to +some of the sages the ground or earth, the mythic under-world, the +ideal upper-world, darkness, etc, were waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da or waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>das. So, too, +the fetiches and the ceremonial objects and decorations were waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da +among different tribes. Among some of the groups various animals +and other trees besides the specially waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da cedar were regarded as +waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>das; as already noted, the horse, among the prairie tribes, was +the waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da dog. In like manner many natural objects and places of +striking character were considered waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da. Thus the term was +applied to all sorts of entities and ideas, and was used (with or without +inflectional variations) indiscriminately as substantive and adjective, +and with slight modification as verb and adverb. Manifestly a +term so protean is not susceptible of translation into the more highly +differentiated language of civilization. Manifestly, too, the idea +expressed by the term is indefinite, and can not justly be rendered into +"spirit," much less into "Great Spirit;" though it is easy to understand<pb n="183" /><anchor id="Pg183" /> +stand how the superficial inquirer, dominated by definite spiritual +concept, handicapped by unfamiliarity with the Indian tongue, misled by +ignorance of the vague prescriptorial ideation, and perhaps deceived +by crafty native informants or mischievous interpreters, came to adopt +and perpetuate the erroneous interpretation. The term may be translated +into "mystery" perhaps more satisfactorily than into any other +single English word, yet this rendering is at the same time much too +limited and much too definite. As used by the Siouan Indian, waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da +vaguely connotes also "power," "sacred," "ancient," "grandeur," +"animate," "immortal," and other words, yet does not express with +any degree of fullness and clearness the ideas conveyed by these terms +singly or collectively—indeed, no English sentence of reasonable length +can do justice to the aboriginal idea expressed by the term waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da.</p> + +<p>While the beliefs of many of the Siouan tribes are lost through the +extinction of the tribesmen or transformed through acculturation, it is +fortunate that a large body of information concerning the myths and +ceremonials of several prairie tribes has been collected. The records +of Carver, Lewis and Clark, Say, Catlin, and Prince Maximilian are of +great value when interpreted in the light of modern knowledge. More +recent researches by Miss Fletcher<note place="foot"><p>Several of these are summarized in "The emblematic use of the tree in the Dakota group," +Science, n.s., vol. IV, 1896, pp. 475-487.</p></note> and by Dorsey<note place="foot"><p>Notably "A Study of Siouan Cults," Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology for +1889-0*0 (1894), pp. 351-544.</p></note> are of especial +value, not only as direct sources of information but as a means of +interpreting the earlier writings. From these records it appears that, +in so far as they grasped the theistic concept, the Siouan Indians were +polytheists; that their mysteries or deities varied in rank and power; +that some were good but more were bad, while others combined bad +and good attributes; that they assumed various forms, actual and +imaginary; and that their dispositions and motives resembled those +found among mankind.</p> + +<p>The organization of the vague Siouan thearchy appears to have +varied from group to group. Among all of the tribes whose beliefs +are known, the sun was an important waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da, perhaps the leading one +potentially, though usually of less immediate consideration than certain +others, such as thunder, lightning, and the cedar tree; among +the Osage the sun was invoked as "grandfather," and among various +tribes there were sun ceremonials, some of which are still maintained; +among the Omaha and Ponka, according to Miss Fletcher, the mythic +thunder-bird plays a prominent, perhaps dominant rôle, and the cedar +tree or pole is deified as its tangible representative. The moon was +waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da among the Osage and the stars among the Omaha and Ponka, +yet they seem to have occupied subordinate positions; the winds and +the four quarters were apparently given higher rank; and, in individual +cases, the mythic water-monsters or earth-deities seem to have occupied +leading positions. On the whole, it may be safe to consider the<pb n="184" /><anchor id="Pg184" /> +sun as the Siouan arch-mystery, with the mythic thunder-bird or +family of thunder-birds as a sort of mediate link between the mysteries +and men, possessing less power but displaying more activity in human +affairs than the remoter waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da of the heavens. Under these controlling +waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>das, other members of the series were vaguely and variably +arranged. Somewhere in the lower ranks, sacred animals—especially +sports, such as the white buffalo cow—were placed, and still lower +came totems and shamans, which, according to Dorsey, were reverenced +rather than worshiped. It is noteworthy that this thearchic arrangement +corresponded in many respects with the hierarchic social organization +of the stock.</p> + +<p>The Siouan thearchy was invoked and adored by means of forms +and ceremonies, as well as through orisons. The set observances were +highly elaborate; they comprised dancing and chanting, feasting and +fasting, and in some cases sacrifice and torture, the shocking atrocities +of the Mandan and Minitari rites being especially impressive. From +these great collective devotions the ceremonials graded down through +war-dance and hunting-feast to the terpsichorean grace extolled by +Carver, and to individual fetich worship. In general the adoration +expressed fear of the evil rather than love of the good—but this can +hardly be regarded as a distinctive feature, much less a peculiar one.</p> + +<p>Some of the mystery places were especially distinctive and noteworthy. +Foremost among them was the sacred pipestone quarry near +Big Sioux river, whence the material for the waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>da calumet was +obtained; another was the far-famed Minne-waka<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi> of North Dakota, +not inaptly translated "Devil's lake;" a third was the mystery-rock or +medicine-rock of the Mandan and Hidatsa near Yellowstone river; and +there were many others of less importance. About all of these places +picturesque legends and myths clustered.</p> + +<p>The Siouan mythology is especially instructive, partly because so +well recorded, partly because it so clearly reflects the habits and +customs of the tribesmen and thus gives an indirect reflection of a +well-marked environment. As among so many peoples, the sun is a +prominent element; the ice-monsters of the north and the rain-myths +of the arid region are lacking, and are replaced by the frequent thunder +and the trees shaken by the storm-winds; the mythic creatures are +shaped in the image of the indigenous animals and birds; the myths +center in the local rocks and waters; the mysterious thearchy corresponds +with the tribal hierarchy, and the attributes ascribed to the +deities are those characteristic of warriors and hunters.</p> + +<p>Considering the mythology in relation to the stages in development +of mythologic philosophy, it appears that the dominant beliefs, such as +those pertaining to the sun and the winds, represent a crude physitheism, +while vestiges of hecastotheism crop out in the object-worship +and place-worship of the leading tribes and in other features. At the<pb n="185" /><anchor id="Pg185" /> +same time well-marked zootheistic features are found in the mythic +thunder-birds and in the more or less complete deification of various +animals, in the exaltation of the horse into the rank of the mythic dog +father, and in the animal forms of the water-monsters and earth-beings; +and the living application of zootheism is found in the animal fetiches +and totems. On the whole, it seems just to assign the Siouan mythology +to the upper strata of zootheism, just verging on physitheism, with +vestigial traces of hecastotheism.