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diff --git a/19613-8.txt b/19613-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d1c443d --- /dev/null +++ b/19613-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,17435 @@ +Project Gutenberg's History of Dogma, Volume 2 (of 7), by Adolph Harnack + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: History of Dogma, Volume 2 (of 7) + +Author: Adolph Harnack + +Translator: Neil Buchanan + +Release Date: October 24, 2006 [EBook #19613] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF DOGMA, VOLUME 2 (OF 7) *** + + + + +Produced by Dave Maddock, David King, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +HISTORY OF DOGMA + +BY + +DR. ADOLPH HARNACK +ORDINARY PROF. OF CHURCH HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY, AND FELLOW OF +THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCE, BERLIN + +_TRANSLATED FROM THE THIRD GERMAN EDITION_ + +BY + +NEIL BUCHANAN + + +VOL. II. + +BOSTON +LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY +1901 + + + + +CONTENTS + + +CHAPTER I.--Historical Survey + +The Old and New Elements in the formation of the Catholic Church; The +fixing of that which is Apostolic (Rule of Faith, Collection of +Writings, Organization, Cultus); The Stages in the Genesis of the +Catholic Rule of Faith, the Apologists; Irenæus, Tertullian, Hippolytus; +Clement and Origen; Obscurities in reference to the origin of the most +important Institutions; Difficulties in determining the importance of +individual Personalities; Differences of development in the Churches of +different countries. + +I. FIXING AND GRADUAL SECULARISING OF CHRISTIANITY AS A CHURCH + +CHAPTER II.--The setting up of the Apostolic Standards for +Ecclesiastical Christianity. The Catholic Church + +A. The transformation of the Baptismal Confession into the Apostolic +Rule of Faith + +Necessities for setting up the Apostolic Rule of Faith; The Rule of +Faith is the Baptismal Confession definitely interpreted; Estimate of +this transformation; Irenæus; Tertullian; Results of the transformation; +Slower development in Alexandria: Clement and Origen. + +B. The designation of selected writings read in the Churches as New +Testament Scriptures or, in other words, as a collection of Apostolic +Writings + +Plausible arguments against the statement that up to the year 150 there +was no New Testament in the Church; Sudden emergence of the New +Testament in the Muratorian Fragment, in (Melito) Irenæus and +Tertullian; Conditions under which the New Testament originated; +Relation of the New Testament to the earlier writings that were read in +the Churches; Causes and motives for the formation of the Canon, manner +of using and results of the New Testament; The Apostolic collection of +writings can be proved at first only in those Churches in which we find +the Apostolic Rule of Faith; probably there was no New Testament in +Antioch about the year 200, nor in Alexandria (Clement); Probable +history of the genesis of the New Testament in Alexandria up to the time +of Origen; ADDENDUM. The results which the creation of the New Testament +produced in the following period. + +C. The transformation of the Episcopal Office in the Church into an +Apostolic Office. The History of the remodelling of the conception of +the Church + +The legitimising of the Rule of Faith by the Communities which were +founded by the Apostles; By the "Elders"; By the Bishops of Apostolic +Churches (disciples of Apostles); By the Bishops as such, who have +received the Apostolic _Charisma veritatis_; Excursus on the conceptions +of the Alexandrians; The Bishops as successors of the Apostles; Original +idea of the Church as the Holy Community that comes from Heaven and is +destined for it; The Church as the empiric Catholic Communion resting on +the Law of Faith; Obscurities in the idea of the Church as held by +Irenæus and Tertullian; By Clement and Origen; Transition to the +Hierarchical idea of the Church; The Hierarchical idea of the Church: +Calixtus and Cyprian; Appendix I. Cyprian's idea of the Church and the +actual circumstances; Appendix II. Church and Heresy; Appendix III. +Uncertainties regarding the consequences of the new idea of the Church. + +CHAPTER III.--Continuation.--The Old Christianity and the New Church + +Introduction; The Original Montanism; The later Montanism as the dregs +of the movement and as the product of a compromise; The opposition to +the demands of the Montanists by the Catholic Bishops: importance of the +victory for the Church; History of penance: the old practice; The laxer +practice in the days of Tertullian and Hippolytus; The abolition of the +old practice in the days of Cyprian; Significance of the new kind of +penance for the idea of the Church; the Church no longer a Communion of +Salvation and of Saints, but a condition of Salvation and a Holy +Institution and thereby a _corpus permixtum_; After effect of the old +idea of the Church in Cyprian; Origen's idea of the Church; Novatian's +idea of the Church and of penance, the Church of the Catharists; +Conclusion: the Catholic Church as capable of being a support to society +and the state; Addenda I. The Priesthood; Addenda II. Sacrifice; Addenda +III. Means of Grace. Baptism and the Eucharist; Excursus to Chapters II. +and III.--Catholic and Roman. + +II. FIXING AND GRADUAL HELLENISING OF CHRISTIANITY AS A SYSTEM OF +DOCTRINE + +CHAPTER IV.--Ecclesiastical Christianity and Philosophy; The Apologists + +1. Introduction + +The historical position of the Apologists; Apologists and Gnostics; +Nature and importance of the Apologists' theology. + +2. Christianity as Philosophy and as Revelation + +Aristides; Justin; Athenagoras; Miltiades, Melito; Tatian; +Pseudo-Justin, Orat. ad Gr.; Theophilus; Pseudo-Justin, de Resurr.; +Tertullian and Minucius; Pseudo-Justin, de Monarch.; Results. + +3. The doctrines of Christianity as the revealed and rational religion + +Arrangement; The Monotheistic Cosmology; Theology; Doctrine of the +Logos; Doctrine of the World and of Man; Doctrine of Freedom and +Morality; Doctrine of Revelation (Proofs from Prophecy); Significance of +the History of Jesus; Christology of Justin; Interpretation and +Criticism, especially of Justin's doctrines. + +CHAPTER V.--The Beginnings of an Ecclesiastico-theological +interpretation and revision of the Rule of Faith in opposition to +Gnosticism, on the basis of the New Testament and the Christian +Philosophy of the Apologists, Melito, Irenæus, Tertullian, Hippolytus, +Novatian + +1. The theological position of Irenæus and of the later contemporary +Church teachers + +Characteristics of the theology of the Old Catholic Fathers, their +wavering between Reason and Tradition; Loose structure of their Dogmas; +Irenæus' attempt to construct a systematic theology and his fundamental +theological convictions; Gnostic and anti-Gnostic features of his +theology; Christianity conceived as a real redemption by Christ +(recapitulatio); His conception of a history of salvation; His +historical significance: conserving of tradition and gradual hellenising +of the Rule of Faith. + +2. The Old Catholic Fathers' doctrine of the Church + +The Antithesis to Gnosticism; The "Scripture theology" as a sign of the +dependence on "Gnosticism" and as a means of conserving tradition; The +Doctrine of God; The Logos Doctrine of Tertullian and Hippolytus; +(Conceptions regarding the Holy Spirit); Irenæus' doctrine of the Logos; +(Conceptions regarding the Holy Spirit); The views of Irenæus regarding +the destination of man, the original state, the fall and the doom of +death (the disparate series of ideas in Irenæus; rudiments of the +doctrine of original sin in Tertullian); The doctrine of Jesus Christ as +the incarnate son of God; Assertion of the complete mixture and unity of +the divine and human elements; Significance of Mary; Tertullian's +doctrine of the two natures and its origin; Rudiments of this doctrine +in Irenæus; The Gnostic character of this doctrine; Christology of +Hippolytus; Views as to Christ's work; Redemption, Perfection; +Reconciliation; Categories for the fruit of Christ's work; Things +peculiar to Tertullian; Satisfacere Deo; The Soul as the Bride of +Christ; The Eschatology; Its archaic nature, its incompatibility with +speculation and the advantage of connection with that; Conflict with +Chiliasm in the East; The doctrine of the two Testaments; The influence +of Gnosticism on the estimate of the two Testaments, the _complexus +oppositorum_; the Old Testament a uniform Christian Book as in the +Apologists; The Old Testament a preliminary stage of the New Testament +and a compound Book; The stages in the history of salvation; The law of +freedom the climax of the revelation in Christ. + +3. Results to Ecclesiastical Christianity, chiefly in the West, +(Cyprian, Novation) + +CHAPTER VI.--The Transformation of the Ecclesiastical Tradition into a +Philosophy of Religion, or the Origin of the Scientific Theology and +Dogmatic of the Church: Clement and Origen + +(1) The Alexandrian Catechetical School and Clement of Alexandria + +Schools and Teachers in the Church at the end of the second and the +beginning of the third century; scientific efforts (Alogi in Asia Minor, +Cappadocian Scholars, Bardesanes of Edessa, Julius Africanus, Scholars +in Palestine, Rome and Carthage); The Alexandrian Catechetical School. +Clement; The temper of Clement and his importance in the History of +Dogma; his relation to Irenæus, to the Gnostics and to primitive +Christianity; his philosophy of Religion; Clement and Origen + +(2) The system of Origen + +Introductory: The personality and importance of Origen; The Elements of +Origen's theology; its Gnostic features; The relative view of Origen; +His temper and final aim: relation to Greek Philosophy; Theology as a +Philosophy of Revelation, and a cosmological speculation; Porphyry on +Origen; The neutralising of History, esoteric and exoteric Christianity; +Fundamental ideas and arrangement of his system; Sources of truth, +doctrine of Scripture. + +I. The Doctrine of God and its unfolding + +Doctrine of God; Doctrine of the Logos; Clement's doctrine of the Logos; +Doctrine of the Holy Spirit; Doctrine of Spirits. + +II. Doctrine of the Fall and its consequences + +Doctrine of Man + +III. Doctrine of Redemption and Restoration + +The notions necessary to the Psychical; The Christology; The +Appropriation of Salvation; The Eschatology; Concluding Remarks: The +importance of this system to the following period. + + + + +DIVISION I + +BOOK II. + +THE LAYING OF THE FOUNDATIONS. + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +HISTORICAL SURVEY. + + +The second century of the existence of Gentile-Christian communities was +characterised by the victorious conflict with Gnosticism and the +Marcionite Church, by the gradual development of an ecclesiastical +doctrine, and by the decay of the early Christian enthusiasm. The +general result was the establishment of a great ecclesiastical +association, which, forming at one and the same time a political +commonwealth, school and union for worship, was based on the firm +foundation of an "apostolic" law of faith, a collection of "apostolic" +writings, and finally, an "apostolic" organisation. This institution was +_the Catholic Church_.[1] In opposition to Gnosticism and Marcionitism, +the main articles forming the estate and possession of orthodox +Christianity were raised to the rank of apostolic regulations and laws, +and thereby placed beyond all discussion and assault. At first the +innovations introduced by this were not of a material, but of a formal, +character. Hence they were not noticed by any of those who had never, or +only in a vague fashion, been elevated to the feeling and idea of +freedom and independence in religion. How great the innovations actually +were, however, may be measured by the fact that they signified a +scholastic tutelage of the faith of the individual Christian, and +restricted the immediateness of religious feelings and ideas to the +narrowest limits. But the conflict with the so-called Montanism showed +that there were still a considerable number of Christians who valued +that immediateness and freedom; these were, however, defeated. The +fixing of the tradition under the title of apostolic necessarily led to +the assumption that whoever held the apostolic doctrine was also +essentially a Christian in the apostolic sense. This assumption, quite +apart from the innovations which were legitimised by tracing them to the +Apostles, meant the separation of doctrine and conduct, the preference +of the former to the latter, and the transformation of a fellowship of +faith, hope, and discipline into a communion "eiusdem sacramenti," that +is, into a union which, like the philosophical schools, rested on a +doctrinal law, and which was subject to a legal code of divine +institution.[2] + +The movement which resulted in the Catholic Church owes its right to a +place in the history of Christianity to the victory over Gnosticism and +to the preservation of an important part of early Christian tradition. +If Gnosticism in all its phases was the violent attempt to drag +Christianity down to the level of the Greek world, and to rob it of its +dearest possession, belief in the Almighty God of creation and +redemption, then Catholicism, inasmuch as it secured this belief for the +Greeks, preserved the Old Testament, and supplemented it with early +Christian writings, thereby saving--as far as documents, at least, were +concerned--and proclaiming the authority of an important part of +primitive Christianity, must in one respect be acknowledged as a +conservative force born from the vigour of Christianity. If we put aside +abstract considerations and merely look at the facts of the given +situation, we cannot but admire a creation which first broke up the +various outside forces assailing Christianity, and in which the highest +blessings of this faith have always continued to be accessible. If the +founder of the Christian religion had deemed belief in the Gospel and a +life in accordance with it to be compatible with membership of the +Synagogue and observance of the Jewish law, there could at least be no +impossibility of adhering to the Gospel within the Catholic Church. + +Still, that is only one side of the case. The older Catholicism never +clearly put the question, "What is Christian?" Instead of answering that +question it rather laid down rules, the recognition of which was to be +the guarantee of Christianism. This solution of the problem seems to be +on the one hand too narrow and on the other too broad. Too narrow, +because it bound Christianity to rules under which it necessarily +languished; too broad, because it did not in any way exclude the +introduction of new and foreign conceptions. In throwing a protective +covering round the Gospel, Catholicism also obscured it. It preserved +Christianity from being hellenised to the most extreme extent, but, as +time went on, it was forced to admit into this religion an ever greater +measure of secularisation. In the interests of its world-wide mission it +did not indeed directly disguise the terrible seriousness of religion, +but, by tolerating a less strict ideal of life, it made it possible for +those less in earnest to be considered Christians, and to regard +themselves as such. It permitted the genesis of a Church, which was no +longer a communion of faith, hope, and discipline, but a political +commonwealth in which the Gospel merely had a place beside other +things.[3] In ever increasing measure it invested all the forms which +this secular commonwealth required with apostolic, that is, indirectly, +with divine authority. This course disfigured Christianity and made a +knowledge of what is Christian an obscure and difficult matter. But, in +Catholicism, religion for the first time obtained a formal dogmatic +system. Catholic Christianity discovered the formula which reconciled +faith and knowledge. This formula satisfied humanity for centuries, and +the blessed effects which it accomplished continued to operate even +after it had itself already become a fetter. + +Catholic Christianity grew out of two converging series of developments. +In the one were set up fixed outer standards for determining what is +Christian, and these standards were proclaimed to be apostolic +institutions. The baptismal confession was exalted to an apostolic rule +of faith, that is, to an apostolic law of faith. A collection of +apostolic writings was formed from those read in the Churches, and this +compilation was placed on an equal footing with the Old Testament. The +episcopal and monarchical constitution was declared to be apostolic, and +the attribute of successor of the Apostles was conferred on the bishop. +Finally, the religious ceremonial developed into a celebration of +mysteries, which was in like manner traced back to the Apostles. The +result of these institutions was a strictly exclusive Church in the form +of a communion of doctrine, ceremonial, and law, a confederation which +more and more gathered the various communities within its pale, and +brought about the decline of all nonconforming sects. The confederation +was primarily based on a common confession, which, however, was not only +conceived as "law," but was also very soon supplemented by new +standards. One of the most important problems to be investigated in the +history of dogma, and one which unfortunately cannot be completely +solved, is to show what necessities led to the setting up of a new canon +of Scripture, what circumstances required the appearance of living +authorities in the communities, and what relation was established +between the apostolic rule of faith, the apostolic canon of Scripture, +and the apostolic office. The development ended with the formation of a +clerical class, at whose head stood the bishop, who united in himself +all conceivable powers, as teacher, priest, and judge. He disposed of +the powers of Christianity, guaranteed its purity, and therefore in +every respect held the Christian laity in tutelage. + +But even apart from the content which Christianity here received, this +process in itself represents a progressive secularising of the Church, +This would be self-evident enough, even if it were not confirmed by +noting the fact that the process had already been to some extent +anticipated in the so-called Gnosticism (See vol. I. p. 253 and +Tertullian, de præscr. 35). But the element which the latter lacked, +namely, a firmly welded, suitably regulated constitution, must by no +means be regarded as one originally belonging and essential to +Christianity. The depotentiation to which Christianity was here +subjected appears still more plainly in the facts, that the Christian +hopes were deadened, that the secularising of the Christian life was +tolerated and even legitimised, and that the manifestations of an +unconditional devotion to the heavenly excited suspicion or were +compelled to confine themselves to very narrow limits. + +But these considerations are scarcely needed as soon as we turn our +attention to the second series of developments that make up the history +of this period. The Church did not merely set up dykes and walls against +Gnosticism in order to ward it off externally, nor was she satisfied +with defending against it the facts which were the objects of her belief +and hope; but, taking the creed for granted, she began to follow this +heresy into its own special territory and to combat it with a scientific +theology. That was a necessity which did not first spring from +Christianity's own internal struggles. It was already involved in the +fact that the Christian Church had been joined by cultured Greeks, who +felt the need of justifying their Christianity to themselves and the +world, and of presenting it as the desired and certain answer to all the +pressing questions which then occupied men's minds. + +The beginning of a development which a century later reached its +provisional completion in the theology of Origen, that is, in the +transformation of the Gospel into a scientific system of ecclesiastical +doctrine, appears in the Christian Apologetic, as we already find it +before the middle of the second century. As regards its content, this +system of doctrine meant the legitimising of Greek philosophy within the +sphere of the rule of faith. The theology of Origen bears the same +relation to the New Testament as that of Philo does to the Old. What is +here presented as Christianity is in fact the idealistic religious +philosophy of the age, attested by divine revelation, made accessible to +all by the incarnation of the Logos, and purified from any connection +with Greek mythology and gross polytheism.[4] A motley multitude of +primitive Christian ideas and hopes, derived from both Testaments, and +too brittle to be completely recast, as yet enclosed the kernel. But the +majority of these were successfully manipulated by theological art, and +the traditional rule of faith was transformed into a system of doctrine, +in which, to some extent, the old articles found only a nominal +place.[5] + +This hellenising of ecclesiastical Christianity, by which we do not mean +the Gospel, was not a gradual process; for the truth rather is that it +was already accomplished the moment that the reflective Greek confronted +the new religion which he had accepted. The Christianity of men like +Justin, Athenagoras, and Minucius is not a whit less Hellenistic than +that of Origen. But yet an important distinction obtains here. It is +twofold. In the first place, those Apologists did not yet find +themselves face to face with a fixed collection of writings having a +title to be reverenced as Christian; they have to do with the Old +Testament and the "Teachings of Christ" ([Greek: didagmata Christou]). +In the second place, they do not yet regard the scientific presentation +of Christianity as the main task and as one which this religion itself +demands. As they really never enquired what was meant by "Christian," or +at least never put the question clearly to themselves, they never +claimed that their scientific presentation of Christianity was the first +proper expression of it that had been given. Justin and his +contemporaries make it perfectly clear that they consider the +traditional faith existing in the churches to be complete and pure and +in itself requiring no scientific revision. In a word, the gulf which +existed between the religious thought of philosophers and the sum of +Christian tradition is still altogether unperceived, because that +tradition was not yet fixed in rigid forms, because no religious +utterance testifying to monotheism, virtue, and reward was as yet +threatened by any control, and finally, because the speech of philosophy +was only understood by a small minority in the Church, though its +interests and aims were not unknown to most. Christian thinkers were +therefore still free to divest of their direct religious value all +realistic and historical elements of the tradition, while still +retaining them as parts of a huge apparatus of proof, which accomplished +what was really the only thing that many sought in Christianity, viz., +the assurance that the theory of the world obtained from other sources +was the truth. The danger which here threatened Christianity as a +religion was scarcely less serious than that which had been caused to it +by the Gnostics. These remodelled tradition, the Apologists made it to +some extent inoperative without attacking it. The latter were not +disowned, but rather laid the foundation of Church theology, and +determined the circle of interests within which it was to move in the +future.[6] + +But the problem which the Apologists solved almost offhand, namely, the +task of showing that Christianity was the perfect and certain +philosophy, because it rested on revelation, and that it was the highest +scientific knowledge of God and the world, was to be rendered more +difficult. To these difficulties all that primitive Christianity has up +to the present transmitted to the Church of succeeding times contributes +its share. The conflict with Gnosticism made it necessary to find some +sort of solution to the question, "What is Christian?" and to fix this +answer. But indeed the Fathers were not able to answer the question +confidently and definitely. They therefore made a selection from +tradition and contented themselves with making it binding on Christians. +Whatever was to lay claim to authority in the Church had henceforth to +be in harmony with the rule of faith and the canon of New Testament +Scriptures. That created an entirely new situation for Christian +thinkers, that is, for those trying to solve the problem of +subordinating Christianity to the Hellenic spirit. That spirit never +became quite master of the situation; it was obliged to accommodate +itself to it.[7] The work first began with the scientific treatment of +individual articles contained in the rule of faith, partly with the view +of disproving Gnostic conceptions, partly for the purpose of satisfying +the Church's own needs. The framework in which these articles were +placed virtually continued to be the apologetic theology, for this +maintained a doctrine of God and the world, which seemed to correspond +to the earliest tradition as much as it ran counter to the Gnostic +theses. (Melito), Irenæus, Tertullian and Hippolytus, aided more or less +by tradition on the one hand and by philosophy on the other, opposed to +the Gnostic dogmas about Christianity the articles of the baptismal +confession interpreted as a rule of faith, these articles being +developed into doctrines. Here they undoubtedly learned very much from +the Gnostics and Marcion. If we define ecclesiastical dogmas as +propositions handed down in the creed of the Church, shown to exist in +the Holy Scriptures of both Testaments, and rationally reproduced and +formulated, then the men we have just mentioned were the first to set up +dogmas[8]--dogmas but no system of dogmatics. As yet the difficulty of +the problem was by no means perceived by these men either. Their +peculiar capacity for sympathising with and understanding the +traditional and the old still left them in a happy blindness. So far as +they had a theology they supposed it to be nothing more than the +explanation of the faith of the Christian multitude (yet Tertullian +already noted the difference in one point, certainly a very +characteristic one, viz., the Logos doctrine). They still lived in the +belief that the Christianity which filled their minds required no +scientific remodelling in order to be an expression of the highest +knowledge, and that it was in all respects identical with the +Christianity which even the most uncultivated could grasp. That this was +an illusion is proved by many considerations, but most convincingly by +the fact that Tertullian and Hippolytus had the main share in +introducing into the doctrine of faith a philosophically formulated +dogma, viz., that the Son of God is the Logos, and in having it made the +_articulus constitutivus ecclesiæ_. The effects of this undertaking can +never be too highly estimated, for the Logos doctrine is Greek +philosophy _in nuce_, though primitive Christian views may have been +subsequently incorporated with it. Its introduction into the creed of +Christendom, which was, strictly speaking, the setting up _of the first +dogma in the Church_, meant the future conversion of the rule of faith +into a philosophic system. But in yet another respect Irenæus and +Hippolytus denote an immense advance beyond the Apologists, which, +paradoxically enough, results both from the progress of Christian +Hellenism and from a deeper study of the Pauline theology, that is, +emanates from the controversy with Gnosticism. In them a religious and +realistic idea takes the place of the moralism of the Apologists, +namely, the deifying of the human race through the incarnation of the +Son of God. The apotheosis of mortal man through his acquisition of +immortality (divine life) is the idea of salvation which was taught in +the ancient mysteries. It is here adopted as a Christian one, supported +by the Pauline theology (especially as contained in the Epistle to the +Ephesians), and brought into the closest connection with the historical +Christ, the Son of God and Son of man (filius dei et filius hominis). +What the heathen faintly hoped for as a possibility was here announced +as certain, and indeed as having already taken place. What a message! +This conception was to become the central Christian idea of the future. +A long time, however, elapsed before it made its way into the dogmatic +system of the Church.[9] + +But meanwhile the huge gulf which existed between both Testaments and +the rule of faith on the one hand, and the current ideas of the time on +the other, had been recognized in Alexandria. It was not indeed felt as +a gulf, for then either the one or the other would have had to be given +up, but as a _problem_. If the Church tradition contained the assurance, +not to be obtained elsewhere, of all that Greek culture knew, hoped for, +and prized, and if for that very reason it was regarded as in every +respect inviolable, then the absolutely indissoluble union of Christian +tradition with the Greek philosophy of religion was placed beyond all +doubt. But an immense number of problems were at the same time raised, +especially when, as in the case of the Alexandrians, heathen syncretism +in the entire breadth of its development was united with the doctrine of +the Church. The task, which had been begun by Philo and carried on by +Valentinus and his school, was now undertaken in the Church. Clement led +the way in attempting a solution of the problem, but the huge task +proved too much for him. Origen took it up under more difficult +circumstances, and in a certain fashion brought it to a conclusion. He, +the rival of the Neoplatonic philosophers, the Christian Philo, wrote +the first Christian dogmatic, which competed with the philosophic +systems of the time, and which, founded on the Scriptures of both +Testaments, presents a peculiar union of the apologetic theology of a +Justin and the Gnostic theology of a Valentinus, while keeping steadily +in view a simple and highly practical aim. In this dogmatic the rule of +faith is recast and that quite consciously. Origen did not conceal his +conviction that Christianity finds its correct expression only in +scientific knowledge, and that every form of Christianity that lacks +theology is but a meagre kind with no clear consciousness of its own +content. This conviction plainly shows that Origen was dealing with a +different kind of Christianity, though his view that a mere relative +distinction existed here may have its justification in the fact, that +the untheological Christianity of the age with which he compared his own +was already permeated by Hellenic elements and in a very great measure +secularised.[10] But Origen, as well as Clement before him, had really a +right to the conviction that the true essence of Christianity, or, in +other words, the Gospel, is only arrived at by the aid of critical +speculation; for was not the Gospel veiled and hidden in the canon of +both Testaments, was it not displaced by the rule of faith, was it not +crushed down, depotentiated, and disfigured in the Church which +identified itself with the people of Christ? Clement and Origen found +freedom and independence in what they recognized to be the essence of +the matter and what they contrived with masterly skill to determine as +its proper aim, after an examination of the huge apparatus of tradition. +But was not that the ideal of Greek sages and philosophers? This +question can by no means be flatly answered in the negative, and still +less decidedly in the affirmative, for a new significance was here given +to the ideal by representing it _as assured beyond all doubt, already +realised_ in the person of Christ and incompatible with polytheism. If, +as is manifestly the case, they found joy and peace in their faith and +in the theory of the universe connected with it, if they prepared +themselves for an eternal life and expected it with certainty, if they +felt themselves to be perfect only through dependence on God, then, in +spite of their Hellenism, they unquestionably came nearer to the Gospel +than Irenæus with his slavish dependence on authority. + +The setting up of a scientific system of Christian dogmatics, which was +still something different from the rule of faith, interpreted in an +Antignostic sense, philosophically wrought out, and in some parts proved +from the Bible, was a private undertaking of Origen, and at first only +approved in limited circles. As yet, not only were certain bold changes +of interpretation disputed in the Church, but the undertaking itself, as +a whole, was disapproved.[11] The circumstances of the several +provincial churches in the first half of the third century were still +very diverse. Many communities had yet to adopt the basis that made them +into Catholic ones; and in most, if not in all, the education of the +clergy--not to speak of the laity--was not high enough to enable them to +appreciate systematic theology. But the schools in which Origen taught +carried on his work, similar ones were established, and these produced a +number of the bishops and presbyters of the East in the last half of the +third century. They had in their hands the means of culture afforded by +the age, and this was all the more a guarantee of victory because the +laity no longer took any part in deciding the form of religion. Wherever +the Logos Christology had been adopted the future of Christian Hellenism +was certain. At the beginning of the fourth century there was no +community in Christendom which, apart from the Logos doctrine, possessed +a purely philosophical theory that was regarded as an ecclesiastical +dogma, to say nothing of an official scientific theology. But the system +of Origen was a prophecy of the future. The Logos doctrine started the +crystallising process which resulted in further deposits. Symbols of +faith were already drawn up which contained a peculiar mixture of +Origen's theology with the inflexible Antignostic _regula fidei_. One +celebrated theologian, Methodius, endeavoured to unite the theology of +Irenæus and Origen, ecclesiastical realism and philosophic spiritualism, +under the badge of monastic mysticism. The developments of the following +period therefore no longer appear surprising in any respect. + +As Catholicism, from every point of view, is the result of the blending +of Christianity with the ideas of antiquity,[12] so the Catholic +dogmatic, as it was developed after the second or third century on the +basis of the Logos doctrine, is Christianity conceived and formulated +from the standpoint of the Greek philosophy of religion.[13] This +Christianity conquered the old world, and became the foundation of a new +phase of history in the Middle Ages. The union of the Christian religion +with a definite historical phase of human knowledge and culture may be +lamented in the interest of the Christian religion, which was thereby +secularised, and in the interest of the development of culture which was +thereby retarded(?). But lamentations become here ill-founded +assumptions, as absolutely everything that we have and value is due to +the alliance that Christianity and antiquity concluded in such a way +that neither was able to prevail over the other. Our inward and +spiritual life, which owes the least part of its content to the empiric +knowledge which we have acquired, is based up to the present moment on +the discords resulting from that union. + +These hints are meant among other things to explain and justify[14] the +arrangement chosen for the following presentation, which embraces the +fundamental section of the history of Christian dogma.[15] A few more +remarks are, however, necessary. + +1. One special difficulty in ascertaining the genesis of the Catholic +rules is that the churches, though on terms of close connection and +mutual intercourse, had no real _forum publicum_, though indeed, in a +certain sense, each bishop was _in foro publico_. As a rule, therefore, +we can only see the advance in the establishment of fixed forms in the +shape of results, without being able to state precisely the ways and +means which led to them. We do indeed know the factors, and can +therefore theoretically construct the development; but the real course +of things is frequently hidden from us. The genesis of a harmonious +Church, firmly welded together in doctrine and constitution, can no more +have been the natural unpremeditated product of the conditions of the +time than were the genesis and adoption of the New Testament canon of +Scripture. But we have no direct evidence as to what communities had a +special share in the development, although we know that the Roman Church +played a leading part. Moreover, we can only conjecture that +conferences, common measures, and synodical decisions were not wanting. +It is certain that, beginning with the last quarter of the second +century, there were held in the different provinces, mostly in the East, +but later also in the West, Synods in which an understanding was arrived +at on all questions of importance to Christianity, including, e.g., the +extent of the canon.[16] + +2. The degree of influence exercised by particular ecclesiastics on the +development of the Church and its doctrines is also obscure and +difficult to determine. As they were compelled to claim the sanction of +tradition for every innovation they introduced, and did in fact do so, +and as every fresh step they took appeared to themselves necessary only +as an explanation, it is in many cases quite impossible to distinguish +between what they received from tradition and what they added to it of +their own. Yet an investigation from the point of view of the historian +of literature shows that Tertullian and Hippolytus were to a great +extent dependent on Irenæus. What amount of innovation these men +independently contributed can therefore still be ascertained. Both are +men of the second generation. Tertullian is related to Irenæus pretty +much as Calvin to Luther. This parallel holds good in more than one +respect. First, Tertullian drew up a series of plain dogmatic formulæ +which are not found in Irenæus and which proved of the greatest +importance in succeeding times. Secondly, he did not attain the power, +vividness, and unity of religious intuition which distinguish Irenæus. +The truth rather is that, just because of his forms, he partly destroyed +the unity of the matter and partly led it into a false path of +development. Thirdly, he everywhere endeavoured to give a conception of +Christianity which represented it as the divine law, whereas in Irenæus +this idea is overshadowed by the conception of the Gospel as real +redemption. The main problem therefore resolves itself into the question +as to the position of Irenæus in the history of the Church. To what +extent were his expositions new, to what extent were the standards he +formulated already employed in the Churches, and in which of them? We +cannot form to ourselves a sufficiently vivid picture of the interchange +of Christian writings in the Church after the last quarter of the second +century.[17] Every important work speedily found its way into the +churches of the chief cities in the Empire. The diffusion was not merely +from East to West, though this was the general rule. At the beginning of +the fourth century there was in Cæsarea a Greek translation of +Tertullian's Apology and a collection of Cyprian's epistles.[18] The +influence of the Roman Church extended over the greater part of +Christendom. Up till about the year 260 the Churches in East and West +had still in some degree a common history. + +3. The developments in the history of dogma within the period extending +from about 150 to about 300 were by no means brought about in the +different communities at the same time and in a completely analogous +fashion. This fact is in great measure concealed from us, because our +authorities are almost completely derived from those leading Churches +that were connected with each other by constant intercourse. Yet the +difference can still be clearly proved by the ratio of development in +Rome, Lyons, and Carthage on the one hand, and in Alexandria on the +other. Besides, we have several valuable accounts showing that in more +remote provinces and communities the development was slower, and a +primitive and freer condition of things much longer preserved.[19] + +4. From the time that the clergy acquired complete sway over the +Churches, that is, from the beginning of the second third of the third +century, the development of the history of dogma practically took place +within the ranks of that class, and was carried on by its learned men. +Every mystery they set up therefore became doubly mysterious to the +laity, for these did not even understand the terms, and hence it formed +another new fetter. + + +Footnotes: + +[Footnote 1: Aubé (Histoire des Persécutions de l'Eglise, Vol. II. 1878, +pp. 1-68) has given a survey of the genesis of ecclesiastical dogma. The +disquisitions of Renan in the last volumes of his great historical work +are excellent, though not seldom exaggerated in particular points. See +especially the concluding observations in Vol. VII. cc. 28-34. Since the +appearance of Ritschl's monograph on the genesis of the old Catholic +Church, a treatise which, however, forms too narrow a conception of the +problem, German science can point to no work of equal rank with the +French. Cf. Sohm's Kirchenrecht, Vol. I. which, however, in a very +one-sided manner, makes the adoption of the legal and constitutional +arrangements responsible for all the evil in the Church.] + +[Footnote 2: Sohm (p. 160) declares: "The foundation of Catholicism is +the divine Church law to which it lays claim." In many other passages he +even seems to express the opinion that the Church law of itself, even +when not represented as divine, is the hereditary enemy of the true +Church and at the same time denotes the essence of Catholicism. See, +e.g., p. 2: "The whole essence of Catholicism consists in its declaring +legal institutions to be necessary to the Church." Page 700: "The +essence of Church law is incompatible with the essence of the Church." +This thesis really characterises Catholicism well and contains a great +truth, if expressed in more careful terms, somewhat as follows: "The +assertion that there is a divine Church law (emanating from Christ, or, +in other words, from the Apostles), which is necessary to the spiritual +character of the Church and which in fact is a token of this very +attribute, is incompatible with the essence of the Gospel and is the +mark of a pseudo-Catholicism." But the thesis contains too narrow a view +of the case. For the divine Church law is only one feature of the +essence of the Catholic Church, though a very important element, which +Sohm, as a jurist, was peculiarly capable of recognising. The whole +essence of Catholicism, however, consists in the deification of +tradition generally. The declaration that the empirical institutions of +the Church, created for and necessary to this purpose, are apostolic, a +declaration which amalgamates them with the essence and content of the +Gospel and places them beyond all criticism, is the peculiarly +"Catholic" feature. Now, as a great part of these institutions cannot be +inwardly appropriated and cannot really amalgamate with faith and piety, +it is self-evident that such portions become continued: legal +ordinances, to which obedience must be rendered. For no other relation +to these ordinances can be conceived. Hence the legal regulations and +the corresponding slavish devotion come to have such immense scope in +Catholicism, and well-nigh express its essence. But behind this is found +the more general conviction that the empirical Church, as it actually +exists, is the authentic, pure, and infallible creation: its doctrine, +its regulations, its religious ceremonial are apostolic. Whoever doubts +that renounces Christ. Now, if, as in the case of the Reformers, this +conception be recognised as erroneous and unevangelical, the result must +certainly be a strong detestation of "the divine Church law." Indeed, +the inclination to sweep away all Church law is quite intelligible, for +when you give the devil your little finger he takes the whole hand. But, +on the other hand, it cannot be imagined how communities are to exist on +earth, propagate themselves, and train men without regulations; and how +regulations are to exist without resulting in the formation of a code of +laws. In truth, such regulations have at no time been wanting in +Christian communities, and have always possessed the character of a +legal code. Sohm's distinction, that in the oldest period there was no +"law," but only a "regulation," is artificial, though possessed of a +certain degree of truth; for the regulation has one aspect in a circle +of like-minded enthusiasts, and a different one in a community where all +stages of moral and religious culture are represented, and which has +therefore to train its members. Or should it not do so? And, on the +other hand, had the oldest Churches not the Old Testament and the +[Greek: diataxeis] of the Apostles? Were these no code of laws? Sohm's +proposition: "The essence of Church law is incompatible with the essence +of the Church," does not rise to evangelical clearness and freedom, but +has been formed under the shadow and ban of Catholicism. I am inclined +to call it an Anabaptist thesis. The Anabaptists were also in the shadow +and ban of Catholicism; hence their only course was either the attempt +to wreck the Church and Church history and found a new empire, or a +return to Catholicism. Hermann Bockelson or the Pope! But the Gospel is +above the question of Jew or Greek, and therefore also above the +question of a legal code. It is reconcilable with everything that is not +sin, even with the philosophy of the Greeks. Why should it not be also +compatible with the monarchical bishop, with the legal code of the +Romans, and even with the Pope, provided these are not made part of the +Gospel.] + +[Footnote 3: In the formation of the Marcionite Church we have, on the +other hand, the attempt to create a rigid oecumenical community, held +together solely by religion. The Marcionite Church therefore had a +founder, the Catholic has none.] + +[Footnote 4: The historian who wishes to determine the advance made by +Græco-Roman humanity in the third and fourth centuries, under the +influence of Catholicism and its theology, must above all keep in view +the fact that gross polytheism and immoral mythology were swept away, +spiritual monotheism brought near to all, and the ideal of a divine life +and the hope of an eternal one made certain. Philosophy also aimed at +that, but it was not able to establish a community of men on these +foundations.] + +[Footnote 5: Luther, as is well known, had a very profound impression of +the distinction between Biblical Christianity and the theology of the +Fathers, who followed the theories of Origen. See, for example, Werke, +Vol. LXII. p. 49, quoting Proles: "When the word of God comes to the +Fathers, me thinks it is as if milk were filtered through a coal sack, +where the milk must become black and spoiled."] + +[Footnote 6: They were not the first to determine this circle of +interests. So far as we can demonstrate traces of independent religious +knowledge among the so-called Apostolic Fathers of the post-apostolic +age, they are in thorough harmony with the theories of the Apologists, +which are merely expressed with precision and divested of Old Testament +language.] + +[Footnote 7: It was only after the apostolic tradition, fixed in the +form of a comprehensive collection, seemed to guarantee the +admissibility of every form of Christianity that reverenced that +collection, that the hellenising of Christianity within the Church began +in serious fashion. The fixing of tradition had had a twofold result. On +the one hand, it opened the way more than ever before for a free and +unhesitating introduction of foreign ideas into Christianity, and, on +the other hand, so far as it really also included the documents and +convictions of primitive Christianity, it preserved this religion to the +future and led to a return to it, either from scientific or religious +considerations. That we know anything at all of original Christianity is +entirely due to the fixing of the tradition, as found at the basis of +Catholicism. On the supposition--which is indeed an academic +consideration--that this fixing had not taken place because of the +non-appearance of the Gnosticism which occasioned it, and on the further +supposition that the original enthusiasm had continued, we would in all +probability know next to nothing of original Christianity today. How +much we would have known may be seen from the Shepherd of Hermas.] + +[Footnote 8: So far as the Catholic Church is concerned, the idea of +dogmas, as individual theorems characteristic of Christianity, and +capable of being scholastically proved, originated with the Apologists. +Even as early as Justin we find tendencies to amalgamate historical +material and natural theology.] + +[Footnote 9: It is almost completely wanting in Tertullian. That is +explained by the fact that this remarkable man was in his inmost soul an +old-fashioned Christian, to whom the Gospel was _conscientia religionis, +disciplina vitæ_ and _spes fidei_, and who found no sort of edification +in Neoplatonic notions, but rather dwelt on the ideas "command," +"performance," "error," "forgiveness." In Irenæus also, moreover, the +ancient idea of salvation, supplemented by elements derived from the +Pauline theology, is united with the primitive Christian eschatology.] + +[Footnote 10: On the significance of Clement and Origen see Overbeck, +"Über die Anfänge der patristischen Litteratur" in d. Hist. Ztschr, N. +F., Vol, XII. p. 417 ff.] + +[Footnote 11: Information on this point may be got not only from the +writings of Origen (see especially his work against Celsus), but also +and above all from his history. The controversy between Dionysius of +Alexandria and the Chiliasts is also instructive on the matter.] + +[Footnote 12: The three or (reckoning Methodius) four steps of the +development of church doctrine (Apologists, Old Catholic Fathers, +Alexandrians) correspond to the progressive religious and philosophical +development of heathendom at that period: philosophic moralism, ideas of +salvation (theology and practice of mysteries), Neoplatonic philosophy, +and complete syncretism.] + +[Footnote 13: "Virtus omnis ex his causam accipit, a quibus provocatur" +(Tertull., de bapt. 2.)] + +[Footnote 14: The plan of placing the apologetic theology before +everything else would have much to recommend it, but I adhere to the +arrangement here chosen, because the advantage of being able to +represent and survey the outer ecclesiastical development and the inner +theological one, each being viewed as a unity, seems to me to be very +great. We must then of course understand the two developments as +proceeding on parallel lines. But the placing of the former parallel +before the latter in my presentation is justified by the fact that what +was gained in the former passed over much more directly and swiftly into +the general life of the Church, than what was reached in the latter. +Decades elapsed, for instance, before the apologetic theology came to be +generally known and accepted in the Church, as is shown by the long +continued conflict against Monarchianism.] + +[Footnote 15: The origin of Catholicism can only be very imperfectly +described within the framework of the history of dogma, for the +political situation of the Christian communities in the Roman Empire had +quite as important an influence on the development of the Catholic +Church as its internal conflicts. But inasmuch as that situation and +these struggles are ultimately connected in the closest way, the history +of dogma cannot even furnish a complete picture of this development +within definite limits.] + +[Footnote 16: See Tertullian, de pudic. 10: "Sed cederem tibi, si +scriptura Pastoris, quæ sola moechos amat, divino instrumento meruisset +incidi, si non ab omni concilio ecclesiarum etiam vestrarum inter +aprocrypha et falsa iudicaretur;" de ieiun. 13: "Aguntur præsterea per +Græcias illa certis in locis concilia ex universis ecclesiis, per quæ et +altiora quæque in commune tractantur, et ipsa repræsentatio totius +nominis Christiani magna veneratione celebratur." We must also take into +account here the intercourse by letter, in which connection I may +specially remind the reader of the correspondence between Dionysius, +Bishop of Corinth, Euseb., H. E. IV. 23, and journeys such as those of +Polycarp and Abercius to Rome. Cf. generally Zahn, Weltverkehr und +Kirche währeud der drei ersten Jahrhunderte, 1877.] + +[Footnote 17: See my studies respecting the tradition of the Greek +Apologists of the second century in the early Church in the Texte und +Unters. z. Gesch. der alt christl. Litteratur, Vol. I. Part I. 2.] + +[Footnote 18: See Euseb., H. E. II. 2; VI. 43.] + +[Footnote 19: See the accounts of Christianity in Edessa and the far +East generally. The Acta Archelai and the Homilies of Aphraates should +also be specially examined. Cf. further Euseb., H. E. VI. 12, and +finally the remains of the Latin-Christian literature of the third +century--apart from Tertullian, Cyprian and Novatian--as found partly +under the name of Cyprian, partly under other titles. Commodian, +Arnobius, and Lactantius are also instructive here. This literature has +been but little utilised with respect to the history of dogma and of the +Church.] + + + + +I. FIXING AND GRADUAL SECULARISING OF CHRISTIANITY AS A CHURCH + +CHAPTER II + +THE SETTING UP OF THE APOSTOLIC STANDARDS FOR ECCLESIASTICAL +CHRISTIANITY. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.[20] + + +We may take as preface to this chapter three celebrated passages from +Tertullian's "de præscriptione hæreticorum." In chap. 21 we find: "It is +plain that all teaching that agrees with those apostolic Churches which +are the wombs and origins of the faith must be set down as truth, it +being certain that such doctrine contains that which the Church received +from the Apostles, the Apostles from Christ, and Christ from God." In +chap. 36 we read: "Let us see what it (the Roman Church) has learned, +what it has taught, and what fellowship it has likewise had with the +African Churches. It acknowledges one God the Lord, the creator of the +universe, and Jesus Christ, the Son of God the creator, born of the +Virgin Mary, as well as the resurrection of the flesh. It unites the Law +and the Prophets with the writings of the Evangelists and Apostles. From +these it draws its faith, and by their authority it seals this faith +with water, clothes it with the Holy Spirit, feeds it with the +eucharist, and encourages martyrdom. Hence it receives no one who +rejects this institution." In chap. 32 the following challenge is +addressed to the heretics: "Let them unfold a series of their bishops +proceeding by succession from the beginning in such a way that this +first bishop of theirs had as his authority and predecessor some one of +the Apostles or one of the apostolic men, who, however, associated with +the Apostles."[21] From the consideration of these three passages it +directly follows that three standards are to be kept in view, viz., the +apostolic doctrine, the apostolic canon of Scripture, and the guarantee +of apostolic authority, afforded by the organisation of the Church, that +is, by the episcopate, and traced back to apostolic institution. It will +be seen that the Church always adopted these three standards together, +that is simultaneously.[22] As a matter of fact they originated in Rome +and gradually made their way in the other Churches. That Asia Minor had +a share in this is probable, though the question is involved in +obscurity. The three Catholic standards had their preparatory stages, +(1) in short kerygmatic creeds; (2) in the authority of the Lord and the +formless apostolic tradition as well as in the writings read in the +Churches; (3) in the veneration paid to apostles, prophets, and +teachers, or the "elders" and leaders of the individual communities. + + +A. _The Transformation of the Baptismal Confession into the Apostolic +Rule of Faith._ + +It has been explained (vol. I. p. 157) that the idea of the complete +identity of what the Churches possessed as Christian communities with +the doctrine or regulations of the twelve Apostles can already be shown +in the earliest Gentile-Christian literature. In the widest sense the +expression, [Greek: kanôn tês paradoseôs] (canon of tradition), +originally included all that was traced back to Christ himself through +the medium of the Apostles and was of value for the faith and life of +the Church, together with everything that was or seemed her inalienable +possession, as, for instance, the Christian interpretation of the Old +Testament. In the narrower sense that canon consisted of the history and +words of Jesus. In so far as they formed the content of faith they were +the faith itself, that is, the Christian truth; in so far as this faith +was to determine the essence of everything Christian, it might be termed +[Greek: kanôn tês pisteôs, kanôn tês alêtheias] (canon of the faith, +canon of the truth).[23] But the very fact that the extent of what was +regarded as tradition of the Apostles was quite undetermined ensured the +possibility of the highest degree of freedom; it was also still +allowable to give expression to Christian inspiration and to the +intuition of enthusiasm without any regard to tradition. + +We now know that before the violent conflict with Gnosticism short +formulated summaries of the faith had already grown out of the +missionary practice of the Church (catechising). The shortest formula +was that which defined the Christian faith as belief in the Father, Son, +and Spirit.[24] It appears to have been universally current in +Christendom about the year 150. In the solemn transactions of the +Church, therefore especially in baptism, in the great prayer of the +Lord's Supper, as well as in the exorcism of demons,[25] fixed formulæ +were used. They embraced also such articles as contained the most +important facts in the history of Jesus.[26] We know definitely that not +later than about the middle of the second century (about 140 A.D.) the +Roman Church possessed a fixed creed, which every candidate for baptism +had to profess;[27] and something similar must also have existed in +Smyrna and other Churches of Asia Minor about the year 150, in some +cases, even rather earlier. We may suppose that formulæ of similar plan +and extent were also found in other provincial Churches about this +time.[28] Still it is neither probable that all the then existing +communities possessed such creeds, nor that those who used them had +formulated them in such a rigid way as the Roman Church had done. The +proclamation of the history of Christ predicted in the Old Testament, +the [Greek: kerygma tês alêtheias], also accompanied the short baptismal +formula without being expressed in set terms.[29] + +Words of Jesus and, in general, directions for the Christian life were +not, as a rule, admitted into the short formulated creed. In the +recently discovered "Teaching of the Apostles" ([Greek: Didachê tôn +apostolôn]) we have no doubt a notable attempt to fix the rules of +Christian life as traced back to Jesus through the medium of the +Apostles, and to elevate them into the foundation of the confederation +of Christian Churches; but this undertaking, which could not but have +led the development of Christianity into other paths, did not succeed. +That the formulated creeds did not express the principles of conduct, +but the facts on which Christians based their faith, was an unavoidable +necessity. Besides, the universal agreement of all earnest and +thoughtful minds on the question of Christian morals was practically +assured.[30] Objection was not taken to the principles of morality--at +least this was not a primary consideration--for there were many Greeks +to whom they did not seem foolishness, but to the adoration of Christ as +he was represented in tradition and to the Church's worship of a God, +who, as creator of the world and as a speaking and visible being, +appeared to the Greeks, with their ideas of a purely spiritual deity, to +be interwoven with the world, and who, as the God worshipped by the Jews +also, seemed clearly distinct from the Supreme Being. This gave rise to +the mockery of the heathen, the theological art of the Gnostics, and the +radical reconstruction of tradition as attempted by Marcion. With the +freedom that still prevailed Christianity was in danger of being +resolved into a motley mass of philosophic speculations or of being +completely detached from its original conditions. "It was admitted on +all sides that Christianity had its starting-point in certain facts and +sayings; but if any and every interpretation of those facts and sayings +was possible, if any system of philosophy might be taught into which the +words that expressed them might be woven, it is clear that there could +be but little cohesion between the members of the Christian communities. +The problem arose and pressed for an answer: What should be the basis of +Christian union? But the problem was for a time insoluble. For there was +no standard and no court of appeal." From the very beginning, when the +differences in the various Churches began to threaten their unity, +appeal was probably made to the Apostles' doctrine, the words of the +Lord, tradition, "sound doctrine", definite facts, such as the reality +of the human nature (flesh) of Christ, and the reality of his death and +resurrection.[31] In instruction, in exhortations, and above all in +opposing erroneous doctrines and moral aberrations, this precept was +inculcated from the beginning: [Greek: apolipômen tas kenas kai mataias +phrontidas, kai elthômen epi ton eukleê kai semnon tês paradoseôs hêmôn +kanona] ("Let us leave off vain and foolish thoughts and betake +ourselves to the glorious and august canon of our tradition"). But the +very question was: What is sound doctrine? What is the content of +tradition? Was the flesh of Christ a reality? etc. There is no doubt +that Justin, in opposition to those whom he viewed as pseudo-Christians, +insisted on the absolute necessity of acknowledging certain definite +traditional facts and made this recognition the standard of orthodoxy. +To all appearance it was he who began the great literary struggle for +the expulsion of heterodoxy (see his [Greek: syntagma kata pasôn tôn +gegenêmenôn haireseôn]); but, judging from those writings of his that +have been preserved to us, it seems very unlikely that he was already +successful in finding a fixed standard for determining orthodox +Christianity.[32] + +The permanence of the communities, however, depended on the discovery of +such a standard. They were no longer held together by the _conscientia +religionis_, the _unitas disciplinæ_, and the _foedus spei_. The +Gnostics were not solely to blame for that. They rather show us merely +the excess of a continuous transformation which no community could +escape. The gnosis which subjected religion to a critical examination +awoke in proportion as religious life from generation to generation lost +its warmth and spontaneity. There was a time when the majority of +Christians knew themselves to be such, (1) because they had the "Spirit" +and found in that an indestructible guarantee of their Christian +position, (2) because they observed all the commandments of Jesus +([Greek: entolai Iêsou]). But when these guarantees died away, and when +at the same time the most diverse doctrines that were threatening to +break up the Church were preached in the name of Christianity, the +fixing of tradition necessarily became the supreme task. Here, as in +every other case, the tradition was not fixed till after it had been to +some extent departed from. It was just the Gnostics themselves who took +the lead in a fixing process, a plain proof that the setting up of +dogmatic formulæ has always been the support of new formations. But the +example set by the Gnostics was the very thing that rendered the problem +difficult. Where was a beginning to be made? "There is a kind of +unconscious logic in the minds of masses of men when great questions are +abroad, which some one thinker throws into suitable form."[33] There +could be no doubt that the needful thing was to fix what was +"apostolic," for the one certain thing was that Christianity was based +on a divine revelation which had been transmitted through the medium of +the Apostles to the Churches of the whole earth. It certainly was not a +single individual who hit on the expedient of affirming the fixed forms +employed by the Churches in their solemn transactions to be apostolic in +the strict sense. It must have come about by a natural process. But the +confession of the Father, Son, and Spirit and the _kerygma_ of Jesus +Christ had the most prominent place among these forms. The special +emphasising of these articles, in opposition to the Gnostic and +Marcionite undertakings, may also be viewed as the result of the "common +sense" of all those who clung to the belief that the Father of Jesus +Christ was the creator of the world, and that the Son of God really +appeared in the flesh. But that was not everywhere sufficient, for, even +admitting that about the period between 150 and 180 A.D. all the +Churches had a fixed creed which they regarded as apostolic in the +strict sense--and this cannot be proved,--the most dangerous of all +Gnostic schools, viz., those of Valentinus, could recognise this creed, +since they already possessed the art of explaining a given text in +whatever way they chose. What was needed was an apostolic creed +_definitely interpreted_; for it was only by the aid of a definite +interpretation that the creed could be used to repel the Gnostic +speculations and the Marcionite conception of Christianity. + +In this state of matters the Church of Rome, the proceedings of which +are known to us through Irenæus and Tertullian, took, with regard to the +fixed Roman baptismal confession ascribed to the Apostles, the following +step: The Antignostic interpretation required by the necessities of the +times was proclaimed as its self-evident content; the confession, thus +explained, was designated as the "Catholic faith" ("fides catholica"), +that is the rule of truth for the faith; and its acceptance was made the +test of adherence to the Roman Church as well as to the general +confederation of Christendom. Irenæus was not the author of this +proceeding. How far Rome acted with the coöperation or under the +influence of the Church of Asia Minor is a matter that is still +obscure,[34] and will probably never be determined with certainty. What +the Roman community accomplished practically was theoretically +established by Irenæus[35] and Tertullian. The former proclaimed the +baptismal confession, definitely interpreted and expressed in an +Antignostic form, to be the apostolic rule of truth (regula veritatis), +and tried to prove it so. He based his demonstration on the theory that +this series of doctrines embodied the faith of the churches founded by +the Apostles, and that these communities had always preserved the +apostolic teaching unchanged (see under C). + +Viewed historically, this thesis, which preserved Christianity from +complete dissolution, is based on two unproved assumptions and on a +confusion of ideas. It is not demonstrated that any creed emanated from +the Apostles, nor that the Churches they founded always preserved their +teaching in its original form; the creed itself, moreover, is confused +with its interpretation. Finally, the existence of a _fides catholica_, +in the strict sense of the word, cannot be justly inferred from the +essential agreement found in the doctrine of a series of +communities.[36] But, on the other hand, the course taken by Irenæus was +the only one capable of saving what yet remained of primitive +Christianity, and that is its historical justification. A _fides +apostolica_ had to be set up and declared identical with the already +existing _fides catholica_. It had to be made the standard for judging +all particular doctrinal opinions, that it might be determined whether +they were admissible or not. + +The persuasive power with which Irenæus set up the principle of the +apostolic "rule of truth," or of "tradition" or simply of "faith," was +undoubtedly, as far as he himself was concerned, based on the facts that +he had already a rigidly formulated creed before him and that he had no +doubt as to its interpretation.[37] The rule of truth (also [Greek: hê +hypo tês ekklêsias kêryssomenê alêtheia] "the truth proclaimed by the +Church;" and [Greek: to tês alêtheias sômation], "the body of the +truth") is the old baptismal confession well known to the communities +for which he immediately writes. (See I. 9. 4; [Greek: houtô de kai ho +ton kanona tês alêtheias aklinê en heautô katechôn hon dia tou +baptismatos eilêphe], "in like manner he also who retains immovably in +his heart the rule of truth which he received through baptism"); because +it is this, it is apostolic, firm and immovable.[38] + +By the fixing of the rule of truth, the formulation of which in the case +of Irenæus (I. 10. 1, 2) naturally follows the arrangement of the +(Roman) baptismal confession, the most important Gnostic theses were at +once set aside and their antitheses established as apostolic. In his +apostolic rule of truth Irenæus himself already gave prominence to the +following doctrines:[39] the unity of God, the identity of the supreme +God with the Creator; the identity of the supreme God with the God of +the Old Testament; the unity of Jesus Christ as the Son of the God who +created the world; the essential divinity of Christ; the incarnation of +the Son of God; the prediction of the entire history of Jesus through +the Holy Spirit in the Old Testament; the reality of that history; the +bodily reception ([Greek: ensarkos analêpsis]) of Christ into heaven; +the visible return of Christ; the resurrection of all flesh ([Greek: +anastasis pasês sarkos, pasês anthropôtêtos]), the universal judgment. +These dogmas, the antitheses of the Gnostic regulæ,[40] were +consequently, as apostolic and therefore also as Catholic, removed +beyond all discussion. + +Tertullian followed Irenæus in every particular. He also interpreted the +(Romish) baptismal confession, represented it, thus explained, as the +_regula fidei_,[41] and transferred to the latter the attributes of the +confession, viz., its apostolic origin (or origin from Christ), as well +as its fixedness and completeness.[42] Like Irenæus, though still more +stringently, he also endeavoured to prove that the formula had descended +from Christ, that is, from the Apostles, and was incorrupt. He based his +demonstration on the alleged incontestable facts that it contained the +faith of those Churches founded by the Apostles, that in these +communities a corruption of doctrine was inconceivable, because in them, +as could be proved, the Apostles had always had successors, and that the +other Churches were in communion with them (see under C). In a more +definite way than Irenæus, Tertullian conceives the rule of faith as a +rule for the faith,[43] as the law given to faith,[44] also as a "regula +doctrinæ" or "doctrina regulæ" (here the creed itself is quite plainly +the regula), and even simply as "doctrina" or "institutio."[45] As to +the content of the _regula_, it was set forth by Tertullian in three +passages.[46] It is essentially the same as in Irenæus. But Tertullian +already gives prominence within the _regula_ to the creation of the +universe out of nothing,[47] the creative instrumentality of the +Logos,[48] his origin before all creatures,[49] a definite theory of the +Incarnation,[50] the preaching by Christ of a _nova lex_ and a _nova +promissio regni coelorum_,[51] and finally also the Trinitarian economy +of God.[52] Materially, therefore, the advance beyond Irenæus is already +very significant. Tertullian's _regula_ is in point of fact a +_doctrina_. In attempting to bind the communities to this he represents +them as schools.[53] The apostolic "lex et doctrina" is to be regarded +as inviolable by every Christian. Assent to it decides the Christian +character of the individual. Thus the Christian _disposition and life_ +come to be a matter which is separate from this and subject to +particular conditions. In this way the essence of religion was split +up--the most fatal turning-point in the history of Christianity. + +But we are not of course to suppose that at the beginning of the third +century the actual bond of union between all the Churches was a fixed +confession developed into a doctrine, that is, definitely interpreted. +This much was gained, as is clear from the treatise _de præscriptione_ +and from other evidence, that in the communities with which Tertullian +was acquainted, mutual recognition and brotherly intercourse were made +to depend on assent to formulæ which virtually coincided with the Roman +baptismal confession. Whoever assented to such a formula was regarded as +a Christian brother, and was entitled to the salutation of peace, the +name of brother, and hospitality.[54] In so far as Christians confined +themselves to a doctrinal formula which they, however, strictly applied, +the adoption of this practice betokened an advance. The scattered +communities now possessed a "lex" to bind them together, quite as +certainly as the philosophic schools possessed a bond of union of a real +and practical character[55] in the shape of certain briefly formulated +doctrines. In virtue of the common apostolic _lex_ of Christians the +Catholic Church became a reality, and was at the same time clearly +marked off from the heretic sects. But more than this was gained, in so +far as the Antignostic interpretation of the formula, and consequently a +"doctrine," was indeed in some measure involved in the _lex_. The extent +to which this was the case depended, of course, on the individual +community or its leaders. All Gnostics could not be excluded by the +wording of the confession; and, on the other hand, every formulated +faith leads to a formulated doctrine, as soon as it is set up as a +critical canon. What we observe in Irenæus and Tertullian must have +everywhere taken place in a greater or less degree; that is to say, the +authority of the confessional formula must have been extended to +statements not found in the formula itself. + +We can still prove from the works of Clement of Alexandria that a +confession claiming to be an apostolic law of faith,[56] ostensibly +comprehending the whole essence of Christianity, was not set up in the +different provincial Churches at one and the same time. From this it is +clearly manifest that at this period the Alexandrian Church neither +possessed a baptismal confession similar to that of Rome,[57] nor +understood by "regula fidei" and synonymous expressions a collection of +beliefs fixed in some fashion and derived from the apostles.[58] Clement +of Alexandria in his Stromateis appeals to the holy (divine) Scriptures, +to the teaching of the Lord,[59] and to the standard tradition which he +designates by a great variety of names, though he never gives its +content, because he regards the whole of Christianity in its present +condition as needing to be reconstructed by gnosis, and therefore as +coming under the head of tradition.[60] In one respect therefore, as +compared with Irenæus and Tertullian, he to some extent represents an +earlier standpoint; he stands midway between them and Justin. From this +author he is chiefly distinguished by the fact that he employs sacred +Christian writings as well as the Old Testament, makes the true Gnostic +quite as dependent on the former as on the latter and has lost that +naive view of tradition, that is, the complete content of Christianity, +which Irenæus and Tertullian still had. As is to be expected, Clement +too assigns the ultimate authorship of the tradition to the Apostles; +but it is characteristic that he neither does this of such set purpose +as Irenæus and Tertullian, nor thinks it necessary to prove that the +Church had presented the apostolic tradition intact. But as he did not +extract from the tradition a fixed complex of fundamental propositions, +so also he failed to recognise the importance of its publicity and +catholicity, and rather placed an esoteric alongside of an exoteric +tradition. Although, like Irenæus and Tertullian, his attitude is +throughout determined by opposition to the Gnostics and Marcion, he +supposes it possible to refute them by giving to the Holy Scriptures a +scientific exposition which must not oppose the [Greek: kanôn tês +ekklêsias], that is, the Christian common sense, but receives from it +only certain guiding rules. But this attitude of Clement would be simply +inconceivable if the Alexandrian Church of his time had already employed +the fixed standard applied in those of Rome, Carthage and Lyons.[61] +Such a standard did not exist; but Clement made no distinction in the +yet unsystematised tradition, even between faith and discipline, because +as a theologian he was not able to identify himself with any single +article of it without hesitation, and because he ascribed to the true +Gnostic the ability to fix and guarantee the truth of Christian +doctrine. + +Origen, although he also attempted to refute the heretics chiefly by a +scientific exegesis of the Holy Scriptures, exhibits an attitude which +is already more akin to that of Irenæus and Tertullian than to that of +Clement. In the preface to his great work, "De principiis," he prefixed +the Church doctrine as a detailed apostolic rule of faith, and in other +instances also he appealed to the apostolic teaching.[62] It may be +assumed that in the time of Caracalla and Heliogabalus the Alexandrian +Christians had also begun to adopt the principles acted upon in Rome and +other communities.[63] The Syrian Churches, or at least a part of them, +followed still later.[64] There can be no doubt that, from the last +decades of the third century onward, one and the same confession, +identical not in its wording, but in its main features, prevailed in the +great confederation of Churches extending from Spain to the Euphrates +and from Egypt to beyond the Alps.[65] It was the basis of the +confederation, and therefore also a passport, mark of recognition, etc., +for the orthodox Christians. The interpretation of this confession was +fixed in certain ground features, that is, in an Antignostic sense. But +a definite theological interpretation was also more and more enforced. +By the end of the third century there can no longer have been any +considerable number of outlying communities where the doctrines of the +pre-existence of Christ and the identity of this pre-existent One with +the divine Logos were not recognised as the orthodox belief.[66] They +may have first become an "apostolic confession of faith" through the +Nicene Creed. But even this creed was not adopted all at once. + + +B. _The designation of selected writings read in the churches as New +Testament Scriptures or, in other words, as a collection of apostolic +writings_.[67] + +Every word and every writing which testified of the [Greek: kurios] +(Lord) was originally regarded as emanating from him, that is, from his +spirit: [Greek: Hothen hê kuriotês laleitai ekei Kurios estin]. (Didache +IV. 1; see also 1 Cor. XII. 3). Hence the contents were holy.[68] In +this sense the New Testament is a "residuary product," just as the idea +of its inspiration is a remnant of a much broader view. But on the other +hand, the New Testament is a new creation of the Church,[69] inasmuch as +it takes its place alongside of the Old--which through it has become a +complicated book for Christendom,--as a Catholic and apostolic +collection of Scriptures containing and attesting the truth. + +Marcion had founded his conception of Christianity on a new canon of +Scripture,[70] which seems to have enjoyed the same authority among his +followers as was ascribed to the Old Testament in orthodox Christendom. +In the Gnostic schools, which likewise rejected the Old Testament +altogether or in part, Evangelic and Pauline writings were, by the +middle of the second century, treated as sacred texts and made use of to +confirm their theological speculations.[71] On the other hand, about the +year 150 the main body of Christendom had still no collection of Gospels +and Epistles possessing equal authority with the Old Testament, and, +apart from Apocalypses, no new writings at all, which as such, that is, +as sacred texts, were regarded as inspired and authoritative.[72] Here +we leave out of consideration that their content is a testimony of the +Spirit. From the works of Justin it is to be inferred that the ultimate +authorities were the Old Testament, the words of the Lord, and the +communications of Christian prophets.[73] The memoirs of the Apostles +([Greek: apomnêmoneumata ton apostolôn] = [Greek: ta euangelia]) owed +their significance solely to the fact that they recorded the words and +history of the Lord and bore witness to the fulfilment of Old Testament +predictions. There is no mention whatever of apostolic epistles as holy +writings of standard authority.[74] But we learn further from Justin +that the Gospels as well as the Old Testament were read in public +worship (Apol. I. 67) and that our first three Gospels were already in +use. We can, moreover, gather from other sources that other Christian +writings, early and late, were more or less regularly read in Christian +meetings.[75] Such writings naturally possessed a high degree of +authority. As the Holy Spirit and the Church are inseparable, everything +that edifies the Church originates with the Holy Spirit,[76] which in +this, as well as every other respect, is inexhaustibly rich. Here, +however, two interests were predominant from the beginning, that of +immediate spiritual edification and that of attesting and certifying the +Christian _Kerygma_ ([Greek: hê asphaleia tôn logôn]). _The +ecclesiastical canon was the result of the latter interest_, not indeed +in consequence of a process of collection, for individual communities +had already made a far larger compilation,[77] but, in the first +instance, through selection, and afterwards, but not till then, through +addition. + +We must not think that the four Gospels now found in the canon had +attained full canonical authority by the middle of the second century, +for the fact--easily demonstrable--that the texts were still very freely +dealt with about this period is in itself a proof of this.[78] Our first +three Gospels contain passages and corrections that could hardly have +been fixed before about the year 150. Moreover, Tatian's attempt to +create a new Gospel from the four shews that the text of these was not +yet fixed.[79] We may remark that he was the first in whom we find the +Gospel of John[80] alongside of the Synoptists, and these four the only +ones recognised. From the assault of the "Alogi" on the Johannine Gospel +we learn that about 160 the whole of our four Gospels had not been +definitely recognised even in Asia Minor. Finally, we must refer to the +Gospel of the Egyptians, the use of which was not confined to circles +outside the Church.[81] + +From the middle of the second century the Encratites stood midway +between the larger Christendom and the Marcionite Church as well as the +Gnostic schools. We hear of some of these using the Gospels as canonical +writings side by side with the Old Testament, though they would have +nothing to do with the Epistles of Paul and the Acts of the +Apostles.[82] But Tatian, the prominent Apologist, who joined them, gave +this sect a more complete canon, an important fact about which was its +inclusion of Epistles of Paul. Even this period, however, still supplies +us with no testimony as to the existence of a New Testament canon in +orthodox Christendom, in fact the rise of the so-called "Montanism" and +its extreme antithesis, the "Alogi," in Asia Minor soon after the middle +of the second century proves that there was still no New Testament canon +there; for, if such an authoritative compilation had existed, these +movements could not have arisen. If we gather together all the +indications and evidence bearing on the subject, we shall indeed be +ready to expect the speedy appearance in the Church of a kind of Gospel +canon comprising the four Gospels;[83] but we are prepared neither for +this being formally placed on an equality with the Old Testament, nor +for its containing apostolic writings, which as yet are only found in +Marcion and the Gnostics. The canon emerges quite suddenly in an +allusion of Melito of Sardis preserved by Eusebius,[84] the meaning of +which is, however, still dubious; in the works of Irenæus and +Tertullian; and in the so-called Muratorian Fragment. There is no direct +account of its origin and scarcely any indirect; yet it already appears +as something to all intents and purposes finished and complete.[85] +Moreover, it emerges in the same ecclesiastical district where we were +first able to show the existence of the apostolic _regula fidei_. We +hear nothing of any authority belonging to the compilers, because we +learn nothing at all of such persons.[86] And yet the collection is +regarded by Irenæus and Tertullian as completed. A refusal on the part +of the heretics to recognise this or that book is already made a severe +reproach against them. Their Bibles are tested by the Church compilation +as the older one, and the latter itself is already used exactly like the +Old Testament. The assumption of the inspiration of the books; the +harmonistic interpretation of them; the idea of their absolute +sufficiency with regard to every question which can arise and every +event which they record; the right of unlimited combination of passages; +the assumption that nothing in the Scriptures is without importance; +and, finally, the allegorical interpretation: are the immediately +observable result of the creation of the canon.[87] + +The probable conditions which brought about the formation of the New +Testament canon in the Church, for in this case we are only dealing with +probabilities, and the interests which led to and remained associated +with it can only be briefly indicated here.[88] + +The compilation and formation of a canon of Christian writings by a +process of selection[89] was, so to speak, a kind of involuntary +undertaking of the Church in her conflict with Marcion and the Gnostics, +as is most plainly proved by the warnings of the Fathers not to dispute +with the heretics about the Holy Scriptures,[90] although the New +Testament was already in existence. That conflict necessitated the +formation of a new Bible. The exclusion of particular persons on the +strength of some apostolic standards, and by reference to the Old +Testament, could not be justified by the Church in her own eyes and +those of her opponents, so long as she herself recognised that there +were apostolic writings, and so long as these heretics appealed to such. +She was compelled to claim exclusive possession of _everything_ that had +a right to the name "apostolic," to deny it to the heretics, and to shew +that she held it in the highest honour. Hitherto she had "contented" +herself with proving her legal title from the Old Testament, and, +passing over her actual origin, had dated herself back to the beginning +of all things. Marcion and the Gnostics were the first who energetically +pointed out that Christianity began with Christ, and that all +Christianity was really to be _tested_ by the apostolic preaching, that +the assumed identity of Christian common sense with apostolic +Christianity did not exist, and (so Marcion said) that the Apostles +contradicted themselves. This opposition made it necessary to enter into +the questions raised by their opponents. But, in point of content, the +problem of proving the contested identity was simply insoluble, because +it was endless and subject to question on every particular point. The +"unconscious logic," that is the logic of self-preservation, could only +prescribe an expedient. The Church had to collect everything apostolic +and declare herself to be its only legal possessor. She was obliged, +moreover, to amalgamate the apostolic with the canon of the Old +Testament in such a way as to fix the exposition from the very first. +But what writings were apostolic? From the middle of the second century +great numbers of writings named after the Apostles had already been in +circulation, and there were often different recensions of one and the +same writing.[91] Versions which contained docetic elements and +exhortations to the most pronounced asceticism had even made their way +into the public worship of the Church. Above all, therefore, it was +necessary to determine (1) what writings were really apostolic, (2) what +form or recension should be regarded as apostolic. The selection was +made by the Church, that is, primarily, by the churches of Rome and Asia +Minor, which had still an unbroken history up to the days of Marcus +Aurelius and Commodus. In making this choice, the Church limited herself +to the writings that were used in public worship, and only admitted what +the tradition of the elders justified her in regarding as genuinely +apostolic. The principle on which she proceeded was to reject as +spurious all writings, bearing the names of Apostles, that contained +anything contradictory to Christian common sense, that is, to the rule +of faith--hence admission was refused to all books in which the God of +the Old Testament, his creation, etc., appeared to be depreciated,--and +to exclude all recensions of apostolic writings that seemed to endanger +the Old Testament and the monarchy of God. She retained, therefore, only +those writings which bore the names of Apostles, or anonymous writings +to which she considered herself justified in attaching such names,[92] +and whose contents were not at variance with the orthodox creed or +attested it. This selection resulted in the awkward fact that besides +the four Gospels there was almost nothing but Pauline epistles to +dispose of, and therefore no writings or almost none which, as emanating +from the twelve Apostles, could immediately confirm the truth of the +ecclesiastical _Kerygma_. _This perplexity was removed by the +introduction of the Acts of the Apostles_[93] _and in some cases also +the Epistles of Peter and John_, though that of Peter was not recognised +at Rome at first. As a collection this group is the most interesting in +the new compilation. It gives it the stamp of Catholicity, unites the +Gospels with the Apostle (Paul), and, by subordinating his Epistles to +the "Acta omnium apostolorum," makes them witnesses to the particular +tradition that was required and divests them of every thing suspicious +and insufficient.[94] The Church, however, found the selection +facilitated by the fact that the content of the early Christian writings +was for the most part unintelligible to the Christendom of the time, +whereas the late and spurious additions were betrayed not only by +heretical theologoumena, but also and above all by their profane +lucidity. Thus arose a collection of apostolic writings, which in extent +may not have been strikingly distinguished from the list of writings +that for more than a generation had formed the chief and favourite +reading in the communities.[95] The new collection was already exalted +to a high place by the use of other writings being prohibited either for +purposes of general edification or for theological ends.[96] But the +causes and motives which led to its being formed into a canon, that is, +being placed on a footing of complete equality with the Old Testament, +may be gathered partly from the earlier history, partly from the mode of +using the new Bible and partly from the results attending its +compilation. First, Words of the Lord and prophetic utterances, +including the written records of these, had always possessed standard +authority in the Church; there were therefore parts of the collection +the absolute authority of which was undoubted from the first.[97] +Secondly, what was called "Preaching of the Apostles," "Teaching of the +Apostles," etc., was likewise regarded from the earliest times as +completely harmonious as well as authoritative. There had, however, been +absolutely no motive for fixing this in documents, because Christians +supposed they possessed it in a state of purity and reproduced it +freely. The moment the Church was called upon to fix this teaching +authentically, and this denotes a decisive revolution, she was forced to +have recourse to _writings_, whether she would or not. The attributes +formerly applied to the testimony of the Apostles, so long as it was not +collected and committed to writing, had now to be transferred to the +written records they had left. Thirdly, Marcion had already taken the +lead in forming Christian writings into a canon in the strict sense of +the word. Fourthly, the interpretation was at once fixed by forming the +apostolic writings into a canon, and placing them on an equality with +the Old Testament, as well as by subordinating troublesome writings to +the Acts of the Apostles. Considered by themselves these writings, +especially the Pauline Epistles, presented the greatest difficulties. We +can see even yet from Irenæus and Tertullian that the duty of +accommodating herself to these Epistles was _forced_ upon the Church by +Marcion and the heretics, and that, but for this constraint, her method +of satisfying herself as to her relationship to them would hardly have +taken the shape of incorporating them with the canon.[98] This shows +most clearly that the collection of writings must not be traced to the +Church's effort to create for herself a powerful controversial weapon. +But the difficulties which the compilation presented so long as it was a +mere collection vanished as soon as it was viewed as a _sacred_ +collection. For now the principle: "as the teaching of the Apostles was +one, so also is the tradition" ([Greek: mia hê pantôn gegone tôn +apostolôn hôsper didaskalia houtôs de kai hê paradosis]) was to be +applied to all contradictory and objectionable details.[99] It was now +imperative to explain one writing by another; the Pauline Epistles, for +example, were to be interpreted by the Pastoral Epistles and the Acts of +the Apostles.[100] Now was required what Tertullian calls the "mixture" +of the Old and New Testaments,[101] in consequence of which the full +recognition of the knowledge got from the old Bible was regarded as the +first law for the interpretation of the new. The formation of the new +collection into a canon was therefore an immediate and unavoidable +necessity if doubts of all kinds were to be averted. These were +abundantly excited by the exegesis of the heretics; they were got rid of +by making the writings into a canon. Fifthly, the early Christian +enthusiasm more and more decreased in the course of the second century; +not only did Apostles, prophets, and teachers die out, but the religious +mood of the majority of Christians was changed. A reflective piety took +the place of the instinctive religious enthusiasm which made those who +felt it believe that they themselves possessed the Spirit.[102] Such a +piety requires rules; at the same time, however, it is characterised by +the perception that it has not the active and spontaneous character +which it ought to have, but has to prove its legitimacy in an indirect +and "objective" way. The breach with tradition, the deviation from the +original state of things is felt and recognised. Men, however, conceal +from themselves their own defects, by placing the representatives of the +past on an unattainable height, and forming such an estimate of their +qualities as makes it unlawful and impossible for those of the present +generation, in the interests of their own comfort, to compare themselves +with them. When matters reach this point, great suspicion attaches to +those who hold fast their religious independence and wish to apply the +old standards. Not only do they seem arrogant and proud, but they also +appear disturbers of the necessary new arrangement which has its +justification in the fact of its being unavoidable. This development of +the matter was, moreover, of the greatest significance for the history +of the canon. Its creation very speedily resulted in the opinion that +the time of divine revelation had gone past and was exhausted in the +Apostles, that is, in the records left by them. We cannot prove with +certainty that the canon was formed to confirm this opinion, but we can +show that it was very soon used to oppose those Christians who professed +to be prophets or appealed to the continuance of prophecy. The influence +which the canon exercised in this respect is the most decisive and +important. That which Tertullian, as a Montanist, asserts of one of his +opponents: "Prophetiam expulit, paracletum fugavit" ("he expelled +prophecy, he drove away the Paraclete"), can be far more truly said of +the New Testament which the same Tertullian as a Catholic recognised. +The New Testament, though not all at once, put an end to a situation +where it was possible for any Christian under the inspiration of the +Spirit to give authoritative disclosures and instructions. It likewise +prevented belief in the fanciful creations with which such men enriched +the history of the past, and destroyed their pretensions to read the +future. As the creation of the canon, though not in a hard and fast way, +fixed the period of the production of sacred facts, so it put down all +claims of Christian prophecy to public credence. Through the canon it +came to be acknowledged that all post-apostolic Christianity is only of +a mediate and particular kind, and can therefore never be itself a +standard. The Apostles alone possessed the Spirit of God completely and +without measure. They only, therefore, are the media of revelation, and +by their word alone, which, as emanating from the Spirit, is of equal +authority with the word of Christ, all that is Christian must be +tested.[103] + +The Holy Spirit and the Apostles became correlative conceptions +(Tertull., de pudic. 21). The Apostles, however, were more and more +overshadowed by the New Testament Scriptures; and this was in fact an +advance beyond the earlier state of things, for what was known of the +Apostles? Accordingly, _as authors of these writings_, they and the Holy +Spirit became correlative conceptions. This led to the assumption that +the apostolic writings were inspired, that is, in the full and only +intelligible sense attached to the word by the ancients.[104] By this +assumption the Apostles, viewed as _prophets_, received a significance +quite equal to that of Old Testament writers.[105] But, though Irenæus +and Tertullian placed both parties on a level, they preserved a +distinction between them by basing the whole authority of the New +Testament on its apostolic origin, the concept "apostolic" being much +more comprehensive than that of "prophet." These men, being Apostles, +that is men chosen by Christ himself and entrusted with the proclamation +of the Gospel, have for that reason received the Spirit, and their +writings are filled with the Spirit. To the minds of Western Christians +the primary feature in the collection is its apostolic authorship.[106] +This implies inspiration also, because the Apostles cannot be inferior +to the writers of the Old Testament. For that very reason they could, in +a much more radical way, rid the new collection of everything that was +not apostolic. They even rejected writings which, in their form, plainly +claimed the character of inspiration; and this was evidently done +because they did not attribute to them the degree of authority which, in +their view, only belonged to that which was apostolic.[107] The new +canon of Scripture set up by Irenæus and Tertullian primarily professes +to be nothing else than a collection of _apostolic_ writings, which, as +such, claim absolute authority.[108] It takes its place beside the +apostolic rule of faith; and by this faithfully preserved possession, +the Church scattered over the world proves herself to be that of the +Apostles. + +But we are very far from being able to show that such a rigidly fixed +collection of apostolic writings existed everywhere in the Church about +the year 200. It is indeed continually asserted that the Antiochian and +Alexandrian Churches had at that date a New Testament which, in extent +and authority, essentially coincided with that of the Roman Church; but +this opinion is not well founded. As far as the Church of Antioch is +immediately concerned, the letter of Bishop Serapion (whose episcopate +lasted from about 190 to about 209), given in Eusebius (VI. 12), clearly +shows that Cilicia and probably also Antioch itself as yet possessed no +such thing as a completed New Testament. It is evident that Serapion +already holds the Catholic principle that all words of Apostles possess +the same value to the Church as words of the Lord; but a completed +collection of apostolic writings was not yet at his disposal.[109] Hence +it is very improbable that Theophilus, bishop of Antioch, who died as +early as the reign of Commodus, presupposed such a collection. Nor, in +point of fact, do the statements in the treatise "ad Autolycum" point to +a completed New Testament.[110] Theophilus makes diligent use of the +Epistles of Paul and mentions the evangelist John (C. I. 1.) as one of +the bearers of the Spirit. But with him the one canonical court of +appeal is the Scriptures of the Old Testament, that is, the writings of +the Prophets (bearers of the Spirit). These Old Testament Prophets, +however, are continued in a further group of "bearers of the Spirit," +which we cannot definitely determine, but which at any rate included the +authors of the four Gospels and the writer of the Apocalypse. It is +remarkable that Theophilus has never mentioned the Apostles. Though he +perhaps regards them all, including Paul, as "bearers of the Spirit," +yet we have no indication that he looked on their _Epistles_ as +canonical. The different way he uses the Old Testament and the Gospels +on the one hand and the Pauline Epistles on the other is rather evidence +of the contrary. Theophilus was acquainted with the four Gospels (but we +have no reference to Mark), the thirteen Epistles of Paul (though he +does not mention Thessalonians), most probably also with the Epistle to +the Hebrews, as well as 1st Peter and the Revelation of John. It is +significant that no single passage of his betrays an acquaintance with +the Acts of the Apostles.[111] + +It might certainly seem venturesome, on the basis of the material found +in Theophilus and the original document of the first six books of the +Apostolic Constitutions, to conclude that the formation of a New +Testament canon was not everywhere determined by the same interest and +therefore did not everywhere take a similar course. It might seem +hazardous to assume that the Churches of Asia Minor and Rome began by +creating a fixed canon of _apostolic_ writings, which was thus +necessarily declared to be inspired, whereas other communities applied +or did not deny the notion of inspiration to a great number of venerable +and ancient writings not rigidly defined, and did not make a selection +from a stricter historical point of view, till a later date. But the +latter development not only corresponds to the indication found in +Justin, but in my opinion may be verified from the copious accounts of +Clement of Alexandria.[112] In the entire literature of Greeks and +barbarians Clement distinguishes between profane and sacred, i.e., +inspired writings. As he is conscious that all knowledge of truth is +based on inspiration, so all writings, that is all parts, paragraphs, or +sentences of writings which contain moral and religious truth are in his +view inspired.[113] This opinion, however, does not exclude a +distinction between these writings, but rather requires it. (2) The Old +Testament, a fixed collection of books, is regarded by Clement, as a +whole and in all its parts, as the divine, that is, inspired book _par +excellence_. (3) As Clement in theory distinguishes a new covenant from +the old, so also he distinguishes the books of the new covenant from +those of the old. (4) These books to which he applies the formula +"Gospel" ([Greek: to euangelion]) and "Apostles" ([Greek: hoi +apostoloi]) are likewise viewed by him as inspired, but he does not +consider them as forming a fixed collection. (5) Unless all appearances +are deceptive, it was, strictly speaking, only the four Gospels that he +considered and treated as completely on a level with the Old Testament. +The formula: [Greek: ho nomos kai hoi prophêtai kai to euangelion] ("the +Law and the Prophets and the Gospel") is frequently found, and +everything else, even the apostolic writings, is judged by this +group.[114] He does not consider even the Pauline Epistles to be a court +of appeal of equal value with the Gospels, though he occasionally +describes them as [Greek: graphai].[115] A further class of writings +stands a stage lower than the Pauline Epistles, viz., the Epistles of +Clement and Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hermas, etc. It would be wrong to +say that Clement views this group as an appendix to the New Testament, +or as in any sense Antilegomena. This would imply that he assumed the +existence of a fixed collection whose parts he considered of equal +value, an assumption which cannot be proved.[116] (6) As to certain +books, such as the "Teaching of the Apostles," the "Kerygma of Peter," +etc., it remains quite doubtful what authority Clement attributed to +them.[117] He quotes the [Greek: Didachê] as [Greek: graphê]. (7) In +determining and estimating the sacred books of the New Testament Clement +is manifestly influenced by an ecclesiastical tradition, for he +recognises four Gospels and no more because that was the exact number +handed down. This tradition had already applied the name "apostolic" to +most Christian writings which were to be considered as [Greek: graphai], +but it had given the concept "apostolic" a far wider content than +Irenæus and Tertullian,[118] although it had not been able to include +all the new writings which were regarded as sacred under this idea. +(Hermas). At the time Clement wrote, the Alexandrian _Church_ can +neither have held the principle that all writings of the Apostles must +be read in the Church and form a decisive court of appeal like the Old +Testament, nor have believed that nothing but the Apostolic--using this +word also in its wider sense--has any claim to authority among +Christians. We willingly admit the great degree of freedom and +peculiarity characteristic of Clement, and freely acknowledge the +serious difficulties inseparable from the attempt to ascertain from his +writings what was regarded as possessing standard authority in the +_Church_. Nevertheless it may be assumed with certainty that, at the +time this author wrote, the content of the New Testament canon, or, to +speak more correctly, its reception in the Church and exact attributes +had not yet been finally settled in Alexandria. + +The condition of the Alexandrian Church of the time may perhaps be +described as follows: Ecclesiastical custom had attributed an authority +to a great number of early Christian writings without strictly defining +the nature of this authority or making it equal to that of the Old +Testament. Whatever professed to be inspired, or apostolic, or ancient, +or edifying was regarded as the work of the Spirit and therefore as the +Word of God. The prestige of these writings increased in proportion as +Christians became more incapable of producing the like themselves. Not +long before Clement wrote, however, a systematic arrangement of writings +embodying the early Christian tradition had been made in Alexandria +also. But, while in the regions represented by Irenæus and Tertullian +the canon must have arisen and been adopted all at once, so to speak, it +was a slow process that led to this result in Alexandria. Here also the +principle of apostolicity seems to have been of great importance for the +collectors and editors, but it was otherwise applied than at Rome. A +conservative proceeding was adopted, as they wished to insure as far as +possible the permanence of ancient Christian writings regarded as +inspired. In other words, they sought, wherever practicable, to proclaim +all these writings to be apostolic by giving a wider meaning to the +designation and ascribing an imaginary apostolic origin to many of them. +This explains their judgment as to the Epistle to the Hebrews, and how +Barnabas and Clement were described by them as Apostles.[119] Had this +undertaking succeeded in the Church, a much more extensive canon would +have resulted than in the West. But it is more than questionable whether +it was really the intention of those first Alexandrian collectors to +place the great compilation thus produced, as a New Testament, side by +side with the Old, or, whether their undertaking was immediately +approved in this sense by the Church. In view of the difference of +Clement's attitude to the various groups within this collection of +[Greek: graphai], we may assert that in the Alexandrian _Church_ of that +time Gospels and Apostles were indeed ranked with the Law and the +Prophets, but that this position of equality with the Old Testament was +not assigned to all the writings that were prized either on the score of +inspiration or of apostolic authority. The reason of this was that the +great collection of early Christian literature that was inspired and +declared to be apostolic could hardly have been used so much in public +worship as the Old Testament and the Gospels. + +Be this as it may, if we understand by the New Testament a fixed +collection, equally authoritative throughout, of all the writings that +were regarded as genuinely apostolic, that is, those of the original +Apostles and Paul, then the Alexandrian Church at the time of Clement +did not yet possess such a book; but the process which led to it had +begun. She had come much nearer this goal by the time of Origen. At that +period the writings included in the New Testament of the West were all +regarded in Alexandria as equally authoritative, and also stood in every +respect on a level with the Old Testament. The principle of apostolicity +was more strictly conceived and more surely applied. Accordingly the +extent of "Holy Scripture" was already limited in the days of Origen. +Yet we have to thank the Alexandrian Church for giving us the seven +Catholic Epistles. But, measured by the canon of the Western Church, +which must have had a share in the matter, this sifting process was by +no means complete. The inventive minds of scholars designated a group of +writings in the Alexandrian canon as "Antilegomena." The historian of +dogma can take no great interest in the succeeding development, which +first led to the canon being everywhere finally fixed, so far as we can +say that this was ever the case. For the still unsettled dispute as to +the extent of the canon did not essentially affect its use and +authority, and in the following period the continuous efforts to +establish a harmonious and strictly fixed canon were solely determined +by a regard to tradition. The results are no doubt of great importance +to Church history, because they show us the varying influence exerted on +Christendom at different periods by the great Churches of the East and +West and by their learned men. + +_Addendum._--The results arising from the formation of a part of early +Christian writings into a canon, which was a great and meritorious act +of the Church[120], notwithstanding the fact that it was forced on her +by a combination of circumstances, may be summed up in a series of +antitheses. (1) The New Testament, or group of "apostolic" writings +formed by selection, preserved from destruction one part, and +undoubtedly the most valuable one, of primitive Church literature; but +it caused all the rest of these writings, as being intrusive, or +spurious, or superfluous, to be more and more neglected, so that they +ultimately perished.[121] (2) The New Testament, though not all at once, +put an end to the composition of works which claimed an authority +binding on Christendom (inspiration); but it first made possible the +production of secular Church literature and neutralised the extreme +dangers attendant on writings of this kind. By making room for all kinds +of writings that did not oppose it, it enabled the Church to utilise all +the elements of Greek culture. At the same time, however, it required an +ecclesiastical stamp to be placed on all the new Christian productions +due to this cause.[122] (3) The New Testament obscured the historical +meaning and the historical origin of the writing contained in it, +especially the Pauline Epistles, though at the same time it created the +conditions for a thorough study of all those documents. Although +primarily the new science of theological exegesis in the Church did more +than anything else to neutralise the historical value of the New +Testament writings, yet, on the other hand, it immediately commenced a +critical restoration of their original sense. But, even apart from +theological science, the New Testament enabled original Christianity to +exercise here and there a quiet and gradual effect on the doctrinal +development of the Church, without indeed being able to exert a dominant +influence on the natural development of the traditional system. As the +standard of interpretation for the Holy Scriptures was the apostolic +_regula fidei_, always more and more precisely explained, and as that +_regula_, in its Antignostic and philosophico-theological +interpretation, was regarded as apostolic, the New Testament was +explained in accordance with the conception of Christianity that had +become prevalent in the Church. At first therefore the spirit of the New +Testament could only assert itself in certain undercurrents and in the +recognition of particular truths. But the book did not in the least ward +off the danger of a total secularising of Christianity. (4) The New +Testament opposed a barrier to the enthusiastic manufacture of "facts." +But at the same time its claim to be a collection of _inspired_ +writings[123] naturally resulted in principles of interpretation (such +as the principle of unanimity, of unlimited combination, of absolute +clearness and sufficiency, and of allegorism) which were necessarily +followed by the manufacture of new facts on the part of theological +experts. (5) The New Testament fixed a time within which divine +revelation ceased, and prevented any Christian from putting himself into +comparison with the disciples of Jesus. By doing so it directly promoted +the lowering of Christian ideals and requirements, and in a certain +fashion legitimised this weakening of religious power. At the same time, +however, it maintained the knowledge of these ideals and requirements, +became a spur to the conscience of believers, and averted the danger of +Christianity being corrupted by the excesses of enthusiasm. (6) The fact +of the New Testament being placed on a level with the Old proved the +most effective means of preserving to the latter its canonical +authority, which had been so often assailed in the second century. But +at the same time it brought about an examination of the relation between +the Old and New Testaments, which, however, also involved an enquiry +into the connection between Christianity and pre-christian revelation. +The immediate result of this investigation was not only a theological +exposition of the Old Testament, but also a theory which ceased to view +the two Testaments as of equal authority and _subordinated_ the Old to +the New. This result, which can be plainly seen in Irenæus, Tertullian, +and Origen, led to exceedingly important consequences.[124] It gave some +degree of insight into statements, hitherto completely unintelligible, +in certain New Testament writings, and it caused the Church to reflect +upon a question that had as yet been raised only by heretics, viz., what +are the marks which distinguish Christianity from the Old Testament +religion? An historical examination imperceptibly arose; but the old +notion of the inspiration of the Old Testament confined it to the +narrowest limits, and in fact always continued to forbid it; for, as +before, appeal was constantly made to the Old Testament as a Christian +book which contained all the truths of religion in a perfect form. +Nevertheless the conception of the Old Testament was here and there full +of contradictions.[125] (7) The fatal identification of words of the +Lord and words of the Apostles (apostolical tradition) had existed +before the creation of the New Testament, though this proceeding gave it +a new range and content and a new significance. But, with the Epistles +of Paul included, the New Testament elevated the highest expression of +the consciousness of redemption into a guiding principle, and by +admitting Paulinism into the canon it introduced a wholesome ferment +into the history of the Church. (8) By creating the New Testament and +claiming exclusive possession of it the Church deprived the non-Catholic +communions of every apostolic foundation, just as she had divested +Judaism of every legal title by taking possession of the Old Testament; +but, by raising the New Testament to standard authority, she created the +armoury which supplied the succeeding period with the keenest weapons +against herself.[126] The place of the Gospel was taken by a book with +exceedingly varied contents, which theoretically acquired the same +authority as the Gospel. Still, the Catholic Church never became a +religion "of the book," because every inconvenient text could be +explained away by the allegoric method, and because the book was not +made use of as the immediate authority for the guidance of Christians, +this latter function being directly discharged by the rule of +faith.[127] In practice it continued to be the rule for the New +Testament to take a secondary place in apologetic writings and disputes +with heretics.[128] On the other hand it was regarded (1) as the +directly authoritative document for the direction of the Christian +life,[129] and (2) as the final court of appeal in all the conflicts +that arose within the sphere of the rule of faith. It was freely applied +in the second stage of the Montanist struggle, but still more in the +controversies about Christology, that is, in the conflict with the +Monarchians. The apostolic writings belong solely to the Church, because +she alone has preserved the apostolic doctrine (regula). This was +declared to the heretics and therewith all controversy about Scripture, +or the sense of Scripture passages, was in principle declined. But +within the Church herself the Holy Scripture was regarded as the supreme +and completely independent tribunal against which not even an old +tradition could be appealed to; and the rule [Greek: politeuesthai kata +to euangelion] ("live according to the Gospel") held good in every +respect. Moreover, this formula, which is rarely replaced by the other +one, viz., [Greek: kata tên kainên diathêkên] ("according to the New +Testament"), shows that the words of the Lord, as in the earlier period, +continued to be the chief standard of _life and conduct_. + + +C. _The transformation of the episcopal office in the Church into an +apostolic office. The history of the remodelling of the conception of +the Church._[130] + +1. It was not sufficient to prove that the rule of faith was of +apostolic origin, i.e., that the Apostles had set up a rule of faith. It +had further to be shown that, up to the present, the Church had always +maintained it unchanged. This demonstration was all the more necessary +because the heretics also claimed an apostolic origin for their +_regulæ_, and in different ways tried to adduce proof that they alone +possessed a guarantee of inheriting the Apostles' doctrine in all its +purity.[131] An historical demonstration was first attempted by the +earliest of the old Catholic Fathers. They pointed to communities of +whose apostolic origin there could be no doubt, and thought it could not +reasonably be denied that those Churches must have preserved apostolic +Christianity in a pure and incorrupt form. The proof that the Church had +always held fast by apostolic Christianity depended on the agreement in +doctrine between the other communities and these.