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>SOMATOLOGY</head> + +<p>The vigorous avocations of the chase and war were reflected in fine +stature, broad and deep chests, strong and clean limbs, and sound constitution +among the Siouan tribesmen and their consorts. The skin +was of the usual coppery cast characteristic of the native American; +the teeth were strong, indicating and befitting a largely carnivorous +diet, little worn by sandy foods, and seldom mutilated; the hands and +feet were commonly large and sinewy. The Siouan Indians were +among those who impressed white pioneers by the parallel placing of +the feet; for, as among other walkers and runners, who rest sitting and +lying, the feet assumed the pedestrian attitude of approximate parallelism +rather than the standing attitude of divergence forward. The +hair was luxuriant, stiff, straight, and more uniformly jet black than +that of the southerly stocks; it was worn long by the women and most +of the men, though partly clipped or shaved in some tribes by the warriors +as well as the worthless dandies, who, according to Catlin, spent +more time over their toilets than ever did the grande dame of Paris. +The women were beardless and the men more or less nearly so; commonly +the men plucked out by the roots the scanty hair springing on +their faces, as did both sexes that on other parts of the body. The +crania were seldom deformed artificially save through cradle accident, +and while varying considerably in capacity and in the ratio of length to +width were usually mesocephalic. The facial features were strong, yet +in no way distinctly unlike those found among neighboring peoples.</p> + +<p>Since the advent of white men the characteristics of the Siouan +Indians, like those of other tribes, have been somewhat modified, partly +through infusion of Caucasian blood but chiefly through acculturation. +With the abandonment of hunting and war and the tardy adoption of +a slothful, semidependent agriculture, the frame has lost something +of its stalwart vigor; with the adaptation of the white man's costume +and the incomplete assimilation of his hygiene, various weaknesses and +disorders have been developed; and through imitation the erstwhile +luxuriant hair is cropped, and the beard, made scanty through generations +of extirpation, is commonly cultivated. Although the accultural +condition of the Siouan survivors ranges from the essentially +primitive status of the Asiniboin to the practical civilization of the +representatives of several tribes, it is fair to consider the stock in a<pb n="186" /><anchor id="Pg186" /> +state of transition from barbarism to civilization; and many of the +tribesmen are losing the characteristics of activity and somatic development +normal to primitive life, while they have not yet assimilated +the activities and acquired the somatic characteristics normal to peaceful +sedentary life.</p> + +<p>Briefly, certain somatic features of the Siouan Indians, past and +present, may be traced to their causes in custom and exercise of function; +yet by far the greater number of the features are common to the +American people or to all mankind, and are of ill-understood significance. +The few features of known cause indicate that special somatic +characteristics are determined largely or wholly by industrial and other +arts, which are primarily shaped by environment.</p> +</div> +</div> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>HABITAT</head> + +<p>Excepting the Asiniboin, who are chiefly in Canada, nearly all of +the Siouan Indians are now gathered on the reservations indicated on +earlier pages, most of these reservations lying within the aboriginal +territory of the stock.</p> + +<p>At the advent of white men, the Siouan territory was vaguely defined, +and its limits were found to vary somewhat from exploration to exploration. +This vagueness and variability of habitat grew out of the characteristics +of the tribesmen. Of all the great stocks south of the +Arctic, the Siouan was perhaps least given to agriculture, most influenced +by hunting, and most addicted to warfare; thus most of the +tribes were but feebly attached to the soil, and freely followed the movements +of the feral fauna as it shifted with climatic vicissitudes or was +driven from place to place by excessive hunting or by fires set to +destroy the undergrowth in the interests of the chase; at the same +time, the borderward tribes were alternately driven and led back and +forth through strife against the tribes of neighboring stocks. Accordingly +the Siouan habitat can be outlined only in approximate and +somewhat arbitrary fashion.</p> + +<p>The difficulty in defining the priscan home of the Siouan tribes is +increased by its vast extent and scant peopling, by the length of the +period intervening between discovery in the east and complete exploration +in the west, and by the internal changes and migrations which +occurred during this period. The task of collating the records of +exploration and pioneer observation concerning the Siouan and other +stocks was undertaken by Powell a few years ago, and was found to be +of great magnitude. It was at length successfully accomplished, and +the respective areas occupied by the several stocks were approximately +mapped.<note place="foot"><p>Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1885-86 (1891), pp. 1-142, and map.</p></note></p> + +<p>As shown on Powell's map, the chief part of the Siouan area comprised +a single body covering most of the region of the Great plains,<pb n="187" /><anchor id="Pg187" /> +stretching from the Rocky mountains to the Mississippi and from the +Arkansas-Red river divide nearly to the Saskatchewan, with an arm +crossing the Mississippi and extending to Lake Michigan. In addition +there were a few outlying bodies, the largest and easternmost bordering +the Atlantic from Santee river nearly to Capes Lookout and Hatteras, +and skirting the Appalachian range northward to the Potomac; the +next considerable area lay on the Gulf coast about Pascagoula river +and bay, stretching nearly from the Pearl to the Mobile; and there were +one or two unimportant areas on Ohio river, which were temporarily +occupied by small groups of Siouan Indians during recent times.</p> + +<p>There is little probability that the Siouan habitat, as thus outlined, +ran far into the prehistoric age. As already noted, the Siouan Indians +of the plains were undoubtedly descended from the Siouan tribes of the +east (indeed the Mandan had a tradition to that effect); and reason has +been given for supposing that the ancestors of the prairie hunters followed +the straggling buffalo through the cis-Mississippi forests into +his normal trans-Mississippi habitat and spread over his domain save +as they were held in check by alien huntsmen, chiefly of the warlike +Caddoan and Kiowan tribes; and the buffalo itself was a geologically +recent—indeed essentially post-glacial—animal. Little if any definite +trace of Siouan occupancy has been found in the more ancient prehistoric +works of the Mississippi valley. On the whole it appears probable +that the prehistoric development of the Siouan stock and habitat was +exceptionally rapid, that the Siouan Indians were a vigorous and virile +people that arose quickly under the stimulus of strong vitality (the +acquisition of which need not here be considered), coupled with exceptionally +favorable opportunity, to a power and glory culminating about +the time of discovery.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>ORGANIZATION</head> + +<p>The demotic organization of the Siouan peoples, so far as known, is +set forth in considerable detail in Mr Dorsey's treatises<note place="foot"><p>Chiefly "Omaha Sociology," Third Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., for 1881-82 (1884), pp. 205-370; "A study of +Siouan cults," Eleventh Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., for 1889-90 (1894), pp. 351-544, and that printed on the +following pages.</p></note> and in the +foregoing enumeration of tribes, confederacies, and other linguistic +groups.</p> + +<p>Like the other aborigines north of Mexico, the Siouan Indians were +organized on the basis of kinship, and were thus in the stage of tribal +society. All of the best-known tribes had reached that plane in organization +characterized by descent in the male line, though many vestiges +and some relatively unimportant examples of descent in the female line +have been discovered. Thus the clan system was obsolescent and the +gentile system fairly developed; i. e., the people were practically out +of the stage of savagery and well advanced in the stage of barbarism.</p> + +<pb n="188" /><anchor id="Pg188" /> + +<p>Confederation for defense and offense was fairly defined and was +strengthened by intermarriage between tribes and gentes and the prohibition +of marriage within the gens; yet the organization was such as to +maintain tribal autonomy in considerable degree; i.e., the social structure +was such as to facilitate union in time of war and division into +small groups adapted to hunting in times of peace. No indication of +feudalism has been found in the stock.</p> + +<p>The government was autocratic, largely by military leaders sometimes +(particularly in peace) advised by the elders and priests; the leadership +was determined primarily by ability—prowess in war and the chase and +wisdom in the council,—and was thus hereditary only a little further +than characteristics were inherited; indeed, excepting slight recognition +of the divinity that doth hedge about a king, the leaders were +practically self-chosen, arising gradually to the level determined by +their abilities. The germ of theocracy was fairly developed, and apparently +burgeoned vigorously during each period of peace, only to be +checked and withered during the ensuing war when the shamans and +their craft were forced into the background.</p> + +<p>During recent years, since the tribes began to yield to the domination +of the peace-loving whites, the government and election are determined +chiefly by kinship, as appears from Dorsey's researches; yet +definite traces of the militant organization appear, and any man can +win name and rank in his gens, tribe, or confederacy by bravery or +generosity.</p> + +<p>The institutional connection between the Siouan tribes of the plains +and those of the Atlantic slope and the Gulf coast is completely lost, +and it is doubtful whether the several branches have ever been united +in a single confederation (or "nation," in the language of the pioneers), +at least since the division in the Appalachian region perhaps five or +ten centuries ago. Since this division the tribes have separated widely, +and some of the bloodiest wars of the region in the historic period have +been between Siouan tribes; the most extensive union possessing the +slightest claim to federal organization was the great Dakota confederacy, +which was grown into instability and partial disruption; and +most of the tribal unions and coalitions were of temporary character.</p> + +<p>Although highly elaborate (perhaps because of this character), the +Siouan organization was highly unstable; with every shock of conflict, +whether intestine or external, some autocrats were displaced or slain; +and after each important event—great battle, epidemic, emigration, or +destructive flood—new combinations were formed. The undoubtedly +rapid development of the stock, especially after the passage of the +Mississippi, indicates growth by conquest and assimilation as well as +by direct propagation (it is known that the Dakota and perhaps other +groups adopted aliens regularly); and, doubtless for this reason in +part, there was a strong tendency toward differentiation and dichotomy +in the demotic growth. In some groups the history is too vague to +indicate this tendency with certainty; in others the tendency is clear.<pb n="189" /><anchor id="Pg189" /> +Perhaps the best example is found in the Cegiha, which divided into two +great branches, the stronger of which threw off minor branches in the +Osage and Kansa, and afterward separated into the Omaha and Ponka, +while the feebler branch also ramified widely; and only less notable is +the example of the Winnebago trunk, with its three great branches in +the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri. This strong divergent tendency in itself +suggests rapid, perhaps abnormally rapid, growth in the stock; for it +outran and partially concealed the tendency toward convergence and +ultimate coalescence which characterizes demotic phenomena.</p> + +<p>The half-dozen eastern stocks occupying by far the greater part of +North America contrast strongly with the half-hundred local stocks +covering the Pacific coast; and none of the strong Atlantic stocks is +more characteristic, more sharply contrasted with the limited groups of +the western coast, or better understood as regards organization and +development, than the great Siouan stock of the northern interior. +There is promise that, as the demology of aboriginal America is pushed +forward, the records relating to the Siouan Indians and especially to +their structure and institutions will aid in explaining why some stocks +are limited and others extensive, why large stocks in general characterize +the interior and small stocks the coasts, and why the dominant +peoples of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were successful in displacing +the preexistent and probably more primitive peoples of the +Mississippi valley. While the time is not yet ripe for making final +answer to these inquiries, it is not premature to suggest a relation +between a peculiar development of the aboriginal stocks and a peculiar +geographic conformation: In general the coastward stocks are small, +indicating a provincial shoreland habit, yet their population and area +commonly increase toward those shores indented by deep bays, along +which maritime and inland industries naturally blend; so (confining +attention to eastern United States) the extensive Muskhogean stock +stretches inland from the deep-bayed eastern Gulf coast; and so, too, +three of the largest stocks on the continent (Algonquian, Iroquoian, +Siouan) stretch far into the interior from the still more deeply indented +Atlantic coast. In two of these cases (Iroquoian and Siouan) history +and tradition indicate expansion and migration from the land of bays +between Cape Lookout and Cape May, while in the third there are +similar (though perhaps less definite) indications of an inland drift +from the northern Atlantic bays and along the Laurentian river and +lakes.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>HISTORY<note place="foot"><p>Taken chiefly from notes and manuscripts prepared by Mr Dorsey.</p></note></head> +<p></p> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>DAKOTA-ASINIBOIN</head> + +<p>The Dakota are mentioned in the Jesuit Relations as early as 1639-40; +the tradition is noted that the Ojibwa, on arriving at the Great Lakes in +an early migration from the Atlantic coast, encountered representatives<pb n="190" /><anchor id="Pg190" /> +of the great confederacy of the plains. In 1641 the French voyageurs +met the Potawatomi Indians flying from a nation called Nadawessi +(enemies); and the Frenchmen adopted the alien name for the warlike +prairie tribes. By 1658 the Jesuits had learned of the existence of +thirty Dakota villages west-northwest from the Potawatomi mission St +Michel; and in 1689 they recorded the presence of tribes apparently +representing the Dakota confederacy on the upper Mississippi, near +the mouth of the St Croix. According to Croghan's History of Western +Pennsylvania, the "Sue" Indians occupied the country southwest of +Lake Superior about 1759; and Dr T.S. Williamson, "the father of the +Dakota mission," states that the Dakota must have resided about the +confluence of the Mississippi and the Minnesota or St Peters for at +least two hundred years prior to 1860.</p> + +<p>According to traditions collected by Dorsey, the Teton took possession +of the Black Hills region, which had previously been occupied by +the Crow Indians, long before white men came; and the Yankton +and Yanktonnai, which were found on the Missouri by Lewis and Clark, +were not long removed from the region about Minnesota river. In 1862 +the Santee and other Dakota tribes united in a formidable outbreak +in which more than 1,000 whites were massacred or slain in battle. +Through this outbreak and the consequent governmental action toward +the control and settlement of the tribes, much was learned concerning +the characteristics of the people, and various Indian leaders became +known; Spotted Tail, Red Cloud, Crazy Horse, Sitting Bull, American +Horse, and Even-his-horse-is-feared (commonly miscalled Man-afraid-of-his-horses) +were among the famous Dakota chiefs and warriors, notable +representatives of a passing race, whose names are prominent in +the history of the country. Other outbreaks occurred, the last of note +resulting from the ghost-dance fantasy in 1890-91, which fortunately +was quickly suppressed. Yet, with slight interruptions, the Dakota +tribes in the United States were steadily gathered on reservations. +Some 800 or more still roam the prairies north of the international +boundary, but the great body of the confederacy, numbering nearly +28,000, are domiciled on reservations (already noted) in Minnesota, +Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, and South Dakota.</p> + +<p>The separation of the Asiniboin from the Wazi-kute gens of the +Yanktonai apparently occurred before the middle of the seventeenth +century, since the Jesuit relation of 1658 distinguishes between the +Poualak or Guerriers (undoubtedly the Dakota proper) and the Assiuipoualak +or Guerriers de pierre. The Asiniboin are undoubtedly the +Essanape (Essanapi or Assinapi) who were next to the Makatapi +(Dakota) in the Walam-Olum record of the Lenni-Lenape or Delaware. +In 1680 Hennepin located the Asiniboin northeast of the Issati (Isanyati +or Santee) who were on Knife lake (Minnesota); and the Jesuit +map of 1681 placed them on Lake-of-the-Woods, then called "L. Assinepoualacs." +La Hontan claimed to have visited the Eokoro (Arikara)<pb n="191" /><anchor id="Pg191" /> +in 1689-90, when the Essanape were sixty leagues above; and Perrot's +Mémoire refers to the Asiniboin as a Sioux tribe which, in the seventeenth +century, seceded from their nation and took refuge among the +rocks of Lake-of-the-Woods. Chauvignerie located some of the tribe +south of Ounipigan (Winnipeg) lake in 1736, and they were near Lake-of-the-Woods +as late as 1766, when they were said to have 1,500 warriors. +It is well known that in 1829 they occupied a considerable +territory west of the Dakota and north of Missouri river, with a population +estimated at 8,000; and Drake estimated their number at 10,000 +before the smallpox epidemic of 1838, which is said to have carried off +4,000. From this blow the tribe seems never to have fully recovered, +and now numbers probably no more than 3,000, mostly in Canada, +where they continue to roam the plains they have occupied for half a +century.