[132] But Irenæus as +well as Tertullian felt that a special demonstration was needed to show +that the Churches founded by the Apostles had really at all times +faithfully preserved their genuine teaching. General considerations, as, +for instance, the notion that Christianity would otherwise have +temporarily perished, or "that one event among many is as good as none; +but when one and the same feature is found among many, it is not an +aberration but a tradition" ("Nullus inter multos eventus unus est ... +quod apud multos unum invenitur, non est erratum sed traditum") and +similar ones which Tertullian does not fail to mention, were not +sufficient. But the dogmatic conception that the _ecclesiæ_ (or +_ecclesia_) are the abode of the Holy Spirit,[133] was incapable of +making any impression on the heretics, as the correct application of +this theory was the very point in question. To make their proof more +precise Tertullian and Irenæus therefore asserted that the Churches +guaranteed the incorruptness of the apostolic inheritance, inasmuch as +they could point to a chain of "elders," or, in other words, an "ordo +episcoporum per successionem ab initio decurrens," which was a pledge +that nothing false had been mixed up with it.[134] This thesis has quite +as many aspects as the conception of the "Elders," e.g., disciples of +the Apostles, disciples of the disciples of the Apostles, bishops. It +partly preserves a historic and partly assumes a dogmatic character. The +former aspect appears in the appeal made to the foundation of Churches +by Apostles, and in the argument that each series of successors were +faithful disciples of those before them and therefore ultimately of the +Apostles themselves. But no historical consideration, no appeal to the +"Elders" was capable of affording the assurance sought for. Hence even +in Irenæus the historical view of the case had clearly changed into a +dogmatic one. This, however, by no means resulted merely from the +controversy with the heretics, but was quite as much produced by the +altered constitution of the Church and the authoritative position that +the bishops had actually attained. The idea was that the Elders, i.e., +the bishops, had received "cum episcopatus successione certum veritatis +charisma," that is, their office conferred on them the apostolic +heritage of truth, which was therefore objectively attached to this +dignity as a _charism_. This notion of the transmissibility of the +charism of truth became associated with the episcopal office after it +had become a monarchical one, exercising authority over the Church in +all its relations;[135] and after the bishops had proved themselves the +strongest supports of the communities against the attacks of the secular +power and of heresy.[136] In Irenæus and Tertullian, however, we only +find the first traces of this new theory. The old notion, which regarded +the _Churches_ as possessing the heritage of the Apostles in so far as +they possess the Holy Spirit, continued to exercise a powerful influence +on these writers, who still united the new dogmatic view with a +historical one, at least in controversies with the heretics. Neither +Irenæus, nor Tertullian in his earlier writings,[137] asserted that the +transmission of the _charisma veritatis_ to the bishops had really +invested them with the apostolic office in its full sense. They had +indeed, according to Irenæus, received the "locum magisterii +apostolorum" ("place of government of the Apostles"), but nothing more. +It is only the later writings of Tertullian, dating from the reigns of +Caracalla and Heliogabalus, which show that the bishop of Rome, who must +have had imitators in this respect, claimed for his office the full +authority of the apostolic office. Both Calixtus and his rival +Hippolytus described themselves as successors of the Apostles in the +full sense of the word, and claimed for themselves in that capacity much +more than a mere guaranteeing of the purity of Christianity. Even +Tertullian did not question this last mentioned attribute of the +bishops.[138] Cyprian found the theory already in existence, but was the +first to develop it definitely and to eradicate every remnant of the +historical argument in its favour. The conception of the Church was +thereby subjected to a further transformation. + +2. The transformation of the idea of the Church by Cyprian completed the +radical changes that had been gradually taking place from the last half +of the second century.[139] In order to understand them it is necessary +to go back. It was only with slowness and hesitation that the theories +of the Church followed the actual changes in her history. It may be said +that the idea of the Church always remained a stage behind the condition +reached in practice. That may be seen in the whole course of the history +of dogma up to the present day. + +The essential character of Christendom in its first period was a new +holy life and a sure hope, both based on repentance towards God and +faith in Jesus Christ and brought about by the Holy Spirit. Christ and +the Church, that is, the Holy Spirit and the holy Church, were +inseparably connected. The Church, or, in other words, the community of +all believers, attains her unity through the Holy Spirit. This unity +manifested itself in brotherly love and in the common relation to a +common ideal and a common hope.[140] The assembly of all Christians is +realised in the Kingdom of God, viz., in heaven; on earth Christians and +the Church are dispersed and in a foreign land. Hence, properly +speaking, the Church herself is a heavenly community inseparable from +the heavenly Christ. Christians believe that they belong to a real +super-terrestrial commonwealth, which, from its very nature, cannot be +realised on earth. The heavenly goal is not yet separated from the idea +of the Church; there is a holy Church on earth in so far as heaven is +her destination.[141] Every individual congregation is to be an image of +the heavenly Church.[142] Reflections were no doubt made on the contrast +between the empirical community and the heavenly Church whose earthly +likeness it was to be (Hermas); but these did not affect the theory of +the subject. Only the saints of God, whose salvation is certain, belong +to her, for the essential thing is not to be called, but to be, a +Christian. There was as yet no empirical universal Church possessing an +outward legal title that could, so to speak, be detached from the +personal Christianity of the individual Christian.[143] All the lofty +designations which Paul, the so-called Apostolic Fathers, and Justin +gathered from the Old Testament and applied to the Church, relate to the +holy community which originates in heaven and returns thither.[144] + +But, in consequence of the naturalising of Christianity in the world and +the repelling of heresy, a formulated creed was made the basis of the +Church. This confession was also recognised as a foundation of her unity +and guarantee of her truth, and in certain respects as the main one. +Christendom protected itself by this conception, though no doubt at a +heavy price. To Irenæus and Tertullian the Church rests entirely on the +apostolic, traditional faith which legitimises her.[145] But this faith +itself appeared as a _law_ and aggregate of doctrines, all of which are +of equally fundamental importance, so that their practical aim became +uncertain and threatened to vanish ("fides in regula posita est, habet +legem et salutem de observatione legis"). + +The Church herself, however, became a union based on the true doctrine +and visible in it; and this confederation was at the same time enabled +to realise an actual outward unity by means of the apostolic +inheritance, the doctrinal confession, and the apostolic writings. The +narrower and more external character assumed by the idea of the Church +was concealed by the fact that, since the latter half of the second +century, Christians in all parts of the world had really united in +opposition to the state and "heresy," and had found compensation for the +incipient decline of the original lofty thoughts and practical +obligations in the consciousness of forming an ecumenical and +international alliance. The designation "Catholic Church" gave +expression to the claim of this world-wide union of the same faith to +represent the true Church.[146] This expression corresponds to the +powerful position which the "great Church" (Celsus), or the "old" Church +(Clemens Alex.) had attained by the end of the second century, as +compared with the Marcionite Church, the school sects, the Christian +associations of all kinds, and the independent Christians. This Church, +however, was declared to be apostolic, i.e., founded in its present form +by Christ through the Apostles. Through this idea, which was supported +by the old enthusiastic notion that the Apostles had already proclaimed +the Gospel to all the world, it came to be completely forgotten how +Christ and his Apostles had exercised their ministry, and an empirical +conception of the Church was created in which the idea of a holy life in +the Spirit could no longer be the ruling one. It was taught that Christ +received from God a law of faith, which, as a new lawgiver, he imparted +to the Apostles, and that they, by transmitting the truth of which they +were the depositaries, founded the one Catholic Church (Iren. III. 4. +I). The latter, being guardian of the apostolic heritage, has the +assurance of possessing the Spirit; whereas all communities other than +herself, inasmuch as they have not received that deposit, necessarily +lack the Spirit and are therefore separated from Christ and +salvation.[147] Hence one must be a member of this Church in order to be +a partaker of salvation, because in her alone one can find the creed +which must be recognised as the condition of redemption.[148] +Consequently, in proportion as the faith became a doctrine of faith, the +Catholic Church interposed herself as an empiric power between the +individual and salvation. She became a condition of salvation; but the +result was that she ceased to be a sure communion of the saved and of +saints (see on this point the following chapter). It was quite a logical +proceeding when about the year 220 Calixtus, a Roman bishop, started the +theory that there _must_ be wheat and tares in the Catholic Church and +that the Ark of Noah with its clean and unclean beasts was her +type.[149] The departure from the old idea of the Church appears +completed in this statement. But the following facts must not be +overlooked:--First, the new conception of the Church was not yet a +hierarchical one. Secondly, the idea of the union and unity of all +believers found here magnificent expression. Thirdly, the development of +the communities into one solid Church also represents the creative power +of the Christian spirit. Fourthly, through the consolidation effected in +the Church by the rule of faith the Christian religion was in some +measure preserved from enthusiastic extravagancies and arbitrary +misinterpretation. Fifthly, in consequence of the regard for a Church +founded on the doctrine of faith the specific significance of redemption +by Christ, as distinguished from natural religion and that of the Old +Testament, could no longer be lost to believers. Sixthly, the +independence of each individual community had a wide scope not only at +the end of the second but also in the third century.[150] Consequently, +though the revolution which led to the Catholic Church was a result of +the situation of the communities in the world in general and of the +struggle with the Gnostics and Marcion in particular, and though it was +a fatal error to identify the Catholic and apostolic Churches, this +change did not take place without an exalting of the Christian spirit +and an awakening of its self-consciousness. + +But there was never a time in history when the conception of the Church, +as nothing else than the visible communion of those holding the correct +apostolic doctrine, was clearly grasped or exclusively emphasised. In +Irenæus and Tertullian we rather find, on the one hand, that the old +theory of the Church was still to a great extent preserved and, on the +other, that the hierarchical notion was already making its appearance. +As to the first point, Irenæus frequently asserts that the Spirit and +the Church, that is, the Christian people, are inseparable; that the +Spirit in divers ways continually effects whatever she needs; that she +is the totality of all true believers, that all the faithful have the +rank of priests; that outside the holy Church there is no salvation, +etc.; in fact these doctrines form the very essence of his teaching. +But, since she was also regarded as the visible institution for +objectively preserving and communicating the truth, and since the idea +of the Church in contradistinction to heresy was necessarily exhausted +in this as far as Irenæus was concerned, the old theories of the matter +could not operate correctively, but in the end only served to glorify +the earthly Catholic Church.[151] The proposition that truth is only to +be found in the Church and that she and the Holy Spirit are inseparable +must be understood in Irenæus as already referring to the Catholic +Church in contradistinction to every other calling itself +Christian.[152] As to the second point, it cannot be denied that, though +Irenæus desires to maintain that the only essential part of the idea of +the Church is the fact of her being the depository of the truth, he was +no longer able to confine himself to this (see above). The episcopal +succession and the transmission to the bishops of the _magisterium_ of +the Apostles were not indeed of any direct importance to his idea of the +Church, but they were of consequence for the preservation of truth and +therefore indirectly for the idea of the Church also. To Irenæus, +however, that theory was still nothing more than an artificial line; but +artificial lines are really supports and must therefore soon attain the +value of foundations.[153] Tertullian's conception of the Church was +essentially the same as that of Irenæus; but with the former the idea +that she is the outward manifestation of the Spirit, and therefore a +communion of those who are spiritual, at all times continued to operate +more powerfully than with the latter. In the last period of his life +Tertullian emphasised this theory so vigorously that the Antignostic +idea of the Church being based on the "traditio unius sacramenti" fell +into the background. Consequently we find nothing more than traces of +the hierarchical conception of the Church in Tertullian. But towards the +end of his life he found himself face to face with a _fully developed_ +theory of this kind. This he most decidedly rejected, and, in doing so, +advanced to such a conception of ecclesiastical orders, and therefore +also of the episcopate, as clearly involved him in a contradiction of +the other theory--which he also never gave up--viz., that the bishops, +as the class which transmits the rule of faith, are an apostolic +institution and therefore necessary to the Church[154]. + +From the disquisitions of Clement of Alexandria we see how vigorous the +old conception of the Church, as the heavenly communion of the elect and +believing, still continued to be about the year 200. This will not +appear strange after what we have already said as to Clement's views +about the rule of faith, the New Testament, and the episcopate. It is +evident that his philosophy of religion led him to give a new +interpretation to the original ideas. Yet the old form of these notions +can be more easily made out from his works than from those of +Irenæus.[155] Up to the 15th Chapter of the 7th Book of his great work, +the Stromateis, and in the Pædagogus, Clement simply speaks of the +Church in the sense of the Epistle to the Ephesians and the Shepherd of +Hermas. She is a heavenly formation, continued in that which appears on +earth as her image. Instead of distinguishing two Churches Clement sees +one, the product of God's will aiming at the salvation of man--a Church +which is to be on earth as it is in heaven, and of which faith forms the +subjective and the Logos the objective bond of union. But, beginning +with Strom. VII. 15 (see especially 17), where he is influenced by +opposition to the heretics, he suddenly identifies this Church with the +single old Catholic one, that is, with the visible "Church" in +opposition to the heretic sects. Thus the empirical interpretation of +the Church, which makes her the institution in possession of the true +doctrine, was also completely adopted by Clement; but as yet he employed +it simply in polemics and not in positive teachings. He neither +reconciled nor seemingly felt the contradiction in the statement that +the Church is to be at one and the same time the assembly of the elect +and the empiric universal Church. At any rate he made as yet no +unconditional acknowledgment of the Catholic Church, because he was +still able to attribute independent value to Gnosis, that is, to +independent piety as he understood it.[156] Consequently, as regards the +conception of the Church, the mystic Gnosis exercised the same effect as +the old religious enthusiasm from which in other respects it differs so +much.[157] The hierarchy has still no significance as far as Clement's +idea of the Church is concerned.[158] At first Origen entirely agrees +with Clement in regard to this conception. He also starts with the +theory that the Church is essentially a heavenly communion and a holy +communion of believers, and keeps this idea constantly before him.[159] +When opposing heretics, he also, like Clement, cannot help identifying +her with the Catholic Church, because the latter contains the true +doctrine, though he likewise refrains from acknowledging any +hierarchy.[160] But Origen is influenced by two further considerations, +which are scarcely hinted at in Clement, but which were called forth by +the actual course of events and signified a further development in the +idea of the Church. For, in the first place, Origen saw himself already +compelled to examine closely the distinction between the essence and the +outward appearance of the Church, and, in this process, reached results +which again called in question the identification of the Holy Church +with the empiric Catholic one (see on this point the following chapter). +Secondly, in consequence of the extraordinary extension and powerful +position attained by the Catholic Church by the time of Philip the +Arabian, Origen, giving a new interpretation to a very old Christian +notion and making use of a Platonic conception,[161] arrived at the idea +that she was the earthly Kingdom of God, destined to enter the world, to +absorb the Roman Empire and indeed all mankind, and to unite and take +the place of the various secular states.[162] This magnificent idea, +which regards the Church as [Greek: kosmos tou kosmou][163], denoted +indeed a complete departure from the original theory of the subject, +determined by eschatological considerations; though we must not forget +that Origen still demanded a really holy Church and a new polity. Hence, +as he also distinguishes the various degrees of connection with the +Church,[164] we already find in his theory a combination of all the +features that became essential parts of the conception of the Church in +subsequent times, with the exception of the clerical element.[165] + +3. The contradictory notions of the Church, for so they appear to us, in +Irenæus and Clement and still more in Tertullian and Origen, need not +astonish any one who bears in mind that none of these Fathers made the +Church the subject of a theological theory.[166] Hence no one as yet +thought of questioning the old article: "I believe in a holy Church." +But, at the same time, actual circumstances, though they did not at +first succeed in altering the Church's belief, forced her to _realise_ +her changed position, for she had in point of fact become an association +which was founded on a definite law of doctrine and rejected everything +that did not conform to it. The identifying of this association with the +ideal Church was a matter of course,[167] but it was quite as natural to +take no immediate _theoretical_ notice of the identification except in +cases where it was absolutely necessary, that is, in polemics. In the +latter case the unity of faith and hope became the unity of the doctrine +of faith, and the Church was, in this instance, legitimised by the +possession of the apostolic tradition instead of by the realising of +that tradition in heart and life. From the principle that had been set +up it necessarily followed that the apostolic inheritance on which the +truth and legitimacy of the Church was based, could not but remain an +imperfect court of appeal until _living_ authorities could be pointed to +in this court, and until _every_ possible cause of strife and separation +was settled by reference to it. An empirical community cannot be ruled +by a traditional written word, but only by persons; for the written law +will always separate and split. If it has such persons, however, it can +tolerate within it a great amount of individual differences, provided +that the leaders subordinate the interests of the whole to their own +ambition. We have seen how Irenæus and Tertullian, though they in all +earnestness represented the _fides catholica_ and _ecclesia catholica_ +as inseparably connected,[168] were already compelled to have recourse +to bishops in order to ensure the apostolic doctrine. The conflicts +within the sphere of the rule of faith, the struggles with the so-called +Montanism, but finally and above all, the existing situation of the +Church in the third century with regard to the world within her pale, +made the question of organisation the vital one for her. Tertullian and +Origen already found themselves face to face with episcopal claims of +which they highly disapproved and which, in their own way, they +endeavoured to oppose. It was again the Roman bishop[169] who first +converted the proposition that the bishops are direct successors of the +Apostles and have the same "locus magisterii" ("place of government") +into a theory which declares that _all_ apostolic powers have devolved +on the bishops and that these have therefore peculiar rights and duties +in virtue of their office.[170] Cyprian added to this the corresponding +theory of the Church. In one decisive point, however, he did not assist +the secularising process which had been completed by the Roman bishop, +in the interest of Catholicity as well as in that of the Church's +existence (see the following chapter). In the second half of the third +century there were no longer any Churches, except remote communities, +where the only requirement was to preserve the Catholic faith; the +bishops had to be obeyed. The idea of the one episcopally organised +Church became the main one and overshadowed the significance of the +doctrine of faith as a bond of unity. _The Church based on the bishops, +the successors of the Apostles, the vicegerents of God, is herself the +legacy of the Apostles in virtue of this her foundation._ This idea was +never converted into a rigid theory in the East, though the reality to +which it corresponded was not the less certain on that account. The +fancy that the earthly hierarchy was the image of the heavenly was the +only part that began to be taken in real earnest. In the West, on the +other hand, circumstances compelled the Carthaginian bishop to set up a +finished theory.[171] According to Cyprian, the Catholic Church, to +which all the lofty predictions and predicates in the Bible apply (see +Hartel's index under "ecclesia"), is the one institution of salvation +outside of which there is no redemption (ep. 73. 21). She is this, +moreover, not only as the community possessing the true apostolic faith, +for this definition does not exhaust her conception, but as a +harmoniously organised federation.[172] This Church therefore rests +entirely on the episcopate, which sustains her,[173] because it is the +continuance of the apostolic office and is equipped with all the power +of the Apostles.[174] Accordingly, the union of individuals with the +Church, and therefore with Christ, is effected only by obedient +dependence on the bishop, i.e., such a connection alone makes one a +member of the Church. But the unity of the Church, which is an attribute +of equal importance with her truth, because this union is only brought +about by love,[175] primarily appears in the unity of the episcopate. +For, according to Cyprian, the episcopate has been from its beginning +undivided and has continued to be so in the Church, in so far as the +bishops are appointed and guided by God, are on terms of brotherly +intercourse and exchange, and each bishop represents the whole +significance of the episcopate.[176] Hence the individual bishops are no +longer to be considered primarily as leaders of their special +communities, but as the foundation of the one Church. Each of these +prelates, however, provided he keeps within the association of the +bishops, preserves the independent right of regulating the circumstances +of his own diocese.[177] But it also follows that the bishops of those +communities founded by the Apostles themselves can raise no claim to any +special dignity, since the unity of the episcopate as a continuation of +the apostolic office involves the equality of all bishops.[178] However, +a special importance attaches to the Roman see, because it is the seat +of the Apostle to whom Christ first granted apostolic authority in order +to show with unmistakable plainness the unity of these powers and the +corresponding unity of the Church that rests on them; and further +because, from her historical origin, the Church of this see had become +the mother and root of the Catholic Church spread over the earth. In a +severe crisis which Cyprian had to pass through in his own diocese he +appealed to the Roman Church (the Roman bishop) in a manner which made +it appear as if communion with that Church was in itself the guarantee +of truth. But in the controversy about heretical baptism with the Roman +bishop Stephen, he emphatically denied the latter's pretensions to +exercise special rights over the Church in consequence of the Petrine +succession.[179] Finally, although Cyprian exalted the unity of the +organisation of the Church above the unity of the doctrine of faith, he +preserved the Christian element so far as to assume in all his +statements that the bishops display a moral and Christian conduct in +keeping with their office, and that otherwise they have _ipso facto_ +forfeited it.[180] Thus, according to Cyprian, the episcopal office does +not confer any indelible character, though Calixtus and other bishops of +Rome after him presupposed this attribute. (For more details on this +point, as well as with regard to the contradictions that remain +unreconciled in Cyprian's conception of the Church, see the following +chapter, in which will be shown the ultimate interests that lie at the +basis of the new idea of the Church). + +_Addendum I._--The great confederation of Churches which Cyprian +presupposes and which he terms _the_ Church was in truth not complete, +for it cannot be proved that it extended to any regions beyond the +confines of the Roman Empire or that it even embraced all orthodox and +episcopally organised communities within those bounds.[181] But, +further, the conditions of the confederation, which only began to be +realised in the full sense in the days of Constantine, were never +definitely formulated--before the fourth century at least.[182] +Accordingly, the idea of the one exclusive Church, embracing all +Christians and founded on the bishops, was always a mere theory. But, in +so far as it is not the idea, but its realisation to which Cyprian here +attaches sole importance, his dogmatic conception appears to be refuted +by actual circumstances.[183] + +_Addendum II._--The idea of heresy is always decided by the idea of the +Church. The designation [Greek: hairesis] implies an adherence to +something self-chosen in opposition to the acknowledgment of something +objectively handed down, and assumes that this is the particular thing +in which the apostasy consists. Hence all those who call themselves +Christians and yet do not adhere to the traditional apostolic creed, but +give themselves up to vain and empty doctrines, are regarded as heretics +by Hegesippus, Irenæus, Tertullian, Clement, and Origen. These doctrines +are as a rule traced to the devil, that is, to the non-Christian +religions and speculations, or to wilful wickedness. Any other +interpretation of their origin would at once have been an acknowledgment +that the opponents of the Church had a right to their opinions,[184] and +such an explanation is not quite foreign to Origen in one of his lines +of argument.[185] Hence the orthodox party were perfectly consistent in +attaching no value to any sacrament[186] or acts esteemed in their own +communion, when these were performed by heretics;[187] and this was a +practical application of the saying that the devil could transform +himself into an angel of light.[188] + +But the Fathers we have named did not yet completely identify the Church +with a harmoniously organised institution. For that very reason they do +not absolutely deny the Christianity of such as take their stand on the +rule of faith, even when these for various reasons occupy a position +peculiar to themselves. Though we are by no means entitled to say that +they acknowledged orthodox schismatics, they did not yet venture to +reckon them simply as heretics.[189] If it was desired to get rid of +these, an effort was made to impute to them some deviation from the rule +of faith; and under this pretext the Church freed herself from the +Montanists and the Monarchians.[190] Cyprian was the first to proclaim +the identity of heretics and schismatics, by making a man's Christianity +depend on his belonging to the great episcopal Church +confederation.[191] But, both in East and West, this theory of his +became established only by very imperceptible degrees, and indeed, +strictly speaking, the process was never completed at all. The +distinction between heretics and schismatics was preserved, because it +prevented a public denial of the old principles, because it was +advisable on political grounds to treat certain schismatic communities +with indulgence, and because it was always possible in case of need to +prove heresy against the schismatics.[192] + +_Addendum III._--As soon as the empiric Church ruled by the bishops was +proclaimed to be the foundation of the Christian religion, we have the +fundamental premises for the conception that everything progressively +adopted by the Church, all her functions, institutions, and liturgy, in +short, all her continuously changing arrangements were holy and +apostolic. But the courage to draw all the conclusions here was +restrained by the fact that certain portions of tradition, such as the +New Testament canon of Scripture and the apostolic doctrine, had been +once for all exalted to an unapproachable height. Hence it was only with +slowness and hesitation that Christians accepted the inferences from the +idea of the Church in the remaining directions, and these conclusions +always continued to be hampered with some degree of uncertainty. The +idea of the [Greek: paradosis agraphos]; (unwritten tradition); i.e., +that every custom, however recent, within the sphere of outward +regulations, of public worship, discipline, etc., is as holy and +apostolic as the Bible and the "faith", never succeeded in gaining +complete acceptance. In this case, complicated, uncertain, and +indistinct assumptions were the result. + + +Footnotes: + +[Footnote 20: In itself the predicate "Catholic" contains no element +that signifies a secularising of the Church. "Catholic" originally means +Christianity in its totality as contrasted with single congregations. +Hence the concepts "all communities" and the "universal Church" are +identical. But from the beginning there was a dogmatic element in the +concept of the universal Church, in so far as the latter was conceived +to have been spread over the whole earth by the Apostles; an idea which +involved the conviction that only that could be true which was found +_everywhere_ in Christendom. Consequently, "entire or universal +Christendom," "the Church spread over the whole earth," and "the true +Church" were regarded as identical conceptions. In this way the concept +"Catholic" became a pregnant one, and finally received a dogmatic and +political content. As this result actually took place, it is not +inappropriate to speak of pre-Catholic and Catholic Christianity.] + +[Footnote 21: _Translator's note._ The following is Tertullian's Latin +as given by Professor Harnack: Cap. 21: "Constat omnem doctrinam quæ cum +ecclesiis apostolicis matricibus et originalibus fidei conspiret +veritati deputandam, id sine dubio tenentem quod ecclesiæ ab apostolis, +apostoli a Christo, Christus a deo accepit." Cap. 36: "Videamus quid +(ecclesia Romanensis) didicerit, quid docuerit, cum Africanis quoque +ecclesiis contesserarit. Unum deum dominum novit, creatorem +universitatis, et Christum Iesum ex virgine Maria filium dei creatoris, +et carnis resurrectionem; legem et prophetas cum evangelicis et +apostolicis litteris miscet; inde potat fidem, eam aqua signat, sancto +spiritu vestit, eucharistia pascit, martyrium exhortatur, et ita +adversus hanc institutionem neminem recipit." Chap. 32: "Evolvant +ordinem episcoporum suorum, ita per successionem ab initio decurrentem, +ut primus ille episcopus aliquem ex apostolis vel apostolicis viris, qui +tamen cum apostolis perseveravit, habuerit auctorem et antecessorem."] + +[Footnote 22: None of the three standards, for instance, were in the +original of the first six books of the Apostolic Constitutions, which +belong to the third century and are of Syrian origin; but instead of +them the Old Testament and Gospel on the one hand, and the bishop, as +the God of the community, on the other, are taken as authorities.] + +[Footnote 23: See Zahn, Glaubensregel und Taufbekenntniss in der alten +Kirche in the Zeitschrift f. Kirchl. Wissensch. u. Kirchl. Leben, 1881, +Part 6, p. 302 ff., especially p. 314 ff. In the Epistle of Jude, v. 3, +mention is made of the [Greek: hapax paradotheisa tois hagiois pistis], +and in v. 20 of "building yourselves up in your most holy faith." See +Polycarp, ep. III. 2 (also VII. 2; II. 1). In either case the +expressions [Greek: kanôn tês pisteôs, kanôn tês alêtheias], or the +like, might stand for [Greek: pistis], for the faith itself is primarily +the canon; but it is the canon only in so far as it is comprehensible +and plainly defined. Here lies the transition to a new interpretation of +the conception of a standard in its relation to the faith. Voigt has +published an excellent investigation of the concept [Greek: ho kanôn tês +alêtheias] cum synonymis (Eine verschollene Urkunde des antimont. +Kampfes, 1891, pp. 184-205).] + +[Footnote 24: In Hermas, Mand. I., we find a still shorter formula which +only contains the Confession of the monarchy of God, who created the +world, that is the formula [Greek: pisteôu eis hena theon pantakratora], +which did not originate with the baptismal ceremony. But though at first +the monarchy may have been the only dogma in the strict sense, the +mission of Jesus Christ beyond doubt occupied a place alongside of it +from the beginning; and the new religion was inconceivable without +this.] + +[Footnote 25: See on this point Justin, index to Otto's edition. It is +not surprising that formulæ similar to those used at baptism were +employed in the exorcism of demons. However, we cannot immediately infer +from the latter what was the wording of the baptismal confession. +Though, for example, it is an established fact that in Justin's time +demons were exorcised with the words: "In the name of Jesus Christ who +was crucified under Pontius Pilate," it does not necessarily follow from +this that these words were also found in the baptismal confession. The +sign of the cross was made over those possessed by demons; hence nothing +was more natural than that these words should be spoken. Hence they are +not necessarily borrowed from a baptismal confession.] + +[Footnote 26: These facts were known to every Christian. They are +probably also alluded to in Luke I. 4.] + +[Footnote 27: The most important result of Caspari's extensive and exact +studies is the establishment of this fact and the fixing of the wording +of the Romish Confession. (Ungedruckte, unbeachtete und wenig beachtete +Quellen z. Gesch. des Taufsymbols u d. Glaubensregels. 3 Vols. +1866-1875. Alte u. neue Quellen zur Gesch. des Taufsymbols u. d. +Glaubensregel, 1879). After this Hahn, Bibliothek d. Symbole u. +Glaubensregeln der alten Kirche. 2 Aufl. 1877; see also my article +"Apostol. Symbol" in Herzog's R.E.. 2nd. ed., as well as Book I. of the +present work, Chap. III. § 2.] + +[Footnote 28: This supposition is based on observation of the fact that +particular statements of the Roman Symbol, in exactly the same form or +nearly so, are found in many early Christian writings. See Patr. App. +Opp. I. 2, ed. 2, pp. 115-42.] + +[Footnote 29: The investigations which lead to this result are of a very +complicated nature and cannot therefore be given here. We must content +ourselves with remarking that all Western baptismal formulæ (creeds) may +be traced back to the Roman, and that there was no universal Eastern +creed on parallel lines with the latter. There is no mistaking the +importance which, in these circumstances, is to be attributed to the +Roman symbol and Church as regards the development of Catholicism.] + +[Footnote 30: This caused the pronounced tendency of the Church to the +formation of dogma, a movement for which Paul had already paved the way. +The development of Christianity, as attested, for example, by the +[Greek: Didachê], received an additional factor in the dogmatic +tradition, which soon gained the upper hand. The great reaction is then +found in monasticism. Here again the rules of morality become the +prevailing feature, and therefore the old Christian gnomic literature +attains in this movement a second period of vigour. In it again +dogmatics only form the background for the strict regulation of life. In +the instruction given as a preparation for baptism the Christian moral +commandments were of course always inculcated, and the obligation to +observe these was expressed in the renunciation of Satan and all his +works. In consequence of this, there were also fixed formulæ in these +cases.] + +[Footnote 31: See the Pastoral Epistles, those of John and of Ignatius; +also the epistle of Jude, 1 Clem. VII., Polycarp, ad Philipp. VII., II. +1, VI. 3, Justin.] + +[Footnote 32: In the apologetic writings of Justin the courts of appeal +invariably continue to be the Old Testament, the words of the Lord, and +the communications of prophets; hence he has hardly insisted on any +other in his anti-heretical work. On the other hand we cannot appeal to +the observed fact that Tertullian also, in his apologetic writings, did +not reveal his standpoint as a churchman and opponent of heresy; for, +with one exception, he did not discuss heretics in these tractates at +all. On the contrary Justin discussed their position even in his +apologetic writings; but nowhere, for instance, wrote anything similar +to Theophilus' remarks in "ad Autol.," II. 14. Justin was acquainted +with and frequently alluded to fixed formulæ and perhaps a baptismal +symbol related to the Roman, if not essentially identical with it. (See +Bornemann. Das Taufsymbol Justins in the Ztschr. f. K. G. Vol. III. p. 1 +ff.), but we cannot prove that he utilised these formulæ in the sense of +Irenæus and Tertullian. We find him using the expression [Greek: +orthognômones] in Dial. 80. The resurrection of the flesh and the +thousand years' kingdom (at Jerusalem) are there reckoned among the +beliefs held by the [Greek: orthognômones kata panta Christianoi]. But +it is very characteristic of the standpoint taken up by Justin that he +places between the heretics inspired by demons and the orthodox a class +of Christians to whom he gives the general testimony that they are +[Greek: tês katharas kai eusebous gnômês], though they are not fully +orthodox in so far as they reject one important doctrine. Such an +estimate would have been impossible to Irenæus and Tertullian. They have +advanced to the principle that he who violates the law of faith in one +point is guilty of breaking it all.] + +[Footnote 33: Hatch, "Organisation of the Church," p. 96.] + +[Footnote 34: We can only conjecture that some teachers in Asia Minor +contemporary with Irenæus, or even of older date, and especially Melito, +proceeded in like manner, adhering to Polycarp's exclusive attitude. +Dionysius of Corinth (Eusebius, H. E. IV. 23. 2, 4) may perhaps be also +mentioned.] + +[Footnote 35: Irenæus set forth his theory in a great work, adv. hæres., +especially in the third book. Unfortunately his treatise, "[Greek: logos +eis epideixin tou apostolikou kêrygmatos]", probably the oldest treatise +on the rule of faith, has not been preserved (Euseb., H. E. V. 26.)] + +[Footnote 36: Irenæus indeed asserts in several passages that all +Churches--those in Germany, Iberia, among the Celts, in the East, in +Egypt, in Lybia and Italy; see I. 10. 2; III. 3. 1; III. 4. 1 +sq.--possess the same apostolic _kerygma_; but "qui nimis probat nihil +probat." The extravagance of the expressions shows that a dogmatic +theory is here at work. Nevertheless this is based on the correct view +that the Gnostic speculations are foreign to Christianity and of later +date.] + +[Footnote 37: We must further point out here that Irenæus not only knew +the tradition of the Churches of Asia Minor and Rome, but that he had +sat at the feet of Polycarp and associated in his youth with many of the +"elders" in Asia. Of these he knew for certain that they in part did not +approve of the Gnostic doctrines and in part would not have done so. The +confidence with which he represented his antignostic interpretation of +the creed as that of the Church of the Apostles was no doubt owing to +this sure historical recollection. See his epistle to Florinus in +Euseb., H. E. V. 20 and his numerous references to the "elders" in his +great work. (A collection of these may be found in Patr. App. Opp. I. 3, +p. 105 sq.)] + +[Footnote 38: Caspari's investigations leave no room for doubt as to the +relation of the rule of faith to the baptismal confession. The baptismal +confession was not a deposit resulting from fluctuating anti-heretical +rules of faith; but the latter were the explanations of the baptismal +confession. The full authority of the confession itself was transferred +to every elucidation that appeared necessary, in so far as the needful +explanation was regarded as given with authority. Each momentary formula +employed to defend the Church against heresy has therefore the full +value of the creed. This explains the fact that, beginning with Irenæus' +time, we meet with differently formulated rules of faith, partly in the +same writer, and yet each is declared to be _the_ rule of faith. Zahn is +virtually right when he says, in his essay quoted above, that the rule +of faith is the baptismal confession. But, so far as I can judge, he has +not discerned the dilemma in which the Old Catholic Fathers were placed, +and which they were not able to conceal. This dilemma arose from the +fact that the Church needed an apostolic creed, expressed in fixed +formulæ and at the same time definitely interpreted in an anti-heretical +sense; whereas she only possessed, and this not in all churches, a +baptismal confession, contained in fixed formulæ but not interpreted, +along with an ecclesiastical tradition which was not formulated, +although it no doubt excluded the most offensive Gnostic doctrines. It +was not yet possible for the Old Catholic Fathers to frame and formulate +that doctrinal confession, and they did not attempt it. The only course +therefore was to assert that an elastic collection of doctrines which +were ever being formulated anew, was a fixed standard in so far as it +was based on a fixed creed. But this dilemma--we do not know how it was +viewed by opponents--proved an advantage in the end, for it enabled +churchmen to make continual additions to the rule of faith, whilst at +the same time continuing to assert its identity with the baptismal +confession. We must make the reservation, however, that not only the +baptismal confession, but other fixed propositions as well, formed the +basis on which particular rules of faith were formulated.] + +[Footnote 39: Besides Irenæus I. 10. 1, 2, cf. 9. 1-5; 22. 1; II. 1. 1; +9. 1; 28. 1; 32. 3, 4; III. 1-4; 11. 1; 12. 9; 15. 1; 16. 5 sq.; 18. 3; +24. 1; IV. 1. 2; 9. 2; 20. 6; 33. 7 sq.; V. Præf. 12. 5; 20. 1.] + +[Footnote 40: See Iren. I. 31. 3; II. Præf. 19. 8.] + +[Footnote 41: This expression is not found in Irenæus, but is very +common in Tertullian.] + +[Footnote 42: See de præscr. 13: "Hæc regula a Christo instituta nullas +habet apud nos quæstiones."] + +[Footnote 43: See I. c. 14: "Ceterum manente forma regulæ in suo ordine +quantumlibet quæras et tractes." See de virg. vol. 1.] + +[Footnote 44: See 1. c. 14: "Fides in regula posita est, habet legem et +salutem de observatione legis," and de vir. vol. 1.] + +[Footnote 45: See de præscr. 21: "Si hæc ita sunt, constat perinde omnem +doctrinam, quæ cum illis ecclesiis apostolicis matricibus et +originalibus fidei conspiret, veritati deputandum ... Superest ergo ut +demonstremus an hæc nostra doctrina, cujus regulam supra edidimus, de +apostolorum traditione censeatur ... Communicamus cum ecclesiis +catholicis, quod nulla doctrina diversa." De præscr. 32: "Ecclesiæ, quæ +licet nullum ex apostolis auctorem suum proferant, ut multo posteriores, +tamen in eadem fide conspirantes non minus apostolicæ deputantur pro +consanguinitate doctrinæ." That Tertullian regards the baptismal +confession as identical with the _regula fidei_, just as Irenæus does, +is shown by the fact that in de spectac. 4 ("Cum aquam ingressi +Christianam fidem in legis suæ verba profitemur, renuntiasse nos diabolo +et pompæ et angelis eius ore nostro contestamur.") the baptismal +confession is the _lex_. He also calls it "sacramentum" (military oath) +in ad mart. 3; de idolol. 6; de corona 11; Scorp. 4. But he likewise +gives the same designation to the interpreted baptismal confession (de +præscr. 20, 32; adv. Marc. IV. 5); for we must regard the passages cited +as referring to this. Adv. Marc. I. 21: "regula sacramenti;" likewise V. +20, a passage specially instructive as to the fact that there can be +only one regula. The baptismal confession itself had a fixed and short +form (see de spectac. 4; de corona, 3: "amplius aliquid respondentes +quam dominus in evangelio determinavit;" de bapt. 2: "homo in aqua +demissus et inter pauca verba tinctus;" de bapt. 6, 11; de orat. 2 +etc.). We can still prove that, apart from a subsequent alteration, it +was the Roman confession that was used in Carthage in the days of +Tertullian. In de præscr. 26 Tertullian admits that the Apostles may +have spoken some things "inter domesticos," but declares that they could +not be communications "quæ aliam regulam fidei superducerent."] + +[Footnote 46: De præscr. 13; de virg. vol. 1; adv. Prax. 2. The latter +passage is thus worded: "Unicum quidem deum credimus, sub hac tamen +dispensatione quam [Greek: oikonomian] dicimus, ut unici del sit et +filius sermo ipsius, qui ex ipso processerit, per quern omnia facta sunt +et sine quo factum est nihil, hunc missum a patre in virginem et ex ea +natum, hominem et deum, filium hominis et filium dei et cognominatum +Iesum Christum, hunc passum, hunc mortuum et sepultum secundum +scripturas et resuscitatum a patre et in coelo resumptum sedere ad +dextram patris, venturum judicare vivos et mortuos; qui exinde miserit +secundum promissionem suam a patre spiritum s. paracletum +sanctificatorem fidei eorum qui credunt in patrem et filium et spiritum +s. Hanc regulam ab initio evangelii decucurrisse."] + +[Footnote 47: De præscr. 13.] + +[Footnote 48: L.c.] + +[Footnote 49: L.c.] + +[Footnote 50: L.c.: "id verbum filium eius appellatum, in nomine dei +varie visum a patriarchis, in prophetis semper auditum, postremo delatum +ex spiritu patris dei et virtute in virginem Mariam, carnem factum," +etc.] + +[Footnote 51: L.c.] + +[Footnote 52: Adv. Prax. 2: "Unicum quidem deum credimus, sub hac tamen +dispensatione quam [Greek: oikonomian] dicimus, ut unici dei sit et +filius sermo ipsius," etc.] + +[Footnote 53: But Tertullian also knows of a "regula disciplinæ" +(according to the New Testament) on which he puts great value, and +thereby shows that he has by no means forgotten that Christianity is a +matter of conduct. We cannot enter more particularly into this rule +here.] + +[Footnote 54: Note here the use of "contesserare" in Tertullian. See de +præscr. 20: "Itaque tot ac tantæ ecclesiæ una est illa ab apostolis +prima, ex qua omnes. Sic omnes prima et omnes apostolicæ, dum una omnes. +Probant unitatem communicatio pacis et appellatio fraternitatis et +_contesseratio_ hospitalitatis, quæ iura non alia ratio regit quam +eiusdem sacramenti una traditio." De præscr. 36: "Videamus, quid +ecclesia Romanensis cum Africanis ecclesiis contesserarit."] + +[Footnote 55: We need not here discuss whether and in what way the model +of the philosophic schools was taken as a standard. But we may refer to +the fact that from the middle of the second century the Apologists, that +is the Christian philosophers, had exercised a very great influence on +the Old Catholic Fathers. But we cannot say that 2. John 7-11 and +Didache XI. 1 f. attest the practice to be a very old one. These +passages only show that it had preparatory stages; the main element, +namely, the formulated summary of the faith, is there sought for in +vain.] + +[Footnote 56: Herein lay the defect, even if the content of the law of +faith had coincided completely with the earliest tradition. A man like +Tertullian knew how to protect himself in his own way from this defect, +but his attitude is not typical.] + +[Footnote 57: Hegesippus, who wrote about the time of Eleutherus, and +was in Rome about the middle of the second century (probably somewhat +earlier than Irenæus), already set up the apostolic rule of faith as a +standard. This is clear from the description of his work in Euseb., H. +E. IV. 8. 2 ([Greek: en pente sungrammasin tên aplanê paradosin tou +apostolikou kêrygmatos hypomnêmatisamenos]) as well as from the +fragments of this work (l.c. IV. 22. 2, 3: [Greek: ho orthos logos] and +§ 5 [Greek: emerisan tên henôsin tês ekklêsias phthorimaiois logois kata +tou theou]; see also § 4). Hegesippus already regarded the unity of the +Church as dependent on the correct doctrine. Polycrates (Euseb., H. E. +V. 24. 6) used the expression [Greek: ho kanôn tês pisteôs] in a very +wide sense. But we may beyond doubt attribute to him the same conception +with regard to the significance of the rule of faith as was held by his +opponent Victor. The Antimontanist (in Euseb. H. E. V. 16. 22.) will +only allow that the martyrs who went to death for the [Greek: kata +alêtheian pistis] were those belonging to the Church. The _regula fidei_ +is not here meant, as in this case it was not a subject of dispute. On +the other hand, the anonymous writer in Eusebius, H. E. V. 28. 6, 13 +understood by [Greek: to ekklêsiastikon phronêma] or [Greek: ho kanôn +tês archaias pisteôs] the interpreted baptismal confession, just as +Irenæus and Tertullian did. Hippolytus entirely agrees with these (see +Philosoph. Præf., p. 4. v. 50 sq. and X. 32-34). Whether we are to +ascribe the theory of Irenæus to Theophilus is uncertain. His idea of +the Church is that of Irenæus (ad Autol. II. 14): [Greek: dedôken ho +Theos tô kosmô kumainomenô kai cheimazomenô hypo tôn hamartêmatôn tas +synagôgas, legomenas de ekklêsias hagias, en ais kathaper limesin +euormois en nêsois hai didaskaliai tês alêtheias eisin ... Kai hôsper au +nêsoi eisin heterai petrôdeis kai anudroi kai akarpoi kai thêriôdeis kai +aoikêtoi epi blabê tôn pleontôn ... houtôs eisin hai didaskaliai tês +planês, legô de tôn haireseôn, hai exapolluousin tous prosiontas +autais.]] + +[Footnote 58: This has been contested by Caspari (Ztschr. f. Kirchl. +Wissensch. 1886, Part. 7, p. 352 ff.: "Did the Alexandrian Church in +Clement's time possess a baptismal confession or not?"); but his +arguments have not convinced me. Caspari correctly shows that in Clement +the expression "ecclesiastical canon" denotes the summary of the +Catholic faith and of the Catholic rule of conduct; but he goes on to +trace the baptismal confession, and that in a fixed form, in the +expression [Greek: hê peri tôn megistôn homologia], Strom. VII. 15. 90 +(see remarks on this passage below), and is supported in this view by +Voigt, l.c. p. 196 ff. I also regard this as a baptismal confession; but +it is questionable if it was definitely formulated, and the passage is +not conclusive on the point. But, supposing it to be definitely +formulated, who can prove that it went further than the formula in +Hermas, Mand. I. with the addition of a mere mention of the Son and Holy +Spirit. That a free _kerygma_ of Christ and some other matter were added +to Hermas, Mand. I. may still be proved by a reference to Orig. Comm. in +Joh. XXXII. 9 (see the passage in vol. I. p. 155.).] + +[Footnote 59: [Greek: Hê kyriakê didaskalia], e.g., VI. 15. 124; VI. 18. +165; VII. 10. 57; VII. 15. 90; VII. 18. 165, etc.] + +[Footnote 60: We do not find in Clement the slightest traces of a +baptismal confession related to the Roman, unless we reckon the [Greek: +Theos pantokratôr] or [Greek: eis Th. p.] as such. But this designation +of God is found everywhere and is not characteristic of the baptismal +confession. In the lost treatise on the Passover Clement expounded the +"[Greek: paradoseis tôn archaiôn presbyterôn]" which had been +transmitted to him.] + +[Footnote 61: Considering the importance of the matter it is necessary +to quote as copiously as possible from original sources. In Strom. IV. +15. 98, we find the expression [Greek: ho kanôn teê pisteôs]; but the +context shows that it is used here in a quite general sense. With regard +to the statement of Paul: "whatever you do, do it to the glory of God," +Clement remarks [Greek: hosa hypo ton kanona tês pisteôs poiein +epitetraptai]. In Strom. I. 19. 96; VI. 15. 125; VI. 18. 165; VII. 7. +41; VII. 15. 90; VII. 16. 105 we find [Greek: ho kanôn tês ekklêsias +(ekklêsiastikos)]. In the first passage that canon is the rule for the +right observance of the Lord's Supper. In the other passages it +describes no doubt the correct doctrine, that is, the rule by which the +orthodox Gnostic has to be guided in contrast with the heretics who are +guided by their own desires (it is therefore parallel to the [Greek: +didaskalia tou kyriou]); but Clement feels absolutely no need to mention +wherein this ecclesiastical canon consists. In Strom IV. 1. 3; VI. 15. +124; VI 15. 131; VII. 16. 94, we find the expression [Greek: ho kanôn +tês alêtheias]. In the first passage it is said: [Greek: hê goun kata +ton tês alêtheias kanona gnôstikês paradoseôs physiologia, mallon de +epopteia, ek tou peri kosmogonias êrtêtai logou, enthende anabainousa +epi to theologikon eidos]. Here no one can understand by the rule of +truth what Tertullian understood by it. Very instructive is the second +passage in which Clement is dealing with the right and wrong exposition +of Scripture. He says first: [Greek: parakatathêke apodidomenê Theô hê +kata tên tou kyriou didaskalian dia tôn apostolôn autou tês theosebous +paradoseôs synesis te kai synaskêsis]; then he demands that the +Scriptures be interpreted [Greek: kata ton tês alêtheias kanona], or +[Greek: t. ekklês. kan.]; and continues (125): [Greek: kanôn de +ekklêsiastikos hê synôdia kai hê symphônia nomou te kai prophêtôn tê +kata tên tou kyriou parousian paradidomenê diathêkê]. Here then the +agreement of the Old Testament with the Testament of Christ is described +as the ecclesiastical canon. Apart from the question as to whether +Clement is here already referring to a New Testament canon of Scripture, +his rule agrees with Tertullian's testimony about the Roman Church: +"legem et prophetas cum evangelicis et apostolicis litteris miscet." But +at any rate the passage shows the broad sense in which Clement used the +term "ecclesiastical canon." The following expressions are also found in +Clement: [Greek: hê alêthes tês makarias didaskalias paradosis] (I. 1. +11), [Greek: hai hagiai paradoseis] (VII. 18. 110), [Greek: hê eukleês +kai semnos tês paradoseôs kanôn] (all gnosis is to be guided by this, +see also [Greek: hê kata tên theian paradosin philosophia], I, 1. 15. I: +11. 52., also the expression [Greek: hê theia paradosis] (VII. 16. 103), +[Greek: hê ekklêsiastike paradosis] (VII. 16. 95), [Greek: hai tou +Christou paradoseis] (VII. 16. 99), [Greek: hê tou kyriou paradosis] +(VII. 17. 106: VII. 16. 104), [Greek: hê theosebês paradosis] (VI. 15. +124)). Its content is not more precisely defined, and, as a rule, nothing +more can be gathered from the context than what Clement once calls +[Greek: to koinon tês pisteôs] (VII. 16. 97). Where Clement wishes to +determine the content more accurately he makes use of supplementary +terms. He speaks, e.g., in III. 10. 66 of the [Greek: kata alêtheian +euangelikos kanôn], and means by that the tradition contained in the +Gospels recognised by the Church in contradistinction to that found in +other gospels (IV. 4. 15: [Greek: kata ton kanona tou euangeliou] = +[Greek: kata t. euang.]). In none of these formulæ is any notice taken +of the Apostles. That Clement (like Justin) traced back the public +tradition to the Apostles is a matter of course and manifest from I. 1. +11, where he gives an account of his early teachers ([Greek: hoi men tên +alêthê tês makarias sôzontes didaskalias paradosin euthus apo Petrou te +kai Iakôbou, Iôannou te kai Paulou tôn hagiôn apostolôn, tais para +patros ekdechomenos hêkon dê syn theô kai eis hêmas ta progonika ekeina +kai apostolika katathêsomenoi spermata]). Clement does not yet appeal to +a hierarchical tradition through the bishops, but adheres to the natural +one through the teachers, though he indeed admits an esoteric tradition +alongside of it. On one occasion he also says that the true Gnostic +keeps the [Greek: apostolikê kai ekklêsiastikê orthotomia tôn dogmatôn] +(VII. 16. 104). He has no doubt that: [Greek: mia hê pantôn gegone tôn +apostolôn hôsper didaskalia houtôs de kai hê paradosis] (VII. 17. 108). +But all that might just as well have been written in the first half of +the second century. On the tracing back of the Gnosis, the esoteric +tradition, to the Apostles see Hypotyp. in Euseb., H. E. II. 1. 4, +Strom. VI. 15. 131: [Greek: autika didaxantos tou sôtêros tous +apostolous hê tês engraphou agraphos êdê kai eis hêmas diadidotai +paradosis]. VI. 7. 61: [Greek: hê gnôsis de autê hê kata diadochas] +(this is the only place where I find this expression) [Greek: eis +oligous ek tôn apostolôn agraphôs paradotheisa katelêluthen], ibid +[Greek: hê gnôstikê paradosis]; VII. 10. 55: [Greek: hê gnôsis ek +paradoseôs diadidomenê tois axious sphas autous tês didaskalias +parechomenois oion parakatathêkê egcheirizetai]. In VII. 17. 106 Clement +has briefly recorded the theories of the Gnostic heretics with regard to +the apostolic origin of their teaching, and expressed his doubts. That +the tradition of the "Old Church," for so Clement designates the +orthodox Church as distinguished from the "human congregation" of the +heretics of his day, is throughout derived from the Apostles, he regards +as so certain and self-evident that, as a rule, he never specially +mentions it, or gives prominence to any particular article as apostolic. +But the conclusion that he had no knowledge of any apostolic or fixed +confession might seem to be disproved by one passage. It is said in +Strom. VII. 15. 90: [Greek: Mê ti oun, ei kai parabaiê tis synthêkas kai +tên homologian parelthoi tên pros hêmas, dia ton pseusamenon tên +homologian aphexometha tês alêtheias kai hêmeis, all' hôs apseudein chrê +ton epieikê kai mêden hôn hupeschêtai akuroun kan alloi tines +parabainôsi synthêkas, outôs kai hêmas kata mêdena tropon ton +ekklêsiastikon parabainein prosekei kanona kai malista tên peri tôn +megistôn homologian hêmeis men phylattomen, oi de parabainousi]. But in +the other passages in Clement where [Greek: homologia] appears it +nowhere signifies a fixed formula of confession, but always the +confession in general which receives its content according to the +situation (see Strom. IV. 4. 15; IV. 9. 71; III. 1. 