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" level1="CEGIHA" /> +<head>¢EGIHA</head> + +<p>According to tribal traditions collected by Dorsey, the ancestors of +the Omaha, Ponka, Elwapa, Osage, and Kansa were originally one +people dwelling on Ohio and Wabash rivers, but gradually working +westward. The first separation took place at the mouth of the Ohio, +when those who went down the Mississippi became the Kwapa or Downstream +People, while those who ascended the great river became the +Omaha or Up-stream People. This separation must have occurred at +least as early as 1500, since it preceded De Soto's discovery of the +Mississippi.</p> + +<p>The Omaha group (from whom the Osage, Kansa, and Ponka were +not yet separated) ascended the Mississippi to the mouth of the Missouri, +where they remained for some time, though war and hunting +parties explored the country northwestward, and the body of the tribe +gradually followed these pioneers, though the Osage and Kansa were +successively left behind. Some of the pioneer parties discovered the +pipestone quarry, and many traditions cling about this landmark. Subsequently +they were driven across the Big Sioux by the Yankton Indians, +who then lived toward the confluence of the Minnesota and Mississippi. +The group gradually differentiated and finally divided through the separation +of the Ponka, probably about the middle of the seventeenth +century. The Omaha gathered south of the Missouri, between the +mouths of the Platte and Niobrara, while the Ponka pushed into the +Black Hills country.</p> + +<p>The Omaha tribe remained within the great bend of the Missouri, +opposite the mouth of the Big Sioux, until white men came. Their +hunting ground extended westward and southwestward, chiefly north +of the Platte and along the Elkhorn, to the territory of the Ponka and +the Pawnee (Caddoan); and in 1766 Carver met their hunting parties +on Minnesota river. Toward the end of the eighteenth century they +were nearly destroyed by smallpox, their number having been reduced +from about 3,500 to but little over 300 when they were visited by Lewis<pb n="192" /><anchor id="Pg192" /> +and Clark, their famous chief Blackbird being one of those carried off +by the epidemic. Subsequently they increased in numbers; in 1890 +their population was about 1,200. They are now on reservations, mostly +owning land in severalty, and are citizens of the United States and of +the state of Nebraska.</p> + +<p>Although the name Ponka did not appear in history before 1700 it +must have been used for many generations earlier, since it is an archaic +designation connected with the social organization of several tribes and +the secret societies of the Osage and Kansa, as well as the Ponka. In +1700 the Ponka were indicated on De l'Isle's map, though they were +not then segregated territorially from the Omaha. They, too, suffered +terribly from the smallpox epidemic, and when met by Lewis and Clark +in 1804 numbered only about 200. They increased rapidly, reaching +about 600 in 1829 and some 800 in 1842; in 1871, when they were first +visited by Dorsey, they numbered 747. Up to this time the Ponka and +Dakota were amicable; but a dispute grew out of the cession of lands, +and the Teton made annual raids on the Ponka until the enforced +removal of the tribe to Indian Territory took place in 1877. Through +this warfare, more than a quarter of the Ponka lost their lives. The +displacement of this tribe from lands owned by them in fee simple +attracted attention, and a commission was appointed by President +Hayes in 1880 to inquire into the matter; the commission, consisting +of Generals Crook and Miles and Messrs William Stickney and Walter +Allen, visited the Ponka settlements in Indian Territory and on the +Niobrara and effected a satisfactory arrangement of the affairs of the +tribe, through which the greater portion (some 600) remained in Indian +Territory, while some 225 kept their reservation in Nebraska.</p> + +<p>When the ¢egiha divided at the mouth of the Ohio, the ancestors +of the Osage and Kansa accompanied the main Omaha body up the +Mississippi to the mouth of Osage river. There the Osage separated +from the group, ascending the river which bears their name. They +were distinguished by Marquette in 1673 as the "Ouchage" and +"Autrechaha," and by Penicaut in 1719 as the "Huzzau," "Ous," and +"Wawha." According to Croghan, they were, in 1759, on "White +creek, a branch of the Mississippi," with the "Grand Tuc;" but"White +creek" (or White water) was an old designation for Osage river, and +"Grand Tuc" is, according to Mooney, a corruption of "Grandes Eaux," +or Great Osage; and there is accordingly no sufficient reason for supposing +that they returned to the Mississippi. Toward the close of the +eighteenth century the Osage and Kansa encountered the Comanche +and perhaps other Shoshonean peoples, and their course was turned +southward; and in 1817, according to Brown, the Great Osage and +Little Osage were chiefly on Osage and Arkansas rivers, in four villages. +In 1829 Porter described their country as beginning 25 miles +west of the Missouri line and running to the Mexican line of that date, +being 50 miles wide; and he gave their number as 5,000. According to<pb n="193" /><anchor id="Pg193" /> +Schoolcraft, they numbered 3,758 in April, 1853, but this was after the +removal of an important branch known as Black Dog's band to a new +locality farther down Verdigris river. In 1850 the Osage occupied at +least seven large villages, besides numerous small ones, on Neosho and +Verdigris rivers. In 1873, when visited by Dorsey, they were gathered +on their reservations in what is now Oklahoma. In 1890 they numbered +158.</p> + +<p>The Kansa remained with the Up-stream People in their gradual +ascent of the Missouri to the mouth of the Kaw or Kansas, when they +diverged westward; but they soon came in contact with inimical +peoples, and, like the Osage, were driven southward. The date of this +divergence is not fixed, but it must have been after 1723, when Bourgmont +mentioned a large village of "Quans" located on a small river +flowing northward thirty leagues above Kaw river, near the Missouri. +After the cession of Louisiana to the United States, a treaty was made +with the Kansa Indians, who were then on Kaw river, at the mouth of +the Saline, having been forced back from the Missouri by the Dakota; +they then numbered about 1,500 and occupied about thirty earth lodges. +In 1825 they ceded their lands on the Missouri to the Government, +retaining a reservation on the Kaw, where they were constantly subjected +to attacks from the Pawnee and other tribes, through which large +numbers of their warriors were slain. In 1846 they again ceded their +lands and received a new reservation on Neosho river in Kansas. This +was soon overrun by settlers, when another reservation was assigned +to them in Indian Territory, near the Osage country. By 1890 their +population was reduced to 214.</p> + +<p>The Kwapa were found by De Soto in 1541 on the Mississippi above +the mouth of the St Francis, and, according to Marquette's map, they +were partly east of the Mississippi in 1673. In 1681 La Salle found +them in three villages distributed along the Mississippi, and soon afterward +Tonty mentioned four villages, one (Kappa = Uʞaqpaqti, "Real +Kwapa") on the Mississippi and three (Toyengan = Ta<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>wa<hi rend="vertical-align: super">n</hi>-jiʞa, "Small +Village"; Toriman = Ti-uad¢iman, and Osotonoy = Uzutiuwe) inland; +this observation was verified by Dorsey in 1883 by the discovery that +these names are still in use. In early days the Kwapa were known as +"Akansa," or Arkansa, first noted by La Metairie in 1682. It is probable +that this name was an Algonquian designation given because of +confusion with, or recognition of affinity to, the Kansa or Kanze, the +prefix "a" being a common one in Algouquian appellations. In 1687 +Joutel located two of the villages of the tribe on the Arkansas and +two on the Mississippi, one of the latter being on the eastern side. +According to St Cosme, the greater part of the tribe died of smallpox +in October, 1699. In 1700 De l'Isle placed the principal "Acansa" +village on the southern side of Arkansas river; and, according to +Gravier, there were in 1701 five villages, the largest, Imaha (Omaha), +being highest on the Arkansas. In 1805 Sibley placed the "Arkensa"<pb n="194" /><anchor id="Pg194" /> +in three villages on the southern side of Arkansas river, about 12 miles +above Arkansas post. They claimed to be the original proprietors of +the country bordering the Arkansas for 300 miles, or up to the confluence +of the Cadwa, above which lay the territory of the Osage. Subsequently +the Kwapa affiliated with the Caddo Indians, though of +another stock; according to Porter they were in the Caddo country in +1829. As reservations were established, the Kwapa were re-segregated, +and in 1877 were on their reservation in northwestern Indian Territory; +but most of them afterward scattered, chiefly to the Osage +country, where in 1890 they were found to number 232.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" level1="TCIWE'RE" /> +<head>ʇƆIWE'RE</head> + +<p>The ancestry and prehistoric movements of the tribes constituting +this group are involved in considerable obscurity, though it is known +from tradition as well as linguistic affinity that they sprung from the +Winnebago.</p> + +<p>Since the days of Marquette (1673) the Iowa have ranged over the +country between the Mississippi and Missouri, up to the latitude of +Oneota (formerly upper Iowa) river,- and even across the Missouri +about the mouth of the Platte. Chauvignerie located them, in 1736 +west of the Mississippi and (probably through error in identification of +the waterway) south of the Missouri; and in 1761 Jefferys placed them +between Missouri river and the headwaters of Des Moines river, above +the Oto and below the Maha (Omaha). In 1805, according to Drake, +they dwelt on Des Moines river, forty leagues above its mouth, and +numbered 800. In 1811 Pike found them in two villages on Des Moines +and Iowa rivers. In 1815 they were decimated by smallpox, and +also lost heavily through war against the tribes of the Dakota confederacy. +In 1829 Porter placed them on the Little Platte, some 15 miles +from the Missouri line, and about 1853 Schoolcraft located them on +Nemaha river, their principal village being near the mouth of the +Great Nemaha. In 1848 they suffered another epidemic of smallpox, +by which 100 warriors, besides women and children, were carried off. +As the country settled, the Iowa, like the other Indians of the stock, +were collected on reservations which they still occupy in Kansas and +Oklahoma. According to the last census their population was 273.</p> + +<p>The Missouri were first seen by Tonty about 1670; they were located +near the Mississippi on Marquette's map (1673) under the name of +Ouemessourit, probably a corruption of their name by the Illinois +tribe, with the characteristic Algonquian prefix. The name Missouri +was first used by Joutel in 1687. In 1723 Bourgmont located their +principal village 30 leagues below Kaw river and 60 leagues below +the chief settlement of the Kansa; according to Groghan, they were +located on Mississippi river opposite the Illinois country in 1759. +Although the early locations are somewhat indefinite, it seems certain +that the tribe formerly dwelt on the Mississippi about the mouth of<pb n="195" /><anchor id="Pg195" /> +the Missouri, and that they gradually ascended the latter stream, +remaining for a time between Grand and Chariton rivers and establishing +a town on the left bank of the Missouri near the mouth of the +Grand. There they were found by French traders, who built a fort on +an island quite near their village about the beginning of the eighteenth +century. Soon afterward they were conquered and dispersed by a +combination of Sac, Fox, and other Indians; they also suffered from +smallpox. On the division, five or six lodges joined the Osage, two or +three took refuge with the Kansa, and most of the remainder amalgamated +with the Oto. In 1805 Lewis and Clark found a part of the +tribe, numbering about 300, south of Platte river. The only known +survivors in 1829 were with the Oto, when they numbered no more +than 80. In 1842 their village stood on the southern bank of Platte +river near the Oto settlement, and they followed the latter tribe to +Indian Territory in 1882.</p> + +<p>According to Winnebago tradition, the ʇɔiwe're tribes separated from +that "People of the parent speech" long ago, the Iowa being the first +and the Oto the last to leave. In 1673 the Oto were located by Marquette +west of Missouri river, between the fortieth and fortyfirst +parallels; in 1680 they were 130 leagues from the Illinois, almost opposite +the mouth of the Miskoncing (Wisconsin), and in 1687 they were +on Osage river. According to La Hontan they were, in 1690, on Otontas +(Osage) river; and in 1698 Hennepin placed them ten days' journey +from Fort Crève Cœur. Iberville, in 1700, located the Iowa and Oto +with the Omaha, between Wisconsin and Missouri rivers, about 100 +leagues from the Illinois tribe; and Charlevoix, in 1721, fixed the Oto +habitat as below that of the Iowa and above that of the Kansa on the +western side of the Missouri. Dupratz mentions the Oto as a small +nation on Missouri river in 1758, and Jefferys (1761) described them +as occupying the southern bank of the Panis (Platte) between its mouth +and the Pawnee territory; according to Porter, they occupied the same +position in 1829. The Oto claimed the land bordering the Platte from +their village to the mouth of the river, and also that on both sides of the +Missouri as far as the Big Nemaha. In 1833 Catlin found the Oto and +Missouri together in the Pawnee country; about 1841 they were gathered +in four villages on the southern side of the Platte, from 5 to 18 +miles above its mouth. In 1880 a part of the tribe removed to the Sac +and Fox reservation in Indian Territory, where they still remain; in +1882 the rest of the tribe, with the remnant of the Missouri, emigrated +to the Pouka, Pawnee, and Oto reservation in the present Oklahoma, +where, in 1890 they were found to number 400.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>WINNEBAGO</head> + +<p>Linguistically the Winnebago Indians are closely related to the +ʇɔiwe're on the one side and to the Mandan on the other. They were +first mentioned in the Jesuit Relation of 1636, though the earliest<pb n="196" /><anchor id="Pg196" /> +known use of the name Winnebago occurs in the Relation of 1640; +Nicollet found them on Green bay in 1639. According to Shea, the +Winnebago were almost annihilated by the Illinois (Algonquian) tribe in +early days, and the historical group was made up of the survivors of +the early battles. Cbauvignerie placed the Winnebago on Lake Superior +in 1736, and Jefferys referred to them and the Sac as living near +the head of Green bay in 1761; Carver mentions a Winnebago village +on a small island near the eastern end of Winnebago lake in 1778. +Pike enumerated seven Winnebago villages existing in 1811; and in +1822 the population of the tribe was estimated at 5,800 (including 900 +warriors) in the country about Winnebago lake and extending thence +southwestward to the Mississippi. By treaties in 1825 and 1832 they +ceded their lands south of Wisconsin and Fox rivers for a reservation +on the Mississippi above the Oneota; one of their villages in 1832 was +at Prairie la Grosse. They suffered several visitations of smallpox; +the third, which occurred in 1836, carried off more than a quarter of +the tribe. A part of the people long remained widely distributed over +their old country east of the Mississippi and along that river in Iowa +and Minnesota; in 1840 most of the tribe removed to the neutral ground +in the then territory of Iowa; in 1846 they surrendered their reservation +for another above the Minnesota, and in 1856 they were removed +to Blue Earth, Minnesota. Here they were mastering agriculture, when +the Sioux war broke out and the settlers demanded their removal. +Those who had taken up farms, thereby abandoning tribal rights, were +allowed to remain, but the others were transferred to Crow creek, on +Missouri river, whence they soon escaped. Their privations and sufferings +were terrible; out of 2,000 taken to Crow creek only 1,200 reached +the Omaha reservation, whither most of them fled. They were assigned +a new reservation on the Omaha lands, where they now remain, occupying +lands allotted in severalty. In 1890 there were 1,215 Winnebago +on the reservation, but nearly an equal number were scattered over +Minnesota, Iowa, Wisconsin, and Michigan, where they now live chiefly +by agriculture, with a strong predilection for hunting.