4: [Greek: egkrateia +sômatos hyperopsia kata tên pros theon homologian]). In the passage +quoted it means the confession of the main points of the true doctrine. +It is possible or probable that Clement was here alluding to a +confession at baptism, but that is also not quite certain. At any rate +this one passage cannot prove that Clement identified the ecclesiastical +canon with a formulated confession similar to or identical with the +Roman, or else such identification must have appeared more frequently in +his works.] + +[Footnote 62: De princip. l. I. præf. § 4-10., IV. 2. 2. Yet we must +consider the passage already twice quoted, namely, Com. in John. XXXII. +9, in order to determine the practice of the Alexandrian Church at that +time. Was this baptismal confession not perhaps compiled from Herm., +Mand. I., and Christological and theological teachings, so that the +later confessions of the East with their dogmatic details are already to +be found here?] + +[Footnote 63: That may be also shown with regard to the New Testament +canon. Very important is the declaration of Eusebius (H. E. VI. 14) that +Origen, on his own testimony, paid a brief visit to Rome in the time of +Zephyrinus, "because he wished to become acquainted with the ancient +Church of the Romans." We learn from Jerome (de vir. inl. 61) that +Origen there became acquainted with Hippolytus, who even called +attention to his presence in the church in a sermon. That Origen kept up +a connection with Rome still later and followed the conflicts there with +keen interest may be gathered from his works. (See Döllinger, +"Hippolytus und Calixtus" p. 254 ff.) On the other hand, Clement was +quite unacquainted with that city. Bigg therefore l.c. rightly remarks: +"The West is as unknown to Clement as it was to his favourite Homer." +That there was a formulated [Greek: pistis kai homologia] in Alexandria +about 250 A.D. is shown by the epistle of Dionysius (Euseb., H. E. VII. +8). He says of Novatian, [Greek: anatrepei tên pro loutrou pistin kai +homologian]. Dionysius would hardly have reproduced this Roman reproach +in that way, if the Alexandrian Church had not possessed a similar +[Greek: pistis].] + +[Footnote 64: The original of the Apostolic Constitutions has as yet no +knowledge of the Apostolic rule of faith in the Western sense.] + +[Footnote 65: The close of the first homily of Aphraates shows how +simple, antique, and original this confession still was in outlying +districts at the beginning of the fourth century. On the other hand, +there were oriental communities where it was already heavily weighted +with theology.] + +[Footnote 66: Cf. the epistles of Cyprian, especially ep. 69. 70. When +Cyprian speaks (69. 7) of one and the same law which is held by the +whole Catholic Church, and of one _symbol_ with which she administers +baptism (this is the first time we meet with this expression), his words +mean far more than the assertion of Irenæus that the confession +expounded by him is the guiding rule in all Churches; for in Cyprian's +time the intercourse of most Catholic communities with each other was so +regulated that the state of things in each was to some extent really +known. Cf. also Novatian, "de trinitate seu de regula fidei," as well as +the circular letter of the Synod of Antioch referring to the +Metropolitan Paul (Euseb., H. E. VII. 30. 6 ... [Greek: apostas tou +kanonos epi kibdêla kai notha didagmata metelêluthen]), and the homilies +of Aphraates. The closer examination of the last phase in the +development of the confession of faith during this epoch, when the +apostolic confessions received an interpretation in accordance with the +theology of Origen, will be more conveniently left over till the close +of our description (see chap. 7 fin).] + +[Footnote 67: See the histories of the canon by Credner, Reuss, +Westcott, Hilgenfeld, Schmiedel, Holtzmann, and Weiss; the latter two, +which to some extent supplement each other, are specially instructive. +To Weiss belongs the merit of having kept Gospels and Apostles clearly +apart in the preliminary history of the canon (see Th. L. Z. 1886. Nr. +24); Zahn, Gesch. des N. Tlichen Kanons, 2 vols, 1888 ff.; Harnack, Das +Neue Test. um d. J. 200, 1889; Voigt, Eine verschollene Urkunde des +antimontan. Kampfes, 1891, p. 236 ff.; Weizsäcker, Rede bei der akad. +Preisvertheilung, 1892. Nov.; Köppel, Stud. u. Krit. 1891, p. 102 ff; +Barth, Neue Jahrbb. f. deutsche Theologie, 1893, p. 56 ff. The following +account gives only a few aspects of the case, not a history of the +genesis of the canon.] + +[Footnote 68: "Holy" is not always equivalent to "possessing absolute +authority." There are also various stages and degrees of "holy."] + +[Footnote 69: I beg here to lay down the following principles as to +criticism of the New Testament. (1) It is not individual writings, but +the whole book that has been immediately handed down to us. Hence, in +the case of difficulties arising, we must first of all enquire, not +whether the title and historical setting of a book are genuine or not, +but if they are original, or were only given to the work when it became +a component part of the collection. This also gives us the right to +assume interpolations in the text belonging to the time when it was +included in the canon, though this right must be used with caution. (2) +Baur's "tendency-criticism" has fallen into disrepute; hence we must +also free ourselves from the pedantry and hair-splitting which were its +after effects. In consequence of the (erroneous) assumptions of the +Tübingen school of critics a suspicious examination of the texts was +justifiable and obligatory on their part. (3) Individual difficulties +about the date of a document ought not to have the result of casting +suspicion on it, when other good grounds speak in its favour; for, in +dealing with writings which have no, or almost no accompanying +literature, such difficulties cannot fail to arise. (4) The condition of +the oldest Christianity up to the beginning of the second century did +not favour literary forgeries or interpolations in support of a definite +tendency. (5) We must remember that, from the death of Nero till the +time of Trajan, very little is known of the history of the Church except +the fact that, by the end of this time, Christianity had not only spread +to an astonishing extent, but also had become vigorously consolidated.] + +[Footnote 70: The novelty lies first in the idea itself, secondly in the +form in which it was worked out, inasmuch as Marcion would only admit +the authority of one Gospel to the exclusion of all the rest, and added +the Pauline epistles which had originally little to do with the +conception of the apostolic doctrinal tradition of the Church.] + +[Footnote 71: It is easy to understand that, wherever there was +criticism of the Old Testament, the Pauline epistles circulating in the +Church would be thrust into the foreground. The same thing was done by +the Manichæans in the Byzantine age.] + +[Footnote 72: Four passages may be chiefly appealed to in support of the +opposite view, viz., 2 Peter III. 16; Polycarp ep. 12. 1; Barn. IV. 14; +2 Clem. II. 4. But the first is put out of court, as the second Epistle +of Peter is quite a late writing. The second is only known from an +unreliable Latin translation (see Zahn on the passage: "verba 'his +scripturis' suspecta sunt, cum interpres in c. II. 3 ex suis inseruerit +quod dictum est"), and even if the latter were faithful here, the +quotation from the Psalms prefixed to the quotation from the Epistle to +the Ephesians prevents us from treating the passage as certain evidence. +As to the third passage ([Greek: mêpote, hôs gegraptai, polloi klêtoi, +oligoi de eklektoi heurethômen]), it should be noted that the author of +the Epistle of Barnabas, although he makes abundant use of the evangelic +tradition, has nowhere else described evangelic writings as [Greek: +graphê], and must have drawn from more sources than the canonic Gospels. +Here, therefore, we have an enigma which may be solved in a variety of +ways. It seems worth noting that it is a saying of the Lord which is +here in question. But from the very beginning words of the Lord were +equally reverenced with the Old Testament (see the Pauline Epistles). +This may perhaps explain how the author--like 2 Clem. II. 4: [Greek: +hetera de graphê legei hoti ouk êlthon kalesai dikaious alla +hamartôlous]--has introduced a saying of this kind with the same formula +as was used in introducing Old Testament quotations. Passages, such as +Clem. XIII. 4: [Greek: legei ho theos: ou charis humin ei agapate +k.t.l.] would mark the transition to this mode of expression. The +correctness of this explanation is confirmed by observation of the fact +that the same formula as was employed in the case of the Old Testament +was used in making quotations from early Christian apocalypses, or +utterances of early Christian prophets in the earliest period. Thus we +already read in Ephesians V. 14: [Greek: dio legei: egeire ho katheudôn +kai anasta ek tôn nekrôn kai epiphausei soi ho Christos]. That, +certainly, is a saying of a Christian prophet, and yet it is introduced +with the usual "[Greek: legei]". We also find a saying of a Christian +prophet in Clem. XXIII. (the saying is more complete in 2 Clem. XI.) +introduced with the words: [Greek: hê graphê hautê, hopou legei]. These +examples may be multiplied still further. From all this we may perhaps +assume that the trite formulæ of quotation "[Greek: graphê], [Greek: +gegraptai]," etc., were applied wherever reference was made to sayings +of the Lord and of prophets that were fixed in writings, even when the +documents in question had not yet as a whole obtained canonical +authority. Finally, we must also draw attention to the following:--The +Epistle of Barnabas belongs to Egypt; and there probably, contrary to my +former opinion, we must also look for the author of the second Epistle +of Clement. There is much to favour the view that in Egypt _Christian_ +writings were treated as sacred texts, without being united into a +collection of equal rank with the Old Testament. (See below on this +point.)] + +[Footnote 73: See on Justin Bousset. Die Evv.-Citate Justins. Gott., +1891. We may also infer from the expression of Hegesippus (Euseb., H. E. +IV. 22. 3; Stephanus Gobarus in Photius, Bibl. 232. p. 288) that it was +not Christian writings, but the Lord himself, who was placed on an +equality with Law and Prophets. Very instructive is the formula: "Libri +et epistolæ Pauli viri iusti" ([Greek: hai kath' hêmas bibloi kai hai +prosepitoutois epistolai Paulou tou hosiou andros]), which is found in +the Acta Mart. Scillit. anno 180 (ed. Robinson, Texts and Studies, 1891, +I. 2, p. 114 f.), and tempts us to make certain conclusions. In the +later recensions of the Acta the passage, characteristically enough, is +worded: "Libri evangeliorum et epistolæ Pauli viri sanctissimi apostoli" +or "Quattuor evv. dom. nostri J. Chr. et epp. S. Pauli ap. et omnis +divinitus inspirata scriptura."] + +[Footnote 74: It is worthy of note that the Gnostics also, though they +quote the words of the Apostles (John and Paul) as authoritative, place +the utterances of the Lord on an unattainable height. See in support of +this the epistle of Ptolemy to Flora.] + +[Footnote 75: Rev. I. 3; Herm. Vis. II. 4; Dionys. Cor. in Euseb., IV. +23. 11.] + +[Footnote 76: Tertullian, this Christian of the primitive type, still +reveals the old conception of things in one passage where, reversing 2 +Tim. III. 16, he says (de cultu fem. I. 3) "Legimus omnem scripturam +ædificationi habilem divinitus inspirari."] + +[Footnote 77: The history of the collection of the Pauline Epistles may +be traced back to the first century (1 Clem. XLVII. and like passages). +It follows from the Epistle of Polycarp that this native of Asia Minor +had in his hands all the Pauline Epistles (quotations are made from nine +of the latter; these nine imply the four that are wanting, yet it must +remain an open question whether he did not yet possess the Pastoral +Epistles in their present form), also 1 Peter, 1 John (though he has not +named the authors of these), the first Epistle of Clement and the +Gospels. The extent of the writings read in churches which Polycarp is +thus seen to have had approaches pretty nearly that of the later +recognised canon. Compare, however, the way in which he assumes sayings +from those writings to be well known by introducing them with "[Greek: +eidotes]" (I. 3; IV. 1; V. 1). Ignatius likewise shows himself to be +familiar with the writings which were subsequently united to form the +New Testament. We see from the works of Clement, that, at the end of the +second century, a great mass of Christian writings were collected in +Alexandria and were used and honoured.] + +[Footnote 78: It should also be pointed out that Justin most probably +used the Gospel of Peter among the [Greek: apomnêmoneumata]; see Texte +u. Unters. IX. 2.] + +[Footnote 79: See my article in the Zeitschr. f. K. Gesch. Vol. IV. p. +471 ff. Zahn (Tatian's Diatessaron, 1881) takes a different view.] + +[Footnote 80: Justin also used the Gospel of John, but it is a disputed +matter whether he regarded and used it like the other Gospels.] + +[Footnote 81: The Sabellians still used it in the third century, which +is a proof of the great authority possessed by this Gospel in Christian +antiquity. (Epiph., H. 62. 2.)] + +[Footnote 82: Euseb. H. E. IV. 29. 5.] + +[Footnote 83: In many regions the Gospel canon alone appeared at first, +and in very many others it long occupied a more prominent place than the +other canonical writings. Alexander of Alexandria, for instance, still +calls God the giver of the Law, the Prophets, and the Gospels +(Theodoret, I. 4).] + +[Footnote 84: Euseb., H. E. II. 26. 13. As Melito speaks here of the +[Greek: akribeia tôn palaiôn bibliôn], and of [Greek: ta biblia tês +palaias diathêkês], we may assume that he knows [Greek: ta biblia tês +kainês diathêkês].] + +[Footnote 85: We may here leave undiscussed the hesitancy with regard to +the admissibility of particular books. That the Pastoral Epistles had a +fixed place in the canon almost from the very first is of itself a proof +that the date of its origin cannot be long before 180. In connection +with this, however, it is an important circumstance that Clement makes +the general statement that the heretics reject the Epistles to Timothy +(Strom. II. 12. 52: [Greek: hoi apo tôn haireseôn tas pros Timotheon +athetousin epistolas]). They did not happen to be at the disposal of the +Church at all till the middle of the second century.] + +[Footnote 86: Yet see the passage from Tertullian quoted, p. 15, note 1; +see also the "receptior," de pudic. 20, the cause of the rejection of +Hermas in the Muratorian Fragment and Tertull. de bapt. 17: "Quodsi quæ +Pauli perperam scripta sunt exemplum Theclæ ad licentiam mulierum +docendi tinguendique defendunt, sciant in Asia presbyterum, qui eam +scripturam construxit, quasi titulo Pauli de suo cumulans, convictum +atque confessum id se amore Pauli fecisse, loco decessisse." The +hypothesis that the Apostles themselves (or the apostle John) compiled +the New Testament was definitely set up by no one in antiquity and +therefore need not be discussed. Augustine (c. Faustum XXII. 79) speaks +frankly of "sancti et docti homines" who produced the New Testament. We +can prove by a series of testimonies that the idea of the Church having +compiled the New Testament writings was in no way offensive to the Old +Catholic Fathers. As a rule, indeed, they are silent on the matter. +Irenæus and Tertullian already treat the collection as simply existent.] + +[Footnote 87: Numerous examples may be found in proof of all these +points, especially in the writings of Tertullian, though such are +already to be met with in Irenæus also. He is not yet so bold in his +allegorical exposition of the Gospels as Ptolemæus whom he finds fault +with in this respect; but he already gives an exegesis of the books of +the New Testament not essentially different from that of the +Valentinians. One should above all read the treatise of Tertullian "de +idololatria" to perceive how the authority of the New Testament was even +by that time used for solving all questions.] + +[Footnote 88: I cannot here enter into the disputed question as to the +position that should be assigned to the Muratorian Fragment in the +history of the formation of the canon, nor into its interpretation, etc. +See my article "Das Muratorische Fragment und die Entstehung einer +Sammlung apostolisch-katholischer Schriften" in the Ztschr. f. K. Gesch. +III. p. 358 ff. See also Overbeck, Zur Geschichte des Kanons, 1880; +Hilgenfeld, in the Zeitschrift f. Wissensch. Theol. 1881, part 2; +Schmiedel, Art. "Kanon" in Ersch. u. Gruber's Encykl., 2 Section, Vol. +XXXII. p. 309 ff.; Zahn, Kanongeschichte, Vol. II. p. 1 ff. I leave the +fragment and the conclusions I have drawn from it almost entirely out of +account here. The following sketch will show that the objections of +Overbeck have not been without influence on me.] + +[Footnote 89: The use of the word "canon" as a designation of the +collection is first plainly demonstrable in Athanasius (ep. fest. of the +year 365) and in the 59th canon of the synod of Laodicea. It is doubtful +whether the term was already used by Origen. Besides, the word "canon" +was not applied even to the Old Testament before the fourth century. The +name "New Testament" (books of the New Testament) is first found in +Melito and Tertullian. For other designations of the latter see Ronsch, +Das N. T. Tertullian's p. 47 f. The most common name is "Holy +Scriptures." In accordance with its main components the collection is +designated as [Greek: to euangelion kai ho apostolos] (evangelicæ et +apostolicæ litteræ); see Tertullian, de bapt. 15: "tam ex domini +evangelio quam ex apostoli litteris." The name "writings of the Lord" is +also found very early. It was already used for the Gospels at a time +when there was no such thing as a canon. It was then occasionally +transferred to all writings of the collection. Conversely, the entire +collection was named, after the authors, a collection of apostolic +writings, just as the Old Testament Scriptures were collectively called +the writings of the prophets. Prophets and Apostles (= Old and New +Testament) were now conceived as the media of God's revelation fixed in +writing (see the Muratorian Fragment in its account of Hermas, and the +designation of the Gospels as "Apostolic memoirs" already found in +Justin.) This grouping became exceedingly important. It occasioned new +speculations about the unique dignity of the Apostles and did away with +the old collocation of Apostles and Prophets (that is Christian +prophets). By this alteration we may measure the revolution of the +times. Finally, the new collection was also called "the writings of the +Church" as distinguished from the Old Testament and the writings of the +heretics. This expression and its amplifications shew that it was the +Church which selected these writings.] + +[Footnote 90: Here there is a distinction between Irenæus and +Tertullian. The former disputed with heretics about the interpretation +of the Scriptures, the latter, although he has read Irenæus, forbids +such dispute. He cannot therefore have considered Irenæus' efforts as +successful.] + +[Footnote 91: The reader should remember the different recensions of the +Gospels and the complaints made by Dionysius of Corinth (in Euseb., H. +E. IV. 23. 12).] + +[Footnote 92: That the text of these writings was at the same time +revised is more than probable, especially in view of the beginnings and +endings of many New Testament writings, as well as, in the case of the +Gospels, from a comparison of the canon text with the quotations dating +from the time when there was no canon. But much more important still is +the perception of the fact that, in the course of the second century, a +series of writings which had originally been circulated anonymously or +under the name of an unknown author were ascribed to an Apostle and were +also slightly altered in accordance with this. In what circumstances or +at what time this happened, whether it took place as early as the +beginning of the second century or only immediately before the formation +of the canon, is in almost every individual case involved in obscurity, +but the fact itself, of which unfortunately the Introductions to the New +Testament still know so little, is, in my opinion, incontestable. I +refer the reader to the following examples, without indeed being able to +enter on the proof here (see my edition of the "Teaching of the +Apostles" p. 106 ff). (1) The Gospel of Luke seems not to have been +known to Marcion under this name, and to have been called so only at a +later date. (2) The canonical Gospels of Matthew and Mark do not claim, +through their content, to originate with these men; they were regarded +as apostolic at a later period. (3) The so-called Epistle of Barnabas +was first attributed to the Apostle Barnabas by tradition. (4) The +Apocalypse of Hermas was first connected with an apostolic Hermas by +tradition (Rom. XVI. 14). (5) The same thing took place with regard to +the first Epistle of Clement (Philipp, IV. 3). (6) The Epistle to the +Hebrews, originally the writing of an unknown author or of Barnabas, was +transformed into a writing of the Apostle Paul (Overbeck zur Gesch. des +Kanons, 1880), or given out to be such. (7) The Epistle of James, +originally the communication of an early Christian prophet, or a +collection of ancient holy addresses, first seems to have received the +name of James in tradition. (8) The first Epistle of Peter, which +originally appears to have been written by an unknown follower of Paul, +first received its present name from tradition. The same thing perhaps +holds good of the Epistle of Jude. Tradition was similarly at work, even +at a later period, as may for example be recognised by the +transformation of the epistle "de virginitate" into two writings by +Clement. The critics of early Christian literature have created for +themselves insoluble problems by misunderstanding the work of tradition. +Instead of asking whether the tradition is reliable, they always wrestle +with the dilemma "genuine or spurious", and can prove neither.] + +[Footnote 93: As regards its aim and contents, this book is furthest +removed from the claim to be a portion of a collection of Holy +Scriptures. Accordingly, so far as we know, its reception into the canon +has no preliminary history.] + +[Footnote 94: People were compelled by internal and external evidence +(recognition of their apostolicity; example of the Gnostics) to accept +the epistles of Paul. But, from the Catholic point of view, a canon +which comprised only the four Gospels and the Pauline Epistles, would +have been at best an edifice of two wings without the central structure, +and therefore incomplete and uninhabitable. The actual novelty was the +bold insertion into its midst of a book, which, if everything is not +deceptive, had formerly been only in private use, namely, the Acts of +the Apostles, which some associated with an Epistle of Peter and an +Epistle of John, others with an Epistle of Jude, two Epistles of John, +and the like. There were now (1) writings of the Lord which were at the +same time regarded as [Greek: apomnêmoneumata] of definite Apostles; (2) +a book which contained the acts and preaching of all the Apostles, which +historically legitimised Paul, and at the same time gave hints for the +explanation of "difficult" passages in his Epistle; (3) the Pauline +Epistles increased by the compilation of the Pastoral ones, documents +which "in ordinatione ecclesiasticæ disciplinæ sanctificatæ erant." The +Acts of the Apostles is thus the key to the understanding of the +Catholic canon and at the same time shows its novelty. In this book the +new collection had its bond of cohesion, its Catholic element (apostolic +tradition), and the guide for its exposition. That the Acts of the +Apostles found its place in the canon _faute de mieux_ is clear from the +extravagant terms, not at all suited to the book, in which its +appearance there is immediately hailed. It is inserted in place of a +book which should have contained the teaching and missionary acts of all +the 12 Apostles; but, as it happened, such a record was not in +existence. The first evidence regarding it is found in the Muratorian +fragment and in Irenæus and Tertullian. There it is called "acta omnium +apostolorum sub uno libro scripta sunt, etc." Irenæus says (III. 14. 1): +"Lucas non solum prosecutor sed et cooperarius fuit _Apostolorum_, +maxime autem Pauli," and makes use of the book to prove the +subordination of Paul to the twelve. In the celebrated passages, de +præscr. 22, 23: adv. Marc. I. 20; IV. 2-5; V. 1-3, Tertullian made a +still more extensive use of the Acts of the Apostles, as the +Antimarcionite book in the canon. One can see here why it was admitted +into that collection and used against Paul as the Apostle of the +heretics. The fundamental thought of Tertullian is that no one who fails +to recognise the Acts of the Apostles has any right to recognise Paul, +and that to elevate him by himself into a position of authority is +unhistorical and absolutely unfounded fanaticism. If the [Greek: didachê +tôn dôdeka apostolôn] was needed as an authority in the earlier time, a +_book_ which contained that authority was required in the later period; +and nothing else could be found than the work of the so-called Luke. +"Qui Acta Apostolorum non recipiunt, nec spiritus sancti esse possunt, +qui necdum spiritum sanctum possunt agnoscere discentibus missum, sed +nec ecclesiam se dicant defendere qui quando et quibus incunabulis +institutum est hoc corpus probare non habent." But the greater part of +the heretics remained obstinate. Neither Marcionites, Severians, nor the +later Manicheans recognised the Acts of the Apostles. To some extent +they replied by setting up other histories of Apostles in opposition to +it, as was done later by a fraction of the Ebionites and even by the +Marcionites. But the Church also was firm. It is perhaps the most +striking phenomenon in the history of the formation of the canon that +this late book, from the very moment of its appearance, asserts its +right to a place in the collection, just as certainly as the four +Gospels, though its position varied. In Clement of Alexandria indeed the +book is still pretty much in the background, perhaps on a level with the +[Greek: kêrugma Petrou], but Clement has no New Testament at all in the +strict sense of the word; see below. But at the very beginning the book +stood where it is to-day, i.e., immediately after the Gospels (see +Muratorian Fragment, Irenæus, etc.). The parallel creation, the group of +Catholic Epistles, acquired a much more dubious position than the Acts +of the Apostles, and its place was never really settled. Its germ is +probably to be found in two Epistles of John (viz., 1st and 3rd) which +acquired dignity along with the Gospel, as well as in the Epistle of +Jude. These may have given the impulse to create a group of narratives +about the twelve Apostles from anonymous writings of old Apostles, +prophets, and teachers. But the Epistle of Peter is still wanting in the +Muratorian Fragment, nor do we yet find the group there associated with +the Acts of the Apostles. The Epistle of Jude, two Epistles of John, the +Wisdom of Solomon, the Apocalypse of John and that of Peter form the +unsymmetrical conclusion of this oldest catalogue of the canon. But, all +the same writings, by Jude, John, and Peter are here found side by side; +thus we have a preparation for the future arrangement made in different +though similar fashion by Irenæus and again altered by Tertullian. The +genuine Pauline Epistles appear enclosed on the one hand by the Acts of +the Apostles and the Catholic Epistles, and on the other by the Pastoral +ones, which in their way are also "Catholic." That is the character of +the "Catholic" New Testament which is confirmed by the earliest use of +it (in Irenæus and Tertullian). In speaking above of the Acts of the +Apostles as a late book, we meant that it was so relatively to the +canon. In itself the book is old and for the most part reliable.] + +[Footnote 95: There is no doubt that this was the reason why to all +appearance the innovation was scarcely felt. Similar causes were at work +here as in the case of the apostolic rule of faith. In the one case the +writings that had long been read in the Church formed the basis, in the +other the baptismal confession. But a great distinction is found in the +fact that the baptismal confession, as already settled, afforded an +elastic standard which was treated as a fixed one and was therefore +extremely practical; whilst, conversely, the undefined group of writings +hitherto read in the Church was reduced to a collection which could +neither be increased nor diminished.] + +[Footnote 96: At the beginning, that is about 180, it was only in +practice, and not in theory, that the Gospels and the Pauline Epistles +possessed equal authority. Moreover, the name New Testament is not yet +found in Irenæus, nor do we yet find him giving an exact idea of its +content. See Werner in the Text. u. Unters. z. altchristl. Lit. Gesch. +Bd. VI. 2.] + +[Footnote 97: See above, p. 40, note 2.] + +[Footnote 98: We have ample evidence in the great work of Irenæus as to +the difficulties he found in many passages of the Pauline Epistles, +which as yet were almost solely utilised as sources of doctrine by such +men as Marcion, Tatian, and theologians of the school of Valentinus. The +difficulties of course still continued to be felt in the period which +followed. (See, e.g., Method, Conviv. Orat. III. 1, 2.)] + +[Footnote 99: Apollinaris of Hierapolis already regards any +contradiction between the (4) Gospels as impossible. (See Routh, Reliq. +Sacr. I. p. 150.)] + +[Footnote 100: See Overbeck, "Ueber die Auffassung des Streites des +Paulus mit Petrus in Antiochien bei den Kirchenvätern," 1877, p. 8.] + +[Footnote 101: See also Clement Strom. IV. 21. 124; VI. 15. 125. The +expression is also frequent in Origen, e.g., de princip. præf. 4.] + +[Footnote 102: The Roman Church in her letter to that of Corinth +designates her own words as the words of God (1 Clem. LIX. 1) and +therefore requires obedience "[Greek: tois huph' hêmôn gegrammenois dia +tou hagiou pneumatos]" (LXIII. 2).] + +[Footnote 103: Tertull. de exhort. 4: "Spiritum quidem dei etiam fideles +habent, sed non omnes fideles apostoli ... Proprie enim apostoli +spiritum sanctum habent, qui plene habent in operibus prophetiæ et +efficacia virtutum documentisque linguarum, non ex parte, quod ceteri." +Clem. Alex. Strom. IV. 21. 135: [Greek: Hekastos idion echei charisma +apo theou, ho men houtôs, ho de houtôs, hoi apostoloi de en pasi +peplêromenoi]; Serapion in Euseb., H. E. VI. 12. 3: [Greek: hêmeis kai +ton Petron kai tous allous apostolous apodechometha hôs Christon]. The +success of the canon here referred to was an undoubted blessing, for, as +the result of enthusiasm, Christianity was menaced with complete +corruption, and things and ideas, no matter how alien to its spirit, +were able to obtain a lodgment under its protection. The removal of this +danger, which was in some measure averted by the canon, was indeed +coupled with great disadvantages, inasmuch as believers were referred in +legal fashion to a new book, and the writings contained in it were at +first completely obscured by the assumption that they were inspired and +by the requirement of an "expositio legitima."] + +[Footnote 104: See Tertull., de virg. vol. 4, de resurr. 24, de ieiun. +15, de pudic. 12. Sufficiency is above all included in the concept +"inspiration" (see for ex. Tertull., de monog. 4: "Negat scriptura quod +non notat"), and the same measure of authority belongs to all parts (see +Iren., IV. 28. 3. "Nihil vacuum neque sine signo apud deum").] + +[Footnote 105: The direct designation "prophets" was, however, as a +rule, avoided. The conflict with Montanism made it expedient to refrain +from this name; but see Tertullian, adv. Marc. IV. 24: "Tam apostolus +Moyses, quam et apostoli prophetæ."] + +[Footnote 106: Compare also what the author of the Muratorian Fragment +says in the passage about the Shepherd of Hermas.] + +[Footnote 107: This caused the most decisive breach with tradition, and +the estimate to be formed of the Apocalypses must at first have remained +an open question. Their fate was long undecided in the West; but it was +very soon settled that they could have no claim to public recognition in +the Church, because their authors had not that fulness of the Spirit +which belongs to the Apostles alone.] + +[Footnote 108: The disputed question as to whether all the acknowledged +apostolic writings were regarded as canonical must be answered in the +affirmative in reference to Irenæus and Tertullian, who conversely +regarded no book as canonical unless written by the Apostles. On the +other hand, it appears to me that no certain opinion on this point can +be got from the Muratorian Fragment. In the end the Gospel, Acts, +Kerygma, and Apocalypse of Peter as well as the Acts of Paul were +rejected, a proceeding which was at the same time a declaration that +they were spurious. But these three witnesses agree (see also App. +Constit. VI. 16) that the apostolic _regula fidei_ is practically the +final court of appeal, inasmuch as it decides whether a writing is +really apostolic or not, and inasmuch as, according to Tertullian, the +apostolic writings belong to the Church alone, because she alone +possesses the apostolic _regula_ (de præscr. 37 ff.). The _regula_ of +course does not legitimise those writings, but only proves that they are +authentic and do not belong to the heretics. These witnesses also agree +that a Christian writing has no claim to be received into the canon +merely on account of its prophetic form. On looking at the matter more +closely, we see that the view of the early Church, as opposed to +Montanism, led to the paradox that the Apostles were prophets in the +sense of being inspired by the Spirit, but that they were not so in the +strict sense of the word.] + +[Footnote 109: The fragment of Serapion's letter given in Eusebius owes +its interest to the fact that it not only shows the progress made at +this time with the formation of the canon at Antioch, but also what +still remained to be done.] + +[Footnote 110: See my essay "Theophilus v. Antiochien und das N. T." in +the Ztschr. f. K. Gesch. XI. p. 1 ff.] + +[Footnote 111: The most important passages are Autol. II. 9. 22: [Greek: +hothen didaskousin hêmas hai hagiai graphai kai pantes hoi +pneumatophoroi, ex hôn Iôannaes legei k.t.l.] (follows John I. 1) III. +12: [Greek: kai peri dikaiosunês, hês ho nomos eirêken, akoloutha +heurisketai kai ta tôn prophêtôn kai tôn euangeliôn echein, dia to tous +pantas pneumatophorous heni pneumati theou lelalêkenai]; III. 13: +[Greek: ho hagios logos--hê euangelios phônê].; III. 14: [Greek: +Êsaias--to de euangelion--ho theios logos]. The latter formula is not a +quotation of Epistles of Paul viewed as canonical, but of a divine +command found in the Old Testament and given in Pauline form. It is +specially worthy of note that the original of the six books of the +Apostolic Constitutions, written in Syria and belonging to the second +half of the third century, knows yet of no New Testament. In addition to +the Old Testament it has no authority but the "Gospel."] + +[Footnote 112: There has as yet been no sufficient investigation of the +New Testament of Clement. The information given by Volkmar in Credner's +Gesch. d. N. Tlichen Kanon, p. 382 ff., is not sufficient. The space at +the disposal of this manual prevents me from establishing the results of +my studies on this point. Let me at least refer to some important +passages which I have collected. Strom. I. §§ 28, 100; II. §§ 22, 28, +29; III.,§§ 11, 66, 70, 71, 76, 93, 108; IV. §§ 2, 91, 97, 105, 130, +133, 134, 138, 159; V. §§ 3, 17, 27, 28, 30, 31, 38, 80, 85, 86; VI. §§ +42,44, 54, 59, 61, 66--68, 88, 91, 106, 107, 119, 124, 125, 127, 128, +133, 161, 164; VII. §§ 1, 14, 34, 76, 82, 84, 88, 94, 95, 97, 100, 101, +103, 104, 106, 107. As to the estimate of the Epistles of Barnabas and +Clement of Rome as well as of the Shepherd, in Clement, see the Prolegg. +to my edition of the Opp. Patr. Apost.] + +[Footnote 113: According to Strom. V. 14. 138 even the Epicurean +Metrodorus uttered certain words [Greek: entheôs]; but on the other hand +Homer was a prophet against his will. See Pæd. I. 6. 36, also § 51.] + +[Footnote 114: In the Pæd. the Gospels are regularly called [Greek: hê +graphê] but this is seldom the case with the Epistles. The word +"Apostle" is used in quoting these.] + +[Footnote 115: It is also very interesting to note that Clement almost +nowhere illustrates the parabolic character of the Holy Scriptures by +quoting the Epistles, but in this connection employs the Old Testament +and the Gospels, just as he almost never allegorises passages from other +writings. 1 Cor. III. 2 is once quoted thus in Pæd. I. 6. 49: [Greek: to +en tô apostolô hagion pneuma tê tou kuriou apochrômenon phônê legei]. We +can hardly conclude from Pæd. I. 7. 61 that Clement called Paul a +"prophet."] + +[Footnote 116: It is worthy of special note that Clem., Pæd. II. 10.3; +Strom. II. 15. 67 has criticised an interpretation given by the author +of the Epistle of Barnabas, although he calls Barnabas an Apostle.] + +[Footnote 117: In this category we may also include the Acts of the +Apostles, which is perhaps used like the [Greek: kêrugma]. It is quoted +in Pæd. II. 16. 56; Strom. I. 50, 89, 91, 92, 153, 154; III. 49; IV. 97; +V. 75, 82; VI. 63, 101, 124, 165.] + +[Footnote 118: The "seventy disciples" were also regarded as Apostles, +and the authors of writings the names of which did not otherwise offer a +guarantee of authority were likewise included in this category. That is +to say, writings which were regarded as valuable and which for some +reason or other could not be characterised as apostolic in the narrower +sense were attributed to authors whom there was no reason for denying to +be Apostles in the wider sense. This wider use of the concept +"apostolic" is moreover no innovation. See my edition of the Didache, +pp. 111-118.] + +[Footnote 119: The formation of the canon in Alexandria must have had +some connection with the same process in Asia Minor and in Rome. This is +shown not only by each Church recognising four Gospels, but still more +by the admission of thirteen Pauline Epistles. We would see our way more +clearly here, if anything certain could be ascertained from the works of +Clement, including the Hypotyposes, as to the arrangement of the Holy +Scriptures; but the attempt to fix this arrangement is necessarily a +dubious one, because Clement's "canon of the New Testament" was not yet +finally fixed. It may be compared to a half-finished statue whose bust +is already completely chiselled, while the under parts are still +embedded in the stone.] + +[Footnote 120: No greater creative act can be mentioned in the whole +history of the Church than the formation of the apostolic collection and +the assigning to it of a position of equal rank with the Old Testament.] + +[Footnote 121: The history of early Christian writings in the Church +which were not definitely admitted into the New Testament is instructive +on this point. The fate of some of these may be described as tragical. +Even when they were not branded as downright forgeries, the writings of +the Fathers from the fourth century downwards were far preferred to +them.] + +[Footnote 122: See on this point Overbeck "Abhandlung über die Anfange +der patristischen Litteratur," l.c., p. 469. Nevertheless, even after +the creation of the New Testament canon, theological authorship was an +undertaking which was at first regarded as highly dangerous. See the +Antimontanist in Euseb., H. E. V. 16. 3: [Greek: dediôs kai +exeulaboumenos, mê pê doxô prin episungraphein ê epidiatassesthai tô tês +tou euangeliou kainês diathêkês logô]. We find similar remarks in other +old Catholic Fathers (see Clemen. Alex.).] + +[Footnote 123: But how diverse were the expositions; compare the +exegesis of Origen and Tertullian, Scorp. II.] + +[Footnote 124: On the extent to which the Old Testament had become +subordinated to the New and the Prophets to the Apostles, since the end +of the second century, see the following passage from Novatian, de +trinit. 29: "Unus ergo et idem spiritus qui in prophetis et apostolis, +nisi quoniam ibi ad momentum, hic semper. Ceterum ibi non ut semper in +illis inesset, hic ut in illis semper maneret, et ibi mediocriter +distributus, hic totus effusus, ibi parce datus, hic large commodatus."] + +[Footnote 125: That may be shown in all the old Catholic Fathers, but +most plainly perhaps in the theology of Origen. Moreover, the +subordination of the Old Testament revelation to the Christian one is +not simply a result of the creation of the New Testament, but may be +explained by other causes; see chap. 5. If the New Testament had not +been formed, the Church would perhaps have obtained a Christian Old +Testament with numerous interpolations--tendencies in this direction +were not wanting: see vol. I, p. 114 f.--and increased in extent by the +admission of apocalypses. The creation of the New Testament preserved +the purity of the Old, for it removed the need of doing violence to the +latter in the interests of Christianity.] + +[Footnote 126: The Catholic Church had from the beginning a very clear +consciousness of the dangerousness of many New Testament writings, in +fact she made a virtue of necessity in so far as she set up a theory to +prove the unavoidableness of this danger. See Tertullian, de præscr. +passim, and de resurr. 63.] + +[Footnote 127: To a certain extent the New Testament disturbs and +prevents the tendency to summarise the faith and reduce it to its most +essential content. For it not only puts itself in the place of the unity +of a system, but frequently also in the place of a harmonious and +complete creed. Hence the rule of faith is necessary as a guiding +principle, and even an imperfect one is better than a mere haphazard +reliance upon the Bible.] + +[Footnote 128: We must not, however, ascribe that to conscious mistrust, +for Irenæus and Tertullian bear very decided testimony against such an +idea, but to the acknowledgment that it was impossible to make any +effective use of the New Testament Scriptures in arguments with educated +non-Christians and heretics. For these writings could carry no weight +with the former, and the latter either did not recognise them or else +interpreted them by different rules. Even the offer of several of the +Fathers to refute the Marcionites from their own canon must by no means +be attributed to an uncertainty on their part with regard to the +authority of the ecclesiastical canon of Scripture. We need merely add +that the extraordinary difficulty originally felt by Christians in +conceiving the Pauline Epistles, for instance, to be analogous and equal +in value to Genesis or the prophets occasionally appears in the +terminology even in the third century, in so far as the term "divine +writings" continues to be more frequently applied to the Old Testament +than to certain parts of the New.] + +[Footnote 129: Tertullian, in de corona 3, makes his Catholic opponent +say: "Etiam in traditionis obtentu exigenda est auctoritas scripta."] + +[Footnote 130: Hatch, Organisation of the early Christian Church, 1883. +Harnack, Die Lehre der zwölf Apostel, 1884. Sohm, Kirchenrecht, Vol. I. +1892.] + +[Footnote 131: Marcion was the only one who did not claim to prove his +Christianity from traditions inasmuch as he rather put it in opposition +to tradition. This disclaimer of Marcion is in keeping with his +renunciation of apologetic proof, whilst, conversely, in the Church the +apologetic proof, and the proof from tradition adduced against the +heretics, were closely related. In the one case the truth of +Christianity was proved by showing that it is the oldest religion, and +in the other the truth of ecclesiastical Christianity was established +from the thesis that it is the oldest Christianity, viz., that of the +Apostles.] + +[Footnote 132: See Tertullian, de præscr. 20, 21, 32.] + +[Footnote 133: This theory is maintained by Irenæus and Tertullian, and +is as old as the association of the [Greek: hagia ekklêsia] and the +[Greek: pneuma hagion]. Just for that reason the distinction they make +between Churches founded by the Apostles and those of later origin is of +chief value to themselves in their arguments against heretics. This +distinction, it may be remarked, is clearly expressed in Tertullian +alone. Here, for example, it is of importance that the Church of +Carthage derives its "authority" from that of Rome (de præscr. 36).] + +[Footnote 134: Tertull., de præscr. 32 (see p. 19). Iren., III. 2. 2: +"Cum autem ad eam iterum traditionem, quæ est ab apostolis, quæ per +successiones presbyterorum in ecclesiis custoditur, provocamus eos, +etc." III. 3. 1: "Traditionem itaque apostolorum in toto mundo +manifestatam in omni ecclesia adest perspicere omnibus qui vera velint +videre, et habemus annumerare eos, qui ab apostolis instituti sunt +episcopi in ecclesiis et successiones eorum usque ad nos ... valde enim +perfectos in omnibus eos volebant esse, quos et successores +relinquebant, suum ipsorum locum magisterii tradentes ... traditio +Romanæ ecclesiæ, quam habet ab apostolis, et annuntiata hominibus fides +per successiones episcoporum perveniens usque ad nos." III. 3. 4, 4. 1: +"Si de aliqua modica qusestione disceptatio esset, nonne oporteret in +antiquissimas recurrere ecclesias, in quibus apostoli conversati sunt +... quid autem si neque apostoli quidem scripturas reliquissent nobis, +nonne oportebat ordinem sequi traditionis, quam tradiderunt iis, quibus +committebant ecclesias?" IV. 33. 8: "Character corporis Christi secundum +successiones episcoporum, quibus apostoli eam quæ in unoquoque loco est +ecclesiam tradiderunt, quæ pervenit usque ad nos, etc." V. 20.1: "Omnes +enim ii valde posteriores sunt quam episcopi, quibus apostoli +tradiderunt ecclesias." IV. 26. 2: "Quapropter eis, qui in ecclesia +sunt, presbyteris obaudire oportet, his qui successionem habent ab +apostolis; qui cum episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum +secundum placitum patris acceperunt." IV. 26. 5: "Ubi igitur charismata +domini posita sunt, ibi discere oportet veritatem, apud quos est ea quæ +est ab apostolis ecclesiæ successio." The declaration in Luke X. 16 was +already applied by Irenæus (III. præf.) to the successors of the +Apostles.] + +[Footnote 135: For details on this point see my edition of the Didache, +Proleg., p. 140. As the _regula fidei_ has its preparatory stages in the +baptismal confession, and the New Testament in the collection of +writings read in the Churches, so the theory that the bishops receive +and guarantee the apostolic heritage of truth has its preparatory stage +in the old idea that God has bestowed on the Church Apostles, prophets, +and teachers, who always communicate his word in its full purity. The +functions of these persons devolved by historical development upon the +bishop; but at the same time it became more and more a settled +conviction that no one in this latter period could be compared with the +Apostles. The only true Christianity, however, was that which was +apostolic and which could prove itself to be so. The natural result of +the problem which thus arose was the theory of an objective transference +of the _charisma veritatis_ from the Apostles to the bishops. This +notion preserved the unique personal importance of the Apostles, +guaranteed the apostolicity, that is, the truth of the Church's faith, +and formed a dogmatic justification for the authority already attained +by the bishops. The old idea that God bestows his Spirit on the Church, +which is therefore the holy Church, was ever more and more transformed +into the new notion that the bishops receive this Spirit, and that it +appears in their official authority. The theory of a succession of +prophets, which can be proved to have existed in Asia Minor, never got +beyond a rudimentary form and speedily disappeared.] + +[Footnote 136: This theory must have been current in the Roman Church +before the time when Irenæus wrote; for the list of Roman bishops, which +we find in Irenæus and which he obtained from Rome, must itself be +considered as a result of that dogmatic theory. The first half of the +list must have been concocted, as there were no monarchical bishops in +the strict sense in the first century (see my treatise: "Die ältesten +christlichen Datirungen und die Anfänge einer bischoflichen +Chronographie in Rom." in the report of the proceedings of the Royal +Prussian Academy of Science, 1892, p. 617 ff). We do not know whether +such lists were drawn up so early in the other churches of apostolic +origin (Jerusalem?). Not till the beginning of the 3rd century have we +proofs of that being done, whereas the Roman community, as early as +Soter's time, had a list of bishops giving the duration of each +episcopate. Nor is there any evidence before the 3rd century of an +attempt to invent such a list for Churches possessing no claim to have +been founded by Apostles.] + +[Footnote 137: We do not yet find this assertion in Tertullian's +treatise "de præscr."] + +[Footnote 138: Special importance attaches to Tertullian's treatise "de +pudicitia," which has not been sufficiently utilised to explain the +development of the episcopate and the pretensions at that time set up by +the Roman bishop. It shows clearly that Calixtus claimed for himself as +bishop the powers and rights of the Apostles in their full extent, and +that Tertullian did not deny that the "doctrina apostolorum" was +inherent in his office, but merely questioned the "potestas +apostolorum." It is very significant that Tertullian (c. 21) sneeringly +addressed him as "apostolice" and reminded him that "ecclesia spiritus, +non ecclesia numerus episcoporum." What rights Calixtus had already +claimed as belonging to the apostolic office may be ascertained from +Hippol. Philos. IX. 11. 12. But the introduction to the Philosophoumena +proves that Hippolytus himself was at one with his opponent in supposing +that the bishops, as successors of the Apostles, had received the +attributes of the latter: [Greek: Tas haireseis heteros ouk elegxei, ê +to en ekklêsia paradothen hagion pneuma, ou tuchontes proteroi hoi +apostoloi metedosan tois orthôs pepisteukosin hôn hêmeis diadochoi +tugchanontes tês te autês charitos metechontes archierateias te kai +didaskalias kai phrouroi tês ekklêsias lelogismenoi ouk ophthalmô +nustazomen, oude logon orthon siôpômen, k.t.l.] In these words we have +an immense advance beyond the conception of Irenæus. This advance, of +course, was first made in practice, and the corresponding theory +followed. How greatly the prestige and power of the bishops had +increased in the first 3rd part of the 3rd century may be seen by +comparing the edict of Maximinus Thrax with the earlier ones (Euseb., H. +E. VI. 28; see also the genuine Martyr. Jacobi, Mariani, etc., in +Numidia c. 10 [Ruinart, Acta mart. p. 272 edit. Ratisb.]): "Nam ita +inter se nostræ religionis gradus artifex sævitia diviserat, ut laicos +clericis separatos tentationibus sæculi et terroribus suis putaret esse +cessuros" (that is, the heathen authorities also knew that the clergy +formed the bond of union in the Churches). But the theory that the +bishops were successors of the Apostles, that is, possessed the +apostolic office, must be considered a Western one which was very slowly +and gradually adopted in the East. Even in the original of the first six +books of the Apostolic Constitutions, composed about the end of the 3rd +century, which represents the bishop as mediator, king, and teacher of +the community, the episcopal office is not yet regarded as the apostolic +one. It is rather presbyters, as in Ignatius, who are classed with the +Apostles. It is very important to note that the whole theory of the +significance of the bishop in determining the truth of ecclesiastical +Christianity is completely unknown to Clement of Alexandria. As we have +not the slightest evidence that his conception of the Church was of a +hierarchical and anti-heretical type, so he very rarely mentions the +ecclesiastical officials in his works and rarest of all the bishops. +These do not at all belong to his conception of the Church, or at least +only in so far as they resemble the English orders (cf. Pæd. III. 12. +97, presbyters, bishops, deacons, widows; Strom. VII. 1. 3; III. 12. 90, +presbyters, deacons, laity; VI. 13. 106, presbyters, deacons: VI. 13. +107, bishops, presbyters, deacons: Quis dives 42, bishops and +presbyters). On the other hand, according to Clement, the true Gnostic +has an office like that of the Apostles. See Strom. VI. 13. 106, 107: +[Greek: exestin oun kai nun tais kyriakais enaskêsantas entolais kata to +euangelion teleiôs biôsantas kai gnôstikôs eis tên eklogên tôn apostolôn +engraphênai houtos presbuteros esti tô onti tês ekklêsias kai diakonos +alêthês tês tou theou boulêseôs]. Here we see plainly that the servants +of the earthly Church, as such, have nothing to do with the true Church +and the heavenly hierarchy. Strom VII. 9, 52 says: the true Gnostic is +the mediator with God. In Strom. VI. 14. 108; VII. 12. 77 we find the +words: [Greek: ho gnôstikos houtos sunelonti eipein tên apostolikên +apousian antanaplêroi, k.t.l.] Clement could not have expressed himself +in this way if the office of bishop had at that time been as much +esteemed in the Alexandrian Church, of which he was a presbyter, as it +was at Rome and in other Churches of the West (see Bigg l.c. 101). +According to Clement the Gnostic as a teacher has the same significance +as is possessed by the bishop in the West; and according to him we may +speak of a natural succession of teachers. Origen in the main still held +the same view as his predecessor. But numerous passages in his works and +above all his own history shew that in his day the episcopate had become +stronger in Alexandria also, and had begun to claim the same attributes +and rights as in the West (see besides de princip. præf. 2: "servetur +ecclesiastica prædicatio per successionis ordinem ab apostolis tradita +et usque ad præsens in ecclesiis permanens: illa sola credenda est +veritas, quæ in nullo ab ecclesiastica et apostolica discordat +traditione"--so in Rufinus, and in IV. 2. 2: [Greek: tou kanonos tês +Iêsou Christou kata diadochên t. apostolôn ouraniou ekklêsias]). The +state of things here is therefore exactly the same as in the case of the +apostolic _regula fidei_ and the apostolic canon of scripture. Clement +still represents an earlier stage, whereas by Origen's time the +revolution has been completed. Wherever this was so, the theory that the +monarchical episcopate was based on apostolic institution was the +natural result. This idea led to the assumption--which, however, was not +an immediate consequence in all cases--that the apostolic office, and +therefore the authority of Jesus Christ himself, was continued in the +episcopate: "Manifesta est sententia Iesu Christi apostolos suos +mittentis et ipsis solis potestatem a patre sibi datam permittentis, +quibus nos successimus eadem potestatex ecclesiam domini gubernantes et +credentium fidem baptizantes" (Hartel, Opp. Cypr. I. 459).] + +[Footnote 139: See Rothe, Die Anfänge der christlichen Kirche und ihrer +Verfassung, 1837. Köstlin, Die Katholische Auffassung von der Kirche in +ihrer ersten Ausbildung in the Deutsche Zeitschrift für christliche +Wissenschaft und christliches Leben, 1855. Ritschl, Entstehung der +altkatholischen Kirche, 2nd ed., 1857. Ziegler, Des Irenäus Lehre von +der Autorität der Schrift, der Tradition und der Kirche, 1868. +Hackenschmidt, Die Anfänge des katholischen Kirchenbegriffs, 1874. +Hatch-Harnack, Die Gesellschaftsverfassung der christlichen Kirche im +Alterthum, 1883. Seeberg, Zur Geschichte des Begriffs der Kirche, +Dorpat, 1884. Söder, Der Begriff der Katholicität der Kirche und des +Glaubens, 1881. O. Ritschl, Cyprian von Karthago und die Verfassung der +Kirche, 1885. (This contains the special literature treating of +Cyprian's conception of the Church). Sohm, l.c.] + +[Footnote 140: See Hatch, l.c. pp. 191, 253.] + +[Footnote 141: See vol. I. p. 150 f. Special note should be given to the +teachings in the Shepherd, in the 2nd Epistle of Clement and in the +[Greek: Didachê].] + +[Footnote 142: This notion lies at the basis of the exhortations of +Ignatius. He knows nothing of an empirical union of the different +communities into one Church guaranteed by any law or office. The bishop +is of importance only for the individual community, and has nothing to +do with the essence of the Church; nor does Ignatius view the separate +communities as united in any other way than by faith, charity, and hope. +Christ, the invisible Bishop, and the Church are inseparably connected +(ad Ephes. V. 1; as well as 2nd Clem. XIV.), and that is ultimately the +same idea, as is expressed in the associating of [Greek: pneuma] and +[Greek: ekklêsia]. But every individual community is an image of the +heavenly Church, or at least ought to be.] + +[Footnote 143: The expression "Catholic Church" appears first in +Ignatius (ad Smyrn. VIII. 2): [Greek: hopou an phanêi ho episkopos, ekei +to plêthos esto; hôsper hopou an ê Christos Iêsous, ekei hê katholikê +ekklêsia]. But in this passage these words do not yet express a new +conception of the Church, which represents her as an empirical +commonwealth. Only the individual earthly communities exist empirically, +and the universal, i.e., the whole Church, occupies the same position +towards these as the bishops of the individual communities do towards +the Lord. The epithet "[Greek: katholikos]" does not of itself imply any +secularisation of the idea of the Church.] + +[Footnote 144: The expression "invisible Church" is liable to be +misunderstood here, because it is apt to impress us as a mere idea, +which is certainly not the meaning attached to it in the earliest +period.] + +[Footnote 145: It was thus regarded by Hegesippus in whom the expression +"[Greek: hê henôsis tês ekklêsias]" is first found. In his view the +[Greek: ekklêsia] is founded on the [Greek: orthos logos] transmitted by +the Apostles. The innovation does not consist in the emphasis laid upon +faith, for the unity of faith was always supposed to be guaranteed by +the possession of the one Spirit and the same hope, but in the setting +up of a formulated creed, which resulted in a loosening of the +connection between faith and conduct. The transition to the new +conception of the Church was therefore a gradual one. The way is very +plainly prepared for it in 1 Tim. III. 15: [Greek: oikos theou ekklêsia, +stulos kai hedraiôma tês alêtheias].] + +[Footnote 146: The oldest predicate which was given to the Church and +which was always associated with it, was that of _holiness_. See the New +Testament; Barn. XIV. 6; Hermas, Vis. I. 3, 4; I. 6; the Roman symbol; +Dial. 119; Ignat. ad Trail, inscr.; Theophil. ad Autol., II. 14 (here we +have even the plural, "holy churches"); Apollon. in Euseb, H. E. V. 18. +5; Tertull., adv. Marc. IV. 13; V. 4; de pudicit. 1; Mart. Polyc inscr.; +Alexander Hieros. in Euseb., H. E. VI. 11. 5; Clemens Alex.; Cornelius +in Euseb., VI. 43. 6; Cyprian. But the holiness (purity) of the Church +was already referred by Hegesippus (Euseb., H. E. IV. 22. 4) to its pure +doctrine: [Greek: ekaloun tên ekklêsian parthenon; oupô gar ephtharto +akoais mataiais]. The unity of the Church according to Hegesippus is +specially emphasised in the Muratorian Fragment (line 55): see also +Hermas; Justin; Irenæus; Tertullian, de præscr. 20; Clem. Alex., Strom. +VII. 17. 107. Even before Irenæus and Tertullian the _universality_ of +the Church was emphasised for apologetic purposes. In so far as +universality is a proof of truth, "universal" is equivalent to +"orthodox." This signification is specially clear in expressions like: +[Greek: hê en Smurnê katholikê ekklêsia] (Mart. Polyc. XVI. 2). From +Irenæus, III. 15, 2, we must conclude that the Valentinians called their +ecclesiastical opponents "Catholics." The word itself is not yet found +in Irenæus, but the idea is there (see I. 10. 2; II. 9. 1, etc., +Serapion in Euseb., H.E. V. 19: [Greek: pasa hê en kosmô adelphotês]). +[Greek: Katholikos] is found as a designation of the orthodox, visible +Church in Mart. Polyc. inscr.: [Greek: hai kata panta topon tês hagias +katholikês ekklêsias paroikiai]; 19. 2; 16. 2 (in all these passages, +however, it is probably an interpolation, as I have shown in the +"Expositor" for Dec. 1885, p. 410 f); in the Muratorian Fragment 61, 66, +69; in the anonymous writer in Euseb., H. E. V. 16. 9. in Tertull. +frequently, e.g., de præscr. 26, 30; adv. Marc. III. 22: IV. 4; in Clem. +Alex., Strom. VII. 17. 106, 107; in Hippol. Philos. IX. 12; in Mart. +Pionii 2, 9, 13, 19; in Cornelius in Cypr., epp. 49. 2; and in Cyprian. +The expression "catholica traditio" occurs in Tertull., de monog. 2, +"fides catholica" in Cyprian ep. 25, "[Greek: kanôn katholikos]" in the +Mart. Polyc. rec. Mosq. fin. and Cypr. ep. 70. 1, "catholica fides et +religio" in the Mart. Pionii 18. In the earlier Christian literature the +word [Greek: katholikos] occurs in various connections in the following +passages: in fragments of the Peratae (Philos. V. 16), and in Herakleon, +e.g. in Clement, Strom. IV. 9. 71; in Justin, Dial., 81, 102; Athenag., +27; Theophil. I. 13; Pseudojustin, de monarch. 1, ([Greek: kathol. +doxa]); Iren., III. 11, 8; Apollon. in Euseb., H. E. IV. 18 5, Tertull., +de fuga 3; adv. Marc. II. 17; IV. 9; Clement, Strom, IV. 15. 97; VI. 6. +47; 7. 57; 8. 67. The addition "catholicam" found its way into the +symbols of the West only at a comparatively late period. The earlier +expressions for the whole of Christendom are [Greek: pasai hai +ekklêsiai, ekklêsiai kata pasan polin, ekklêsiai en kosmô, hai huph' +ouranou], etc.] + +[Footnote 147: Very significant is Tertullian's expression in adv. Val. +4: "Valentinus de ecclesia authenticæ regulæ abrupit," (but probably +this still refers specially to the Roman Church).] + +[Footnote 148: Tertullian called the Church _mother_ (in Gal. IV. 26 the +heavenly Jerusalem is called "mother"); see de oral. 2: "ne mater quidem +ecclesia pixeterhur," de monog. 7; adv. Marc. V. 4 (the author of the +letter in Euseb., H. E. V. 2. 7, 1. 45, had already done this before +him). In the African Church the symbol was thus worded soon after +Tertullian's time: "credis in remissionem peccatorum et vitam æsternam +per sanctam ecclesiam" (see Hahn, Bibliothek der Symbole, 2nd ed. p. 29 +ff.) On the other hand Clement of Alexandria (Strom. VI. 16. 146) +rejected the designation of the Church, as "mother": [Greek: mêtêr de +ouch, hôs tines ekdedôkasin, hê ekklêsia, all' hê theia gnôsis kai hê +sophia] (there is a different idea in Pæd. I. 5. 21. and 6. 42: [Greek: +mêtêr parthenos; ekklêsian emoi philon autên kalein]). In the Acta +Justini c. 4 the faith is named "mother."] + +[Footnote 149: Hippol. Philos. IX. 12 p. 460.] + +[Footnote 150: The phraseology of Irenæus is very instructive here. As a +rule he still speaks of Churches (in the plural) when he means the +empirical Church. It is already otherwise with Tertullian, though even +with him the old custom still lingers.] + +[Footnote 151: The most important passages bearing on this are II. 31. +3: III. 24. 1 (see the whole section, but especially: "in ecclesia +posuit deus universam operationem spiritus; cuius non sunt participes +omnes qui non concurrunt ad ecclesiam ... ubi enim ecclesia, ibi et +spiritus dei, et ubi spiritus dei, illic ecclesia et omnis gratia"); +III.11. 8: [Greek: stulos kai stêrigma ekklêsias to euangelion kai +pneuma zôês]: IV. 8. 1: "semen Abrahæ ecclesia", IV. 8. 3: "omnes iusti +sacerdotalem habent ordinem;" IV. 36. 2: "ubique præclara est ecclesia; +ubique enim sunt qui suscipiunt spiritum;" IV. 33. 7: [Greek: ekklêsia +mega kai endoxon sôma tou Christou]; IV. 26. 1 sq.: V. 20. 1.: V. 32.: +V. 34. 3., "Levitae et sacerdotes sunt discipuli omnes domini."] + +[Footnote 152: Hence the repudiation of all those who separate +themselves from the Catholic Church (III. 11. 9; 24. 1: IV. 26. 2; 33. +7).] + +[Footnote 153: On IV. 33. 7 see Seeberg, l.c., p. 20, who has correctly +punctuated the passage, but has weakened its force. The fact that +Irenæus was here able to cite the "antiquus ecclesiæ status in universo +mundo et character corporis Christi secundum successiones episcoporum," +etc., as a second and independent item alongside of the apostolic +doctrine is, however, a proof that the transition from the idea of the +Church, as a community united by a common faith, to that of a +hierarchical institution was already revealing itself in his writings.] + +[Footnote 154: The Church as a communion of the same faith, that is of +the same doctrine, is spoken of in de præscr. 20; de virg. vol. 2. On +the other hand we find the ideal spiritual conception in de bapt. 6: +"ubi tres, id est pater et filius et spiritus sanctus, ibi ecclesia, quæ +trium corpus est;" 8: "columba s. spiritus advolat, pacem dei adferens, +emissa de coelis, ubi ecclesia est arca figurata;" 15: "unus deus et +unum baptismum et una ecclesia in coelis;" de pænit. 10: "in uno et +altero ecclesia est, ecclesia vero Christus;" de orat. 28: "nos sumus +veri adoratores et veri sacerdotes, qui spiritu orantes spiritu +sacrificamus;" Apolog. 39; de exhort. 7: "differentiam inter ordinem et +plebem constituit ecclesiæ auctoritas et honor per ordinis consessum +sanctificatus. Adeo ubi ecclesiastici ordinis non est consessus, et +offers et tinguis et sacerdos es tibi solus. Sed ubi tres, ecclesia est, +licet laici" (the same idea, only not so definitely expressed, is +already found in de bapt. 17); de monog. 7: "nos autem Iesus summus +sacerdos sacerdotes deo patri suo fecit ... vivit unicus pater noster +deus et mater ecclesia, ... certe sacerdotes sumus a Christo vocati;" +12; de pudic. 21: "nam et ipsa ecclesia proprie et principaliter ipse +est spiritus, in quo est trinitas unius divinitatis, pater et filius et +spiritus sanctus. Illam ecclesiam congregat quam dominus in tribus +posuit. Atque ita exinde etiam numerus omnis qui in hanc fidem +conspiraverint ecclesia ab auctore et consecratore censetur. Et ideo +ecclesia quidem delicta donabit, sed ecclesia spiritus per spiritalem +hominem, non ecclesia numerus episcoporum;" de anima 11, 21. +Contradictions in detail need not surprise us in Tertullian, since his +whole position as a Catholic and as a Montanist is contradictory.] + +[Footnote 155: The notion that the true Gnostic can attain the same +position as the Apostles also preserved Clement from thrusting the ideal +conception of the Church into the background.] + +[Footnote 156: Some very significant remarks are found in Clement about +the Church which is the object of faith. See Pæd. I. 5. 18, 21; 6. 27: +[Greek: hôs gar thelêma tou Theou ergon esti kai touto kosmos +onomazetai, houtô kai to boulêma autou anthrôpôn esti sôtêria, kai touto +ekklêsia keklêtai]--here an idea which Hermas had in his mind (see Vol. +I., p. 180. note 4) is pregnantly and excellently expressed. Strom. II. +12. 55; IV. 8. 66: [Greek: eikôn tês ouraniou ekklêsias hê epigeios, +dioper euchometha kai epi gês genesthai to thelêma tou Theou hôs en +ouranô]; IV. 26. 172: [Greek: hê ekklêsia hupo logou apoliorkêtos +aturannêtos polis epi gês, thelêma theion epi gês, hôs en ouranô]; VI. +13. 106, 107; VI. 14. 108: [Greek: hê anôtatô ekklêsia, kath' hên hoi +philosophoi sunagontai tou Theou]; VII. 5. 29: [Greek: pôs ou kurios tên +eis timên tou Theou kat' epignôsin hagian genomenên ekklêsian hieron an +eipoimen Theou to pollou axion ... ou gar nun ton topon, alla to +athroisma tôn eklektôn ekklêsian kalô]; VII. 6. 32; VII. 11. 68: [Greek: +hê pneumatikê ekklêsia]. The empirical conception of the Church is most +clearly formulated in VII. 17. 107; we may draw special attention to the +following sentences: [Greek: phaneron oimai gegenêsthai mian einai tên +alêthê ekklêsian tên tôi onti archaian, eis hên hoi kata prothesin +dikaioi egkatalegontai, henos gar ontos tou Theou kai henos tou kuriou +... tê goun tou henos phusei sunklêrountai ekklêsia hê mia, hên eis +pollas katatemnein biazontai haireseis].] + +[Footnote 157: It may, however, be noted that the old eschatological aim +has fallen into the background in Clement's conception of the Church.] + +[Footnote 158: A significance of this kind is suggested by the notion +that the orders in the earthly Church correspond to those in the +heavenly one; but this idea, which afterwards became so important in the +East, was turned to no further account by Clement. In his view the +"Gnostics" are the highest stage in the Church. See Bigg, l.c., p. 100.] + +[Footnote 159: De princip. IV. 2, 2: [Greek: hê ouranios ekklêsia]; Hom. +IX. in Exod. c. 3: "ecclesia credentium plebs;" Hom. XI. in Lev. c. 5; +Hom. VI. in Lev. c. 5; ibid. Hom. IX.: "omni ecclesiæ dei et credentium +populo sacerdotium datum.": T. XIV. in Mt. c. 17: c. Cels. VI. 48: VI. +79; Hom. VII. in Lk.; and de orat. 31 a twofold Church is distinguished +([Greek: hôste einai epi tôn hagiôn sunathroizomenôn diplên ekklêsian +tên men anthrôpôn, tên de angelôn]). Nevertheless Origen does not assume +two Churches, but, like Clement, holds that there is only one, part of +which is already in a state of perfection and part still on earth. But +it is worthy of note that the ideas of the heavenly hierarchy are +already more developed in Origen (de princip. I. 7). He adopted the old +speculation about the origin of the Church (see Papias, fragm. 6; 2 +Clem. XIV.). Socrates (H. E. III. 7) reports that Origen, in the 9th +vol. of his commentary on Genesis, compared Christ with Adam and Eve +with the Church, and remarks that Pamphilus' apology for Origen stated +that this allegory was not new: [Greek: ou prôton Ôrigenên epi tautên +tên pragmateian elthein phasin, alla tên tês ekklêsias mustikên +hermêneusai paradosin]. A great many more of these speculations are to +be found in the 3rd century. See, e.g., _the Acts of Peter and Paul_ +29.] + +[Footnote 160: De princip. IV. 2. 2; Hom. III. in Jesu N. 5: "nemo tibi +persuadeat, nemo semetipsum decipiat: extra ecclesiam nemo salvatur." +The reference is to the Catholic Church which Origen also calls [Greek: +to holon sôma tôn sunagôgôn tês ekklêsias.]] + +[Footnote 161: Hermas (Sim. I.) has spoken of the "city of God" (see +also pseudo-Cyprian's tractate "de pascha computus"); but for him it +lies in Heaven and is the complete contrast of the world. The idea of +Plato here referred to is to be found in his _Republic_.] + +[Footnote 162: See c. Cels. VIII. 68-75.] + +[Footnote 163: Comment. in Joh. VI. 38.] + +[Footnote 164: Accordingly he often speaks in a depreciatory way of the +[Greek: ochlos tês ekklêsias] (the ignorant) without accusing them of +being unchristian (this is very frequent in the books c. Cels., but is +also found elsewhere).] + +[Footnote 165: Origen, who is Augustine's equal in other respects also, +and who anticipated many of the problems considered by the latter, +anticipated prophetically this Father's view of the City of God--of +course as a hope (c. Cels. viii. 68 f). The Church is also viewed as +[Greek: to kata Theon politeuma] in Euseb., H. E. V. Præf. § 4, and at +an earlier period in Clement.] + +[Footnote 166: This was not done even by Origen, for in his great work +"de principiis" we find no section devoted to the Church.] + +[Footnote 167: It is frequently represented in Protestant writers that +the mistake consisted in this identification, whereas, if we once admit +this criticism, the defect is rather to be found in the development +itself which took place in the Church, that is, in its secularisation. +No one thought of the desperate idea of an invisible Church; this notion +would probably have brought about a lapse from pure Christianity far +more rapidly than the idea of the Holy Catholic Church.] + +[Footnote 168: Both repeatedly and very decidedly declared that the +unity of faith (the rule of faith) is sufficient for the unity of the +Church, and that in other things there must be freedom (see above all +Tertull., de orat., de bapt., and the Montanist writings). It is all the +more worthy of note that, in the case of a question in which indeed the +customs of the different countries were exceedingly productive of +confusion, but which was certainly not a matter of faith, it was again a +bishop of Rome, and that as far back as the 2nd century, who first made +the observance of the Roman practice a condition of the unity of the +Church and treated nonconformists as heterodox (Victor; see Euseb., H. +E. V. 24). On the other hand Irenæus says: [Greek: hê diaphônia tês +nêsteias tên homonoian tês pisteôs sunistêsi].] + +[Footnote 169: On Calixtus see Hippolyt., Philos. IX. I2; and Tertull., +de pudic.] + +[Footnote 170: See on the other hand Tertull., de monog., but also +Hippol., l.c.] + +[Footnote 171: Cyprian's idea of the Church, an imitation of the +conception of a political empire, viz., one great aristocratically +governed state with an ideal head, is the result of the conflicts +through which he passed. It is therefore first found in a complete form +in the treatise "de unitate ecclesiæ" and, above all, in his later +epistles (Epp. 43 sq. ed. Hartel). The passages in which Cyprian defines +the Church as "constituta in episcopo et in clero et in omnibus +credentibus" date from an earlier period, when he himself essentially +retained the old idea of the subject. Moreover, he never regarded those +elements as similar and of equal value. The limitation of the Church to +the community ruled by bishops was the result of the Novatian crisis. +The unavoidable necessity of excluding orthodox Christians from the +ecclesiastical communion, or, in other words, the fact that such +orthodox Christians had separated themselves from the majority guided by +the bishops, led to the setting up of a new theory of the Church, which +therefore resulted from stress of circumstances just as much as the +antignostic conception of the matter held by Irenæus. Cyprian's notion +of the relation between the whole body of the Church and the episcopate +may, however, be also understood as a generalisation of the old theory +about the connection between the individual community and the bishop. +This already contained an oecumenical element, for, in fact, every +separate community was regarded as a copy of the one Church, and its +bishop therefore as the representative of God (Christ).] + +[Footnote 172: We need only quote one passage here--but see also epp. +69. 3, 7 sq.: 70. 2: 73. 8--ep. 55. 24: "Quod vero ad Novatiani personam +pertinet, scias nos primo in loco nec curiosos esse debere quid ille +doceat, cum foris doceat; quisquis ille est et qualiscunque est, +christianus non est, qui in Christi ecclesia non est." In the famous +sentence (ep. 74. 7; de unit. 6): "habere non potest deum patrem qui +ecclesiam non habet matrem," we must understand the Church held together +by the _sacramentum unitatis_, i.e., by her constitution. Cyprian is +fond of referring to Korah's faction, who nevertheless held the same +faith as Moses.] + +[Footnote 173: Epp. 4. 4: 33. 1: "ecclesia super episcopos constituta;" +43. 5: 45. 3: "unitatem a domino et per apostolos nobis successoribus +traditam;" 46. 1: 66. 8: "scire debes episcopum in ecclesia esse et +ecclesiam in episcopo et si qui cum episcopo non sit in ecclesia non +esse;" de unit. 4.] + +[Footnote 174: According to Cyprian the bishops are the _sacerdotes_ +[Greek: kat' eksochên] and the _iudices vice Christi_. See epp. 59. 5: +66. 3 as well as c. 4: "Christus dicit ad apostolos ac per hoc ad omnes +præpositos, qui apostolis vicaria ordinatione succedunt: qui audit vos +me audit." Ep. 3. 3: "dominus apostolos, i.e., episcopos elegit"; ep. +75. 16.] + +[Footnote 175: That is a fundamental idea and in fact the outstanding +feature of the treatise "de unitate." The heretics and schismatics lack +love, whereas the unity of the Church is the product of love, this being +the main Christian virtue. That is the _ideal_ thought on which Cyprian +builds his theory (see also epp. 45. 1: 55. 24: 69. 1 and elsewhere), +and not quite wrongly, in so far as his purpose was to gather and +preserve, and not scatter. The reader may also recall the early +Christian notion that Christendom should be a band of brethren ruled by +love. But this love ceases to have any application to the case of those +who are disobedient to the authority of the bishop and to Christians of +the sterner sort. The appeal which Catholicism makes to love, even at +the present day, in order to justify its secularised and tyrannical +Church, turns in the mouth of hierarchical politicians into hypocrisy, +of which one would like to acquit a man of Cyprian's stamp.] + +[Footnote 176: Ep. 43. 5: 55. 24: "episcopatus unus episcoporum multorum +concordi numerositate diffusus;" de unit. 5: "episcopatus unus est, +cuius a singulis in solidum pars tenetur." Strictly speaking Cyprian did +not set up a theory that the bishops were directed by the Holy Spirit, +but in identifying Apostles and bishops and asserting the divine +appointment of the latter he took for granted their special endowment +with the Holy Spirit. Moreover, he himself frequently appealed to +special communications he had received from the Spirit as aids in +discharging his official duties.] + +[Footnote 177: Cyprian did not yet regard uniformity of Church practice +as a matter of moment--or rather he knew that diversities must be +tolerated. In so far as the _concordia episcoporum_ was consistent with +this diversity, he did not interfere with the differences, provided the +_regula fidei_ was adhered to. Every bishop who adheres to the +confederation has the greatest freedom even in questions of Church +discipline and practice (as for instance in the baptismal ceremonial); +see ep. 59. 14: "Singulis pastoribus portio gregis est adscripta, quam +regit unusquisque et gubernat rationem sui actus domino redditurus;" 55. +21: "Et quidem apud antecessores nostros quidam de episcopis istic in +provincia nostra dandam pacis moechis non putaverunt et in totum +pænitentiæ locum contra adulteria cluserunt, non tamen a co-episcoporum +suorum collegio recesserunt aut catholicæ ecclesiæ unitatem ruperunt, ut +quia apud alios adulteris pax dabatur, qui non dabat de ecclesia +separaretur." According to ep. 57. 5 Catholic bishops, who insist on the +strict practice of penance, but do not separate themselves from the +unity of the Church, are left to the judgment of God. It is different in +the case referred to in ep. 68, for Marcion had formally joined +Novatian. Even in the disputed question of heretical baptism (ep. 72. 3) +Cyprian declares to Stephen (See 69. 17: 73. 26; _Sententiæ episc._, +præfat.): "qua in re nec nos vim cuiquam facimus aut legem damus, quando +habeat in ecclesiæ administratione voluntatis suæ arbitrium liberum +unusquisque præpositus, rationem actus sui domino redditurus." It is +therefore plain wherein the unity of the episcopate and the Church +actually consists; we may say that it is found in the _regula_, in the +fixed purpose not to give up the unity in spite of all differences, and +in the principle of regulating all the affairs of the Church "ad +originem dominicam et ad evangelicam adque apostolicam traditionem" (ep. +74. 10). This refers to the New Testament, which Cyprian emphatically +insisted on making the standard for the Church. It must be taken as the +guide, "si in aliquo in ecclesia nutaverit et vacillaverit veritas;" by +it, moreover, all false customs are to be corrected. In the controversy +about heretical baptism, the alteration of Church practice in Carthage +and Africa, which was the point in question--for whilst in Asia +heretical baptism had for a very long time been declared invalid (see +ep. 75. 19) this had only been the case in Carthage for a few years--was +justified by Cyprian through an appeal to _veritas_ in contrast to +_consuetudo sine veritate_. See epp. 71. 2, 3: 73. 13, 23: 74. 2 sq.: 9 +(the formula originates with Tertullian; see de virg. vel. 1-3). The +_veritas_, however, is to be learned from the Gospel and words of the +Apostles: "Lex evangelii," "præcepta dominica," and synonymous +expressions are very frequent in Cyprian, more frequent than reference +to the _regula_ or to the symbol. In fact there was still no Church +dogmatic, there being only principles of Christian faith and life, +which, however, were taken from the Holy Scriptures and the _regula_.] + +[Footnote 178: Cyprian no longer makes any distinction between Churches +founded by Apostles, and those which arose later (that is, between their +bishops).] + +[Footnote 179: The statement that the Church is "super Petrum fundata" +is very frequently made by Cyprian (we find it already in Tertullian, de +monog.); see de habitu virg. 10; Epp. 59. 7: 66. 8: 71. 3: 74. 11: 73. +7. But on the strength of Matth. XVI. he went still farther; see ep. 43. +5: "deus unus est et Christus unus et una ecclesia et cathedra una super +Petrum domini voce fundata;" ep. 48. 3 (ad Cornel.): "communicatio tua, +id est catholicæ ecclesiæ unitas pariter et caritas;" de unit. 4: +"superunum ædificat ecclesiam, et quamvis apostolis omnibus post +resurrectionem suam parem potestatem tribuat, tamen ut unitatem +manifestaret, unitatis eiusdem originem ab uno incipientem sua +auctoritate disposuit;" ep. 70. 3: "una ecclesia a Christo domino nostro +super Petrum origine unitatis et ratione fundata" ("with regard to the +origin and constitution of the unity" is the translation of this last +passage in the "Stimmen aus Maria Laach," 1877, part 8, p. 355; but +"ratio" cannot mean that); ep. 73. 7; "Petro primum dominus, super quem +ædificavit ecclesiam et unde unitatis originem instituit et ostendit, +potestatem istam dedit." The most emphatic passages are ep. 48. 3, where +the Roman Church is called "matrix et radix ecclesiæ catholicæ" (the +expression "radix et mater" in ep. 45. I no doubt also refers to her), +and ep. 59. 14: "navigare audent et ad Petri cathedram atque ad +ecclesiam principalem, unde unitas sacerdotalis exorta est, ab +schismaticis et profanis litteras ferre nec cogitare eos esse Romanes, +quorum fides apostolo prædicante laudata est (see epp. 30. 2, 3: 60. 2), +ad quos perfidia habere non possit accessum." We can see most clearly +from epp. 67. 5 and 68 what rights were in point of fact exercised by +the bishop of Rome. But the same Cyprian says quite naively, even at the +time when he exalted the Roman cathedra so highly (ep. 52. 2), "quoniam +_pro magnitudine sua_ debeat Carthaginem Roma præcedere." In the +controversy about heretical baptism Stephen like Calixtus (Tertull., de +pudic. 1) designated himself, on the ground of the _successio Petri_ and +by reference to Matth. XVI., in such a way that one might suppose he +wished to be regarded as "episcopus episcoporum" (Sentent. episc. in +Hartel I., p. 436). He expressly claimed a primacy and demanded +obedience from the "ecclesiæ novellæ et posteræ" (ep. 71. 3). Like +Victor he endeavoured to enforce the Roman practice "tyrannico terrore" +and insisted that the _unitas ecclesiæ_ required the observance of this +Church's practice in all communities. But Cyprian opposed him in the +most decided fashion, and maintained the principle that every bishop, as +a member of the episcopal confederation based on the _regula_ and the +Holy Scriptures, is responsible for his practice to God alone. This he +did in a way which left no room for any special and actual authority of +the Roman see alongside of the others. Besides, he expressly rejected +the conclusions drawn by Stephen from the admittedly historical position +of the Roman see (ep. 71. 3): "Petrus non sibi vindicavit aliquid +insolenter aut adroganter adsumpsit, ut diceret se principatum tenere et +obtemperari a novellis et posteris sibi potius oportere." Firmilian, ep. +75, went much farther still, for he indirectly declares the _successio +Petri_ claimed by Stephen to be of no importance (c. 17), and flatly +denies that the Roman Church has preserved the apostolic tradition in a +specially faithful way. See Otto Ritschl, l.c., pp. 92 ff., 110-141. In +his conflict with Stephen Cyprian unmistakably took up a position +inconsistent with his former views as to the significance of the Roman +see for the Church, though no doubt these were ideas he had expressed at +a critical time when he stood shoulder to shoulder with the Roman bishop +Cornelius.] + +[Footnote 180: See specially epp. 65, 67, 68.] + +[Footnote 181: Hatch l.c., p. 189 f.] + +[Footnote 182: The gradual union of the provincial communities into one +Church may be studied in a very interesting way in the ecclesiastical +Fasti (records, martyrologies, calendars, etc.), though these studies +are as yet only in an incipient stage. See De Rossi, Roma Sotter, the +Bollandists in the 12th vol. for October; Stevenson, Studi in Italia +(1879), pp. 439, 458; the works of Nilles; Egli, Altchristl. Studien +1887 (Theol. Lit. Ztg. 1887, no. 13): Duchesne, Les sources du Martyrol. +Hieron. Rome 1885, but above all the latter's study: Mémoire sur +l'origine des diocèses épiscopaux dans l'ancienne Gaule, 1890. The +history of the unification of liturgies from the 4th century should also +be studied.] + +[Footnote 183: There were communities in the latter half of the 3rd +century, which can be proved to have been outside the confederation, +although in perfect harmony with it in point of belief (see the +interesting case in Euseb., H. E. VII. 24. 6). Conversely, there were +Churches in the confederation whose faith did not in all respects +correspond with the Catholic _regula_ as already expounded. But the fact +that it was not the dogmatic system, but the practical constitution and +principles of the Church, as based on a still elastic creed, which +formed the ultimate determining factor, was undoubtedly a great gain; +for a system of dogmatics developed beyond the limits of the Christian +_kerygma_ can only separate. Here, however, all differences of faith had +of couise to be glossed over, for the demand of Apelles: [Greek: mê dein +holôs exetazein ton logon, all' ekaston. hôs pepisteuke, diamenein +sôthêsesthai gar tous epi ton hestaurômenon êlpikotas, k.t.l.], was +naturally regarded as inadmissible.] + +[Footnote 184: Hence we need not be surprised to find that the notion of +heresy which arose in the Church was immediately coupled with an +estimate of it, which for injustice and harshness could not possibly be +surpassed in succeeding times. The best definition is in Tertull., de +præscr. 6: "Nobis nihil ex nostro arbitrio indulgere licet, sed nec +eligere quod aliquis de arbitrio suo induxerit. Apostolos domini habemus +auctores, qui nec ipsi quicquam ex suo arbitrio quod inducerent +elegerunt, sed acceptam a Christo disciplinam fideliter nationibus +assignaverunt."] + +[Footnote 185: See Vol. I., p. 224, note 1.] + +[Footnote 186: We already find this idea in Tertullian; see de bapt. 15: +"Hæretici nullum habent consortium nostra discipline, quos extraneos +utique testatur ipsa ademptio communicationis. Non debeo in illis +cognoscere, quod mihi est præceptum, quia non idem deus est nobis et +illis, nec unus Christus, id est idem, ideoque nec baptismus unus, quia +non idem; quem cum rite non habeant, sine dubio non habent, nec capit +numerari, quod non habetur; ita nec possunt accipere quia non habent." +Cyprian passed the same judgment on all schismatics, even on the +Novatians, and like Tertullian maintained the invalidity of heretical +baptism. This question agitated the Church as early as the end of the +2nd century, when Tertullian already wrote against it in Greek.] + +[Footnote 187: As far as possible the Christian virtues of the heretics +were described as hypocrisy and love of ostentation (see e.g., Rhodon in +Euseb., H. E. V. 13. 2 and others in the second century). If this view +was untenable, then all morality and heroism among heretics were simply +declared to be of no value. See the anonymous writer in Eusebius, H. E. +V. 16. 21, 22; Clem, Strom. VII. 16. 95; Orig., Comm. ad Rom. I. X., c. +5; Cypr., de unit. 14, 15; cp. 73. 21 etc.] + +[Footnote 188: Tertull., de præscr. 3-6.] + +[Footnote 189: Irenæus definitely distinguishes between heretics and +schismatics (III. 11. 9: IV. 26. 2; 33. 7), but also blames the latter +very severely, "qui gloriosum corpus Christi, quantum in ipsis est, +interficiunt, non habentes dei dilectionem suamque utilitatem potius +considerantes quam unitatem ecclesiæ." Note the parallel with Cyprian. +Yet he does not class them with those "qui sunt extra veritatem," i.e., +"extra ecclesiam," although he declares the severest penalties await +them. Tertullian was completely preserved by his Montanism from +identifying heretics and schismatics, though in the last years of his +life he also appears to have denied the Christianity of the Catholics +(?).] + +[Footnote 190: Read, on the one hand, the Antimontanists in Eusebius and +the later opponents of Montanism; and on the other, Tertull., adv. +Prax.; Hippol., c. Noët; Novatian, de trinitate. Even in the case of the +Novatians heresies were sought and found (see Dionys. Alex., in Euseb., +H. E. VII. 8, where we find distortions and wicked misinterpretations of +Novatian doctrines, and many later opponents). Nay, even Cyprian himself +did not disdain to join in this proceeding (see epp. 69. 7: 70. 2). The +Montanists at Rome were placed by Hippolylus in the catalogue of +heretics (see the Syntagma and Philosoph.). Origen was uncertain whether +to reckon them among schismatics or heretics (see in Tit. Opp. IV., p. +696).] + +[Footnote 191: Cyprian plainly asserts (ep. 3. 3): "hæc sunt initia +hæreticorum et ortus adque conatus schismaticorum, ut præpositum superbo +tumore contemnant" (as to the early history of this conception, which +undoubtedly has a basis of truth, see Clem., ep. ad Cor. 1. 44; Ignat.; +Hegesippus in Euseb., H. E. IV. 22. 5; Tertull., adv. Valent. 4; de +bapt. 17; Anonymus in Euseb; H. E. V. 16. 7; Hippolyt. ad. Epiphan. H. +42. 1; Anonymus in Eusebius, H. E. V. 28. 12; according to Cyprian it is +quite the common one); see further ep. 59. 3: "neque enim aliunde +hæreses obortæ sunt aut nata sunt schismata, quam quando sacerdoti dei +non obtemperatur;" epp. 66. 5: 69. 1: "item b. apostolus Johannes nec +ipse ullam hæresin aut schisma discrevit aut aliquos speciatim separes +posuit"; 52. 1: 73. 2: 74. 11. Schism and heresy are always identical.] + +[Footnote 192: Neither Optatus nor Augustine take Cyprian's theory as +the starting-point of their disquisitions, but they adhere in principle +to the distinction between heretic and schismatic. Cyprian was compelled +by his special circumstances to identify them, but he united this +identification with the greatest liberality of view as to the conditions +of ecclesiastical unity (as regards individual bishops). Cyprian did not +make a single new article an "articulus stantis et cadentis ecclesiæ." +In fact he ultimately declared--and this may have cost him struggle +enough--that even the question of the validity of heretical baptism was +not a question of faith.] + + + + +CHAPTER III. + +CONTINUATION. THE OLD CHRISTIANITY AND THE NEW CHURCH. + + +1. The legal and political forms by which the Church secured herself +against the secular power and heresy, and still more the lower moral +standard exacted from her members in consequence of the naturalisation +of Christianity in the world, called forth a reaction soon after the +middle of the second century. This movement, which first began in Asia +Minor and then spread into other regions of Christendom, aimed at +preserving or restoring the old feelings and conditions, and preventing +Christendom from being secularised. This crisis (the so called Montanist +struggle) and the kindred one which succeeded produced the following +results: The Church merely regarded herself all the more strictly as a +legal community basing the truth of its title on its historic and +objective foundations, and gave a correspondingly new interpretation to +the attribute of holiness she claimed. She expressly recognised two +distinct classes in her midst, a spiritual and a secular, as well as a +double standard of morality. Moreover, she renounced her character as +the communion of those who were sure of salvation, and substituted the +claim to be an educational institution and a necessary condition of +redemption. After a keen struggle, in which the New Testament did +excellent service to the bishops, the Church expelled the Cataphrygian +fanatics and the adherents of the new prophecy (between 180 and 220); +and in the same way, during the course of the third century, she caused +the secession of all those Christians who made the truth of the Church +depend on a stricter administration of moral discipline. Hence, apart +from the heretic and Montanist sects, there existed in the Empire, after +the middle of the second century, two great but numerically unequal +Church confederations, both based on the same rule of faith and claiming +the title "ecclesia catholica," viz., the confederation which +Constantine afterwards chose for his support, and the Novatian Catharist +one. In Rome, however, the beginning of the great disruption goes back +to the time of Hippolytus and Calixtus; yet the schism of Novatian must +not be considered as an immediate continuation of that of Hippolytus. + +2. The so-called Montanist reaction[193] was itself subjected to a +similar change, in accordance with the advancing ecclesiastical +development of Christendom. It was originally the violent undertaking of +a Christian prophet, Montanus, who, supported by prophetesses, felt +called upon to realise the promises held forth in the Fourth Gospel. He +explained these by the Apocalypse, and declared that he himself was the +Paraclete whom Christ had promised--that Paraclete in whom Jesus Christ +himself, nay, even God the Father Almighty, comes to his own to guide +them to all truth, to gather those that are dispersed, and to bring them +into one flock. His main effort therefore was to make Christians give up +the local and civil relations in which they lived, to collect them, and +create a new undivided Christian commonwealth, which, separated from the +world, should prepare itself for the descent of the Jerusalem from +above.[194] + +The natural resistance offered to the new prophets with this extravagant +message--especially by the leaders of communities, and the persecutions +to which the Church was soon after subjected under Marcus Aurelius, led +to an intensifying of the eschatological expectations that beyond doubt +had been specially keen in Montanist circles from the beginning. For the +New Jerusalem was soon to come down from heaven in visible form, and +establish itself in the spot which, by direction of the Spirit, had been +chosen for Christendom in Phrygia.[195] Whatever amount of peculiarity +the movement lost, in so far as the ideal of an assembly of all +Christians proved incapable of being realised or at least only possible +within narrow limits, was abundantly restored in the last decades of the +second century by the strength and courage that the news of its spread +in Christendom gave to the earnest minded to unite and offer resistance +to the ever increasing tendency of the Church to assume a secular and +political character. Many entire communities in Phrygia and Asia +recognised the divine mission of the prophets. In the Churches of other +provinces religious societies were formed in which the predictions of +these prophets were circulated and viewed as a Gospel, though at the +same time they lost their effect by being so treated. The confessors at +Lyons openly expressed their full sympathy with the movement in Asia. +The bishop of Rome was on the verge of acknowledging the Montanists to +be in full communion with the Church. But among themselves there was no +longer, as at the beginning, any question of a new organisation in the +strict sense of the word, and of a radical remodelling of Christian +society.[196] Whenever Montanism comes before us in the clear light of +history it rather appears as a religious movement already deadened, +though still very powerful. Montanus and his prophetesses had set no +limits to their enthusiasm; nor were there as yet any fixed barriers in +Christendom that could have restrained them.[197] The Spirit, the Son, +nay, the Father himself had appeared in them and spoke through +them.[198] Imagination pictured Christ bodily in female form to the eyes +of Prisca.[199] The most extravagant promises were given.[200] These +prophets spoke in a loftier tone than any Apostle ever did, and they +were even bold enough to overturn apostolic regulations.[201] They set +up new commandments for the Christian life, regardless of any +tradition,[202] and they inveighed against the main body of +Christendom.[203] They not only proclaimed themselves as prophets, but +as the last prophets, as notable prophets in whom was first fulfilled +the promise of the sending of the Paraclete.[204] These Christians as +yet knew nothing of the "absoluteness of a historically complete +revelation of Christ as the fundamental condition of Christian +consciousness;" they only felt a Spirit to which they yielded +unconditionally and without reserve. But, after they had quitted the +scene, their followers sought and found a kind of compromise. The +Montanist congregations that sought for recognition in Rome, whose part +was taken by the Gallic confessors, and whose principles gained a +footing in North Africa, may have stood in the same relation to the +original adherents of the new prophets and to these prophets themselves, +as the Mennonite communities did to the primitive Anabaptists and their +empire in Münster. The "Montanists" outside of Asia Minor acknowledged +to the fullest extent the legal position of the great Church. They +declared their adherence to the apostolic "regula" and the New Testament +canon.[205] The organisation of the Churches, and, above all, the +position of the bishops as successors of the Apostles and guardians of +doctrine were no longer disputed. The distinction between them and the +main body of Christendom, from which they were unwilling to secede, was +their belief in the new prophecy of Montanus, Prisca, and Maximilla, +which was contained, in its final form, in written records and in this +shape may have produced the same impression as is excited by the +fragments of an exploded bomb.[206] + +In this new prophecy they recognised a _subsequent revelation_ of God, +which for that very reason assumed the existence of a previous one. This +after-revelation professed to decide the practical questions which, at +the end of the second century, were burning topics throughout all +Christendom, and for which no direct divine law could hitherto be +adduced, in the form of a strict injunction. Herein lay the importance +of the new prophecy for its adherents in the Empire, and for this reason +they believed in it.[207] The belief in the efficacy of the Paraclete, +who, in order to establish a relatively stricter standard of conduct in +Christendom during the latter days, had, a few decades before, for +several years given his revelations in a remote corner of the Empire, +was the dregs of the original enthusiasm, the real aspect of which had +been known only to the fewest. But the diluted form in which this force +remained was still a mighty power, because it was just in the generation +between 190 and 220 that the secularising of the Church had made the +greatest strides. Though the followers of the new prophecy merely +insisted on abstinence from second marriage, on stricter regulations +with regard to fasts, on a stronger manifestation of the Christian +spirit in daily life, in morals and customs, and finally on the full +resolve not to avoid suffering and martyrdom for Christ's name's sake, +but to bear them willingly and joyfully,[208] yet, under the given +circumstances, these requirements, in spite of the express repudiation +of everything "Encratite,"[209] implied a demand that directly +endangered the conquests already made by the Church and impeded the +progress of the new propaganda.[210] The people who put forth these +demands, expressly based them on the injunctions of the Paraclete, and +really lived in accordance with them, were not permanently capable of +maintaining their position in the Church. In fact, the endeavour to +found these demands on the legislation of the Paraclete was an +undertaking quite as strange, in form and content, as the possible +attempt to represent the wild utterances of determined anarchists as the +programme of a constitutional government. It was of no avail that they +appealed to the confirmation of the rule of faith by the Paraclete; that +they demonstrated the harmlessness of the new prophecy, thereby +involving themselves in contradictions;[211] that they showed all honour +to the New Testament; and that they did not insist on the oracles of the +Paraclete being inserted in it.[212] As soon as they proved the +earnestness of their temperate but far-reaching demands, a deep gulf +that neither side could ignore opened up between them and their +opponents. Though here and there an earnest effort was made to avoid a +schism, yet in a short time this became unavoidable; for variations in +rules of conduct make fellowship impossible. The lax Christians, who, on +the strength of their objective possession, viz., the apostolic doctrine +and writings, sought to live comfortably by conforming to the ways of +the world, necessarily sought to rid themselves of inconvenient +societies and inconvenient monitors;[213] and they could only do so by +reproaching the latter with heresy and unchristian assumptions. +Moreover, the followers of the new prophets could not permanently +recognise the Churches of the "Psychical,"[214] which rejected the +"Spirit" and extended their toleration so far as to retain even +whoremongers and adulterers within their pale. + +In the East, that is, in Asia Minor, the breach between the Montanists +and the Church had in all probability broken out before the question of +Church discipline and the right of the bishops had yet been clearly +raised. In Rome and Carthage this question completed the rupture that +had already taken place between the conventicles and the Church (de +pudic. 1. 21). Here, by a peremptory edict, the bishop of Rome claimed +the right of forgiving sins as successor of the Apostles; and declared +that he would henceforth exercise this right in favour of repentant +adulterers. Among the Montanists this claim was violently contested both +in an abstract sense and in this application of it. The Spirit the +Apostles had received, they said, could not be transmitted; the Spirit +is given to the Church; he works in the prophets, but lastly and in the +highest measure in the new prophets. The latter, however, expressly +refused to readmit gross sinners, though recommending them to the grace +of God (see the saying of the Paraclete, de pud. 21; "potest ecclesia +donare delictum, sed non faciam"). Thus agreement was no longer +possible. The bishops were determined to assert the existing claims of +the Church, even at the cost of her Christian character, or to represent +the constitution of the Catholic Church as the guarantee of that +character. At the risk of their own claim to be Catholic, the Montanist +sects resisted in order to preserve the minimum legal requirements for a +Christian life. Thus the opposition culminated in an attack on the new +powers claimed by the bishops, and in consequence awakened old memories +as to the original state of things, when the clergy had possessed no +importance.[215] But the ultimate motive was the effort to stop the +continuous secularising of the Christian life and to preserve the +virginity of the Church as a holy community.[216] In his latest writings +Tertullian vigorously defended a position already lost, and carried with +him to the grave the old strictness of conduct insisted on by the +Church. + +Had victory remained with the stricter party, which, though not +invariably, appealed to the injunctions of the Paraclete,[217] the +Church would have been rent asunder and decimated. The great opportunist +party, however, was in a very difficult position, since their opponents +merely seemed to be acting up to a conception that, in many respects, +could not be theoretically disputed. The problem was how to carry on +with caution the work of naturalising Christianity in the world, and at +the same time avoid all appearance of innovation which, as such, was +opposed to the principle of Catholicism. The bishops therefore assailed +the form of the new prophecy on the ground of innovation;[218] they +sought to throw suspicion on its content; in some cases even Chiliasm, +as represented by the Montanists, was declared to have a Jewish and +fleshly character.[219] They tried to show that the moral demands of +their opponents were extravagant, that they savoured of the ceremonial +law (of the Jews), were opposed to Scripture, and were derived from the +worship of Apis, Isis, and the mother of the Gods.[220] To the claim of +furnishing the Church with authentic oracles of God, set up by their +antagonists, the bishops opposed the newly formed canon; and declared +that everything binding on Christians was contained in the utterances of +the Old Testament prophets and the Apostles. Finally, they began to +distinguish between the standard of morality incumbent on the clergy and +a different one applying to the laity,[221] as, for instance, in the +question of a single marriage; and they dwelt with increased emphasis on +the glory of the heroic Christians, _belonging to the great Church_, who +had distinguished themselves by asceticism and joyful submission to +martyrdom. By these methods they brought into disrepute that which had +once been dear to the whole Church, but was now of no further service. +In repudiating supposed abuses they more and more weakened the regard +felt for the thing itself, as, for example, in the case of the so-called +Chiliasm,[222] congregational prophecy and the spiritual independence of +the laity. But none of these things could be absolutely rejected; hence, +for example, Chiliasm remained virtually unweakened (though subject to +limitations[223]) in the West and certain districts of the East; whereas +prophecy lost its force so much that it appeared harmless and therefore +died away.[224] However, the most effective means of legitimising the +present state of things in the Church was a circumstance closely +connected with the formation of a canon of early Christian writings, +viz., the distinction of an _epoch of revelation_, along with a +corresponding classical period of Christianity unattainable by later +generations. This period was connected with the present by means of the +New Testament and the apostolic office of the bishops. This later time +was to regard the older period as an ideal, but might not dream of +really attaining the same perfection, except at least through the medium +of the Holy Scriptures and the apostolic office, that is, the Church. +The place of the holy Christendom that had the Spirit in its midst was +taken by the ecclesiastic institution possessing the "instrument of +divine literature" ("instrumentum divinæ litteraturæ") and the spiritual +office. Finally, we must mention another factor that hastened the +various changes; this was the theology of the Christian philosophers, +which attained importance in the Church as soon as she based her claim +on and satisfied her conscience with an objective possession. + +3. But there was one rule which specially impeded the naturalisation of +the Church in the world and the transformation of a communion of the +saved into an institution for obtaining salvation, viz., the regulation +that excluded gross sinners from Christian membership. Down to the +beginning of the third century, in so far as the backslider did not +atone for his guilt[225] by public confession before the authorities +(see Ep. Lugd. in Euseb., H. E. V. 1 ff.), final exclusion from the +Church was still the penalty of relapse into idolatry, adultery, +whoredom, and murder; though at the same time the forgiveness of God in +the next world was reserved for the fallen provided they remained +penitent to the end. In _theory_ indeed this rule was not very old. For +the oldest period possessed no theories; and in those days Christians +frequently broke through what might have been counted as one by +appealing to the Spirit, who, by special announcements--particularly by +the mouth of martyrs and prophets--commanded or sanctioned the +readmission of lapsed members of the community (see Hermas).[226] Still, +the rule corresponded to the ancient notions that Christendom is a +communion of saints, that there is no ceremony _invariably_ capable of +replacing baptism, that is, possessing the same value, and that God +alone can forgive sins. The practice must on the whole have agreed with +this rule; but in the course of the latter half of the second century it +became an established custom, in the case of a first relapse, to allow +atonement to be made once for most sins and perhaps indeed for all, on +condition of public confession.[227] For this, appeal was probably made +to Hermas, who very likely owed his prestige to the service he here +unwittingly rendered. We say "unwittingly," for he could scarcely have +intended such an application of his precepts, though at bottom it was +not directly opposed to his attitude. In point of fact, however, this +practice introduced something closely approximating to a second baptism. +Tertullian indeed (de pænit. 12) speaks unhesitatingly of _two_ planks +of salvation.[228] Moreover, if we consider that in any particular case +the decision as to the deadly nature of the sin in question was +frequently attended with great difficulty, and certainly, as a rule, was +not arrived at with rigorous exactness, we cannot fail to see that, in +conceding a second expiation, the Church was beginning to abandon the +old idea that Christendom was a community of saints. Nevertheless the +fixed practice of refusing whoremongers, adulterers, murderers, and +idolaters readmission to the Church, in ordinary cases, prevented men +from forgetting that there was a boundary line dividing her from the +world. + +This state of matters continued till about 220.[229] In reality the rule +was first infringed by the peremptory edict of bishop Calixtus, who, in +order to avoid breaking up his community, granted readmission to those +who had fallen into sins of the flesh. Moreover, he claimed this power +of readmission as a right appertaining to the bishops as successors of +the Apostles, that is, as possessors of the Spirit and the power of the +keys.[230] At Rome this rescript led to the secession headed by +Hippolytus. But, between 220 and 250, the milder practice with regard to +the sins of the flesh became prevalent, though it was not yet +universally accepted. This, however, resulted in no further schism +(Cyp., ep. 55. 21). But up to the year 250 no concessions were allowed +in the case of relapse into idolatry.[231] These were first occasioned +by the Decian persecution, since in many towns those who had abjured +Christianity were more numerous than those who adhered to it.[232] The +majority of the bishops, part of them with hesitation, agreed on new +principles.[233] To begin with, permission was given to absolve +repentant apostates on their deathbed. Next, a distinction was made +between _sacrificati_ and _libellatici_, the latter being more mildly +treated. Finally, the possibility of readmission was conceded under +certain severe conditions to all the lapsed, a casuistic proceeding was +adopted in regard to the laity, and strict measures--though this was not +the universal rule--were only adopted towards the clergy. In consequence +of this innovation, which logically resulted in the gradual cessation of +the belief that there can be only one repentance after baptism--an +assumption that was untenable in principle--Novatian's schism took place +and speedily rent the Church in twain. But, even in cases where unity +was maintained, many communities observed the stricter practice down to +the fifth century.[234] What made it difficult to introduce this change +by regular legislation was the authority to forgive sins in God's stead, +ascribed in primitive times to the inspired, and at a later period to +the confessors in virtue of their special relation to Christ or the +Spirit (see Ep. Lugd. in Euseb., H. E. V. 1 ff.; Cypr. epp.; Tertull. de +pudic. 22). The confusion occasioned by the confessors after the Decian +persecution led to the non-recognition of any rights of "spiritual" +persons other than the bishops. These confessors had frequently abetted +laxity of conduct, whereas, if we consider the measure of secularisation +found among the great mass of Christians, the penitential discipline +insisted on by the bishops is remarkable for its comparative severity. +The complete adoption of the episcopal constitution coincided with the +introduction of the unlimited right to forgive sins.[235] + +4. The original conception of the relation of the Church to salvation or +eternal bliss was altered by this development. According to the older +notion the Church was the sure communion of salvation and of saints, +which rested on the forgiveness of sins mediated by baptism, and +excluded everything unholy. It is not the Church, but God alone, that +forgives sins, and, as a rule, indeed, this is only done through +baptism, though, in virtue of his unfathomable grace, also now and then +by special proclamations, the pardon coming into effect for repentant +sinners, after death, in heaven. If Christendom readmitted gross +sinners, it would anticipate the judgment of God, as it would thereby +assure them of salvation. Hence it can only take back those who have +been excluded in cases where their offences have not been committed +against God himself, but have consisted in transgressing the +commandments of the Church, that is, in venial sins.[236] But in course +of time it was just in lay circles that faith in God's grace became +weaker and trust in the Church stronger. He whom the Church abandoned +was lost to the world; therefore she must not abandon him. This state of +things was expressed in the new interpretation of the proposition, "no +salvation outside the Church" ("extra ecclesiam nulla salus"), viz., +_the Church alone saves from damnation which is otherwise certain_. In +this conception the nature of the Church is depotentiated, but her +powers are extended. If she is the institution which, according to +Cyprian, is the indispensable preliminary condition of salvation, she +can no longer be a sure communion of the saved; in other words, she +becomes an institution from which proceeds the communion of saints; she +includes both saved and unsaved. Thus her religious character consists +in her being the indispensable medium, in so far as she alone guarantees +to the individual the _possibility_ of redemption. From this, however, +it immediately follows that the Church would anticipate the judgment of +God if she finally excluded anyone from her membership who did not give +her up of his own accord; whereas she could never prejudge the ultimate +destiny of a man by readmission.[237] But it also follows that the +Church must possess a means of repairing any injury upon earth, a means +of equal value with baptism, namely, a sacrament of the forgiveness of +sins. With this she acts in God's name and stead, but--and herein lies +the inconsistency--she cannot by this means establish any final +condition of salvation. In bestowing forgiveness on the sinner she in +reality only reconciles him with herself, and thereby, in fact, merely +removes the certainty of damnation. In accordance with this theory the +holiness of the Church can merely consist in her possession of the means +of salvation: _the Church is a holy institution in virtue of the gifts +with which she is endowed_. She is the moral seminary that trains for +salvation and the institution that exercises divine powers in Christ's +room. Both of these conceptions presuppose political forms; both +necessarily require priests and more especially an episcopate. (In de +pudic. 21 Tertullian already defines the position of his adversary by +the saying, "ecclesia est numerus episcoporum.") This episcopate by its +unity guarantees the unity of the Church and has received the power to +forgive sins (Cyp., ep. 69. 11). + +The new conception of the Church, which was a necessary outcome of +existing circumstances and which, we may remark, was not formulated in +contradictory terms by Cyprian, but by Roman bishops,[238] was the first +thing that gave a fundamental _religious_ significance to the separation +of clergy and laity. The powers exercised by bishops and priests were +thereby fixed and hallowed. No doubt the old order of things, which gave +laymen a share in the administration of moral discipline, still +continued in the third century, but it became more and more a mere form. +The bishop became the practical vicegerent of Christ; he disposed of the +power to bind and to loose. But the recollection of the older form of +Christianity continued to exert an influence on the Catholic Church of +the third century. It is true that, if we can trust Hippolytus' account, +Calixtus had by this time firmly set his face against the older idea, +inasmuch as he not only defined the Church as _essentially a mixed body_ +(_corpus permixtum_), but also asserted the unlawfulness of deposing the +bishop even in case of mortal sin.[239] But we do not find that +definition in Cyprian, and, what is of more importance, he still +required a definite degree of active Christianity as a _sine quâ non_ in +the case of bishops; and assumed it as a self-evident necessity. He who +does not give evidence of this forfeits his episcopal office _ipso +facto_.[240] Now if we consider that Cyprian makes the Church, as the +body of believers (_plebs credentium_), so dependent on the bishops, +that the latter are the only Christians not under tutelage, the demand +in question denotes a great deal. It carries out the old idea of the +Church in a certain fashion, as far as the bishops are concerned. But +for this very reason it endangers the new conception in a point of +capital importance; for the spiritual acts of a sinful bishop are +invalid;[241] and if the latter, as a notorious sinner, is no longer +bishop, the whole certainty of the ecclesiastical system ceases. +Moreover, an appeal to the certainty of God's installing the bishops and +always appointing the right ones[242] is of no avail, if false ones +manifestly find their way in. Hence Cyprian's idea of the Church--and +this is no dishonour to him--still involved an inconsistency which, in +the fourth century, was destined to produce a very serious crisis in the +Donatist struggle.[243] The view, however--which Cyprian never openly +expressed, and which was merely the natural inference from his +theory--that the Catholic Church, though the "one dove" ("una columba"), +is in truth not coincident with the number of the elect, was clearly +recognised and frankly expressed by Origen before him. Origen plainly +distinguished between spiritual and fleshly members of the Church; and +spoke of such as only belong to her outwardly, but are not Christians. +As these are finally overpowered by the gates of hell, Origen does not +hesitate to class them as merely seeming members of the Church. +Conversely, he contemplates the possibility of a person being expelled +from her fellowship and yet remaining a member in the eyes of God.[244] +Nevertheless he by no means attained to clearness on the point, in which +case, moreover, he would have been the first to do so; nor did he give +an impulse to further reflection on the problem. Besides, speculations +were of no use here. The Church with her priests, her holy books, and +gifts of grace, that is, the moderate secularisation of Christendom +corrected by the means of grace, was absolutely needed in order to +prevent a complete lapse into immorality.[245] + +But a minority struggled against this Church, not with speculations, but +by demanding adherence to the old practice with regard to lapsed +members. Under the leadership of the Roman presbyter, Novatian, this +section formed a coalition in the Empire that opposed the Catholic +confederation.