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>MANDAN</head> + +<p>The Mandan had a vague tradition of emigration from the eastern +part of the country, and Lewis and Clark, Prince Maximilian, and +others found traces of Mandan house-structures at various points +along the Missouri; thus they appear to have ascended that stream +before the advent of the ¢egiha. During the historical period their +movements were limited; they were first visited in the upper Missouri +country by Sieur de la Verendrye in 1738. About 1750 they established +two villages on the eastern side and seven on the western side of +the Missouri, near the mouth of Heart river. Here they were assailed +by the Asiniboin and Dakota and attacked by smallpox, and were +greatly reduced; the two eastern villages consolidated, and the people<pb n="197" /><anchor id="Pg197" /> +migrated up the Missouri to a point 1,430 miles above its mouth (as +subsequently determined by Lewis and Clark); the seven villages were +soon reduced to five, and these people also ascended the river and +formed two villages in the Arikara country, near the Mandan of the +eastern side, where they remained until about 1766, when they also +consolidated. Thus the once powerful and populous tribe was reduced +to two villages which, in 1804, were found by Lewis and Clark on +opposite banks of the Missouri, about 4 miles below Knife river. Here +for a time the tribe waxed and promised to regain the early prestige, +reaching a population of 1,600 in 1837; but in that year they were again +attacked by smallpox and almost annihilated, the survivors numbering +only 31 according to one account, or 125 to 145 according to others. +After this visitation they united in one village. When the Hidatsa +removed from Knife river in 1845, some of the Mandan accompanied +them, and others followed at intervals as late as 1858, when only a few +still remained at their old home. In 1872 a reservation was set apart +for the Hidatsa and Arikara and the survivors of the Mandan on Missouri +and Yellowstone rivers in Dakota and Montana, but in 1886 the +reservation was reduced. According to the census returns, the Mandan +numbered 252 in 1890.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>HIDATSA</head> + +<p>There has been much confusion concerning the definition and designation +of the Hidatsa Indians. They were formerly known as Minitari +or Gros Ventres of the Missouri, in distinction from the Gros Ventres +of the plains, who belong to another stock. The origin of the term +Gros Ventres is somewhat obscure, and various observers have pointed +out its inapplicability, especially to the well-formed Hidatsa tribesmen. +According to Dorsey, the French pioneers probably translated a native +term referring to a traditional buffalo paunch, which occupies a prominent +place in the Hidatsa mythology and which, in early times, led to +a dispute and the separation of the Crow from the main group some +time in the eighteenth century.</p> + +<p>The earlier legends of the Hidatsa are vague, but there is a definite +tradition of a migration northward, about 1765, from the neighborhood +of Heart river, where they were associated with the Mandan, to Knife +river. At least as early as 1796, according to Matthews, there were +three villages belonging to this tribe on Knife river—one at the mouth, +another half a mile above, and the third and largest 3 miles from the +mouth. Here the people were found by Lewis and Clark in 1804, and +here they remained until 1837, when the scourge of smallpox fell and +many of the people perished, the survivors uniting in a single village. +About 1845 the Hidatsa and a part of the Mandan again migrated up +the Missouri, and established a village 30 miles by land and 60 miles +by water above their old home, within what is now Fort Berthold reservation. +Their population has apparently varied greatly, partly by<pb n="198" /><anchor id="Pg198" /> +reason of the ill definition of the tribe by different enumerators, partly +by reason of the inroads of smallpox. In 1890 they numbered 522.</p> + +<p>The Crow people are known by the Hidatsa as Kihatsa (They-refused-the-paunch), +according to Matthews; and Dorsey points out that their +own name, Absaruke, does not mean " crow," but refers to a variety of +hawk. Lewis and Clark found the tribe in four bands. In 1817 Brown +located them on Yellowstone river. In 1829 they were described by +Porter as ranging along Yellowstone river on the eastern side of the +Bocky mountains, and numbered at 4,000; while in 1834, according to +Drake, they occupied the southern branch of the Yellowstone, about +the fortysixth parallel and one hundred and fifth meridian, with a +population of 4,500. In 1842 their number was estimated at 4,000, and +they were described as inhabiting the headwaters of the Yellowstone. +They have since been duly gathered on the Crow reservation in Montana, +and are slowly adopting civilization. In 1890 they numbered +2,287.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>THE EASTERN AND SOUTHERN TRIBES</head> + +<p>The history of the Monakan, Oatawba, Sara, Pedee, and Santee, and +incidentally that of the Biloxi, has been carefully reviewed in a recent +publication by Mooney<note place="foot"><p>Sionan Tribes of the East, 1894.</p></note> , and does not require repetition.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>GENERAL MOVEMENTS</head> + +<p>On reviewing the records of explorers and pioneers and the few traditions +which have been preserved, the course of Siouan migration and +development becomes clear. In general the movements were westward +and northwestward. The Dakota tribes have not been traced far, +though several of them, like the Yanktonnai, migrated hundreds of +miles from the period of first observation to the end of the eighteenth +century; then came the Mandan, according to their tradition, and as +they ascended the Missouri left traces of their occupancy scattered +over 1,000 miles of migration; next the ¢egiha descended the Ohio +and passed from the cis-Mississippi forests over the trans-Mississippi +plains—the stronger branch following the Mandan, while the lesser at +first descended the great river and then worked up the Arkansas into +the buffalo country until checked and diverted by antagonistic tribes. +So also the ʇɔiwe're, first recorded near the Mississippi, pushed 300 +miles westward; while the Winnebago gradually emigrated from the +region of the Great Lakes into the trans-Mississippi country even +before their movements were affected by contact with white men. In +like manner the Hidatsa are known to have flowed northwestward +many scores of miles; and the Asiniboin swept more rapidly across the +plains from the place of their rebellion against the Yanktonnai, on the +Mississippi, before they found final resting place on the Saskatchewan<pb n="199" /><anchor id="Pg199" /> +plains 500 or 800 miles away. All of the movements were consistent +and, despite intertribal friction and strife, measurably harmonious. The +lines of movement, so far as they can be restored, are in full accord +with the lines of linguistic evolution traced by Hale and Dorsey and +Gatschet, and indicate that some five hundred or possibly one thousand +years ago the tribesmen pushed over the Appalachians to the Ohio and +followed that stream and its tributaries to the Mississippi (though there +are faint indications that some of the early emigrants ascended the +northern tributaries to the region of the Great Lakes); and that the +human flood gained volume as it advanced and expanded to cover +the entire region of the plains. The records concerning the movement +of this great human stream find support in the manifest reason for the +movement; the reason was the food quest by which all primitive men +are led, and its end was the abundant fauna of the prairieland, with the +buffalo at its head.</p> + +<p>While the early population of the Siouan stock, when first the huntsmen +crossed the Appalachians, may not be known, the lines of migration +indicate that the people increased and multiplied amain during +their long journey, and that their numbers culminated, despite external +conflict and internal strife, about the beginning of written history, +when the Siouan population may have been 100,000 or more. Then +came war against the whites and the still more deadly smallpox, +whereby the vigorous stock was checked and crippled and the population +gradually reduced; but since the first shock, which occurred at +different dates in different parts of the great region, the Siouan people +have fairly held their own, and some branches are perhaps gaining in +strength.</p> +</div> +</div> +</div> + +<div> +<index index="toc" /> +<index index="pdf" /> +<head>SOME FEATURES OF INDIAN SOCIOLOGY</head> + +<p>As shown by Powell, there are two fundamentally distinct classes or +stages in human society—(1) tribal society and (2) national society. +National society characterizes civilization; primarily it is organized on +a territorial basis, but as enlightenment grows the bases are multiplied. +Tribal society is characteristic of savagery and barbarism; so +far as known, all tribal societies are organized on the basis of kinship. +The transfer from tribal society to national society is often, perhaps +always, through feudalism, in which the territorial motive takes root +and in which the kinship motive withers.