[246] Their adherence to the old system of Church +discipline involved a reaction against the secularising process, which +did not seem to be tempered by the spiritual powers of the bishops. +Novatian's conception of the Church, of ecclesiastical absolution and +the rights of the priests, and in short, his notion of the power of the +keys is different from that of his opponents. This is clear from a +variety of considerations. For he (with his followers) assigned to the +Church the right and duty of expelling gross sinners once for all;[247] +he denied her the authority to absolve idolaters, but left these to the +forgiveness of God who alone has the power of pardoning sins committed +against himself; and he asserted: "non est pax illi ab episcopo +necessaria habituro gloriæ suæ (scil. martyrii) pacem et accepturo +maiorem de domini dignatione mercedem,"--"the absolution of the bishop +is not needed by him who will receive the peace of his glory (i.e., +martyrdom) and will obtain a greater reward from the approbation of the +Lord" (Cypr. ep. 57. 4), and on the other hand taught: "peccato alterius +inquinari alterum et idololatriam delinquentis ad non delinquentem +transire,"--"the one is defiled by the sin of the other and the idolatry +of the transgressor passes over to him who does not transgress." His +proposition that none but God can forgive sins does not depotentiate the +idea of the Church; but secures both her proper religious significance +and the full sense of her dispensations of grace: it limits her powers +and _extent_ in favour of her _content_. Refusal of her forgiveness +under certain circumstances--though this does not exclude the confident +hope of God's mercy--can only mean that in Novatian's view this +forgiveness is the foundation of salvation and does not merely avert the +certainty of perdition. To the Novatians, then, membership of the Church +is not the _sine quâ non_ of salvation, but it really secures it in some +measure. In certain cases nevertheless the Church may not anticipate the +judgment of God. Now it is never by exclusion, but by readmission, that +she does so. As the assembly of the baptised, who have received God's +forgiveness, the Church must be a real communion of salvation and of +saints; hence she cannot endure unholy persons in her midst without +losing her essence. Each gross sinner that is tolerated within her calls +her legitimacy in question. But, from this point of view, the +constitution of the Church, i.e., the distinction of lay and spiritual +and the authority of the bishops, likewise retained nothing but the +secondary importance it had in earlier times. For, according to those +principles, the primary question as regards Church membership is not +connection with the clergy (the bishop). It is rather connection with +the community, fellowship with which secures the salvation that may +indeed be found outside its pale, but not with certainty. But other +causes contributed to lessen the importance of the bishops: the art of +casuistry, so far-reaching in its results, was unable to find a fruitful +soil here, and the laity were treated in exactly the same way as the +clergy. The ultimate difference between Novatian and Cyprian as to the +idea of the Church and the power to bind and loose did not become clear +to the latter himself. This was because, in regard to the idea of the +Church, he partly overlooked the inferences from his own view and to +some extent even directly repudiated them. An attempt to lay down a +principle for judging the case is found in ep. 69. 7: "We and the +schismatics have neither the same law of the creed nor the same +interrogation, for when they say: 'you believe in the remission of sins +and eternal life through the holy Church,' they speak falsely" ("non est +una nobis et schismaticis symboli lex neque eadem interrogatio; nam cum +dicunt, credis in remissionem peccatorum et vitam æternam per sanctam +ecclesiam, mentiuntur"). Nor did Dionysius of Alexandria, who +endeavoured to accumulate reproaches against Novatian, succeed in +forming any effective accusation (Euseb., H. E. VII. 8). Pseudo-Cyprian +had just as little success (ad Novatianum). + +It was not till the subsequent period, when the Catholic Church had +resolutely pursued the path she had entered, that the difference in +principle manifested itself with unmistakable plainness. The historical +estimate of the contrast must vary in proportion as one contemplates the +demands of primitive Christianity or the requirements of the time. The +Novatian confederation undoubtedly preserved a valuable remnant of the +old tradition. The idea that the Church, as a fellowship of salvation, +must also be the fellowship of saints ([Greek: Katharoi]) corresponds to +the ideas of the earliest period. The followers of Novatian did not +entirely identify the political and religious attributes of the Church; +they neither transformed the gifts of salvation into means of education, +nor confused the reality with the possibility of redemption; and they +did not completely lower the requirements for a holy life. But on the +other hand, in view of the minimum insisted upon, the claim _that they +were the really evangelical party and that they fulfilled the law of +Christ_[248] was a presumption. The one step taken to avert the +secularising of the Church, exclusion of the lapsed, was certainly, +considering the actual circumstances immediately following a great +apostasy, a measure of radical importance; but, estimated by the Gospel +and in fact simply by the demands of the Montanists fifty years before, +it was remarkably insignificant. These Catharists did indeed go the +length of expelling _all_ so-called mortal sinners, because it was too +crying an injustice to treat _libellatici_ more severely than unabashed +transgressors;[249] but, even then, it was still a gross self-deception +to style themselves the "pure ones," since the Novatian Churches +speedily ceased to be any stricter than the Catholic in their +renunciation of the world. At least we do not hear that asceticism and +devotion to religious faith were very much more prominent in the +Catharist Church than in the Catholic. On the contrary, judging from the +sources that have come down to us, we may confidently say that the +picture presented by the two Churches in the subsequent period was +practically identical.[250] As Novatian's adherents did not differ from +the opposite party in doctrine and constitution, their discipline of +penance appears an archaic fragment which it was a doubtful advantage to +preserve; and their rejection of the Catholic dispensations of grace +(practice of rebaptism) a revolutionary measure, because it had +insufficient justification. But the distinction between venial and +mortal sins, a theory they held in common with the Catholic Church, +could not but prove especially fatal to them; whereas their opponents, +through their new regulations as to penance, softened this distinction, +and that not to the detriment of morality. For an entirely different +treatment of so-called gross and venial transgressions must in every +case deaden the conscience towards the latter. + +5. If we glance at the Catholic Church and leave the melancholy +recriminations out of account, we cannot fail to see the wisdom, +foresight, and comparative strictness[251] with which the bishops +carried out the great revolution that so depotentiated the Church as to +make her capable of becoming a prop of civic society and of the state, +without forcing any great changes upon them.[252] In learning to look +upon the Church as a training school for salvation, provided with +penalties and gifts of grace, and in giving up its religious +independence in deference to her authority, Christendom as it existed in +the latter half of the third century,[253] submitted to an arrangement +that was really best adapted to its own interests. In the great Church +every distinction between her political and religious conditions +necessarily led to fatal disintegrations, to laxities, such as arose in +Carthage owing to the enthusiastic behaviour of the confessors; or to +the breaking up of communities. The last was a danger incurred in all +cases where the attempt was made to exercise unsparing severity. A +casuistic proceeding was necessary as well as a firm union of the +bishops as pillars of the Church. Not the least important result of the +crises produced by the great persecutions was the fact that the bishops +in West and East were thereby forced into closer connection and at the +same time acquired full jurisdiction ("per episcopos solos peccata posse +dimitti"). If we consider that the archiepiscopal constitution had not +only been simultaneously adopted, but had also attained the chief +significance in the ecclesiastical organisation,[254] we may say that +the Empire Church was completed the moment that Diocletian undertook the +great reorganisation of his dominions.[255] No doubt the old +Christianity had found its place in the new Church, but it was covered +over and concealed. In spite of all that, little alteration had been +made in the expression of faith, in religious language; people spoke of +the universal holy Church, just as they did a hundred years before. Here +the development in the history of dogma was in a very special sense a +development in the history of the Church. Catholicism was now complete; +the Church had suppressed all utterances of individual piety, in the +sense of their being binding on Christians, and freed herself from every +feature of exclusiveness. In order to be a Christian a man no longer +required in any sense to be a saint. "What made the Christian a +Christian was no longer the possession of charisms, but obedience to +ecclesiastical authority," share in the gifts of the Church, and the +performance of penance and good works. The Church by her edicts +legitimised average morality, after average morality had created the +authority of the Church. ("La médiocrité fonda l'autorité".) The +dispensations of grace, that is, absolution and the Lord's Supper, +abolished the charismatic gifts. The Holy Scriptures, the apostolic +episcopate, the priests, the sacraments, average morality in accordance +with which the whole world could live, were mutually conditioned. The +consoling words: "Jesus receives sinners," were subjected to an +interpretation that threatened to make them detrimental to +morality.[256] And with all that the self-righteousness of proud +ascetics was not excluded--quite the contrary. Alongside of a code of +morals, to which any one in case of need could adapt himself, the Church +began to legitimise a morality of self-chosen, refined sanctity, which +really required no Redeemer. It was as in possession of this +constitution that the great statesman found and admired her, and +recognised in her the strongest support of the Empire.[257] + +A comparison of the aims of primitive Christendom with those of +ecclesiastical society at the end of the third century--a comparison of +the actual state of things at the different periods is hardly +possible--will always lead to a disheartening result; but the parallel +is in itself unjust. The truth rather is that the correct standpoint +from which to judge the matter was already indicated by Origen in the +comparison he drew (c. Cels. III. 29. 30) between the Christian society +of the third century and the non-Christian, between the Church and the +Empire, the clergy and the magistrates.[258] Amidst the general +disorganisation of all relationships, and from amongst the ruins of a +shattered fabric, a new structure, founded on the belief in one God, in +a sure revelation, and in eternal life, was being laboriously raised. It +gathered within it more and more all the elements still capable of +continued existence; it readmitted the old world, cleansed of its +grossest impurities, and raised holy barriers to secure its conquests +against all attacks. Within this edifice justice and civic virtue shone +with no greater brightness than they did upon the earth generally, but +within it burned two mighty flames--the assurance of eternal life, +guaranteed by Christ, and the practice of mercy. He who knows history is +aware that the influence of epoch-making personages is not to be sought +in its direct consequences alone, as these speedily disappear: that +structure which prolonged the life of a dying world, and brought +strength from the Holy One to another struggling into existence, was +also partly founded on the Gospel, and but for this would neither have +arisen nor attained solidity. Moreover, a Church had been created within +which the pious layman could find a holy place of peace and edification. +With priestly strife he had nothing to do, nor had he any concern in the +profound and subtle dogmatic system whose foundation was now being laid. +We may say that the religion of the laity attained freedom in proportion +as it became impossible for them to take part in the establishment and +guardianship of the official Church system. It is the professional +guardians of this ecclesiastical edifice who are the real martyrs of +religion, and it is they who have to bear the consequences of the +worldliness and lack of genuineness pertaining to the system. But to the +layman who seeks from the Church nothing more than aid in raising +himself to God, this worldliness and unveracity do not exist. During the +Greek period, however, laymen were only able to recognise this advantage +to a limited extent. The Church dogmatic and the ecclesiastical system +were still too closely connected with their own interests. It was in the +Middle Ages, that the Church first became a Holy Mother and her house a +house of prayer--for the Germanic peoples; for these races were really +the children of the Church, and they themselves had not helped to rear +the house in which they worshipped. + + +ADDENDA. + +I. THE PRIESTHOOD. The completion of the old Catholic conception of the +Church, as this idea was developed in the latter half of the third +century, is perhaps most clearly shown in the attribute of priesthood, +with which the clergy were invested and which conferred on them the +greatest importance.[259] The development of this conception, whose +adoption is a proof that the Church had assumed a heathen complexion, +cannot be more particularly treated of here.[260] What meaning it has is +shown by its application in Cyprian and the original of the first six +books of the Apostolic Constitutions (see Book II.). The bishops (and +also the presbyters) are priests, in so far as they alone are empowered +to present the sacrifice as representatives of the congregation before +God[261] and in so far as they dispense or refuse the divine grace as +representatives of God in relation to the congregation. In this sense +they are also judges in God's stead.[262] The position here conceded to +the higher clergy corresponds to that of the mystagogue in heathen +religions, and is acknowledged to be borrowed from the latter.[263] +Divine grace already appears as a sacramental consecration of an +objective nature, the bestowal of which is confined to spiritual +personages chosen by God. This fact is no way affected by the perception +that an ever increasing reference is made to the Old Testament priests +as well as to the whole Jewish ceremonial and ecclesiastical +regulations.[264] It is true that there is no other respect in which Old +Testament commandments were incorporated with Christianity to such an +extent as they were in this.[265] But it can be proved that this formal +adoption everywhere took place at a subsequent date, that is, it had +practically no influence on the development itself, which was not +legitimised by the commandments till a later period, and that often in a +somewhat lame fashion. We may perhaps say that the development which +made the bishops and elders priests altered the inward form of the +Church in a more radical fashion than any other. "Gnosticism," which the +Church had repudiated in the second century, became part of her own +system in the third. As her integrity had been made dependent on +inalienable objective standards, the adoption even of this greatest +innovation, which indeed was in complete harmony with the secular +element within her, was an elementary necessity. In regard to every +sphere of Church life, and hence also in respect to the development of +dogma[266] and the interpretation of the Holy Scriptures, the priesthood +proved of the highest significance. The clerical exposition of the +sacred books, with its frightful ideas, found its earliest advocate in +Cyprian and had thus a most skilful champion at the very first.[267] + +II. SACRIFICE. In Book I., chap. III., § 7, we have already shown what a +wide field the idea of sacrifice occupied in primitive Christendom, and +how it was specially connected with the celebration of the Lord's +Supper. The latter was regarded as the pure (i.e., to be presented with +a pure heart), bloodless thank offering of which Malachi had prophesied +in I. 11. Priesthood and sacrifice, however, are mutually conditioned. +The alteration of the concept "priest" necessarily led to a simultaneous +and corresponding change in the idea of sacrifice, just as, conversely, +the latter reacted on the former.[268] In Irenæus and Tertullian the old +conception of sacrifice, viz., that prayers are the Christian sacrifice +and that the disposition of the believer hallows his whole life even as +it does his offering, and forms a well-pleasing sacrifice to God, +remains essentially unchanged. In particular, there is no evidence of +any alteration in the notion of sacrifice connected with the Lord's +Supper.[269] But nevertheless we can already trace a certain degree of +modification in Tertullian. Not only does he give fasting, voluntary +celibacy, martyrdom, etc., special prominence among the sacrificial acts +of a Christian life, and extol their religious value--as had already +been done before; but he also attributes a God-propitiating significance +to these performances, and plainly designates them as "merita" +("promereri deum"). To the best of my belief Tertullian was the first +who definitely regarded ascetic performances as propitiatory offerings +and ascribed to them the "potestas reconciliandi iratum deum."[270] But +he himself was far from using this fatal theory, so often found in his +works, to support a lax Church practice that made Christianity consist +in outward forms. This result did not come about till the eventful +decades, prolific in new developments, that elapsed between the +persecutions of Septimius and Decius; and in the West it is again +Cyprian who is our earliest witness as to the new view and +practice.[271] In the first place, Cyprian was quite familiar with the +idea of ascetic propitiations and utilised it in the interest of the +Catholicity of the Church; secondly, he propounded a new theory of the +offering in the cultus. As far as the first point is concerned, +Cyprian's injunctions with regard to it are everywhere based on the +understanding that even after baptism no one can be without sin (de op. +et cleemos. 3); and also on the firm conviction that this sacrament can +only have a retrospective virtue. Hence he concludes that we must +appease God, whose wrath has been aroused by sin, through performances +of our own, that is, through offerings that bear the character of +"satisfactions." In other words we must blot out transgressions by +specially meritorious deeds in order thus to escape eternal punishment. +These deeds Cyprian terms "merita," which either possess the character +of atonements, or, in case there are no sins to be expiated, entitle the +Christian to a special reward (merces).[272] But, along with +_lamentationes_ and acts of penance, it is principally alms-giving that +forms such means of atonement (see de lapsis, 35, 36). In Cyprian's eyes +this is already the proper satisfaction; mere prayer, that is, +devotional exercises unaccompanied by fasting and alms, being regarded +as "bare and unfruitful." In the work "de opere et eleemosynis" which, +after a fashion highly characteristic of Cyprian, is made dependent on +Sirach and Tobias, he has set forth a detailed theory of what we may +call alms-giving as a _means of grace_ in its relation to baptism and +salvation.[273] However, this practice can only be viewed as a means of +grace in Cyprian's sense in so far as God has accepted it, that is, +pointed it out. In itself it is a free human act. After the Decian +persecution and the rearrangement of ecclesiastical affairs necessitated +by it, works and alms (opera et eleemosynæ) made their way into the +absolution system of the Church, and were assigned a permanent place in +it. Even the Christian who has forfeited his Church membership by +abjuration may ultimately recover it by deeds of sacrifice, of course +under the guidance and intercessory coöperation of the Church. The +dogmatic dilemma we find here cannot be more clearly characterised than +by simply placing the two doctrines professed by Cyprian side by side. +These are:--(1) that the sinfulness common to each individual can only +be once extirpated by the power of baptism derived from the work of +Christ, and (2) that transgressions committed after baptism, inclusive +of mortal sins, can and must be expiated solely by spontaneous acts of +sacrifice under the guidance of kind mother Church.[274] A Church +capable of being permanently satisfied with such doctrines would very +soon have lost the last remains of her Christian character. What was +wanted was a means of grace, similar to baptism and granted by God +through Christ, to which the _opera et eleemosynæ_ are merely to bear +the relation of _accompanying_ acts. But Cyprian was no dogmatist and +was not able to form a doctrine of the means of grace. He never got +beyond his "propitiate God the judge by sacrifices after baptism" +("promereri deum judicem post baptismum sacrificiis"), and merely +hinted, in an obscure way, that the absolution of him who has committed +a deadly sin after baptism emanates from the same readiness of God to +forgive as is expressed in that rite, and that membership in the Church +is a condition of absolution. His whole theory as to the legal nature of +man's (the Christian's) relationship to God, and the practice, +inaugurated by Tertullian, of designating this connection by terms +derived from Roman law continued to prevail in the West down to +Augustine's time.[275] But, during this whole interval, no book was +written by a Western Churchman which made the salvation of the sinful +Christian dependent on ascetic offerings of atonement, with so little +regard to Christ's grace and the divine factor in the case, as Cyprian's +work _de opere et eleemosynis_. + +No less significant is Cyprian's advance as regards the idea of the +sacrifice in public worship, and that in three respects. To begin with, +Cyprian was the first to associate the specific offering, i.e., the +Lord's Supper[276] with the specific priesthood. Secondly, he was the +first to designate the _passio dominis_, nay, the _sanguis Christi_ and +the _dominica hostia_ as the object of the eucharistic offering.[277] +Thirdly, he expressly represented the celebration of the Lord's Supper +as an incorporation of the congregation and its individual members with +Christ, and was the first to bear clear testimony as to the special +importance attributed to commemoration of the celebrators ("vivi et +defuncti"), though no other can be ascertained than a specially strong +intercession.[278] But this is really the essential effect of the +sacrifice of the supper as regards the celebrators; for however much the +conceptions about this ceremony might be heightened, and whatever +additions might be made to its ritual, forgiveness of sins in the strict +sense could not be associated with it. Cyprian's statement that every +celebration of the Lord's Supper is a repetition or imitation of +Christ's sacrifice of himself, and that the ceremony has therefore an +expiatory value remains a mere assertion, though the Romish Church still +continues to repeat this doctrine to the present day. For the idea that +partaking of the Lord's Supper cleansed from sin like the mysteries of +the Great Mother (magna mater) and Mithras, though naturally suggested +by the ceremonial practice, was counteracted by the Church principles of +penance and by the doctrine of baptism. As a sacrificial rite the Supper +never became a ceremony equivalent in effect to baptism. But no doubt, +as far as the popular conception was concerned, the solemn ritual copied +from the ancient mysteries could not but attain an indescribably +important significance. It is not possible, within the framework of the +history of dogma, to describe the development of religious ceremonial in +the third century, and to show what a radical alteration took place in +men's conceptions with regard to it (cf. for example, Justin with +Cyprian). But, in dealing with the history of dogma within this period, +we must clearly keep in view the development of the cultus, the new +conceptions of the value of ritual, and the reference of ceremonial +usages to apostolic tradition; for there was plainly a remodelling of +the ritual in imitation of the ancient mysteries and of the heathen +sacrificial system, and this fact is admitted by Protestant scholars of +all parties. Ceremonial and doctrine may indeed be at variance, for the +latter may lag behind the former and vice versa, but they are never +subject to entirely different conditions. + +III. MEANS OF GRACE, BAPTISM, and EUCHARIST. That which the Western +Church of post-Augustinian times calls sacrament in the specific sense +of the word (means of grace) was only possessed by the Church of the +third century in the form of baptism.[279] In strict theory she still +held that the grace once bestowed in this rite could be conferred by no +holy ceremony of equal virtue, that is, by no fresh sacrament. The +baptised Christian has no means of grace, conferred by Christ, at his +disposal, but has his law to fulfil (see, e.g., Iren. IV. 27. 2). But, +as soon as the Church began to absolve mortal sinners, she practically +possessed in absolution a real means of grace that was equally effective +with baptism from the moment that this remission became unlimited in its +application.[280] The notions as to this means of grace, however, +continued quite uncertain in so far as the thought of God's absolving +the sinner through the priest was qualified by the other theory (see +above) which asserted that forgiveness was obtained through the +penitential acts of transgressors (especially baptism with blood, and +next in importance _lamentationes, ieiunia, eleemosynæ_). In the third +century there were manifold holy dispensations of grace by the hands of +priests; but there was still no theory which traced the means of grace +to the historical work of Christ in the same way that the grace bestowed +in baptism was derived from it. From Cyprian's epistles and the +anti-Novatian sections in the first six books of the Apostolic +Constitutions we indeed see that appeal was not unfrequently made to the +power of forgiving sins bestowed on the Apostles and to Christ's +declaration that he received sinners; but, as the Church had not made up +her mind to repeat baptism, so also she had yet no theory that expressly +and clearly supplemented this rite by a _sacramentum absolutionis_. In +this respect, as well as in regard to the _sacramentum ordinis_, first +instituted by Augustine, theory remained far behind practice. This was +by no means an advantage, for, as a matter of fact, the whole religious +ceremonial was already regarded as a system of means of grace. The +consciousness of a personal, living connection of the individual with +God through Christ had already disappeared, and the hesitation in +setting up new means of grace had only the doubtful result of increasing +the significance of human acts, such as offerings and satisfactions, to +a dangerous extent. + +Since the middle of the second century the notions of baptism[281] in +the Church have not essentially altered (see Vol. I. p. 206 ff.). The +result of baptism was universally considered to be forgiveness of sins, +and this pardon was supposed to effect an actual sinlessness which now +required to be maintained.[282] We frequently find "deliverance from +death," "regeneration of man," "restoration to the image of God," and +"obtaining of the Holy Spirit." ("Absolutio mortes," "regeneratio +hominis," "restitutio ad similitudinem dei" and "consecutio spiritus +sancti") named along with the "remission of sins" and "obtaining of +eternal life" ("remissio delictorum" and "consecutio æternitatis"). +Examples are to be found in Tertullian[283] adv. Marc. I. 28 and +elsewhere; and Cyprian speaks of the "bath of regeneration and +sanctification" ("lavacrum regenerationis et sanctificationis"). +Moreover, we pretty frequently find rhetorical passages where, on the +strength of New Testament texts, all possible blessings are associated +with baptism.[284] The constant additions to the baptismal ritual, a +process which had begun at a very early period, are partly due to the +intention of symbolising these supposedly manifold virtues of +baptism,[285] and partly owe their origin to the endeavour to provide +the great mystery with fit accompaniments.[286] As yet the separate acts +can hardly be proved to have an independent signification.[287] The +water was regarded both as the symbol of the purification of the soul +and as an efficacious, holy medium of the Spirit (in accordance with +Gen. I. 2; water and Spirit are associated with each other, especially +in Cyprian's epistles on baptism). He who asserted the latter did not +thereby repudiate the former (see Orig. in Joann. Tom. VI. 17, Opp. IV. +p. 133).[288] Complete obscurity prevails as to the Church's adoption of +the practice of child baptism, which, though it owes its origin to the +idea of this ceremony being indispensable to salvation, is nevertheless +a proof that the superstitious view of baptism had increased.[289] In +the time of Irenæus (II. 22. 4) and Tertullian (de bapt. 18) child +baptism had already become very general and was founded on Matt. XIX. +14. We have no testimony regarding it from earlier times; Clement of +Alexandria does not yet assume it. Tertullian argued against it not only +because he regarded conscious faith as a needful preliminary condition, +but also because he thought it advisable to delay baptism (cunctatio +baptismi) on account of the responsibility involved in it (pondus +baptismi). He says: "It is more advantageous to delay baptism, +especially in the case of little children. For why is it necessary for +the sponsors" (this is the first mention of "godparents") "also to be +thrust into danger?... let the little ones therefore come when they are +growing up; let them come when they are learning, when they are taught +where they are coming to; let them become Christians when they are able +to know Christ. Why does an age of innocence hasten to the remission of +sins? People will act more cautiously in worldly affairs, so that one +who is not trusted with earthly things is trusted with divine. Whoever +understands the responsibility of baptism will fear its attainment more +than its delay."[290] To all appearance the practice of immediately +baptising the children of Christian families was universally adopted in +the Church in the course of the third century. (Origen, Comment, in ep. +ad Rom. V. 9, Opp. IV. p. 565, declared child baptism to be a custom +handed down by the Apostles.) Grown up people, on the other hand, +frequently postponed baptism, but this habit was disapproved.[291] + +The Lord's Supper was not only regarded as a sacrifice, but also as a +divine gift.[292] The effects of this gift were not theoretically fixed, +because these were excluded by the strict scheme[293] of baptismal grace +and baptismal obligation. But in practice Christians more and more +assumed a real bestowal of heavenly gifts in the holy food, and gave +themselves over to superstitious theories. This bestowal was sometimes +regarded as a spiritual and sometimes as a bodily self-communication of +Christ, that is, as a miraculous implanting of divine life. Here ethical +and physical, and again ethical and theoretical features were intermixed +with each other. The utterances of the Fathers to which we have access +do not allow us to classify these elements here; for to all appearance +not a single one clearly distinguished between spiritual and bodily, or +ethical and intellectual effects unless he was in principle a +spiritualist. But even a writer of this kind had quite as superstitious +an idea of the holy elements as the rest. Thus the holy meal was +extolled as the communication of incorruption, as a pledge of +resurrection, as a medium of the union of the flesh with the Holy +Spirit; and again as food of the soul, as the bearer of the Spirit of +Christ (the Logos), as the means of strengthening faith and knowledge, +as a sanctifying of the whole personality. The thought of the +forgiveness of sins fell quite into the background. This ever changing +conception, as it seems to us, of the effects of partaking of the Lord's +Supper had also a parallel in the notions as to the relation between the +visible elements and the body of Christ. So far as we are able to judge +no one felt that there was a _problem_ here, no one enquired whether +this relation was realistic or symbolical. The symbol is the mystery and +the mystery was not conceivable without a symbol. What we now-a-days +understand by "symbol" is a thing which is not that which it represents; +at that time "symbol" denoted a thing which, in some kind of way, really +is what it signifies; but, on the other hand, according to the ideas of +that period, the really heavenly element lay either in or behind the +visible form without being identical with it. Accordingly the +distinction of a symbolic and realistic conception of the Supper is +altogether to be rejected; we could more rightly distinguish between +materialistic, dyophysite, and docetic conceptions which, however, are +not to be regarded as severally exclusive in the strict sense. In the +popular idea the consecrated elements were heavenly fragments of magical +virtue (see Cypr., de laps. 25; Euseb., H. E. VI. 44). With these the +rank and file of third-century Christians already connected many +superstitious notions which the priests tolerated or shared.[294] The +antignostic Fathers acknowledged that the consecrated food consisted of +two things, an earthly (the elements) and a heavenly (the real body of +Christ). They thus saw in the sacrament a guarantee of the union between +spirit and flesh, which the Gnostics denied; and a pledge of the +resurrection of the flesh nourished by the blood of the Lord (Justin; +Iren. IV. 18. 4, 5; V. 2. 2, 3; likewise Tertullian who is erroneously +credited with a "symbolical" doctrine[295]). Clement and Origen +"spiritualise," because, like Ignatius, they assign a spiritual +significance to the flesh and blood of Christ himself (summary of +wisdom). To judge from the exceedingly confused passage in Pæd. II. 2, +Clement distinguishes a spiritual and a material blood of Christ. +Finally, however, he sees in the Eucharist the union of the divine Logos +with the human spirit, recognises, like Cyprian at a later period, that +the mixture of wine with water in the symbol represents the spiritual +process, and lastly does not fail to attribute to the holy food a +relationship to the body.[296] It is true that Origen, the great +mysteriosophist and theologian of sacrifice, expressed himself in +plainly "spiritualistic" fashion; but in his eyes religious mysteries +and the whole person of Christ lay in the province of the spirit, and +therefore his theory of the Supper is not "symbolical," but conformable +to his doctrine of Christ. Besides, Origen was only able to recognise +spiritual aids in the sphere of the intellect and the disposition, and +in the assistance given to these by man's own free and spontaneous +efforts. Eating and drinking and, in general, participation in a +ceremonial are from Origen's standpoint completely indifferent matters. +The intelligent Christian feeds at all times on the body of Christ, that +is, on the Word of God, and thus celebrates a never ending Supper (c. +Cels. VIII. 22). Origen, however, was not blind to the fact that his +doctrine of the Lord's Supper was just as far removed from the faith of +the simple Christian as his doctrinal system generally. Here also, +therefore, he accommodated himself to that faith in points where it +seemed necessary. This, however, he did not find difficult; for, though +with him everything is at bottom "spiritual," he was unwilling to +dispense with symbols and mysteries, because he knew that one must be +_initiated_ into the spiritual, since one cannot learn it as one learns +the lower sciences.[297] But, whether we consider simple believers, the +antignostic Fathers or Origen, and, moreover, whether we view the Supper +as offering or sacrament, we everywhere observe that the holy ordinance +had been entirely diverted from its original purpose and pressed into +the service of the spirit of antiquity. In no other point perhaps is the +hellenisation of the Gospel so evident as in this. To mention only one +other example, this is also shown in the practice of child communion, +which, though we first hear of it in Cyprian (Testim. III. 25; de laps. +25), can hardly be of later origin than child baptism. Partaking of the +Supper seemed quite as indispensable as baptism, and the child had no +less claim than the adult to a magical food from heaven.[298] + + * * * * * + +In the course of the third century a crass superstition became developed +in respect to the conceptions of the Church and the mysteries connected +with her. According to this notion we must subject ourselves to the +Church and must have ourselves filled with holy consecrations as we are +filled with food. But the following chapters will show that this +superstition and mystery magic were counterbalanced by a most lively +conception of the freedom and responsibility of the individual. Fettered +by the bonds of authority and superstition in the sphere of religion, +free and self-dependent in the province of morality, this Christianity +is characterised by passive submission in the first respect and by +complete activity in the second. It may be that exegetical theology can +never advance beyond an alternation between these two aspects of the +case, and a recognition of their equal claim to consideration; for the +religious phenomenon in which they are combined defies any explanation. +But religion is in danger of being destroyed when the insufficiency of +the understanding is elevated into a convenient principle of theory and +life, and when the real mystery of the faith, viz., how one becomes a +new man, must accordingly give place to the injunction that we must +obediently accept the religious as a consecration, and add to this the +zealous endeavour after ascetic virtue. Such, however, has been the +character of Catholicism since the third century, and even after +Augustine's time it has still remained the same in its practice. + + +_EXCURSUS TO CHAPTERS II. AND III._ + +CATHOLIC AND ROMAN.[299] + +In investigating the development of Christianity up till about the year +270 the following facts must be specially kept in mind: In the regions +subject to Rome, apart from the Judæo-Christian districts and passing +disturbances, Christianity had yet an undivided history in vital +questions;[300] the independence of individual congregations and of the +provincial groups of Churches was very great; and every advance in the +development of the communities at the same time denoted a forward step +in their adaptation to the existing conditions of the Empire. The first +two facts we have mentioned have their limitations. The further apart +the different Churches lay, the more various were the conditions under +which they arose and flourished; the looser the relations between the +towns in which they had their home the looser also was the connection +between them. Still, it is evident that towards the end of the third +century the development in the Church had well-nigh attained the same +point everywhere--except in outlying communities. Catholicism, +essentially as we conceive it now, was what most of the Churches had +arrived at. Now it is an _a priori_ probability that this transformation +of Christianity, which was simply the adaptation of the Gospel to the +then existing Empire, came about under the guidance of the metropolitan +Church,[301] the Church of Rome; and that "Roman" and "Catholic" had +therefore a special relation from the beginning. It might _a limine_ be +objected to this proposition that there is no direct testimony in +support of it, and that, apart from this consideration, it is also +improbable, in so far as, in view of the then existing condition of +society, Catholicism appears as the _natural and only possible_ form in +which Christianity could be adapted to the world. But this is not the +case; for in the first place very strong proofs can be adduced, and +besides, as is shown by the development in the second century, very +different kinds of secularisation were possible. In fact, if all +appearances are not deceptive, the Alexandrian Church, for example, was +up to the time of Septimius Severus pursuing a path of development +which, left to itself, would _not_ have led to Catholicism, but, in the +most favourable circumstances, to a parallel form.[302] + +It can, however, be proved that it was in the Roman Church, which up to +about the year 190 was closely connected with that of Asia Minor, that +all the elements on which Catholicism is based first assumed a definite +form.[303] (1) We know that the Roman Church possessed a precisely +formulated baptismal confession, and that as early as the year 180 she +declared this to be the apostolic rule by which everything is to be +measured. It is only in her case that we are really certain of this, for +we can merely guess at it as regards the Church of Smyrna, that is, of +Asia Minor. It was accordingly admitted that the Roman Church was able +to distinguish true from false with special exactness;[304] and Irenæus +and Tertullian appealed to her to decide the practice in Gaul and +Africa. This practice, in its precisely developed form, cannot be shown +to have existed in Alexandria till a later period; but Origen, who +testifies to it, also bears witness to the special reverence for and +connection with the Roman Church. (2) The New Testament canon, with its +claim to be accounted catholic and apostolic and to possess exclusive +authority is first traceable in her; in the other communities it can +only be proved to exist at a later period. In the great Antiochian +diocese there was, for instance, a Church some of whose members wished +the Gospel of Peter read; in the Pentapolis group of congregations the +Gospel of the Egyptians was still used in the 3rd century; Syrian +Churches of the same epoch used Tatian's Diatessaron; and the original +of the first six books of the Apostolic Constitutions still makes no +mention of a New Testament canon. Though Clement of Alexandria no doubt +testifies that, in consequence of the common history of Christianity, +the group of Scriptures read in the Roman congregations was also the +same as that employed in public worship at Alexandria, he had as yet no +New Testament canon before him in the sense of Irenæus and Tertullian. +It was not till Origen's time that Alexandria reached the stage already +attained in Rome about forty years earlier. It must, however, be pointed +out that a series of New Testament books, in the form now found in the +canon and universally recognised, show marks of revision that can be +traced back to the Roman Church.[305] Finally, the later investigations, +which show that after the third century the Western readings, that is, +the Roman text, of the New Testament were adopted in the Oriental MSS. +of the Bible,[306] are of the utmost value here; for the most natural +explanation of these facts is that the Eastern Churches then received +their New Testament from Rome and used it to correct their copies of +books read in public worship.[307] (3) Rome is the first place which we +can prove to have constructed a list of bishops reaching back to the +Apostles (see Irenæus).[308] We know that in the time of Heliogabalus +such lists also existed in other communities; but it cannot be proved +that these had already been drawn up by the time of Marcus Aurelius or +Commodus, as was certainly the case at Rome. (4) The notion of the +apostolic succession of the episcopate[309] was first turned to account +by the Roman bishops, and they were the first who definitely formulated +the political idea of the Church in connection with this. The utterances +and corresponding practical measures of Victor,[310] Calixtus +(Hippolytus), and Stephen are the earliest of their kind; whilst the +precision and assurance with which they substituted the political and +clerical for the ideal conception of the Church, or amalgamated the two +notions, as well as the decided way in which they proclaimed the +sovereignty of the bishops, were not surpassed in the third century by +Cyprian himself. (5) Rome was the first place, and that at a very early +period, to date occurrences according to her bishops; and, even outside +that city, churches reckoned, not according to their own, but according +to the Roman episcopate.[311] (6) The Oriental Churches say that two +bishops of Rome compiled the chief apostolic regulations for the +organisation of the Church; and this is only partially wrong.[312] (7) +The three great theologians of the age, Tertullian, Hippolytus, and +Origen, opposed the pretensions of the Roman bishop Calixtus; and this +very attitude of theirs testified that the advance in the political +organisation of the Church, denoted by the measures of Calixtus, was +still an unheard-of novelty, but immediately exercised a very important +influence on the attitude of other Churches. We know that the other +communities imitated this advance in the succeeding decades. (8) The +institution of lower orders of clergy with the corresponding distinction +of _clerici maiores_ and _minores_ first took place in Rome; but we know +that this momentous arrangement gradually spread from that city to the +rest of Christendom.[313] (9) The different Churches communicated with +one another through the medium of Rome.[314] + +From these considerations we can scarcely doubt that the fundamental +apostolic institutions and laws of Catholicism were framed in the same +city that in other respects imposed its authority on the whole earth; +and that it was the centre from which they spread, because the world had +become accustomed to receive law and justice from Rome.[315] But it may +be objected that the parallel development in other provinces and towns +was spontaneous, though it everywhere came about at a somewhat later +date. Nor do we intend to contest the assumption in this general sense; +but, as I think, it can be proved that the Roman community had a direct +and important share in the process and that, even in the second century, +she was reckoned the first and most influential Church.[316] We shall +give a bird's-eye view of the most important facts bearing on the +question, in order to prove this. + +No other community made a more brilliant entrance into Church history +than did that of Rome by the so called First Epistle of Clement--Paul +having already testified (Rom. I. 8) that the faith of this Church was +spoken of throughout the whole world. That letter to the Corinthians +proves that, by the end of the first century, the Roman Church had +already drawn up fixed rules for her own guidance, that she watched with +motherly care over outlying communities, and that she then knew how to +use language that was at once an expression of duty, love, and +authority.[317] As yet she pretends to no legal title of any kind, but +she knows the "commandments and ordinances" ([Greek: prostagmata] and +[Greek: dokaiômata]) of God, whereas the conduct of the sister Church +evinces her uncertainty on the matter; she is in an orderly condition, +whereas the sister community is threatened with dissolution; she adheres +to the [Greek: kanôn tês paradoseôs], whilst the other body stands in +need of exhortation;[318] and in these facts her claim to authority +consists. The Shepherd of Hermas also proves that even in the circles of +the laity the Roman Church is impressed with the consciousness that she +must care for the whole of Christendom. The first testimony of an +outsider as to this community is afforded us by Ignatius. Soften as we +may all the extravagant expressions in his Epistle to the Romans, it is +at least clear that Ignatius conceded to them a precedence in the circle +of sister Churches; and that he was well acquainted with the energy and +activity displayed by them in aiding and instructing other +communities.[319] Dionysius of Corinth, in his letter to bishop Soter, +affords us a glimpse of the vast activity manifested by the Christian +Church of the world's metropolis on behalf of all Christendom and of all +brethren far and near; and reveals to us the feelings of filial +affection and veneration with which she was regarded in all Greece as +well as in Antioch. This author has specially emphasised the fact that +the Roman Christians are _Romans_, that is, are conscious of the +particular duties incumbent on them as members of the metropolitan +Church.[320] After this evidence we cannot wonder that Irenæus expressly +assigned to the Church of Rome the highest rank among those founded by +the Apostles.[321] His famous testimony has been quite as often under as +over-estimated. Doubtless his reference to the Roman Church is +introduced in such a way that she is merely mentioned by way of example, +just as he also adds the allusion to Smyrna and Ephesus; but there is +quite as little doubt that this example was no arbitrary selection. The +truth rather is that the Roman community _must_ have been named, because +its decision was already the most authoritative and impressive in +Christendom.[322] Whilst giving a formal scheme of proof that assigned +the same theoretical value to each Church founded by the Apostles, +Irenæus added a reference to particular circumstance, viz., that in his +time many communities turned to Rome in order to testify their +orthodoxy.[323] As soon as we cease to obscure our vision with theories +and keep in view the actual circumstances, we have no cause for +astonishment. Considering the active intercourse between the various +Churches and the metropolis, it was of the utmost importance to all, +especially so long as they required financial aid, to be in connection +with that of Rome, to receive support from her, to know she would +entertain travelling brethren, and to have the power of recommending +prisoners and those pining in the mines to her influential intervention. +The evidence of Ignatius and Dionysius as well as the Marcia-Victor +episode place this beyond doubt (see above). The efforts of Marcion and +Valentinus in Rome have also a bearing on this question, and the +venerable bishop, Polycarp, did not shrink from the toil of a long +journey to secure the valuable fellowship of the Roman Church;[324] it +was not Anicetus who came to Polycarp, but Polycarp to Anicetus. At the +time when the controversy with Gnosticism ensued, the Roman Church +showed all the rest an example of resolution; it was naturally to be +expected that, as a necessary condition of mutual fellowship, she should +require other communities to recognise the law by which she had +regulated her own circumstances. No community in the Empire could regard +with indifference its relationship to the great Roman Church; almost +everyone had connections with her; she contained believers from all the +rest. As early as 180 this Church could point to a series of bishops +reaching in uninterrupted succession from the glorious apostles Paul and +Peter[325] down to the present time; and she alone maintained a brief +but definitely formulated _lex_, which she entitled the summary of +apostolic tradition, and by reference to which she decided all questions +of faith with admirable certainty. Theories were incapable of overcoming +the elementary differences that could not but appear as soon as +Christianity became naturalised in the various provinces and towns of +the Empire. Nor was it theories that created the empiric unity of the +Churches, but the unity which the Empire possessed in Rome; the extent +and composition of the Græco-Latin community there; the security--and +this was not the least powerful element--that accompanied the +development of this great society, well provided as it was with wealth +and possessed of an influence in high quarters already dating from the +first century;[326] as well as the care which it displayed on behalf of +all Christendom. _All these causes combined to convert the Christian +communities into a real confederation under the primacy of the Roman +Church (and subsequently under the leadership of her bishops)._ This +primacy cannot of course be further defined, for it was merely a _de +facto_ one. But, from the nature of the case, it was immediately shaken, +when it was claimed as a _legal_ right associated with the person of the +Roman bishop. + +That this theory is more than a hypothesis is shown by several facts +which prove the unique authority as well as the interference of the +Roman Church (that is, of her bishop). First, in the Montanist +controversy--and that too at the stage when it was still almost +exclusively confined to Asia Minor--the already sobered adherents of the +new prophecy petitioned Rome (bishop Eleutherus) to recognise their +Church, and it was at Rome that the Gallic confessors cautiously +interfered in their behalf; after which a native of Asia Minor induced +the Roman bishop to withdraw the letters of toleration already +issued.[327] In view of the facts that it was not Roman Montanists who +were concerned, that Rome was the place where the Asiatic members of +this sect sought for recognition, and that it was in Rome that the Gauls +interfered in their behalf, the significance of this proceeding cannot +be readily minimised. We cannot of course dogmatise on the matter; but +the fact can be proved that the decision of the Roman Church must have +settled the position of that sect of enthusiasts in Christendom. +Secondly, what is reported to us of Victor, the successor of Eleutherus, +is still plainer testimony. He ventured to issue an edict, which we may +already style a peremptory one, proclaiming the Roman practice with +regard to the regulation of ecclesiastical festivals to be the universal +rule in the Church, and declaring that every congregation, that failed +to adopt the Roman arrangement,[328] was excluded from the union of the +one Church on the ground of heresy. How would Victor have ventured on +such an edict--though indeed he had not the power of enforcing it in +every case--unless the special prerogative of Rome to determine the +conditions of the "common unity" ([Greek: koinê henôsis]) in the vital +questions of the faith had been an acknowledged and well-established +fact? How could Victor have addressed such a demand to the independent +Churches, if he had not been recognised, in his capacity of bishop of +Rome, as the special guardian of the [Greek: koinê henôsis]?[329] +Thirdly, it was Victor who formally excluded Theodotus from Church +fellowship. This is the first really well-attested case of a Christian +_taking his stand on the rule of faith_ being excommunicated because a +definite interpretation of it was already insisted on. In this instance +the expression [Greek: huios monogenês] (only begotten Son) was required +to be understood in the sense of [Greek: Phusei Theos] (God by nature). +It was in Rome that this first took place. Fourthly, under Zephyrinus, +Victor's successor, the Roman ecclesiastics interfered in the +Carthaginian veil dispute, making common cause with the local clergy +against Tertullian; and both appealed to the authority of predecessors, +that is, above all, of the Roman bishops.[330] Tertullian, Hippolytus, +Origen, and Cyprian were obliged to resist the pretensions of these +ecclesiastics to authority outside their own Church, the first having to +contend with Calixtus, and the three others with Stephen.[331] + +It was the Roman _Church_ that first displayed this activity and care; +the Roman bishop sprang from the community in exactly the same way as +the corresponding official did in other places.[332] In Irenæus' proof +from prescription, however, it is already the Roman _bishops_ that are +specially mentioned.[333] Praxeas reminded the bishop of Rome of the +authority of his predecessors ("auctoritates præcessorum eius") and it +was in the character of _bishop_ that Victor acted. The assumption that +Paul and Peter laboured in Rome, that is, founded the Church of that +city (Dionysius, Irenæus, Tertullian, Caius), must have conferred a high +degree of prestige on her bishops, as soon as the latter officials were +elevated to the position of more or less sovereign lords of the +communities and were regarded as successors of the Apostles. The first +who acted up to this idea was Calixtus. The sarcastic titles of +"pontifex maximus," "episcopus episcoporum," "benedictus papa" and +"apostolicus," applied to him by Tertullian in "de pudicitia" I. 13, are +so many references to the fact that Calixtus already claimed for himself +a position of primacy, in other words, that he associated with his own +personal position as bishop the primacy possessed by the Roman Church, +which pre-eminence, however, must have been gradually vanishing in +proportion to the progress of the Catholic form of organisation among +the other communities. Moreover, that is evident from the form of the +edict he issued (Tert. I. c., I: "I hear that an edict has been issued +and that a decisive one," "audio edictum esse præpositum et quidem +peremptorium"), from the grounds it assigned and from the opposition to +it on the part of Tertullian. From the form, in so far as Calixtus acted +here quite independently and, without previous consultation, issued a +_peremptory_ edict, that is, one settling the matter and immediately +taking effect; from the grounds it assigned, in so far as he appealed in +justification of his action to Matt. XVI. 18 ff.[334]--the first +instance of the kind recorded in history; from Tertullian's opposition +to it, because the latter treats it not as local, Roman, but as pregnant +in consequences for all Christendom. But, as soon as the question took +the form of enquiring whether the Roman _bishop_ was elevated above the +rest, a totally new situation arose. Even in the third century, as +already shown, the Roman community, led by its bishops, still showed the +rest an example in the process of giving a political constitution to the +Church. It can also be proved that even far distant congregations were +still being bound to the Roman Church through financial support,[335] +and that she was appealed to in questions of faith, just as the law of +the city of Rome was invoked as the standard in civil questions.[336] It +is further manifest from Cyprian's epistles that the Roman Church was +regarded as the _ecclesia principalis_, as the guardian _par excellence_ +of the _unity_ of the Church. We may explain from Cyprian's own +particular situation all else that he said in praise of the Roman Church +(see above p. 88, note 2) and specially of the _cathedra Petri_; but the +general view that she is the "matrix et radix ecclesiæ catholicæ" is not +peculiar to him, and the statement that the "unitas sacerdotalis" +originated in Rome is merely the modified expression, necessitated by +the altered circumstances of the Church, for the acknowledged fact that +the Roman community was the most distinguished among the sister groups, +and as such had had and still possessed the right and duty of watching +over the unity of the whole. Cyprian himself no doubt took a further +step at the time of his correspondence with Cornelius, and proclaimed +the special reference of Matt. XVI. to the _cathedra Petri_; but he +confined his theory to the abstractions "ecclesia," "cathedra." In him +the importance of this _cathedra_ oscillates between the significance of +a once existent fact that continues to live on as a symbol, and that of +a real and permanent court of appeal. Moreover, he did not go the length +of declaring that any special authority within the collective Church +attached to the temporary occupant of the _cathedra Petri_. If we remove +from Cyprian's abstractions everything to which he himself thinks there +is nothing concrete corresponding, then we must above all eliminate +every prerogative of the Roman bishop for the time being. What remains +behind is the special position of the Roman Church, which indeed is +represented by her bishop. Cyprian can say quite frankly: "owing to her +magnitude Rome ought to have precedence over Carthage" ("pro magnitudine +sua debet Carthaginem Roma præcedere") and his theory: "the episcopate +is one, and a part of it is held by each bishop for the whole" +("episcopatus unus est, cuius a singulis in solidum pars tenetur"), +virtually excludes any special prerogative belonging to a particular +bishop (see also "de unit." 4). Here we have reached the point that has +already been briefly referred to above, viz., that the consolidation of +the Churches in the Empire after the Roman pattern could not but +endanger the prestige and peculiar position of Rome, and did in fact do +so. If we consider that each bishop was the acknowledged sovereign of +his own diocese--now Catholic, that all bishops, as such, were +recognised to be successors of the Apostles, that, moreover, the +attribute of priesthood occupied a prominent position in the conception +of the episcopal office, and that, the metropolitan unions with their +presidents and synods had become completely naturalised--in short, that +the rigid episcopal and provincial constitution of the Church had become +an accomplished fact, so that, ultimately, it was no longer communities, +but merely bishops that had dealings with each other, then we shall see +that a new situation was thereby created for Rome, that is, for her +bishop. In the West it was perhaps chiefly through the coöperation of +Cyprian that Rome found herself face to face with a completely organised +Church system. His behaviour in the controversy about heretical baptism +proves that in cases of dispute he was resolved to elevate his theory of +the sovereign authority of each bishop above his theory of the necessary +connection with the _cathedra Petri_. But, when that levelling of the +episcopate came about, Rome had already acquired rights that could no +longer be cancelled.