</p> + +<p>All of the American aborigines north of Mexico and most of those +farther southward were in the stage of tribal society when the continents +were discovered, though feudalism was apparently budding in +South America, Central America, and parts of Mexico. The partly +developed transitional stage may, for the present, be neglected, and +American Indian sociology may be considered as representing tribal +society or kinship organization.</p> + +<pb n="200" /><anchor id="Pg200" /> + +<p>The fundamental principles of tribal organization through kinship +have been formulated by Powell; they are as follows:<note place="foot"><p>Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1881-82 (1884), pp. xliv-xlv.</p></note></p> + +<list type="ordered" rend="list-style-type: upper-roman"> +<item>A body of kindred constituting a distinct body politic is divided into groups, +the males into groups of brothers and the females into groups of sisters, on distinctions +of generations, regardless of degrees of consanguinity; and the kinship terms +used express relative age. In civilized society kinships are classified on distinctions +of sex, distinctions of generations, and distinctions arising from degrees of consanguinity.</item> + +<item>When descent is in the female line, the brother-group consists of natal brothers, +together with all the materterate male cousins of whatever degree. Thus mother's +sisters' sons and mother's mother's sisters' daughters' sons, etc, are included in a +group with natal brothers. In like manner the sister-group is composed of natal +sisters, together with all materterate female cousins of whatever degree.</item> + +<item>When descent is in the male line, the brother-group is composed of natal +brothers, together with all patruate male cousins of whatever degree, and the sister-group +is composed of natal sisters, together with all patruate female cousins of +whatever degree.</item> + +<item>The son of a member of a brother-group calls each one of the group, father; +the father of a member of a brother-group calls each one of the group, son. Thus a +father-group is coextensive with the brother-group to which the father belongs. A +brother-group may also constitute a father-group and grandfather-group, a son-group +and a grandson-group. It may also be a patruate-group and an avunculate group. +It may also be a patruate cousin-group and an avunculate cousin-group; +and in general, every member of a brother-group has the same consanguineal relation +to persons outside of the group as that of every other member.</item> +</list> + +<p>Two postulates concerning primitive society, adopted by various ethnologic +students of other countries, have been erroneously applied to +the American aborigines; at the same time they have been so widely +accepted as to demand consideration.</p> + +<p>The first postulate is that primitive men were originally assembled +in chaotic hordes, and that organized society was developed out of the +chaotic mass by the segregation of groups and the differentiation of +functions within each group. Now the American aborigines collectively +represent a wide range in development, extending from a condition +about as primitive as ever observed well toward the verge of +feudalism, and thus offer opportunities for testing the postulate; and +it has been found that when higher and lower stages representing any +portion of the developmental succession are compared, the social organizations +of the lower grade are no less definite, perhaps more definite, +than those pertaining to the higher grade; so that when the history of +demotic growth among the American Indians is traced backward, the +organizations are found on the whole to grow more definite, albeit more +simple. When the lines of development revealed through research are +projected still farther toward their origin, they indicate an initial condition, +directly antithetic to the postulated horde, in which the scant +population was segregated in small discrete bodies, probably family +groups; and that in each of these bodies there was a definite organization, +while each group was practically independent of, and probably<pb n="201" /><anchor id="Pg201" /> +inimical to, all other groups. The testimony of the observed institutions +is corroborated by the testimony of language, which, as clearly +shown by Powell,<note place="foot"><p>Notably in "Relation of primitive peoples to environment, illustrated by American examples," +Smithsonian Report for 1896, pp. 625-638, especially p. 635.</p></note> represents progressive combination rather than continued +differentiation, a process of involution rather than evolution. +It would appear that the original definitely organized groups occasionally +met and coalesced, whereby changes in organization were required; +that these compound groups occasionally coalesced with other groups, +both simple and compound, whereby they were elaborated in structure, +always with some loss in definiteness and permanence; and that gradually +the groups enlarged by incorporation, while the composite organization +grew complex and variable to meet the ever-changing conditions. +It would also appear that in some cases the corporeal growth +outran the structural or institutional growth, when the bodies—clans, +gentes, tribes, or confederacies—split into two or more fragments which +continued to grow independently; yet that in general the progress of +institutional developmentwent forward through incorporation of peoples +and differentiation of institutions. The same process was followed as +tribal society passed into national society; and it is the same process +which is today exalting national society into world society, and transforming +simple civilization into enlightenment. Thus the evoluffon of +social organization is from the simple and definite toward the complex +and variable; or from the involuntary to the voluntary; or from the +environment-shaped to the environment-shaping; or from the biotic to +the demotic.</p> + +<p>The second postulate, which may be regarded as a corollary of the +first, is that the primary conjugal condition was one of promiscuity, +out of which different forms ot marriage were successively segregated. +Now the wide range in institutional development exemplified by the +American Indians affords unprecedented opportunities for testing this +postulate also. The simplest demotic unit found among the aborigines +is the clan or mother-descent group, in which the normal conjugal relation +is essentially monogamous,<note place="foot"><p>Neither space nor present occasion warrants discussion of the curious aphrodisian cults found +among many peoples, usually in the barbaric stage of development; it may be noted merely that this +is an aberrant branch from the main stem of institutional growth. The subject is touched briefly in +"The beginning of marriage," American Anthropologist, vol. IX, pp. 371-383, Nov., 1896.</p></note> in which marriage is more or less +strictly regulated by a system of prohibitions, and in which the chief +conjugal regulation is commonly that of exogamy with respect to the +clan; in higher groups, more deeply affected by contact with neighboring +peoples, the simple clan organization is sometimes found to be +modified, (1) by the adoption and subsequent conjugation of captive +men and boys, and, doubtless more profoundly, (2) by the adoption +and polygamous marriage of female captives; and in still more highly +organized groups the mother-descent is lost and polygamy is regular +and limited only by the capacity of the husband as a provider. The +second and third stages are commonly characterized, like the first,<pb n="202" /><anchor id="Pg202" /> +by established prohibitions and by clan exogamy; though with the +advance in organization amicable relations with certain other groups +are usually established, whereby the germ of tribal organization is +implanted and a system of interclan marriage, or tribal endogamy, is +developed. With further advance the mother-descent group is transformed +into a father-descent group, when the clan is replaced by the +gens; and polygamy is a common feature of the gentile organization. +In all of these stages the conjugal and consanguineal regulations are +affected by the militant habits characteristic of primitive groups; more +warriors than women are slain in battle, and there are more female +captives than male; and thus the polygamy is mainly or wholly +polygyny. In many cases civil conditions combine with or partially +replace the militant conditions, yet the tendency of conjugal development +is not changed. Among the Seri Indians, probably the most +primitive tribe in North America, in which the demotic unit is the +clan, there is a rigorous marriage custom under which the would-be +groom is required to enter the family of the girl and demonstrate (1) +his capacity as a provider and (2) his strength of character as a man, +by a year's probation, before he is finally accepted—the conjugal theory +ofr the tribe being monogamy, though the practice, at least during +recent years, has, by reason of conditions, passed into polygyny. +Among several other tribes of more provident and less exclusive habit, +the first of the two conditions recognized by the Seri is met by rich +presents (representing accumulated property) from the groom to the +girl's family, the second condition being usually ignored, the clan +organization remaining in force; among still other tribes the first condition +is more or less vaguely recognized, though the voluntary present +is commuted into, or replaced by, a negotiated value exacted by the +girl's family, when the mother-descent is commonly vestigial; and in +the next stage, which is abundantly exemplified, wife-purchase prevails, +and the clan is replaced by the gens. In this succession the +development of wife-purchase and the decadence of mother-descent +maybe traced, and it is significant that there is a tendency first toward +partial enslavement of the wife and later toward the multiplication of +wives to the limit of the husband's means, and toward transforming +all, or all but one, of the wives into menials. Thus the lines of development +under militant and civil conditions are essentially parallel. It +is possible to project these lines some distance backward into the +unknown, of the exceedingly primitive, when they, are found to define +small discrete bodies—just such as are indicated by the institutional +and linguistic lines—probably family groups, which must have been +essentially, and were perhaps strictly, monogamous. It would appear +that in these groups mating was either between distant members +(under a law of attraction toward the remote and repulsion from the +near, which is shared by mankind and the higher animals), or the result +of accidental meeting between nubile members of different groups; +that in the second case and sometimes in the first the conjugation<pb n="203" /><anchor id="Pg203" /> +produced a new monogamic family; and that sometimes in the first case +(and possibly in the second) the new group retained a more or less +definite connection with the parent group—this connection constituting +the germ of the clan. In passing, it may be noted merely that this +inferential origin of the lines of institutional development is in accord +with the habits of certain higher and incipiently organized animals. +From this hypothetic beginning, primitive marriage may be traced +through the various observed stages of monogamy and polygamy and +concubinage and wife-subordination, through savagery and barbarism +and into civilization, with its curious combination of exoteric monogamy +and esoteric promiscuity. Fortunately the burden of the proof +of this evolution does not now rest wholly on the evidence obtained +among the American aborigines; for Westermarck has recently reviewed +the records of observation among the primitive peoples of many +lands, and has found traces of the same sequence in all.<note place="foot"><p>The History of Human Marriage (London, 1891), especially chapters iv-vi, xiii-xv, xx-xxii.</p></note> Thus the +evolution of marriage, like that of other human institutions, is from +the simple and definite to the complex and variable; i.e., from approximate +or complete monogamy through polygamy to a mixed status of +undetermined signification; or from the mechanical to the spontaneous; +or from the involuntary to the voluntary; or from the provincial to the +cosmopolitan.</p> + +<p>As implied in several foregoing paragraphs, and as clearly set forth +in various publications by Powell, tribal society falls into two classes +or stages—(1) clan organization and (2) gentile organization, these +stages corresponding respectively to savagery and barbarism, strictly +defined.</p> + +<p>At the time of discovery, most of the American Indians were in the +upper stages of savagery and the lower stages of barbarism, as defined +by organization; among some tribes descent was reckoned in the female +line, though definite matriarchies have not been discovered; among +several tribes descent was and still is reckoned in the male line, and +among all of the tribes thus far investigated the patriarchal system is +found.</p> + +<p>In tribal society, both clan and gentile, the entire social structure is +based on real or assumed kinship, and a large part of the demotic +devices are designed to establish, perpetuate, and advertise kinship +relations. As already indicated, the conspicuous devices in order of +development are the taboo with the prohibitions growing out of it, +kinship nomenclature and regulations, and a system of ordination by +which incongruous things are brought into association.</p> + +<p>Among the American Indians the taboo and derivative prohibitions +are used chiefly in connection with marriage and clan or gentile organization. +Marriage in the clan or gens is prohibited; among many tribes +a vestige of the inferential primitive condition is found in the curious<pb n="204" /><anchor id="Pg204" /> +prohibition of communications between children-in-law and parents-in-law; +the clan taboos are commonly connected with the tutelar beast-god, +perhaps represented by a totem.</p> + +<p>The essential feature of the kinship terminology is the reckoning +from ego, whereby each individual remembers his own relation to every +other member of the clan or tribe; and commonly the kinship terms +are classific rather than descriptive (i.e., a single term expresses the +relation which in English is expressed by the phrase "My elder +brother's second son's wife"). The system is curiously complex and +elaborate. It was not discovered by the earlier and more superficial +observers of the Indians, and was brought out chiefly by Morgan, who +detected numerous striking examples among different tribes; but it +would appear that the system is not equally complete among all of the +tribes, probably because of immature development in some cases and +because of decadence in others.</p> + +<p>The system of ordination, like that of kinship, is characterized by +reckoning from the ego and by adventitious associations. It may have +been developed from the kinship system through the need for recognition +and assignment of adopted captives, collective property, and other +things pertaining to the group; yet it bears traces of influence by the +taboo system. Its ramifications are wide: In some cases it emphasizes +kinship by assigning members of the family group to fixed positions +about the camp-fire or in the house; this function develops into the +placement of family groups in fixed order, as exemplified in the Iroquoian +long-house and the Siouan camping circle; or it develops into a +curiously exaggerated direction-concept culminating in the cult of the +Four Quarters and the Here, and this prepares the way for a quinary, +decimal, and vigesimal numeration; this last branch sends off another +in which the cult of the Six Quarters and the Here arises to prepare +the way for the mystical numbers 7, 13, and 7x7, whose vestiges come +down to civilization; both the four-quarter and the six-quarter associations +are sometimes bound up with colors; and there are numberless +other ramifications. Sometimes the function and development of these +curious concepts, which constitute perhaps the most striking characteristic +of prescriptorial culture, are obscure at first glance, and hardly +to be discovered even through prolonged research; yet, so far as they +have been detected and interpreted, they are especially adapted to fixing +demotic relations; and through them the manifold relations of individuals +and groups are crystallized and kept in mind.</p> + +<p>Thus the American Indians, including the Siouan stock, are made up +of families organized into clans or gentes, and combined in tribes, +sometimes united in confederacies, all on a basis of kinship, real or +assumed; and the organization is shaped and perpetuated by a series +of devices pertaining to the plane of prescriptorial culture, whereby +each member of the organization is constantly reminded of his position +in the group.</p> +</div> + +</body> + +<back rend="page-break-before: right"> +<div> +<pgIf output="pdf"> + <then> + <div> + <divGen type="footnotes" /> + </div> + </then> + <else> + <div> + <head>Footnotes</head> + <divGen type="footnotes" /> + </div> + </else> +</pgIf> +</div> + +<div rend="page-break-before: right"> +<divGen type="pgfooter" /> +</div> + +</back> + + </text> +</TEI.2> + +<!-- +A WORD FROM PROJECT GUTENBERG + + +This file should be named 19628-tei.txt or 19628-tei.zip. + +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + + + http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/9/6/2/19628/ + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one — the old editions will be +renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no one +owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and +you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission +and without paying copyright royalties. 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