[337] Besides, there was one thing that could not be +taken from the Roman Church, nor therefore from her bishop, even if she +were denied the special right to Matt. XVI., viz., the possession of +Rome. The site of the world's metropolis might be shifted, but Rome +could not be removed. In the long run, however, the shifting of the +capital proved advantageous to ecclesiastical Rome. At the beginning of +the great epoch when the alienation of East from West became pronounced +and permanent, an emperor, from political grounds, decided in favour of +that party in Antioch "with whom the bishops in Italy and the city of +the Romans held intercourse" ([Greek: hois an hoi kata tên Italian kai +tên Rhômaiôn polin episkopoi tou dogmatos epistelloien][338]). In this +instance the interest of the Roman Church and the interest of the +emperor coincided. But the Churches in the various provinces, being now +completely organised and therefore seldom in need of any more help from +outside, were henceforth in a position to pursue their own interest. So +the bishop of Rome had step by step to fight for the new authority, +which, being now based on a purely dogmatic theory and being forced to +repudiate any empirical foundation, was inconsistent with the Church +system that the Roman community more than any other had helped to build +up. The proposition "the Roman Church always had the primacy" ("ecclesia +Romana semper habuit primatum") and the statement that "Catholic" +virtually means "Roman Catholic" are gross fictions, when devised in +honour of the temporary occupant of the Roman see and detached from the +significance of the Eternal City in profane history; but, applied to the +_Church_ of the imperial capital, they contain a truth the denial of +which is equivalent to renouncing the attempt to explain the process by +which the Church was unified and catholicised.[339] + + +Footnotes: + +[Footnote 193: See Ritschl, l.c.; Schwegler. Der Montanismus, 1841; +Gottwald, De Montanismo Tertulliani, 1862; Réville, Tertull. et le +Montanisme, in the Revue des Deux Mondes of 1st Novr. 1864; Stroehlin, +Essai sur le Montanisme, 1870; De Soyres, Montanism and the Primitive +Church, 1878; Cunningham, The Churches of Asia, 1880; Renan, Les Crises +du Catholicisme Naissant in the Revue des Deux Mondes of 15th Febr. +1881; Renan, Marc Aurèle, 1882, p. 208 ff.; Bonwetsch, Geschichte des +Montanismus, 1881; Harnack, Das Monchthum, seine Ideale und seine +Geschichte, 3rd. ed., 1886; Belck, Geschichte des Montanismus, 1883; +Voigt, Eine verschollene Urkunde des antimontanistischen Kampfes, 1891. +Further the articles on Montanism by Moller (Herzog's +Real-Encyklopädie), Salmon (Dictionary of Christian Biography), and +Harnack (Encyclopedia Britannica). Weizsäcker in the Theologische +Litteraturzeitung, 1882, no. 4; Bonwetsch, Die Prophetie im +apostolischen und nachapostolischen Zeitalter in the Zeitschrift fur +kirchliche Wissenschaft und kirchliches Leben, 1884, Parts 8, 9; M. von +Engelhardt, Die ersten Versuche zur Aufrichtung des wahren Christenthums +in einer Gemeinde von Heiligen, Riga, 1881.] + +[Footnote 194: In certain vital points the conception of the original +nature and history of Montanism, as sketched in the following account, +does not correspond with that traditionally current. To establish it in +detail would lead us too far. It may be noted that the mistakes in +estimating the original character of this movement arise from a +superficial examination of the oracles preserved to us and from the +unjustifiable practice of interpreting them in accordance with their +later application in the circles of Western Montanists. A completely new +organisation of Christendom, beginning with the Church in Asia, to be +brought about by its being detached from the bonds of the communities +and collected into one region, was the main effort of Montanus. In this +way he expected to restore to the Church a spiritual character and +fulfil the promises contained in John. That is clear from Euseb., V. 16 +ff. as well as from the later history of Montanism in its native land +(see Jerome, ep. 41; Epiphan., H. 49. 2 etc.). In itself, however, apart +from its particular explanation in the case of Montanus, the endeavour +to detach Christians from the local Church unions has so little that is +striking about it, that one rather wonders at being unable to point to +any parallel in the earliest history of the Church. Wherever religious +enthusiasm has been strong, it has at all times felt that nothing +hinders its effect more than family ties and home connections. But it is +just from the absence of similar undertakings in the earliest +Christianity that we are justified in concluding that the strength of +enthusiastic exaltation is no standard for the strength of _Christian_ +faith. (Since these words were written, we have read in Hippolytus' +Commentary on Daniel [see Georgiades in the journal [Greek: Ekkl. +alêtheia] 1885, p. 52 sq.] very interesting accounts of such +undertakings in the time of Septimius Severus. A Syrian bishop persuaded +many brethren with wives and children to go to meet Christ in the +wilderness; and another in Pontus induced his people to sell all their +possessions, to cease tilling their lands, to conclude no more marriages +etc., because the coming of the Lord was nigh at hand.)] + +[Footnote 195: Oracle of Prisca in Epiph. H. 49. 1.] + +[Footnote 196: Even in its original home Montanism must have +accommodated itself to circumstances at a comparatively early +date--which is not in the least extraordinary. No doubt the Montanist +Churches in Asia and Phrygia, to which the bishop of Rome had already +issued _literæ pacis_, were now very different from the original +followers of the prophets (Tertull., adv. Prax. 1). When Tertullian +further reports that Praxeas at the last moment prevented them from +being recognised by the bishop of Rome, "falsa de ipsis prophetis et +ecclesiis eorum adseverando," the "falsehood about the Churches" may +simply have consisted in an account of the original tendencies of the +Montanist sect. The whole unique history which, in spite of this, +Montanism undoubtedly passed through in its original home is, however +explained by the circumstance that there were districts there, where all +Christians belonged to that sect (Epiph., H. 51. 33; cf. also the later +history of Novatianism). In their peculiar Church organisation +(patriarchs, stewards, bishops), these sects preserved a record of their +origin.] + +[Footnote 197: Special weight must be laid on this. The fact that whole +communities became followers of the new prophets, who nevertheless +adhered to no old regulation, must above all be taken into account.] + +[Footnote 198: See Oracles 1, 3, 4, 5, 10, 12, 17, 18, 21 in Bonwetsch, +l.c., p. 197 f. It can hardly have been customary for Christian prophets +to speak like Montanus (Nos. 3-5): [Greek: egô kyrios ho theos ho +pantokratôr kataginomenos en anthropô], or [Greek: egô kyrios ho theos +patêr êlthon,] or [Greek: egô eimi ho patêr kai ho uios kai ho +paraklêtos], though Old Testament prophecy takes an analogous form. +Maximilla says on one occasion (No. 11); [Greek: apesteile me kyrios +toutou tou ponou kai tês epangelias airetistên]; and a second time (No. +12): [Greek: diôkomai hôs lycos ek probatôn ouk eimi lycos; rhêma eimi +kai pneuma kai dynamis.] The two utterances do not exclude, but include, +one another (cf. also No. 10: [Greek: emou mê akousête alla Christou +akousate]). From James IV. V. and Hermas, and from the Didache, on the +other hand, we can see how the prophets of Christian communities may +have usually spoken.] + +[Footnote 199: L.c., no. 9: [Greek: Christos hen idea gynaikos +eschêmatismenos.] How variable must the misbirths of the Christian +imagination have been in this respect also! Unfortunately almost +everything of that kind has been lost to us because it has been +suppressed. The fragments of the once highly esteemed Apocalypse of +Peter are instructive, for they still attest that the existing remains +of early Christian literature are not able to give a correct picture of +the strength of religious imagination in the first and second centuries. +The passages where Christophanies are spoken of in the earliest +literature would require to be collected. It would be shown what naive +enthusiasm existed. Jesus appears to believers as a child, as a boy, as +a youth, as Paul etc. Conversely, glorified men appear in visions with +the features of Christ.] + +[Footnote 200: See Euseb., H. E. V. 16. 9. In Oracle No. 2 an +evangelical promise is repeated in a heightened form; but see Papias in +Iren., V. 33. 3 f.] + +[Footnote 201: We may unhesitatingly act on the principle that the +Montanist elements, as they appear in Tertullian, are, in all cases, +found not in a strengthened, but a weakened, form. So, when even +Tertullian still asserts that the Paraclete in the new prophets could +overturn or change, and actually did change, regulations of the +Apostles, there is no doubt that the new prophets themselves did not +adhere to apostolic dicta and had no hesitation in deviating from them. +Cf., moreover, the direct declarations on this point in Hippolytus +(Syntagma and Philos. VIII. 19) and in Didymus (de trin. III. 41. 2).] + +[Footnote 202: The precepts for a Christian life, if we may so speak, +given by the new prophets, cannot be determined from the compromises on +which the discipline of the later Montanist societies of the Empire were +based. Here they sought for a narrow line between the Marcionite and +Encratite mode of life and the common church practice, and had no longer +the courage and the candour to proclaim the "e sæculo excedere." Sexual +purity and the renunciation of the enjoyments of life were the demands +of the new prophets. But it is hardly likely that they prescribed +precise "laws," for the primary matter was not asceticism, but the +realising of a promise. In later days it was therefore possible to +conceive the most extreme demands as regulations referring to none but +the prophets themselves, and to tone down the oracles in their +application to believers. It is said of Montanus himself (Euseb., H. E. +V. 18. 2): [Greek: ho didaxas lyseis gamôn, ho nêsteias nomothetêsas]; +Prisca was a [Greek: parthenos] (l.c. § 3); Proculus, the chief of the +Roman Montanists, "virginis senectæ" (Tert., adv. Val. 5). The oracle of +Prisca (No. 8) declares that sexual purity is the preliminary condition +for the oracles and visions of God; it is presupposed in the case of +every "sanctus minister." Finally, Origen tells us (in Titum, Opp. IV. +696) that the (older) Cataphrygians said: "ne accedas ad me, quoniam +mundus sum; non enim accepi uxorem, nec est sepulcrum patens guttur +menin, sed sum Nazarenus dei non bibens vinum sicut illi." But an +express legal direction to abolish marriage cannot have existed in the +collection of oracles possessed by Tertullian. But who can guarantee +that they were not already corrected? Such an assumption, however, is +not necessary.] + +[Footnote 203: Euseb., V. 16. 9: V. 18. 5.] + +[Footnote 204: It will not do simply to place Montanus and his two +female associates in the same category as the prophets of primitive +Christian Churches. The claim that the Spirit had descended upon them in +unique fashion must have been put forth by themselves with unmistakable +clearness. If we apply the principle laid down on p. 98, note 3, we will +find that--apart from the prophets' own utterances--this is still +clearly manifest from the works of Tertullian. A consideration of the +following facts will remove all doubt as to the claim of the new +prophets to the possession of an unique mission, (1) From the beginning +both opponents and followers constantly applied the title "New Prophecy" +to the phenomenon in question (Euseb., V. 16. 4: V. 19. 2; Clem., Strom. +IV. 13. 93; Tertull., monog. 14, ieiun. I, resurr. 63, Marc. III. 24.: +IV. 22, Prax. 30; Firmil. ep. 75. 7; alii). (2) Similarly, the divine +afflatus was, from the first, constantly designated as the "Paraclete" +(Orac. no. 5; Tertull. passim; Hippol. passim; Didymus etc.). (3) Even +in the third century the Montanist congregations of the Empire must +still have doubted whether the Apostles had possessed this Paraclete or +not, or at least whether this had been the case in the full sense. +Tertullian identifies the Spirit and the Paraclete and declares that the +Apostles possessed the latter in full measure--in fact as a Catholic he +could not do otherwise. Nevertheless he calls Montanus etc. "prophetæ +proprii" of the Spirit (pudic. 12; see Acta Perpet. 21). On the contrary +we find in Philos. VIII. 19: [Greek: huper de apostolous kai pan +charisma tauta ta gunaia doxazouin, hôs tolman pleion ti Christou en +toutois legein tinas autôn gegoneai]. Pseudo-Tertullian says: "in +apostolis quidem dicunt spiritum sanctum fuisse, paracletum non fuisse, +et paracletum plura in Montano dixisse quam Christum in evangelio +protulisse." In Didymus, l.c., we read: [Greek: tou apostolou grapsantos +k.t.l., ekeinoi legousin ton Montanon elêluthenai kai eschêkenai to +teleion to tou paraklêton, tout' estin to tou agion pneumatos]. (4) +Lastly, the Montanists asserted that the prediction contained in John +XIV. ff. had been fulfilled in the new prophecy, and that from the +beginning, as is denoted by the very expression "Paraclete." + +What sort of mission they ascribed to themselves is seen from the last +quoted passage, for the promises contained in it must be regarded as the +enthusiastic carrying out of Montanus' programme. If we read attentively +John XIV. 16-21, 23, 26: XV. 20-26: XVI. 7-15, 25 as well as XVII. and +X.; if we compare the oracles of the prophets still preserved to us; if +we consider the attempt of Montanus to gather the scattered Christians +and really form them into a flock, and also his claim to be the bearer +of the greatest and last revelations that lead to all truth; and, +finally, if we call to mind that in those Johannine discourses Christ +designated the coming of the Paraclete as his own coming in the +Paraclete and spoke of an immanence and unity of Father, Son, and +Paraclete, which one finds re-echoed in Montanus' Oracle No. V., we +cannot avoid concluding that the latter's undertaking is based on the +impression made on excited and impatient prophets by the promises +contained in the Gospel of John, understood in an apocalyptic and +realistic sense, and also by Matt. XXIII. 34 (see Euseb., V. 16. 12 +sq.). The correctness of this interpretation is proved by the fact that +the first decided opponents of the Montanists in Asia--the so-called +"Alogi" (Epiph., H. 51)--rejected both the Gospel and Revelation of +John, that is, regarded them as written by some one else. Montanism +therefore shows us the first and--up till about 180--really the only +impression made by the Gospel of John on non-Gnostic Gentile Christians; +and what a remarkable one it was! It has a parallel in Marcion's +conception of Paulinism. Here we obtain glimpses of a state of matters +which probably explains why these writings were made innocuous in the +canon. To the view advanced here it cannot be objected that the later +adherents of the new prophets founded their claims on the recognised +gift of prophecy in the Church, or on a prophetic succession (Euseb, H. +E. V. 17. 4; Proculus in the same author, II. 25. 7: III. 31. 4), nor +that Tertullian, when it suits him, simply regards the new prophecy as a +_restitutio_ (e.g., in Monog. 4); for these assumptions merely represent +the unsuccessful attempt to legitimise this phenomenon within the +Catholic Church. In proof of the fact that Montanus appealed to the +Gospel of John see Jerome, Ep. 41 (Migne I. p. 474), which begins with +the words: "Testimonia de Johannis evangelio congregata, quæ tibi quidam +Montani sectator ingessit, in quibus salvator noster se ad patrem iturum +missurumque paracletum pollicetur etc." In opposition to this Jerome +argues that the promises about the Paraclete are fulfilled in Acts II., +as Peter said in his speech, and then continues as follows: "Quodsi +voluerint respondere et Philippi deinceps quattuor filias prophetasse et +prophetam Agabum reperiri et in divisionibus spiritus inter apostolos et +doctores et prophetas quoque apostolo scribente formatos. etc."] + +[Footnote 205: We are assured of this not only by Tertullian, but also +by the Roman Montanist Proculus, who, like the former, argued against +heretics, and by the testimony of the Church Fathers (see, e.g., Philos. +VIII. 19). It was chiefly on the ground of their orthodoxy that +Tertullian urged the claim of the new prophets to a hearing; and it was, +above all, as a Montanist that he felt himself capable of combating the +Gnostics, since the Paraclete not only confirmed the _regula_, but also +by unequivocal utterances cleared up ambiguous and obscure passages in +the Holy Scriptures, and (as was asserted) completely rejected doctrines +like the Monarchian (see fuga 1, 14; corona 4; virg. vel. 1: Prax. 2, +13, 30; resurr. 63; pud. 1; monog. 2; ieiun. 10, II). Besides, we see +from Tertullian's writings that the secession of the Montanist +conventicles from the Church was forced upon them.] + +[Footnote 206: The question as to whether the new prophecy had or had +not to be recognised as such became the decisive one (fuga 1, 14; coron. +1; virg. vel. 1; Prax. 1: pudic. 11; monog. 1). This prophecy was +recorded in writing (Euseb., V. 18. 1; Epiph., H. 48. 10; Euseb., VI. +20). The putting of this question, however, denoted a fundamental +weakening of conviction, which was accompanied by a corresponding +falling off in the application of the prophetic utterances.] + +[Footnote 207: The situation that preceded the acceptance of the new +prophecy in a portion of Christendom may be studied in Tertullian's +writings "de idolol." and "de spectac." Christianity had already been +conceived as a _nova lex_ throughout the whole Church, and this _lex_ +had, moreover, been clearly defined in its bearing on the faith. But, as +regards outward conduct, there was no definite _lex_, and arguments in +favour both of strictness and of laxity were brought forward from the +Holy Scriptures. No divine ordinances about morality could be adduced +against the progressive secularising of Christianity; but there was need +of statutory commandments by which all the limits were clearly defined. +In this state of perplexity the oracles of the new prophets were gladly +welcomed; they were utilised in order to justify and invest with divine +authority a reaction of a moderate kind. More than that--as may be +inferred from Tertullian's unwilling confession--could not be attained; +but it is well known that even this result was not reached. Thus the +Phrygian movement was employed in support of undertakings, that had no +real connection with it. But this was the form in which Montanism first +became a factor in the history of the Church. To what extent it had been +so before, particularly as regards the creation of a New Testament canon +(in Asia Minor and Rome), cannot be made out with certainty.] + +[Footnote 208: See Bonwetsch, l.c., p. 82-108.] + +[Footnote 209: This is the point about which Tertullian's difficulties +are greatest. Tatian is expressly repudiated in de ieiun. 15.] + +[Footnote 210: Tertullian (de monog.) is not deterred by such a +limitation: "qui potest capere capiat, inquit, id est qui non potest +discedat."] + +[Footnote 211: It is very instructive, but at the same time very +painful, to trace Tertullian's endeavours to reconcile the +irreconcilable, in other words, to show that the prophecy is new and yet +not so; that it does not impair the full authority of the New Testament +and yet supersedes it. He is forced to maintain the theory that the +Paraclete stands in the same relation to the Apostles as Christ does to +Moses, and that he abrogates the concessions made by the Apostles and +even by Christ himself; whilst he is at the same time obliged to +reassert the sufficiency of both Testaments. In connection with this he +hit upon the peculiar theory of stages in revelation--a theory which, +were it not a mere expedient in his case, one might regard as the first +faint trace of a historical view of the question. Still, this is another +case of a dilemma, furnishing theology with a conception that she has +cautiously employed in succeeding times, when brought face to face with +certain difficulties; see virg. vel. I; exhort. 6; monog. 2, 3, 14; +resurr. 63. For the rest, Tertullian is at bottom a Christian of the old +stamp; the theory of any sort of finality in revelation is of no use to +him except in its bearing on heresy; for the Spirit continually guides +to all truth and works wherever he will. Similarly, his only reason for +not being an Encratite is that this mode of life had already been +adopted by heretics, and become associated with dualism. But the +conviction that all religion must have the character of a fixed _law_ +and presupposes definite regulations--a belief not emanating from +primitive Christianity, but from Rome--bound him to the Catholic Church. +Besides, the contradictions with which he struggled were by no means +peculiar to him; in so far as the Montanist societies accepted the +Catholic regulations, they weighed on them all, and in all probability +crushed them out of existence. In Asia Minor, where the breach took +place earlier, the sect held its ground longer. In North Africa the +residuum was a remarkable propensity to visions, holy dreams, and the +like. The feature which forms the peculiar characteristic of the Acts of +Perpetua and Felicitas is still found in a similar shape in Cyprian +himself, who makes powerful use of visions and dreams; and in the +genuine African Acts of the Martyrs, dating from Valerian's time, which +are unfortunately little studied. See, above all, the Acta Jacobi, +Mariani etc., and the Acta Montani, Lucii etc. (Ruinart, Acta Mart. edit +Ratisb. 1859, p. 268 sq., p. 275 sq.)] + +[Footnote 212: Nothing is known of attempts at a formal incorporation of +the Oracles with the New Testament. Besides, the Montanists could +dispense with this because they distinguished the commandments of the +Paraclete as "novissima lex" from the "novum testamentum." The preface +to the Montanist Acts of Perpetua and Felicitas (was Tertullian the +author?) showed indeed the high value attached to the visions of +martyrs. In so far as these were to be read in the Churches they were +meant to be reckoned as an "instrumentum ecclesiæ" in the wider sense.] + +[Footnote 213: Here the bishops themselves occupy the foreground (there +are complaints about their cowardice and serving of two masters in the +treatise _de fugo_). But it would be very unjust simply to find fault +with them as Tertullian does. Two interests combined to influence their +conduct; for if they drew the reins tight they gave over their flock to +heresy or heathenism. This situation is already evident in Hermas and +dominates the resolutions of the Church leaders in succeeding +generations (see below).] + +[Footnote 214: The distinction of "Spiritales" and "Psychici" on the +part of the Montanists is not confined to the West (see Clem., Strom. +IV. 13. 93); we find it very frequently in Tertullian. In itself it did +not yet lead to the formal breach with the Catholic Church.] + +[Footnote 215: A contrast to the bishops and the regular congregational +offices existed in primitive Montanism. This was transmitted in a +weakened form to the later adherents of the new prophecy (cf. the Gallic +confessors' strange letter of recommendation on behalf of Irenæus in +Euseb., H. E. V. 4), and finally broke forth with renewed vigour in +opposition to the measures of the lax bishops (de pudic. 21; de exhort. +7; Hippolytus against Calixtus). The _ecclesia_, represented as _numerus +episcoporum_, no longer preserved its prestige in the eyes of +Tertullian.] + +[Footnote 216: See here particularly, de pudicitia 1, where Tertullian +sees the virginity of the Church not in pure doctrine, but in strict +precepts for a holy life. As will have been seen in this account, the +oft debated question as to whether Montanism was an innovation or merely +a reaction does not admit of a simple answer. In its original shape it +was undoubtedly an innovation; but it existed at the end of a period +when one cannot very well speak of innovations, because no bounds had +yet been set to subjective religiosity. Montanus decidedly went further +than any Christian prophets known to us; Hermas, too, no doubt gave +injunctions, as a prophet, which gave rise to innovations in +Christendom; but these fell short of Montanus' proceedings. In its later +shape, however, Montanism was to all intents and purposes a reaction, +which aimed at maintaining or reviving an older state of things. So far, +however, as this was to be done by legislation, by a _novissima lex_, we +have an evident innovation analogous to the Catholic development. +Whereas in former times exalted enthusiasm had of itself, as it were, +given rise to strict principles of conduct among its other results, +these principles, formulated with exactness and detail, were now meant +to preserve or produce that original mode of life. Moreover, as soon as +the New Testament was recognised, the conception of a subsequent +revelation through the Paraclete was a highly questionable and strange +innovation. But for those who acknowledged the new prophecy all this was +ultimately nothing but a means. Its practical tendency, based as it was +on the conviction that the Church abandons her character if she does not +resist gross secularisation at least, was no innovation, but a defence +of the most elementary requirements of primitive Christianity in +opposition to a Church that was always more and more becoming a new +thing.] + +[Footnote 217: There were of course a great many intermediate stages +between the extremes of laxity and rigour, and the new prophecy was by +no means recognised by all those who had strict views as to the +principles of Christian polity; see the letters of Dionysius of Corinth +in Euseb., H. E. IV. 23. Melito, the prophet, eunuch, and bishop, must +also be reckoned as one of the stricter party, but not as a Montanist. +We must judge similarly of Irenæus.] + +[Footnote 218: Euseb., H. E. V. 16. 17. The life of the prophets +themselves was subsequently subjected to sharp criticism.] + +[Footnote 219: This was first done by the so-called Alogi who, however, +had to be repudiated.] + +[Footnote 220: De ieiun. 12, 16.] + +[Footnote 221: Tertullian protested against this in the most energetic +manner.] + +[Footnote 222: It is well known that in the 3rd century the Revelation +of John itself was viewed with suspicion and removed from the canon in +wide circles in the East.] + +[Footnote 223: In the West the Chiliastic hopes were little or not at +all affected by the Montanist struggle. Chiliasm prevailed there in +unimpaired strength as late as the 4th century. In the East, on the +contrary, the apocalyptic expectations were immediately weakened by the +Montanist crisis. But it was philosophical theology that first proved +their mortal enemy. In the rural Churches of Egypt Chiliasm was still +widely prevalent after the middle of the 3rd century; see the +instructive 24th chapter of Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History, Book VII. +"Some of their teachers," says Dionysius, "look on the Law and the +Prophets as nothing, neglect to obey the Gospel, esteem the Epistles of +the Apostles as little worth, but, on the contrary, declare the doctrine +contained in the Revelation of John to be a great and a hidden mystery." +There were even temporary disruptions in the Egyptian Church on account +of Chiliasm (see Chap. 24. 6).] + +[Footnote 224: "Lex et prophetæ usque ad Johannem" now became the motto. +Churchmen spoke of a "completus numerus prophetarum" (Muratorian +Fragment), and formulated the proposition that the prophets corresponded +to the pre-Christian stage of revelation, but the Apostles to the +Christian; and that in addition to this the apostolic age was also +particularly distinguished by gifts of the Spirit. "Prophets and +Apostles" now replaced "Apostles, prophets, and teachers," as the court +of appeal. Under such circumstances prophecy might still indeed exist; +but it could no longer be of a kind capable of ranking, in the remotest +degree, with the authority of the Apostles in point of importance. Hence +it was driven into a corner, became extinct, or at most served only to +support the measures of the bishops. In order to estimate the great +revolution in the spirit of the times let us compare the utterances of +Irenæus and Origen about gifts of the Spirit and prophecy. Irenæus still +expressed himself exactly like Justin (Dial. 39, 81, 82, 88); he says +(II. 32. 4: V. 6. 1): [Greek: kathôs kai pollôn akouomen adelphôn hen tê +ekklêsia prophêtika charismata echontôn k.t.l.] Origen on the contrary +(see numerous passages, especially in the treatise c. Cels.), looks back +to a period after which the Spirit's gifts in the Church ceased. It is +also a very characteristic circumstance that along with the +naturalisation of Christianity in the world, the disappearance of +charisms, and the struggle against Gnosticism, a strictly ascetic mode +of life came to be viewed with suspicion. Euseb., H. E. V. 3 is +especially instructive on this point. Here it is revealed to the +confessor Attalus that the confessor Alcibiades, who even in captivity +continued his ascetic practice of living on nothing but bread and water, +was wrong in refraining from that which God had created and thus become +a "[Greek: typos skandalou]" to others. Alcibiades changed his mode of +life. In Africa, however, (see above, p. 103) dreams and visions still +retained their authority in the Church as important means of solving +perplexities.] + +[Footnote 225: Tertullian, adv. Marc. IV. 9, enumerates "septem maculas +capitalium delictorum," namely, "idololatria," "blasphemia," +"homicidium," "adulterium," "stuprum," "falsum testimonium," "fraus." +The stricter treatment probably applied to all these seven offences. So +far as I know, the lapse into heresy was not placed in the same category +in the first centuries; see Iren. III. 4. 2: Tertull., de præscr. 30 +and, above all, de pudic. 19 init.; the anonymous writer in Euseb., H. +E. V. 28. 12, from which passages it is evident that repentant heretics +were readmitted.] + +[Footnote 226: Hermas based the admissibility of a second atonement on a +definite divine revelation to this effect, and did not expressly discuss +the admission of gross sinners into the Church generally, but treated of +their reception into that of the last days, which he believed had +already arrived. See particulars on this point in my article "Lapsi," in +Herzog's Real-Encyklopädie, 2 ed. Cf. Preuschen, Tertullian's Schriften +de pænit. et de pudic. mit Rücksicht auf die Bussdisciplin, 1890; +Rolffs, Indulgenz-Edict des Kallistus, 1893.] + +[Footnote 227: In the work de pænit. (7 ff.) Tertullian treats this as a +fixed Church regulation. K. Müller, Kirchengeschichte I. 1892, p. 114, +rightly remarks: "He who desired this expiation continued in the wider +circle of the Church, in her 'antechamber' indeed, but as her member in +the wider sense. This, however, did not exclude the possibility of his +being received again, even in this world, into the ranks of those +possessing full Christian privileges,--after the performance of penance +or _exhomologesis_. But there was no kind of certainty as to that taking +place. Meanwhile this _exhomologesis_ itself underwent a transformation +which in Tertullian includes a whole series of basal religious ideas. It +is no longer a mere expression of inward feeling, confession to God and +the brethren, but is essentially performance. It is the actual +attestation of heartfelt sorrow, the undertaking to satisfy God by works +of self-humiliation and abnegation, which he can accept as a voluntarily +endured punishment and therefore as a substitute for the penalty that +naturally awaits the sinner. It is thus the means of pacifying God, +appeasing his anger, and gaining his favour again--with the consequent +possibility of readmission into the Church. I say the _possibility_, for +readmission does not always follow. Participation in the future kingdom +may be hoped for even by him who in this world is shut out from full +citizenship and merely remains in the ranks of the penitent. In all +probability then it still continued the rule for a person to remain till +death in a state of penance or _exhomologesis_. For readmission +continued to involve the assumption that the Church had in some way or +other become _certain_ that God had forgiven the sinner, or in other +words that she had power to grant this forgiveness in virtue of the +Spirit dwelling in her, and that this readmission therefore involved no +violation of her holiness." In such instances it is first prophets and +then martyrs that appear as organs of the Spirit, till at last it is no +longer the inspired Christian, but the professional medium of the +Spirit, viz., the priest, who decides everything.] + +[Footnote 228: In the 2nd century even endeavours at a formal repetition +of baptism were not wholly lacking. In Marcionite congregations +repetition of baptism is said to have taken place (on the Elkesaites see +Vol. I. p. 308). One can only wonder that there is not more frequent +mention of such attempts. The assertion of Hippolytus (Philos. IX. 12 +fin.) is enigmatical: [Greek: Epi Kallistou protô tetolmêtai deuteron +autois baptisma].] + +[Footnote 229: See Tertull., de pudic. 12: "hinc est quod neque +idololatriæ neque sanguini pax ab ecclesiis redditur." Orig., de orat. +28 fin; c. Cels. III. 50.] + +[Footnote 230: It is only of whoremongers and idolaters that Tertullian +expressly speaks in de pudic. c. I. We must interpret in accordance with +this the following statement by Hippolytus in Philos. IX. 12: [Greek: +Kallistos prôtos ta pros tas hêdonas tois anthrôpois synchôrein +epenoêse, legôn pasin hup' autou aphiesthai hamartias]. The aim of this +measure is still clear from the account of it given by Hippolytus, +though this indeed is written in a hostile spirit. Roman Christians were +then split into at least five different sects, and Calixtus left nothing +undone to break up the unfriendly parties and enlarge his own. In all +probability, too, the energetic bishop met with a certain measure of +success. From Euseb., H. E. IV. 23. 6, one might be inclined to conclude +that, even in Marcus Aurelius' time, Dionysius of Corinth had issued lax +injunctions similar to those of Calixtus. But it must not be forgotten +that we have nothing but Eusebius' report; and it is just in questions +of this kind that his accounts are not reliable.] + +[Footnote 231: No doubt persecutions were practically unknown in the +period between 220 and 260.] + +[Footnote 232: See Cypr., de lapsis.] + +[Footnote 233: What scruples were caused by this innovation is shown by +the first 40 letters in Cyprian's collection. He himself had to struggle +with painful doubts.] + +[Footnote 234: Apart from some epistles of Cyprian, Socrates, H. E. V. +22, is our chief source of information on this point. See also Conc. +Illib. can. 1, 2, 6-8, 12, 17, 18-47, 70-73, 75.] + +[Footnote 235: See my article "Novatian" in Herzog's Real-Encyklopädie, +2nd ed. One might be tempted to assume that the introduction of the +practice of unlimited forgiveness of sins was an "evangelical reaction" +against the merciless legalism which, in the case of the Gentile Church +indeed, had established itself from the beginning. As a matter of fact +the bishops and the laxer party appealed to the New Testament in +justification of their practice. This had already been done by the +followers of Calixtus and by himself. See Philos. IX. 12: [Greek: +phaskontes Christon aphienai tois eudokousi]; Rom. XIV. 4 and Matt. +XIII. 29 were also quoted. Before this Tertullian's opponents who +favoured laxity had appealed exactly in the same way to numerous Bible +texts, e.g., Matt. X. 23: XI. 19 etc., see de monog, de pudic., de +ieiun. Cyprian is also able to quote many passages from the Gospels. +However, as the bishops and their party did not modify their conception +of baptism, but rather maintained in principle, as before, that baptism +imposes only obligations for the future, the "evangelical reaction" must +not be estimated very highly; (see below, p. 117, and my essay in the +Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche, Vol. I., "Die ehre von der +Seligkeit allein durch den Glauben in der alten Kirche.")] + +[Footnote 236: The distinction of sins committed against God himself, as +we find it in Tertullian, Cyprian, and other Fathers, remains involved +in an obscurity that I cannot clear up.] + +[Footnote 237: Cyprian never expelled any one from the Church, unless he +had attacked the authority of the bishops, and thus in the opinion of +this Father placed himself outside her pale by his own act.] + +[Footnote 238: Hippol., Philos. IX. 12: [Greek: Kai parabolên tôn +zizaniôn pros touto ephê ho Kallistos legesthai. Aphete ta zizania +sunauxein tô sitô, toutestin en tê ekklêsia tous hamartanontas. Alla kai +tên kibôton tou Nôe eis homoiôma ekklêsias ephê gegonenai, en hê kai +kunes kai lykoi kai korakes kai panta ta kathara kai akatharta; houtô +phaskôn dein einai en ekklêsia homoiôs, kai hosa pros touto dynatos ên +synagein houtôs hêrmêneusen.] From Tertull., de idolol. 24, one cannot +help assuming that even before the year 200 the laxer sort in Carthage +had already appealed to the Ark. ("Viderimus si secundum arcæ typum et +corvus et milvus et lupus et canis et serpens in ecclesia erit. Certe +idololatres in arcæ typo non habetur. Quod in arca non fuit, in ecclesia +non sit"). But we do not know what form this took and what inferences +they drew. Moreover, we have here a very instructive example of the +multitudinous difficulties in which the Fathers were involved by +typology: the Ark is the Church, hence the dogs and snakes are men. To +solve these problems it required an abnormal degree of acuteness and +wit, especially as each solution always started fresh questions. Orig. +(Hom. II. in Genes. III.) also viewed the Ark as the type of the Church +(the working out of the image in Hom. I. in Ezech., Lomm. XIV. p. 24 +sq., is instructive); but apparently in the wild animals he rather sees +the simple Christians who are not yet sufficiently trained--at any rate +he does not refer to the whoremongers and adulterers who must be +tolerated in the Church. The Roman bishop Stephen again, positively +insisted on Calixtus' conception of the Church, whereas Cornelius +followed Cyprian (see Euseb., H. E. VI. 43. 10), who never declared +sinners to be a necessary part of the Church in the same fashion as +Calixtus did. (See the following note and Cyp., epp. 67. 6; 68. 5).] + +[Footnote 239: Philos., l.c.: [Greek: Kallistos edogmatisen hopôs ei +episkopos hamartoi ti, ei kai pros thanaton, mê dein katatithesthai]. +That Hippolytus is not exaggerating here is evident from Cyp., epp. 67, +68; for these passages make it very probable that Stephen also assumed +the irremovability of a bishop on account of gross sins or other +failings.] + +[Footnote 240: See Cypr., epp. 65, 66, 68; also 55. 11.] + +[Footnote 241: This is asserted by Cyprian in epp. 65. 4 and 67. 3; but +he even goes on to declare that everyone is polluted that has fellowship +with an impure priest, and takes part in the offering celebrated by +him.] + +[Footnote 242: On this point the greatest uncertainty prevails in +Cyprian. Sometimes he says that God himself installs the bishops, and it +is therefore a deadly sin against God to criticise them (e.g., in ep. +66. 1); on other occasions he remembers that the bishops have been +ordained by bishops; and again, as in ep. 67. 3, 4, he appears to +acknowledge the community's right to choose and control them. Cf. the +sections referring to Cyprian in Reuter's "Augustinische Studien" +(Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, Vol. VII., p. 199 ff.).] + +[Footnote 243: The Donatists were quite justified in appealing to +Cyprian, that is, in one of his two aspects.] + +[Footnote 244: Origen not only distinguishes between different groups +within the Church as judged by their spiritual understanding and moral +development (Comm. in Matt. Tom. XI. at Chap. XV. 29; Hom. II. in Genes. +Chap. 3; Hom. in Cantic. Tom. I. at Chap. I. 4: "ecclesia una quidem +est, cum perfecta est; multæ vero sunt adolescentulæ, cum adhuc +instruuntur et proficiunt"; Hom. III. in Levit. Chap. iii.), but also +between spiritual and carnal members (Hom. XXVI. in Num. Chap. vii.) +i.e., between true Christians and those who only bear that name without +heartfelt faith--who outwardly take part in everything, but bring forth +fruits neither in belief nor conduct. Such Christians he as little views +as belonging to the Church as does Clement of Alexandria (see Strom. +VII. 14. 87, 88). To him they are like the Jebusites who were left in +Jerusalem: they have no part in the promises of Christ, but are lost +(Comm. in Matt. T. XII. c. xii.). It is the Church's task to remove such +members, whence we see that Origen was far from sharing Calixtus' view +of the Church as a _corpus permixtum_; but to carry out this process so +perfectly that only the holy and the saved remain is a work beyond the +powers of human sagacity. One must therefore content oneself with +expelling notorious sinners; see Hom. XXI. in Jos., c. i.: "sunt qui +ignobilem et degenerem vitam ducunt, qui et fide et actibus et omni +conversatione sua perversi sunt. Neque enim possibile est, ad liquidum +purgari ecclesiam, dum in terris est, ita ut neque impius in ea +quisquam, neque peccator residere videatur, sed sint in ea omnes sancti +et beati, et in quibus nulla prorsus peccati macula deprehendatur. Sed +sicut dicitur de zizaniis: Ne forte eradicantes zizania simul eradicetis +et triticum, ita etiam super iis dici potest, in quibus vel dubia vel +occulta peccata sunt.... Eos saltem eiiciamus quos possumus, quorum +peccata manifesta sunt. Ubi enim peccatum non est evidens, eiicere de +ecclesia neminem possumus." In this way indeed very many wicked people +remain in the Church (Comm. in Matt. T. X. at c. xiii. 47 f.: [Greek: mê +xenizometha, ean horômen hêmôn ta athroismata peplêrômena kai ponêrôn]); +_but in his work against Celsus Origen already propounded that empiric +and relative theory of the Christian Churches which views them as simply +"better" than the societies and civic communities existing alongside of +them_. The 29th and 30th chapters of the 3rd book against Celsus, in +which he compares the Christians with the other population of Athens, +Corinth, and Alexandria, and the heads of congregations with the +councillors and mayors of these cities, are exceedingly instructive and +attest the revolution of the times. In conclusion, however, we must +point out that Origen expressly asserts that a person unjustly +excommunicated remains a member of the Church in God's eyes; see Hom. +XIV. in Levit. c. iii.: "ita fit, ut interdum ille qui foras mittitur +intussit, et ille foris, qui intus videtur retineri." Döllinger +(Hippolytus and Calixtus, page 254 ff.) has correctly concluded that +Origen followed the disputes between Hippolytus and Calixtus in Rome, +and took the side of the former. Origen's trenchant remarks about the +pride and arrogance of the bishops of large towns (in Matth. XI. 9. 15; +XII. 9-14; XVI. 8. 22 and elsewhere, e.g., de orat. 28, Hom. VI. in Isai +c. i., in Joh. X. 16), and his denunciation of such of them as, in order +to glorify God, assume a mere distinction of names between Father and +Son, are also correctly regarded by Langen as specially referring to the +Roman ecclesiastics (Geschichte der römischen Kirche I. p. 242). Thus +Calixtus was opposed by the three greatest theologians of the +age--Tertullian, Hippolytus, and Origen.] + +[Footnote 245: If, in assuming the irremovability of a bishop even in +case of mortal sin, the Roman bishops went beyond Cyprian, Cyprian drew +from his conception of the Church a conclusion which the former +rejected, viz., the invalidity of baptism administered by non-Catholics. +Here, in all likelihood, the Roman bishops were only determined by their +interest in smoothing the way to a return or admission to the Church in +the case of non-Catholics. In this instance they were again induced to +adhere to their old practice from a consideration of the catholicity of +the Church. It redounds to Cyprian's credit that he drew and firmly +maintained the undeniable inferences from his own theory in spite of +tradition. The matter never led to a great _dogmatic_ controversy.] + +[Footnote 246: As to the events during the vacancy in the Roman see +immediately before Novatian's schism, and the part then played by the +latter, who was still a member of the Church, see my essay: "Die Briefe +des römischen Klerus aus der Zeit. der Sedisvacanz im Jahre 250" +(Abhandl. f. Weizsäcker, 1892).] + +[Footnote 247: So far as we are able to judge, Novatian himself did not +extend the severer treatment to all gross sinners (see ep. 55. 26, 27); +but only decreed it in the case of the lapsed. It is, however, very +probable that in the later Novatian Churches no mortal sinner was +absolved (see, e.g., Socrates, H. E. I. 10). The statement of Ambrosius +(de pænit. III. 3) that Novatian made no difference between gross and +lesser sins and equally refused forgiveness to transgressors of every +kind distorts the truth as much as did the old reproach laid to his +charge, viz., that he as "a Stoic" made no distinction between sins. +Moreover, in excluding gross sinners, Novatian's followers did not mean +to abandon them, but to leave them under the discipline and intercession +of the Church.] + +[Footnote 248: The title of the evangelical life (evangelical +perfection, imitation of Christ) in contrast to that of ordinary +Catholic Christians, a designation which we first find among the +Encratites (see Vol. I. p. 237, note 3) and Marcionites (see Tertull., +adv. Marc. IV. 14: "Venio nunc ad ordinarias sententias Marcionis, per +quas proprietatem doctrinæ suæ inducit ad edictum, ut ita dixerim, +Christi, Beati mendici etc."), and then in Tertullian (in his +pre-Montanist period, see ad mart., de patient., de pænit., de idolol.; +in his later career, see de coron. 8, 9, 13, 14; de fuga 8, 13; de +ieiun. 6, 8, 15; de monog. 3, 5, 11; see Aubé, Les Chrétiens dans +l'empire Romain de la fin des Antonins, 1881, p. 237 ff.: "Chrétiens +intransigeants et Chrétiens opportunistes") was expressly claimed by +Novatian (Cypr., ep. 44. 3: "si Novatiani se adsertores evangelii et +Christi esse confitentur"; 46. 2: "nec putetis, sic vos evangelium +Christi adserere"). Cornelius in Eusebius, H. E. VI. 43. II calls +Novatian: [Greek: ho ekdikêtês tou euangeliou]. This is exceedingly +instructive, and all the more so when we note that, even as far back as +the end of the second century, it was not the "evangelical," but the +lax, who declared the claims of the Gospel to be satisfied if they kept +God in their hearts, but otherwise lived in entire conformity with the +world. See Tertullian, de spec. 1; de pænit. 5: "Sed aiunt quidam, satis +deum habere, si corde et animo suspiciatur, licet actu minus fiat; +itaque se salvo metu et fide peccare, hoc est salva castitate matrimonia +violare etc.": de ieiun. 2: "Et scimus, quales sint carnalium commodorum +suasoriæ, quam facile dicatur: Opus est de totis præcordiis credam, +diligam deum et proximum tanquam me. In his enim duobus præceptis tota +lex pendet et prophetæ, non in pulmonum et intestinorum meorum +inanitate." The Valentinian Heracleon was similarly understood, see +above Vol. I. p. 262.] + +[Footnote 249: Tertullian (de pud. 22) had already protested vigorously +against such injustice.] + +[Footnote 250: From Socrates' Ecclesiastical History we can form a good +idea of the state of the Novatian communities in Constantinople and Asia +Minor. On the later history of the Catharist Church see my article +"Novatian," l.c., 667 ff. The most remarkable feature of this history is +the amalgamation of Novatian's adherents in Asia Minor with the +Montanists and the absence of distinction between their manner of life +and that of the Catholics. In the 4th century of course the Novatians +were nevertheless very bitterly attacked.] + +[Footnote 251: This indeed was disputed by Hippolytus and Origen.] + +[Footnote 252: This last conclusion was come to after painful scruples, +particularly in the East--as we may learn from the 6th and 7th books of +Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History. For a time the majority of the +Oriental bishops adopted an attitude favourable to Novatian and +unfavourable to Cornelius and Cyprian. Then they espoused the cause of +the latter, though without adopting the milder discipline in all cases +(see the canons of Ancyra and Neocæsarea IV. sæc. init.). Throughout the +East the whole question became involved in confusion, and was not +decided in accordance with clear principles. In giving up the last +remnant of her exclusiveness (the canons of Elvira are still very strict +while those of Arles are lax), the Church became "Catholic" in quite a +special sense, in other words, she became a community where everyone +could find his place, provided he submitted to certain regulations and +rules. Then, and not till then, was the Church's pre-eminent importance +for society and the state assured. It was no longer variance, and no +longer the sword (Matt. X. 34, 35), but peace and safety that she +brought; she was now capable of becoming an educative or, since there +was little more to educate in the older society, a conservative power. +At an earlier date the Apologists (Justin, Melito, Tertullian himself) +had already extolled her as such, but it was not till now that she +really possessed this capacity. Among Christians, first the Encratites +and Marcionites, next the adherents of the new prophecy, and lastly the +Novatians had by turns opposed the naturalisation of their religion in +the world and the transformation of the Church into a political +commonwealth. Their demands had progressively become less exacting, +whence also their internal vigour had grown ever weaker. But, in view of +the continuous secularising of Christendom, the Montanist demands at the +beginning of the 3rd century already denoted no less than those of the +Encratites about the middle of the second, and no more than those of the +Novatians about the middle of the third. The Church resolutely declared +war on all these attempts to elevate evangelical perfection to an +inflexible law for all, and overthrew her opponents. She pressed on in +her world-wide mission and appeased her conscience by allowing a twofold +morality within her bounds. Thus she created the conditions which +enabled the ideal of evangelical perfection to be realised in her own +midst, in the form of monasticism, without threatening her existence. +"What is monasticism but an ecclesiastical institution that makes it +possible to separate oneself from the world and to remain in the Church, +to separate oneself from the outward Church without renouncing her, to +set oneself apart for purposes of sanctification and yet to claim the +highest rank among her members, to form a brotherhood and yet to further +the interests of the Church?" In succeeding times great Church +movements, such as the Montanist and Novatian, only succeeded in +attaining local or provincial importance. See the movement at Rome at +the beginning of the 4th century, of which we unfortunately know so +little (Lipsius, Chronologie der römischen Bischofe, pp. 250-255), the +Donatist Revolution, and the Audiani in the East.] + +[Footnote 253: It is a characteristic circumstance that Tertullian's de +ieiun. does _not_ assume that the great mass of Christians possess an +actual knowledge of the Bible.] + +[Footnote 254: The condition of the constitution of the Church about the +middle of the 3rd century (in accordance with Cyprian's epistles) is +described by Otto Ritschl, l.c., pp. 142-237. Parallels to the +provincial and communal constitution of secular society are to be found +throughout.] + +[Footnote 255: To how great an extent the Church in Decius' time was +already a state within the state is shown by a piece of information +given in Cyprian's 55th epistle (c. 9.): "Cornelius sedit intrepidus +Romæ in sacerdotali cathedra eo tempore: cum tyrannus infestus +sacerdotibus dei fanda adque infanda comminaretur, cum multo patientius +et tolerabilius audiret levari adversus se æmulum principem quam +constitui Romæ dei sacerdotem." On the other hand the legislation with +regard to Christian flamens adopted by the Council of Elvira, which, as +Duchesne (Mélanges Renier: Le Concile d'Elvire et les flamines +chrétiens, 1886) has demonstrated, most probably dates from before the +Diocletian persecution of 300, shows how closely the discipline of the +Church had already been adapted to the heathen regulations in the +Empire. In addition to this there was no lack of syncretist systems +within Christianity as early as the 3rd century (see the [Greek: Kestoi] +of Julius Africanus, and other examples). Much information on this point +is to be derived from Origen's works and also, in many respects, from +the attitude of this author himself. We may also refer to relic- and +hero-worship, the foundation of which was already laid in the 3rd +century, though the "religion of the second order" did not become a +recognised power in the Church or force itself into the official +religion till the 4th.] + +[Footnote 256: See Tertullian's frightful accusations in de pudic. (10) +and de ieiun. (fin) against the "Psychici", i.e., the Catholic +Christians. He says that with them the saying had really come to signify +"peccando promeremur," by which, however, he does not mean the +Augustinian: "o felix culpa."] + +[Footnote 257: The relation of this Church to theology, what theology +she required and what she rejected, and, moreover, to what extent she +rejected the kind that she accepted may be seen by reference to chap. 5 +ff. We may here also direct attention to the peculiar position of Origen +in the Church as well as to that of Lucian the Martyr, concerning whom +Alexander of Alexandria (Theoderet, H. E. I. 3) remarks that he was a +[Greek: aposunagôgos] in Antioch for a long time, namely, during the +rule of three successive bishops.] + +[Footnote 258: We have already referred to the passage above. On account +of its importance we may quote it here: + +"According to Celsus Apollo required the Metapontines to regard Aristeas +as a god; but in their eyes the latter was but a man and perhaps not a +virtuous one ... They would therefore not obey Apollo, and thus it +happened that no one believed in the divinity of Aristeas. But with +regard to Jesus we may say that it proved a blessing to the human race +to acknowledge him as the Son of God, as God who appeared on earth +united with body and soul." Origen then says that the demons +counterworked this belief, and continues: "But God who had sent Jesus on +earth brought to nought all the snares and plots of the demons and aided +in the victory of the Gospel of Jesus throughout the whole earth in +order to promote the conversion and amelioration of men; and everywhere +brought about the establishment of Churches which are ruled by other +laws than those that regulate the Churches of the superstitious, the +dissolute and the unbelieving. For of such people the civil population +([Greek: politeuomena en tais ekklêsiais tôn poleôn plêthê]) of the +towns almost everywhere consists." [Greek: Hai de tou Theou Christô +mathêteuthesai ekklêsiai, sunezetazomenai tais ôn paroikousi dêmôn +ekklêsiais, hôs phôtêres eisin en kosmô. tis gar ouk an homologêsai, kai +tous cheirous tôn apo tês ekklêsias kai sugkrisei beltionôn elattous +pollô kreittous tugxhanein tôn en tois demois ekklêsiôn; ekklêsia men +gar tou theou, pher' eipein, hê Athênaesi praeia tis kai eustathês, hate +Theô areskein tô epi pasi boulomenê; hê d' Athênaiôn ekklêsia stasiôdês +kai oudamôs paraballomenê tê ekei ekklêsia tou Theou; to d' auto ereis, +peri ekklêsias tou Theou tês en Korinthô kai tês ekklêsias tou dêmon +Korinthiôn; kai, pher' eipein, peri ekklêsias tou Theou tês en +Alexandreia, kai ekklêsias tou Alexandreôn dêmou, kai ean eugnômôn hê ho +toutou akouôn kai philalêthôs exetazê ta pragmata, thaumasetai ton kai +bouleusamenon kai anousai dunêthenta pantachou sustêsasthai ekklêsias +tou Theou, paroikousas ekklêsias tôn kath' 'ekastên polin dêmôn houtô de +kai boulên ekklêsias Theou boulê tê kath' hekastên polin sunexetazôn +heurois an hoti tines men tês ekklêsias bouleutai exioi eisi]--[Greek: +ei tis estin en tô panti polis tou Theou]--[Greek: en ekeinê +politeuesthai hoi de pantachou bouleutai ouden exion tês ek katataxeôs +huperochês, hên huperechein dokousi tôn politôn, pherousin en tois +heautôn êthesin; houtô de kai archonta ekklêsias hekastês poleôs +archonti tôn en tê polei sugkroteon; hina katanoêsus, hoti kai epi tôn +sphodra apotugchanomenoô bouletôn kai archontôn ekklêsias Theou, kai +rhathumoteron para tous eutonôterôs biountas ouden êtton estin heurein +hôs epipan huperochên tên en tê epi tas aretas prokopê para ta êthê tôn +en tais polesi bouleutôn kai archontôn.]] + +[Footnote 259: Ritschl, Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirche pp. 362, +368, 394, 461, 555, 560, 576. Otto Ritschl, l.c., pp. 208, 218, 231. +Hatch "Organisation of the early Christian Church," Lectures 5 and 6; +id., Art. "Ordination," "Priest," in the Dictionary of Christian +Antiquities. Hauck, Art. "Priester" in Herzog's Real-Encyklopädie, 2nd +ed. Voigt, l.c., p. 175 ff. Sohm, Kirchenrecht I. p. 205 ff. Louw, Het +ontstaan van het Priesterschap in de christ. Kerk, Utrecht, 1892.] + +[Footnote 260: Clement of Rome was the first to compare the conductors +of public worship in Christian Churches with the priests and Levites, +and the author of the [Greek: Didachê] was the first to liken the +Christian prophets to the high priests. It cannot, however, be shown +that there were any Christian circles where the leaders were directly +styled "priests" before the last quarter of the 2nd century. We can by +no means fall back on Ignatius, Philad. 9, nor on Iren., IV. 8. 3, which +passage is rather to be compared with [Greek: Did.] 13. 3. It is again +different in Gnostic circles, which in this case, too, anticipated the +secularising process: read for example the description of Marcus in +Iren., I. 13. Here, _mutatis mutandis_, we have the later Catholic +bishop, who alone is able to perform a mysterious sacrifice to whose +person powers of grace are attached--the formula of bestowal was: +[Greek: metadounai soi thelô tês emês charitos ... lambane ap' emou kai +di' emou charin], and through whose instrumentality union with God can +alone be attained: the [Greek: apolutrôsis] (I. 21.) is only conferred +through the mystagogue. Much of a similar nature is to be found, and we +can expressly say that the distinction between priestly mystagogues and +laymen was of fundamental importance in many Gnostic societies (see also +the writings of the Coptic Gnostics); it was different in the Marcionite +Church. Tertullian (de bapt. 17) was the first to call the bishop +"summus sacerdos," and the older opinion that he merely "played" with +the idea is untenable, and refuted by Pseudo-Cyprian, de aleat. 2 +("sacerdotalis dignitas"). In his Antimontanist writings the former has +repeatedly repudiated any distinction in principle of a particular +priestly class among Christians, as well as the application of certain +injunctions to this order (de exhort. 7: "nonne et laici sacerdotes +sumus? ... adeo ubi ecclesiastici ordinis non est consessus, et offeis +et tinguis et sacerdos es tibi solus, sed ubi tres, ecclesia est, licet +laici."; de monog. 7). We may perhaps infer from his works that before +about the year 200, the name "priest" was not yet universally applied to +bishop and presbyters in Carthage (but see after this de præscr. 29, 41: +sacerdotalia munera; de pud. 1, 21; de monog. 12: disciplina sacerd.; de +exhort. 7: sacerdotalis ordo, ibid. 11 "et offeres pro duabus uxoribus, +et commendabis illas duas per sacerdotem de monogamia ordinatum;" de +virg. vel. 9: sacerdotale officium; Scorp. 7: sacerdos). The latest +writings of Tertullian show us indeed that the name and the conception +which it represents were already prevalent. Hippolytus (Philos. præf.: +[Greek: hôn hêmeis diadochoi tugchanontes tês te autês charitos +metechontes archierateias kai didaskalias], see also the Arabian canons) +expressly claimed high priesthood for the bishops, and Origen thought he +was justified in giving the name of "Priests and Levites" to those who +conducted public worship among Christians. This he indeed did with +reserve (see many passages, e.g., Hom. II. in Num., Vol. II. p. 278; +Hom. VI. in Lev., Vol. II. p. 211; Comment, in Joh., Vol. I. 3), but yet +to a far greater extent than Clement (see Bigg, l.c., p. 214 f.). In +Cyprian and the literature of the Greek Church in the immediately +following period we find the designation "priest" as the regular and +most customary name for the bishop and presbyters. Novatian (Jerome, de +vir. inl. 70) wrote a treatise _de sacerdote_ and another _de +ordinatione_. The notable and momentous change of conception expressed +in the idea can be traced by us through its preparatory stages almost as +little as the theory of the apostolic succession of the bishops. Irenæus +(IV. 8. 3, 17. 5, 18. 1) and Tertullian, when compared with Cyprian, +appear here as representatives of primitive Christianity. They firmly +assert the priesthood of the whole congregation. That the laity had as +great a share as the leaders of the Churches in the transformation of +the latter into Priests is moreover shown by the bitter saying of +Tertullian (de monog. 12): "Sed cum extollimur et inflamur adversus +clerum, tunc unum omnes sumus, tunc omnes sacerdotes, quia 'sacerdotes +nos deo et patri fecit'. Cum ad peræquationem disciplinæ sacerdotalis +provocamur, deponimus infulas."] + +[Footnote 261: See Sohm, I. p. 207.] + +[Footnote 262: The "deservire altari et sacrificia divina celebrare" +(Cypr. ep. 67. 1) is the distinctive function of the _sacerdos dei_. It +may further be said, however, that _all_ ceremonies of public worship +properly belong to him, and Cyprian has moreover contrived to show that +this function of the bishop as leader of the Church follows from his +priestly attributes; for as priest the bishop is _antistes Christi_ +(dei); see epp. 59. 18: 61. 2: 63. 14: 66. 5, and this is the basis of +his right and duty to preserve the _lex evangelica_ and the _traditio +dominica_ in every respect. As _antistes dei_ however, an attribute +bestowed on the bishop by the apostolic succession and the laying on of +hands, he has also received the power of the keys, which confers the +right to judge in Christ's stead and to grant or refuse the divine +grace. In Cyprian's conception of the episcopal office the _successio +apostolica_ and the position of vicegerent of Christ (of God) +counterbalance each other; he also tried to amalgamate both elements +(ep. 55. 8: "cathedra sacerdotalis"). It is evident that as far as the +inner life of each church was concerned, the latter and newer +necessarily proved the more important feature. In the East, where the +thought of the apostolical succession of the bishops never received such +pronounced expression as in Rome it was just this latter element that +was almost exclusively emphasised from the end of the 3rd century. +Ignatius led the way when he compared the bishop, in his position +towards the individual community, with God and Christ. He, however, is +dealing in images, but at a later period the question is about realities +based on a mysterious transference.] + +[Footnote 263: Soon after the creation of a professional priesthood, +there also arose a class of inferior clergy. This was first the case in +Rome. This development was not uninfluenced by the heathen priesthood, +and the temple service (see my article in Texte und Untersuchungen II. +5). Yet Sohm, l.c., p. 128 ff., has disputed this, and proposed +modifications, worth considering, in my view of the origin of the +_ordines minores_.] + +[Footnote 264: Along with the sacerdotal laws, strictly so called, which +Cyprian already understood to apply in a frightful manner (see his +appeal to Deut. XVII. 12; 1 Sam. VIII. 7; Luke X. 16; John XVIII. 22 f.; +Acts XXIII. 4-5 in epp. 3. 43, 59. 66), other Old Testament commandments +could not fail to be introduced. Thus the commandment of tithes, which +Irenæus had still asserted to be abolished, was now for the first time +established (see Origen; Constit. Apost. and _my_ remarks on [Greek: +Did]. c. 13); and hence Mosaic regulations as to ceremonial cleanness +were adopted (see Hippol. Canones arab. 17; Dionys. Alex., ep. canon.). +Constantine was the first to base the observance of Sunday on the +commandment as to the Sabbath. Besides, the West was always more +hesitating in this respect than the East. In Cyprian's time, however, +the classification and dignity of the clergy were everywhere upheld by +an appeal to Old Testament commandments, though reservations still +continued to be made here and there.] + +[Footnote 265: Tertullian (de pud. I) sneeringly named the bishop of +Rome "pontifex maximus," thereby proving that he clearly recognised the +heathen colouring given to the episcopal office. With the picture of the +bishop drawn by the Apostolic constitutions may be compared the +ill-natured descriptions of Paul of Samosata in Euseb., VII. 30.] + +[Footnote 266: Yet this influence, in a direct form at least, can only +be made out at a comparatively late period. But nevertheless, from the +middle of the 3rd century the priests alone are possessed of knowledge. +As [Greek: mathêsis] and [Greek: mystagôgia] are inseparably connected +in the mysteries and Gnostic societies, and the mystagogue was at once +knowing one and priest, so also in the Catholic Church the priest is +accounted the knowing one. Doctrine itself became a mystery to an +increasing extent.] + +[Footnote 267: Examples are found in epp. 1, 3, 4, 33, 43, 54, 57, 59, +65, 66. But see Iren., IV. 26. 2, who is little behind Cyprian here, +especially when he threatens offenders with the fate of Dathan and +Abiram. One of the immediate results of the formation of a priestly and +spiritual class was that the independent "teachers" now shared the fate +of the old "prophets" and became extinct (see my edition of the [Greek: +Didachê], prolegg. pp. 131-137). It is an instructive fact that +Theoktistus of Cæsarea and Alexander of Jerusalem in order to prove in +opposition to Demetrius that independent teachers were still tolerated, +i.e., allowed to speak in public meetings of the Church, could only +appeal to the practice of Phrygia and Lycaonia, that is, to the habit of +outlying provinces where, besides, Montanism had its original seat. +Euelpis in Laranda, Paulinus in Iconium, and Theodorus in Synnada, who +flourished about 216, are in addition to Origen the last independent +teachers (i.e., outside the ranks of the clergy) known to us in +Christendom (Euseb., H. E. VI. 19 fin.).] + +[Footnote 268: See Döllinger, Die Lehre von der Eucharistie in den +ersten drei Jahrhunderten, 1826. Höfling, Die Lehre der ältesten Kirche +vom Opfer, p. 71 ff. Th. Harnack, Der christliche Gemeindegottesdienst +im apostolischen und altkatholischen Zeitalter, p. 342 ff. Steitz, Art. +"Messe" in Herzog's Real-Encyklopädie, 2nd ed. It is idle to enquire +whether the conception of the "sacerdotium" or that of the "sacrificium" +was first altered, because they are correlative ideas.] + +[Footnote 269: See the proof passages in Höfling, l.c., who has also +treated in detail Clement and Origen's idea of sacrifice, and cf. the +beautiful saying of Irenæus IV. 18. 3: "Non sacrificia sanctificant +hominem; non enim indiget sacrificio deus; sed conscientia eius qui +offert sanctificat sacrificium, pura exsistens, et præstat acceptare +deum quasi ab amico" (on the offering in the Lord's Supper see Iren. IV. +17. 5, 18. 1); Tertull., Apolog. 30; de orat. 28; adv. Marc. III. 22; +IV. 1, 35: adv. Jud. 5; de virg. vel. 13.] + +[Footnote 270: Cf. specially the Montanist writings; the treatise _de +ieiunio_ is the most important among them in this case; see cc. 7, 16; +de resurr. 8. On the use of the word "satisfacere" and the new ideas on +the point which arose in the West (cf. also the word "meritum") see +below chap. 5. 2 and the 2nd chap. of the 5th Vol. Note that the 2nd Ep. +of Clement already contains the sayings: [Greek: kalon eleêmounê hôs +metanoia hamartias kreissôn nêsteia proseuchês, eleêmosunê de amphoterôn +... eleêmosunê gar kouphisma hamartias ginetai] (16. 4; similar +expressions occur in the "Shepherd"). But they only show how far back we +find the origin of these injunctions borrowed from Jewish proverbial +wisdom. One cannot say that they had no effect at all on Christian life +in the 2nd century; but we do not yet find the idea that ascetic +performances are a sacrifice offered to a wrathful God. Martyrdom seems +to have been earliest viewed as a performance which expiated sins. In +Tertullian's time the theory, that it was on a level with baptism (see +Melito, 12. Fragment in Otto, Corp. Apol. IX. p. 418: [Greek: duo +sunestê ta aphesin amartêmata parechomena, pathos dia Christon kai +baptisma]), had long been universally diffused and was also exegetically +grounded. In fact, men went a step further and asserted that the merits +of martyrs could also benefit others. This view had likewise become +established long before Tertullian's day, but was opposed by him (de +pudic 22), when martyrs abused the powers universally conceded to them. +Origen went furthest here; see exhort. ad mart. 50: [Greek: hôsper timiô +haimati tou Iêsou êgorasthêmen ... houtôs tô timiô haimati tôn marturôn +agorasthêsontai tines]; Hom. X. in Num. c. II.: "ne forte, ex quo +martyres non fiunt et hostiæ sanctorum non offeruntur pro peccatis +nostris, peccatorum nostrorum remissionem non mereamur." The origin of +this thought is, on the one hand, to be sought for in the wide-spread +notion that the sufferings of an innocent man benefit others, and, on +the other, in the belief that Christ himself suffered in the martyrs +(see, e.g., ep. Lugd. in Euseb., H. E. V. 1. 23, 41).] + +[Footnote 271: In the East it was Origen who introduced into +Christianity the rich treasure of ancient ideas that had become +associated with sacrifices. See Bigg's beautiful account in "The +Christian Platonists of Alexandria," Lect. IV.-VI.] + +[Footnote 272: Moreover, Tertullian (Scorp. 6) had already said: +"Quomodo multæ mansiones apud patrem, si non pro varietate meritorum."] + +[Footnote 273: See c. 1: "Nam cum dominus adveniens sanasset illa, quæ +Adam portaverit vulnera et venena serpentis antiqua curasset, legem +dedit sano et præcepit, ne ultra iam peccaret, ne quid peccanti gravius +eveniret: coartati eramus et in augustum innocentiæ præscriptione +conclusi, nec haberet quid fragilitatis humanæ infirmitas adque +imbecillitas faceret, nisi iterum pietas divina subveniens iustitiæ et +misericordiæ operibus ostensis viam quandam tuendæ salutis aperiret, ut +sordes postmodum quascumque contrahimus eleemosynis abluamus." c. 2: +"sicut lavacro aquæ salutaris gehennæ ignis extinguitur, ita eleemosynis +adque operationibus iustus delictorum flamma sopitur, et quia semel in +baptismo remissa peccatorum datur, adsidua et iugis operatic baptismi +instar imitata dei rursus indulgentiam largiatur." 5, 6, 9. In c. 18 +Cyprian already established an arithmetical relation between the number +of alms-offerings and the blotting out of sins, and in c. 21, in +accordance with an ancient idea which Tertullian and Minucius Felix, +however, only applied to martyrdom, he describes the giving of alms as a +spectacle for God and Christ. In Cyprian's epistles "satisfacere deo" is +exceedingly frequent. It is almost still more important to note the +frequent use of the expression "promereri deum (iudicem)" in Cyprian. +See de unitate 15: "iustitia opus est, ut promereri quis possit deum +iudicem: præceptis eius et monitis obtemperandum est, ut accipiant +merita nostra mercedem." 18; de lapsis 31; de orat. 8, 32, 36; de +mortal. 10; de op. 11, 14, 15, 26; de bono pat. 18; ep. 62. 2: 73. 10. +Here it is everywhere assumed that Christians acquire God's favour by +their works.] + +[Footnote 274: Baptism with blood is not referred to here.] + +[Footnote 275: With modifications, this has still continued to be the +case beyond Augustine's time down to the Catholicism of the present day. +Cyprian is the father of the Romish doctrine of good works and +sacrifice. Yet is it remarkable that he was not yet familiar with the +theory according to which man _must_ acquire _merita_. In his mind +"merits" and "blessedness" are not yet rigidly correlated ideas; but the +rudiments of this view are also found in him; cf. de unit. 15 (see p. +134, note 3).] + +[Footnote 276: "Sacrificare," "sacrificium celebrare," in all passages +where they are unaccompanied by any qualifying words, mean to celebrate +the Lord's Supper. Cyprian has never called prayer a "sacrifice" without +qualifying terms; on the contrary he collocates "preces" and +"sacrificium," and sometimes also "oblatio" and "sacrificium." The +former is then the offering of the laity and the latter of the priests.] + +[Footnote 277: Cf. the whole 63rd epistle and above all c. 7: "Et quia +passionis eius mentionem in sacrificiis omnibus facimus, passio est enim +domini sacrificium quod offerrimus, nihil aliud quam quod ille fecit +facere debemus;" c. 9.: "unde apparet sanguinem Christi non offerri, si +desit vinum calici." 13; de unit. 17: "dominicæ hostiæ veritatem per +falsa sacrificia profanare;" ep. 63. 4: "sacramentum sacrificii +dominici." The transference of the sacrificial idea to the consecrated +elements, which, in all probability, Cyprian already found in existence, +is ultimately based on the effort to include the element of mystery and +magic in the specifically sacerdotal ceremony of sacrifice, and to make +the Christian offering assume, though not visibly, the form of a bloody +sacrifice, such as secularised Christianity desired. This transference, +however, was the result of two causes. The first has been already +rightly stated by Ernesti (Antimur. p. 94) in the words: "quia +eucharistia habet [Greek: anamnêsin] Christi mortui et sacrificii eius +in cruce peracti, propter ea paullatim coepta est tota eucharistia +sacrificium dici." In Cyprian's 63rd epistle it is still observable how +the "calicem in commemorationem domini et passionis eius offerre" passes +over into the "sanguinem Christi offerre," see also Euseb. demonstr. I. +13: [Greek: mnêmên tês thysias Christou prospherein] and [Greek: tên +ensarkon tou Christou parousian kai to katartisthen autou sôma +prospherein]. The other cause has been specially pointed out by Theodore +Harnack (l.c., p. 409 f.). In ep. 63. 2 and in many other passages +Cyprian expresses the thought "that in the Lord's Supper nothing else is +done _by_ us but what the Lord has first done _for_ us." But he says +that at the institution of the Supper the Lord first offered himself as +a sacrifice to God the Father. Consequently the priest officiating in +Christ's stead only presents a true and perfect offering when he +imitates what Christ has done (c. 14: "si Christus Jesus dominus et deus +noster ipse est summus sacerdos dei patris et sacrificiam patri se ipsum +obtulit et hoc fieri in sui commemorationem præcepit, utique ille +sacerdos vice Christi vere fungitur, qui id quod Christus fecit imitatur +et sacrificium verum et plenum tunc offert in ecclesia deo patri, si sic +incipiat offerre secundum quod ipsum Christum videat obtulisse"). This +brings us to the conception of the repetition of Christ's sacrifice by +the priest. But in Cyprian's case it was still, so to speak, only a +notion verging on that idea, that is, he only leads up to it, abstains +from formulating it with precision, or drawing any further conclusions +from it, and even threatens the idea itself inasmuch as he still appears +to conceive the "calicem in commemorationem domini et passionis eius +offerre" as identical with it. As far as the East is concerned we find +in Origen no trace of the assumption of a repeated sacrifice of Christ. +But in the original of the first 6 books of the Apostolic Constitutions +this conception is also wanting, although the Supper ceremonial has +assumed an exclusively sacerdotal character (see II. 25: [Greek: hai +tote] (in the old covenant) [Greek: thusiai, nun euchai kai deêseis kai +eucharistiai]. II. 53). The passage VI. 23: [Greek: anti thusias tês di' +haimatôn tên logikên kai anaimakton kai tên mustikên, hêtis eis ton +thanaton tou kuriou symbolôn charin epiteleitai tou sômatos autou kai +tou haimatos] does not belong to the original document, but to the +interpolator. With the exception therefore of one passage in the +Apostolic Church order (printed in my edition of the Didache prolegg. p. +236) viz.: [Greek: hê prosphora tou sômatos kai tou haimatos], we +possess no proofs that there was any mention in the East before +Eusebius' time of a sacrifice of Christ's body in the Lord's Supper. +From this, however, we must by no means conclude that the mystic feature +in the celebration of the sacrifice had been less emphasised there.] + +[Footnote 278: In ep. 63. 13 Cyprian has illustrated the incorporation +of the community with Christ by the mixture of wine and water in the +Supper, because the special aim of the epistle required this: "Videmus +in aqua populum intellegi, in vino vero ostendi sanguinem Christi; +quando autem in calice vino aqua miscetur, Christo populus adunatur et +credentium plebs ei in quem credidit copulatur et iungitur etc." The +special mention of the offerers (see already Tertullian's works: de +corona 3, de exhort. cast. II, and de monog. 10) therefore means that +the latter commend themselves to Christ as his own people, or are +recommended to him as such. On the Praxis see Cyprian ep. I. 2 "... si +quis hoc fecisset. non offerretur pro eo nee sacrificium pro dormitione +eius celebraretur;" 62. 5: "ut fratres nostros in mente habeatis +orationibus vestris et eis vicem boni operis in sacrificiis et precibus +repræsentetis, subdidi nomina singulorum."] + +[Footnote 279: Much as the use of the word "sacramentum" in the Western +Church from Tertullian to Augustine (Hahn, Die Lehre von den +Sacramenten, 1864, p. 5 ff.) differs from that in the classic Romish use +it is of small interest in the history of dogma to trace its various +details. In the old Latin Bible [Greek: mystêrion] was translated +"sacramentum" and thus the new signification "mysterious, holy ordinance +or thing" was added to the meaning "oath," "sacred obligation." +Accordingly Tertullian already used the word to denote sacred facts, +mysterious and salutary signs and vehicles, and also holy acts. +Everything in any way connected with the Deity and his revelation, and +therefore, for example, the content of revelation as doctrine, is +designated "sacrament;" and the word is also applied to the symbolical +which is always something mysterious and holy. Alongside of this the old +meaning "sacred obligation" still remains in force. If, because of this +comprehensive use, further discussion of the word is unnecessary, the +fact that revelation itself as well as everything connected with it was +expressly designated as a "mystery" is nevertheless of importance in the +history of dogma. This usage of the word is indeed not removed from the +original one so long as it was merely meant to denote the supernatural +origin and supernatural nature of the objects in question; but more than +this was now intended; "sacramentum" ([Greek: mystêrion]) was rather +intended to represent the holy thing that was revealed as something +relatively concealed. This conception, however, is opposed to the +Judæo-Christian idea of revelation, and is thus to be regarded as an +introduction of the Greek notion. Probst (Sacramente und Sacramentalia, +1872) thinks differently. That which is mysterious and dark appears to +be such an essential attribute of the divine, that even the obscurities +of the New Testament Scriptures were now justified because these +writings were regarded as altogether "spiritual." See Iren. II. 28. 1-3. +Tert. de bapt. 2: "deus in stultitia et impossibilitate materias +operationis suæ instituit."] + +[Footnote 280: We have explained above that the Church already possessed +this means of grace, in so far as she had occasionally absolved mortal +sinners, even at an earlier period; but this possession was quite +uncertain and, strictly speaking, was not a possession at all, for in +such cases the early Church merely followed extraordinary directions of +the Spirit.] + +[Footnote 281: Höfling, Das Sacrament der Taufe, 2 Vols., 1846. Steitz, +Art. "Taufe" in Herzog's Real-Encyklopädie. Walch, Hist. pædobaptismi +quattuor priorum sæculorum, 1739.] + +[Footnote 282: In de bono pudic. 2: "renati ex aqua et pudicitia," +Pseudo-Cyprian expresses an idea, which, though remarkable, is not +confined to himself.] + +[Footnote 283: But Tertullian says (de bapt. 6): "Non quod in aquis +spiritum sanctum consequamur, sed in aqua emundati sub angelo spiritui +sancto præparamur."] + +[Footnote 284: The disquisitions of Clement of Alexandria in Pædag. I, 6 +(baptism and sonship) are very important, but he did not follow them up. +It is deserving of note that the positive effects of baptism were more +strongly emphasised in the East than in the West. But, on the other +hand, the conception is more uncertain in the former region.] + +[Footnote 285: See Tertullian, de bapt. 7 ff.; Cypr., ep. 70. 2 ("ungi +quoque necesse est eum qui baptizatus est, ut accepto chrismate, i.e., +unctione esse unctus dei et habere in se gratiam Christi possit"), 74. 5 +etc. "Chrism" is already found in Tertullian as well as the laying on of +hands. The Roman Catholic bishop Cornelius in the notorious epistle to +Fabius (Euseb., H. E. VI. 43. 15), already traces the rites which +accompany baptism to an ecclesiastical canon (perhaps one from +Hippolytus' collection: see can. arab. 19). After relating that Novatian +in his illness had only received clinical baptism he writes: [Greek: ou +mên oude tôn loipôn etuche, diaphugôn tên noson, hôn chrê metalambanein +kata ton tês ekklêsias kanona, tou te sphragisthênai hupo tou +episkopou.] It is also remarkable that one of the bishops who voted +about heretic baptism (Sentent. episcop., Cypr., opp. ed. Hartel I. p. +439) calls the laying on of hands a sacrament like baptism: "neque enim +spiritus sine aqua separatim operari potest nec aqua sine spiritu male +ergo sibi quidem interpretantur ut dicant, quod per manus impositionem +spiritum sanctum accipiant et sic recipiantur, cum manifestum sit +_utroque sacramento_ debere eos renasci in ecclesia catholica." Among +other particulars found in Tertullian's work on baptism (cc. I. 12 seq.) +it may moreover be seen that there were Christians about the year 200, +who questioned the indispensability of baptism to salvation (baptismus +non est necessarius, quibus fides satis est). The assumption that +martyrdom replaces baptism (Tertull., de bapt. 16; Origen), is in itself +a sufficient proof that the ideas of the "sacrament" were still +uncertain. As to the objection that Jesus himself had not baptised and +that the Apostles had not received Christian baptism see Tert., de bapt. +11, 12.] + +[Footnote 286: In itself the performance of this rite seemed too simple +to those who sought eagerly for mysteries. See Tertull., de bapt. 2: +"Nihil adeo est quod obduret mentes hominum quam simplicitas divinorum +operum, quæ in actu videtur, et magnificentia, quæ in effecta +repromittitur, ut hinc quoque, quoniam tanta simplicitate, sine pompa, +sine apparatu novo aliquo, denique sine sumptu homo in aqua demissus et +inter pauca verba tinctus non multo vel nihilo mundior resurgit, eo +incredibilis existimetur consecutio æternitatis. Mentior, si non e +contrario idolorum solemnia vel arcana de suggestu et apparatu deque +sumptu fidem at auctoritatem sibi exstruunt."] + +[Footnote 287: But see Euseb., H. E. VI. 43. 15, who says that only the +laying on of hands on the part of the bishop communicates the Holy +Spirit, and this ceremony _must_ therefore follow baptism. It is +probable that confirmation as a specific act did not become detached +from baptism in the West till shortly before the middle of the third +century. Perhaps we may assume that the Mithras cult had an influence +here.] + +[Footnote 288: See Tertullian's superstitious remarks in de bap. 3-9 to +the effect that water is the element of the Holy Spirit and of unclean +Spirits etc. Melito also makes a similar statement in the fragment of +his treatise on baptism in Pitra, Anal, Sacra II., p. 3 sq. Cyprian, ep. +70. I, uses the remarkable words: "oportet veio mundari et sanctificari +aquam prius a _sacer dote_ (Tertull. still knows nothing of this: c. 17: +etiam laicis ius est), ut possit baptismo suo peccata hominis qui +baptizatur abluere." Ep. 74. 5: "peccata purgare et hominem sanctificare +aqua sola non potest, nisi habeat et spiritum sanctum." Clem. Alex. +Protrept. 10.99: [Greek: labete hudôr logikos].] + +[Footnote 289: It was easy for Origen to justify child baptism, as he +recognised something sinful in corporeal birth itself, and believed in +sin which had been committed in a former life. The earliest +justification of child baptism may therefore be traced back to a +philosophical doctrine.] + +[Footnote 290: _Translator's note._ The following is the original Latin, +as quoted by Prof. Harnack: "Cunctatio baptismi utilior est, præcipue +circa parvulos. Quid enim necesse, sponsores etiam periculo ingeri ... +veniant ergo parvuli, dum adolescunt; veniant dum discunt, dum quo +veniant docentur; fiant Christiani, cum Christum nosse potuerint. Quid +festinat innocens ætas ad remissionem peccatorum? Cautius agetur in +sæcularibus, ut cui substantia terrena non creditur, divina credatur ... +Si qui pondus intelligant baptismi, magis timebunt consecutionem quam +dilationem."] + +[Footnote 291: Under such circumstances the recollection of the +significance of baptism in the establishment of the Church fell more and +more into the background (see Hermas: "the Church rests like the world +upon water;" Irenæus III. 17. 2: "Sicut de arido tritico massa una non +fieri potest sine humore neque unus panis, ita nec nos multi unum fieri +in Christo Iesu poteramus sine aqua quæ de coelo est. Et sicut aricla +terra, si non percipiat humorem, non fructificat: sic et nos lignum +aridum exsistentes primum, nunquam fructificaremus vitam sine superna +voluntaria pluvia. Corpora unim nostra per lavacrum illam quæ est ad +incorruptionem unitatem acceperunt, animæ autem per spiritum"). The +unbaptised (catechumens) also belong to the Church, when they commit +themselves to her guidance and prayers. Accordingly baptism ceased more +and more to be regarded as an act of initiation, and only recovered this +character in the course of the succeeding centuries. In this connection +the 7th (spurious) canon of Constantinople (381) is instructive: [Greek: +kai tên prôtên hêmeran poioumen autous Christianous, tên de deuteran +katêchoumenous, eita tên tritên exorkizomen autous k.t.l.]] + +[Footnote 292: Döllinger, Die Lehre von der Eucharistie in dem ersten 3 +Jahrhunderten, 1826. Engelhardt in the Zeitschrift fur die hist. +Theologie, 1842, I. Kahnis, Lehre vom Abendmahl, 1851. Ruckert, Das +Abendmahl, sein Wesen und seine Geschichte, 1856. Leimbach, Beitrage zur +Abendmahlslehre Tertullian's, 1874. Steitz, Die Abendmahlslehre der +griechischen Kirche, in the Jahrbucher fur deutsche Theologie, +1864-1868; cf. also the works of Probst. Whilst Eucharist and love feast +had already been separated from the middle of the 2nd century in the +West, they were still united in Alexandria in Clement's time; see Bigg, +l.c., p. 103.] + +[Footnote 293: The collocation of baptism and the Lord's Supper, which, +as the early Christian monuments prove, was a very familiar practice +(Tert. adv. Marc. IV. 34: "sacramentum baptismi et eucharistiæ;" +Hippol., can. arab. 38: "baptizatus et corpore Christi pastus"), was, so +far as I know, justified by no Church Father on internal grounds. +Considering their conception of the holy ordinances this is not +surprising. They were classed together because they were instituted by +the Lord, and because the elements (water, wine, bread) afforded much +common ground for allegorical interpretation.] + +[Footnote 294: The story related by Dionysius (in Euseb., l.c.) is +especially characteristic, as the narrator was an extreme spiritualist. +How did it stand therefore with the dry tree? Besides, Tertull. (de +corona 3) says: "Calicis aut panis nostri aliquid decuti in terram anxie +patimur". Superstitious reverence for the sacrament _ante et extra usum_ +is a very old habit of mind in the Gentile Church.] + +[Footnote 295: Leimbach's investigations of Tertullian's use of words +have placed this beyond doubt; see de orat. 6; adv. Marc. I. 14: IV. 40: +III. 19; de resuri. 8.] + +[Footnote 296: The chief passages referring to the Supper in Clement are +Protrept. 12. 120; Pæd. I. 6. 43: II. 2. 19 sq.: I. 5. 15: I. 6. 38, 40; +Quis div. 23; Strom. V. 10. 66: I. 10. 46: I. 19. 96: VI. 14. 113: V. +II. 70. Clement thinks as little of forgiveness of sins in connection +with the Supper as does the author of the Didache or the other Fathers; +this feast is rather meant to bestow an initiation into knowledge and +immortality. Ignatius had already said, "the body is faith, the blood is +hope." This is also Clement's opinion; he also knows of a +transubstantiation, not, however, into the real body of Christ, but into +heavenly powers. His teaching was therefore that of Valentinus (see the +Exc. ex. Theod. § 82, already given on Vol. i. p. 263) Strom. V. 11. 70: +[Greek: logikon hêmin brôma hê gnôsis]; I. 20. 46: [Greek: hina dê +phagômen logikôs]; V. 10. 66: [Greek: brôsis gar kai posis tou theiou +logou hê gnôsis esti tês theias ousias]. Adumbrat. in epp. Joh.: +"sanguis quod est cognitio"; see Bigg, l.c., p. 106 ff.] + +[Footnote 297: Orig. in Matth. Comment. ser. 85: "Panis iste, quem deus +verbum corpus suum esse fatetur, verbum est nutritorium animarum, verbum +de deo verbo procedens et panis de pane coe'esti... Non enim panem illum +visibilem, quem tenebat in manibus, corpus suum dicebat deus verbum, sed +verbum, in cuius mysterio fuerat panis ille frangendus; nec potum illum +visibilem sanguinem suum dicebat, sed verbum in cuius mysterio potus +ille fuerat effundendus;" see in Matt. XI. 14; c. Cels. VIII. 33. Hom. +XVI. 9 in Num. On Origen's doctrine of the Lord's Supper see Bigg, p. +219 ff.] + +[Footnote 298: The conception of the Supper as _viaticum mortis_ (fixed +by the 13th canon of Nicæa: [Greek: peri de tôn exodeuontôn ho palaios +kai kanonikos nomos phulachthêsetai kai nun, hôste eitis exodeuoi, tou +teleutaiou kai anagkaiotatou ephodiou mê apostereisthai]), a conception +which is genuinely Hellenic and which was strengthened by the idea that +the Supper was [Greek: pharmakon athanasias], the practice of +benediction, and much else in theory and practice connected with the +Eucharist reveal the influence of antiquity. See the relative articles +in Smith and Cheetham's Dictionary of Christian Antiquities.] + +[Footnote 299: The fullest account of the "history of the Romish Church +down to the pontificate of Leo I." has been given by Langen, 1881; but I +can in no respect agree (see Theol. Lit. Ztg. 1891, No. 6) with the +hypotheses about the primacy as propounded by him in his treatise on the +Clementine romances (1890, see especially p. 163 ff). The collection of +passages given by Caspari, "Quellen zur Geschichte des Taufsymbols," +Vol. III., deserves special recognition. See also the sections bearing +on this subject in Renan's "Origines du Christianisme," Vols. V.-VII. +especially VII., chaps. 5, 12, 23. Sohm in his "Kirchenrecht" I. (see +especially pp. 164 ff., 350 ff., 377 ff.) has adopted my conception of +"Catholic" and "Roman," and made it the basis of further investigations. +He estimates the importance of the Roman Church still more highly, in so +far as, according to him, she was the exclusive originator of Church law +as well as of the Catholic form of Church constitution; and on page 381 +he flatly says: "The whole Church constitution with its claim to be +founded on divine arrangement was first developed in Rome and then +transferred from her to the other communities." I think this is an +exaggeration. Tschirn (Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, XII. p. 215 +ff.) has discussed the origin of the Roman Church in the 2nd century. +Much that was the common property of Christendom, or is found in every +religion as it becomes older, is regarded by this author as specifically +Roman.] + +[Footnote 300: No doubt we must distinguish two halves in Christendom. +The first, the ecclesiastical West, includes the west coast of Asia +Minor, Greece, and Rome together with their daughter Churches, that is, +above all, Gaul and North Africa. The second or eastern portion embraces +Palestine, Egypt, Syria, and the east part of Asia Minor. A displacement +gradually arose in the course of the 3rd century. In the West the most +important centres are Ephesus, Smyrna, Corinth, and Rome, cities with a +Greek and Oriental population. Even in Carthage the original speech of +the Christian community was probably Greek.] + +[Footnote 301: Rome was the first city in the Empire, Alexandria the +second. They were the metropolitan cities of the world (see the +inscription in Kaibel, No. 1561, p. 407: [Greek: threpse m' Alexandreia, +metoikon ethapse de Rhomê, hai kosmou kai gês, ô xene, mêtropoleis]). +This is reflected in the history of the Church; first Rome appears, then +Alexandria. The significance of the great towns for the history of dogma +and of the Church will be treated of in a future volume. Abercius of +Hieropolis, according to the common interpretation (inscription V. 7 f.) +designates Rome as "queen." This was a customary appellation; see +Eunap., vita Prohaer. p. 90: [Greek: hê basileuousa Rhômê].] + +[Footnote 302: In this connection we need only keep in mind the +following summary of facts. Up to the end of the second century the +Alexandrian Church had none of the Catholic and apostolic standards, and +none of the corresponding institutions as found in the Roman Church; but +her writer, Clement, was also "as little acquainted with the West as +Homer." In the course of the first half of the 3rd century she received +those standards and institutions; but her writer, Origen, also travelled +to Rome himself in order to see "the very old" church and formed a +connection with Hippolytus; and her bishop Dionysius carried on a +correspondence with his Roman colleague, who also made common cause with +him. Similar particulars may also be ascertained with regard to the +Syrian Church.] + +[Footnote 303: See the proofs in the two preceding chapters. Note also +that these elements have an inward connection. So long as one was +lacking, all were, and whenever one was present, all the others +immediately made their appearance.] + +[Footnote 304: Ignatius already says that the Roman Christians are +[Greek: apodiulismenoi apo pantos allotrion chrômatos] (Rom. inscr.); he +uses this expression of no others. Similar remarks are not quite rare at +a later period; see, for instance, the oft-repeated eulogy that no +heresy ever arose in Rome. At a time when this city had long employed +the standard of the apostolic rule of faith with complete confidence, +namely, at the beginning of the 3rd century, we hear that a lady of rank +in Alexandria, who was at any rate a Christian, lodged and entertained +in her house Origen, then a young man, and a famous heretic. (See +Euseb., H. E. VI. 2. 13, 14). The lectures on doctrine delivered by this +heretic and the conventicles over which he presided were attended by a +[Greek: murion plêthos ou monon hairetikôn, alla kai hêmetephôn]. That +is a very valuable piece of information which shows us a state of things +in Alexandria that would have been impossible in Rome at the same +period. See, besides, Dionys. Alex, in Euseb., H. E. VII. 7.] + +[Footnote 305: I must here refrain from proving the last assertion. The +possibility of Asia Minor having had a considerable share, or having led +the way, in the formation of the canon must be left an open question +(cf. what Melito says, and the use made of New Testament writings in the +Epistle of Polycarp). We will, however, be constrained to lay the chief +emphasis on Rome, for it must not be forgotten that Irenæus had the +closest connection with the Church of that city, as is proved by his +great work, and that he lived there before he came to Gaul. Moreover, it +is a fact deserving of the greatest attention that the Montanists and +their decided opponents in Asia, the so-called Alogi, had no +ecclesiastical _canon_ before them, though they may all have possessed +the universally acknowledged books of the Romish canon, and none other, +in the shape of _books read in the churches_.] + +[Footnote 306: See the Prolegg. of Westcott and Hort (these indeed give +an opposite judgment), and cf. Harris, _Codex Bezae. A study of the +so-called Western text of the New Testament_ 1891. An exhaustive study +of the oldest martyrologies has already led to important cases of +agreement between Rome and the East, and promises still further +revelations. See Duchesne, "Les Sources du Martyrologe Hieron." 1885. +Egli, "Altchristliche Studien, Martyrien und Martyrologieen ältester +Zeit." 1887; the same writer in the "Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche +Theologie", 1891, p. 273 ff.] + +[Footnote 307: On the relations between Edessa and Rome see the end of +the Excursus.] + +[Footnote 308: See my treatise "Die ältesten christlichen Datirungen und +die Anfánge einer bischòflichen Chronographie in Rom." in the report of +the proceedings of the Royal Prussian Academy of Science, 1892, pp. +617-658. I think I have there proved that, in the time of Soter, Rome +already possessed a figured list of bishops, in which important events +were also entered.] + +[Footnote 309: That the idea of the apostolic succession of the bishops +was first turned to account or appeared in Rome is all the more +remarkable, because it was not in that city, but rather in the East, +that the monarchical episcopate was first consolidated. (Cf. the +Shepherd of Hermas and Ignatius' Epistles to the Romans with his other +Epistles). There must therefore have been a very rapid development of +the constitution in the time between Hyginus and Victor. Sohm, l.c., +tries to show that the monarchical episcopate arose in Rome immediately +after the composition of the First Epistle of Clement, and as a result +of it; and that this city was the centre from which it spread throughout +Christendom.] + +[Footnote 310: See Pseudo-Cyprian's work "de aleat" which, in spite of +remarks to the contrary, I am inclined to regard as written by Victor; +cf. "Texte und Untersuchungen" V. I; see c. I of this writing: "et +quoniam in nobis divina et paterna pietas apostolatus ducatum contulit +et vicariam domini sedem cælesti dignatione ordinavit et originem +authentici apostolatus, super quem Christus fundavit ecclesiam, in +superiore nostro portamus."] + +[Footnote 311: See report of the proceedings of the Royal Prussian +Academy of Science, 1892, p. 622 ff. To the material found there must be +added a remarkable passage given by Nestle (Zeitschrift fur +wissenschaftliche Theologie, 1893, p. 437), where the dates are reckoned +after Sixtus I.] + +[Footnote 312: Cf. the 8th book of the Apostolic Constitutions with the +articles referring to the regulation of the Church, which in Greek MSS. +bear the name of Hippolytus. Compare also the Arabian Canones Hippolyti, +edited by Haneberg (1870) and commented on by Achelis (Texte und +Untersuchungen VI. 4). Apart from the additions and alterations, which +are no doubt very extensive, it is hardly likely that the name of the +Roman bishop is wrongly assigned to them. We must further remember the +importance assigned by the tradition of the Eastern and Western Churches +to one of the earliest Roman "bishops," Clement, as the confidant and +secretary of the Apostles and as the composer and arranger of their +laws.] + +[Footnote 313: See my proofs in "Texte und Untersuchungen," Vol. II., +Part 5. The canons of the Council of Nicæa presuppose the distinction of +higher and lower clergy for the whole Church.] + +[Footnote 314: We see this from the Easter controversy, but there are +proofs of it elsewhere, e.g., in the collection of Cyprian's epistles. +The Roman bishop Cornelius informs Fabius, bishop of Antioch, of the +resolutions of the Italian, African, and other Churches (Euseb., H. E. +VI. 43. 3: [Greek: êlthon eis hêmas epistolai Kornêliou Rhômaiôn +episkopou pros ... phabion, dêlousai ta peri tês Rhômaiôn sunodou, kai +ta doxanta pasi tois kata tên Italian kai Aphrikên kai tas autophi +chôras]). We must not forget, however, that there were also bishops +elsewhere who conducted a so-called oecumenical correspondence and +enjoyed great influence, as, e.g., Dionysius of Corinth and Dionysius of +Alexandria. In matters relating to penance the latter wrote to a great +many Churches, even as far as Armenia, and sent many letters to Rome +(Euseb., H. E. VI. 46). The Catholic theologian, Dittrich--before the +Vatican Decree, no doubt--has spoken of him in the following terms +(Dionysius von Alexandrien, 1867, p. 26): "As Dionysius participated in +the power, so also he shared in the task of the primateship." "Along +with the Roman bishop he was, above all, called upon to guard the +interests of the whole Church."] + +[Footnote 315: This conception, as well as the ideas contained in this +Excursus generally, is now entirely shared by Weingarten (Zeittafeln, +3rd. ed., 1888, pp. 12, 21): "The Catholic Church is essentially the +work of those of Rome and Asia Minor. The Alexandrian Church and +theology do not completely adapt themselves to it till the 3rd century. +The metropolitan community becomes the ideal centre of the Great Church" +... "The primacy of the Roman Church is essentially the transference to +her of Rome's central position in the religion of the heathen world +during the Empire: _urbs æterna urbs sacra_."] + +[Footnote 316: This is also admitted by Langen (l.c., 184 f.), who even +declares that this precedence existed from the beginning.] + +[Footnote 317: Cf. chaps. 59 and 62, but more especially 63.] + +[Footnote 318: At that time the Roman Church did not confine herself to +a letter; she sent ambassadors to Corinth, [Greek: hoitines martures +esontai metaxu humôn kai hêmôn]. Note carefully also the position of the +Corinthian community with which the Roman one interfered (see on this +point Wrede, Untersuchungen zum I Clemensbrief, 1891.)] + +[Footnote 319: In Ignatius, Rom. inscr., the verb [Greek: prokathêmai] +is twice used about the Roman Church ([Greek: prokathêtai en] [to be +understood in a local sense] [Greek: topôi khôrion Rhômaiôn]--[Greek: +prokathêmenê tês agapês] = presiding in, or having the guardianship of, +love). Ignatius (Magn. 6), uses the same verb to denote the dignity of +the bishop or presbyters in relation to the community. See, besides, the +important testimony in Rom. II.: [Greek: allous edidaxate]. Finally, it +must be also noted that Ignatius presupposes an extensive influence on +the part of individual members of the Church in the higher spheres of +government. Fifty years later we have a memorable proof of this in the +Marcia-Victor episode. Lastly, Ignatius is convinced that the Church +will interfeie quite as energetically on behalf of a foreign brother as +on behalf of one of her own number. In the Epistle of Clement to James, +c. 2, the Roman bishop is called [Greek: ho alêtheias prokathezomenos].] + +[Footnote 320: Euseb., H. E. IV. 23. 9-12; cf., above all, the words: +[Greek: Ex archês humin ethos esti touto, pantas men adelphous poikiôs +euergetein, ekklêsiais te pollais tais kata pasan polin ephodia pempein +... patroparadoton ethos Rhômaiôn Rômaioi diaphulattontes.] Note here +the emphasis laid on [Greek: Rômaioi].] + +[Footnote 321: According to Irenæus a peculiar significance belongs to +the old Jerusalem Church, in so far as all the Christian congregations +sprang from her (III. 12. 5: [Greek: autai phônai tês ekklêsias, ex hês +pasa eschêken ekklêsia tês archên autai phônai tês mêtropoleôs tôn tês +kainês diathêkês politôn]). For obvious reasons Irenæus did not speak of +the Jerusalem Church of his own time. Hence that passage cannot be +utilised.] + +[Footnote 322: Iren. III. 3. i: "Sed quomiam valde longum est, in hoc +tali volumine omnium ecclesiarum enumerare successiones, maximæ et +antiquissimæ et omnibus cognitæ, a gloriosissimis duobus apostolis Paulo +et Petro Romæ fundatæ et constitutæ ecclesiæ, eam quam habet ab +apostolis traditionem et annuutiatam hominibus fidem, per successiones +episcoporum pervenientem usque ad nos indicantes confundimus omnes eos, +qui quoquo modo vel per sibiplacentiam malam vel vanam gloriam vel per +cæcitatem et malam sententiam, præterquam oportet, colligunt. Ad hanc +enim ecclesiam propter potentiorem principalitatem necesse est omnem +convenire ecclesiam, hoc est, eos qui sunt undique fideles, in qua +semper ab his, qui sunt undique, conservata est ea quæ est ab apostolis +traditio." On this we may remark as follows: (1) The special importance +which Irenæus claims for the Roman Church--for he is only referring to +her--is not merely based by him on her assumed foundation by Peter and +Paul, but on a combination of the four attributes "maxima," +"antiquissima" etc. Dionysius of Corinth also made this assumption +(Euseb., II. 25. 8), but applied it quite as much to the Corinthian +Church. As regards capability of proving the truth of the Church's +faith, all the communities founded by the Apostles possess +_principalitas_ in relation to the others; but the Roman Church has the +_potentior principalitas_, in so far as she excels all the rest in her +qualities of _ecclesia maxima et omnibus cognita_ etc. Principalitas = +"sovereign authority," [Greek: authentia], for this was probably the +word in the original text (see proceedings of the Royal Prussian Academy +of Science, 9th Nov., 1893). In common with most scholars I used to +think that the "in qua" refers to "Roman Church;" but I have now +convinced myself (see the treatise just cited) that it relates to "omnem +ecclesiam," and that the clause introduced by "in qua" merely asserts +that every church, _in so far as she is faithful to tradition, i.e., +orthodox_, must as a matter of course agree with that of Rome. (2) +Irenæus asserts that every Church, i.e., believers in all parts of the +world, must agree with this Church ("convenire" is to be understood in a +figurative sense; the literal acceptation "every Church must come to +that of Rome" is not admissible). However, this "must" is not meant as +an imperative, but == [Greek: anagkê] == "it cannot be otherwise." In +reference to _principalitas_ == [Greek: authentia] (see I. 31. 1: I. 26. +1) it must be remembered that Victor of Rome (l.c.) speaks of the "origo +_authentici_ apostolatus," and Tertullian remarks of Valentinus when he +apostatised at Rome, "ab ecclesia _authenticæ_ regulæ abrupit" (adv. +Valent. 4).] + +[Footnote 323: Beyond doubt his "convenire necesse est" is founded on +actual circumstances.] + +[Footnote 324: On other important journeys of Christian men and bishops +to Rome in the 2nd and 3rd centuries see Caspari, l.c. Above all we may +call attention to the journey of Abercius of Hierapolis (not Hierapolis +on the Meander) about 200 or even earlier. Its historical reality is not +to be questioned. See his words in the epitaph composed by himself (V. 7 +f.): [Greek: eis Rhômên hos epempsen emen basilêan athrêsai kai +basilissan idein chrusostolon chrusopedilon]. However, Ficker raises +very serious objections to the Christian origin of the inscription.] + +[Footnote 325: We cannot here discuss how this tradition arose; in all +likelihood it already expresses the position which the Roman Church very +speedily attained in Christendom. See Renan, Orig., Vol. VII., p. 70: +"Pierre el Paul (léconciliés), voilà le chef-d'oeuvre qui fondait la +suprématie ecclésiastique de Rome dans làvenir. Une nouvelle qualité +mythique lemplagait celle de Romulus et Remus." But it is highly +probable that Peter was really in Rome like Paul (see 1 Clem. V., +Ignatius ad Rom. IV.); both really performed important services to the +Church there, and died as martyrs in that city.] + +[Footnote 326: The wealth of the Roman Church is also illustrated by the +present of 200,000 sesterces brought her by Marcion (Tertull., de præse. +30). The "Shepherd" also contains instructive particulars with regard to +this. As far as her influence is concerned, we possess various +testimonies from Philipp. IV. 22 down to the famous account by +Hippolytus of the relations of Victor to Marcia. We may call special +attention to Ignatius' Epistle to the Romans.] + +[Footnote 327: See Tertullian, adv. Prax. I; Euseb., H. E. V. 3, 4. +Dictionary of Christian Biography III., p. 937.] + +[Footnote 328: Euseb, H.E. V. 24. 9: [Greek: epi toutois ho men tês +Rhômaiôn proestôs Biktôr athroôs tês Asias pasês hama tais homorois +ekklêsiais tas paroikias apotemnein hôsan heterodoxousas, tês koinês +henôseôs peiratai, kai stêliteuei ge dia grammatôn, akoinônêtous pantas +ardên tous ekeise anakêruttôn adelphous]. Stress should be laid on two +points here: (1) Victor proclaimed that the people of Asia Minor were to +be excluded from the [Greek: koinê henôsis], and not merely from the +fellowship of the Roman Church; (2) he based the excommunication on the +alleged heterodoxy of those Churches. See Heinichen, Melet. VIII, on +Euseb., l.c. Victor's action is parallelled by that of Stephen. +Firmilian says to the latter: "Dum enim putas, omnes abs te abstineri +posse, solum te ab omnibus abstinuisti." It is a very instructive fact +that in the 4th century Rome also made the attempt to have Sabbath +fasting established as an _apostolic_ custom. See the interesting work +confuted by Augustine (ep. 36), a writing which emanates from a Roman +author who is unfortunately unknown to us. Cf. also Augustine's 54th and +55th epistles.] + +[Footnote 329: Irenæus also (l.c. § 11) does not appear to have +questioned Victor's proceeding as such, but as applied to this +particular case.] + +[Footnote 330: See Tertull., de orat. 22: "Sed non putet institutionem +unusquisque antecessoris commovendam." De virg. vel. I: "Paracletus +solus antecessor, quia solus post Christum;" 2: "Eas ego ecclesias +proposui, quas et ipsi apostolici viri condiderunt, et puto ante +quosdam;" 3: "Sed nec inter consuetudines dispicere voluerunt illi +sanctissimi antecessores." This is also the question referred to in the +important remark in Jerome, de vir. inl. 53: "Tertullianus ad mediam +ætatem presbyter fuit ecclesiæ Africanæ, invidia postea et contumeliis +clericorum Romanæ ecclesiæ ad Montani dogma delapsus."] + +[Footnote 331: Stephen acted like Victor and excluded almost all the +East from the fellowship of the Church; see in addition to Cyprian's +epistles that of Dionysius of Alexandria in Euseb., H. E. VII. 5. In +reference to Hippolytus, see Philosoph. l. IX. In regard to Origen, see +the allusions in de orat. 28 fin.; in Matth. XI. 9, 15: XII. 9-14: XVI. +8, 22: XVII. 14; in Joh. X. 16; Rom. VI in Isai. c. 1. With regard to +Philosoph. IX. 12, Sohm rightly remarks (p. 389): "It is clear that the +responsibility was laid on the Roman bishop not merely in several cases +where married men were made presbyters and deacons, but also when they +were appointed bishops; and it is also evident that he appears just as +responsible when bishops are not deposed in consequence of their +marrying." One cannot help concluding that the Roman bishop has the +power of appointing and deposing not merely presbyters and deacons, but +also bishops. Moreover, the impression is conveyed that this appointment +and deposition of bishops takes place in Rome, for the passage contains +a description of existent conditions in the Roman Church. Other +communities may be deprived of their bishops by an order from Rome, and +a bishop (chosen in Rome) may be sent them. The words of the passage +are: [Greek: epi kallistou êrxanto episkopoi kai presbuteroi kai +diakonoi digamoi kai trigamoi kathistasthai eis klêrous ei de kai tis en +klêrô ôn gamoiê, menein ton toiouton en tô klêrô hôs mê hêmartêkota.]] + +[Footnote 332: In the treatise "Die Briefe des romischen Klerus aus der +Zeit der Sedisvacanz im Jahre 250" (Abhandlungen fur Weizsäcker, 1892), +I have shown how the Roman clergy kept the revenue of the Church and of +the Churches in their hands, though they had no bishop. What language +the Romans used in epistles 8, 30, 36 of the Cyprian collection, and how +they interfered in the affairs of the Carthaginian Church! Beyond doubt +the Roman _Church_ possessed an acknowledged primacy in the year 250; it +was the primacy of active participation and fulfilled duty. As yet there +was no recognised dogmatic or historic foundation assigned for it; in +fact it is highly probable that this theory was still shaky and +uncertain in Rome herself. The college of presbyters and deacons feels +and speaks as if it were the bishop. For it was not on the bishop that +the incomparable prestige of Rome was based--at least this claim was not +yet made with any confidence,--but on the _city itself_, on the origin +and history, the faith and love, the earnestness and zeal _of the whole +Roman Church and her clergy_.] + +[Footnote 333: In Tertullian, de præsc. 36, the bishops are not +mentioned. He also, like Irenæus, cites the Roman Church as one amongst +others. We have already remarked that in the scheme of proof from +prescription no higher rank could be assigned to the Roman Church than +to any other of the group founded by the Apostles. Tertullian continues +to maintain this position, but expressly remarks that the Roman Church +has special authority for the Carthaginian, because Carthage had +received its Christianity from Rome. He expresses the special +relationship between Rome and Carthage in the following terms: "Si autem +Italiæ adiaces habes Romam, unde nobis quoque auctoritas præsto est." +With Tertullian, then, the _de facto_ position of the Roman Church in +Christendom did not lead to the same conclusion in the scheme of proof +from prescription as we found in Irenæus. But in his case also that +position is indicated by the rhetorical ardour with which he speaks of +the Roman Church, whereas he does nothing more than mention Corinth, +Philippi, Thessalonica, and Ephesus. Even at that time, moreover, he had +ground enough for a more reserved attitude towards Rome, though in the +antignostic struggle he could not dispense with the tradition of the +Roman community. In the veil dispute (de virg. vel. 2) he opposed the +authority of the Greek apostolic Churches to that of Rome. Polycarp had +done the same against Anicetus, Polycrates against Victor, Proculus +against his Roman opponents. Conversely, Praxeas in his appeal to +Eleutherus (c. 1.: "præcessorum auctoritates"), Caius when contending +with Proculus, the Carthaginian clergy when opposing Tertullian (in the +veil dispute), and Victor when contending with Polycrates set the +authority of Rome against that of the Greek apostolic Churches. These +struggles at the transition from the and to the 3rd century are of the +utmost importance. Rome was here seeking to overthrow the authority of +the only group of Churches able to enter into rivalry with her those of +Asia Minor, and succeeded in the attempt.] + +[Footnote 334: De pudic. 21: "De tua nunc sententia quæro, unde hoc ius +ecclesiæ usurpes. Si quia dixerit Petro dominus: Super hanc petram +ædificabo ecclesiam meam, tibi dedi claves regni cælestis, vel, +Quæcumque alligaveris vel solveris in terra, erunt alligata vel soluta +in coelis, id circo præsumis et ad te derivasse solvendi et alligandi +potestatem?" Stephen did the same; see Firmilian in Cyprian ep. 75. With +this should be compared the description Clement of Rome gives in his +epistles to James of his own installation by Peter (c. 2). The following +words are put in Peter's mouth: [Greek: klêmenta touton episkopon humin +cheirontonô, hô tên emên tôn logôn pisteuô kathedran ... dia autô +metadidômi tên exousian tou desmeuein kai luein, hina peri pantos ou an +cheirotonêsê epi gês estai dedogmatismenon en ouranois. dêsei gar ho dei +dethênai kai lusei ho dei luthênai, hôs ton tês ekklêsias eidôs +kanona.]] + +[Footnote 335: See Dionysius of Alexandria's letter to the Roman bishop +Stephen (Euseb., H. E. VII. 5. 2): [Greek: Hai mentoi Suriai holai kai +hê Arabia, ois eparkeite hekastote kai ois nun epesteilate.]] + +[Footnote 336: In the case of Origen's condemnation the decision of Rome +seems to have been of special importance. Origen sought to defend his +orthodoxy in a letter written by his own hand to the Roman bishop Fabian +(see Euseb., H. E. VI. 36; Jerome, ep. 84. 10). The Roman bishop Pontian +had previously condemned him after summoning a "senate;" see Jerome, ep. +33 (Döllinger, Hippolytus and Calixtus, p. 259 f.). Further, it is an +important fact that a deputation of Alexandrian Christians, who did not +agree with the Christology of their bishop Dionysius, repaired to Rome +to the _Roman_ bishop Dionysius and formally accused the first named +prelate. It is also significant that Dionysius received this complaint +and brought the matter up at a Roman synod. No objection was taken to +this proceeding (Athanas., de synod.). This information is very +instructive, for it proves that the Roman Church was ever regarded as +specially charged with watching over the observance of the conditions of +the general ecclesiastical federation, the [Greek: koinê henôsis]. As to +the fact that in circular letters, not excepting Eastern ones, the Roman +Church was put at the head of the address, see Euseb., H. E. VII. 30. +How frequently foreign bishops came to Rome is shown by the 19th canon +of Arles (A.D. 314): "De episcopis peregrinis, qui in urbem solent +venire, placuit iis locum dari ut offerant." The first canon is also +important in deciding the special position of Rome.] + +[Footnote 337: Peculiar circumstances, which unfortunately we cannot +quite explain, are connected with the cases discussed by Cyprian in epp. +67 and 68. The Roman bishop must have had the acknowledged power of +dealing with the bishop of Arles, whereas the Gallic prelates had not +this right. Sohm, p. 391 ff., assumes that the Roman bishop alone--not +Cyprian or the bishops of Gaul--had authority to exclude the bishop of +Arles from the general fellowship of the Church, but that, as far as the +Gallic Churches were concerned, such an excommunication possessed no +legal effect, but only a moral one, because in their case the bishop of +Rome had only a spiritual authority and no legal power. Further, two +Spanish bishops publicly appealed to the Roman see against their +deposition, and Cyprian regarded this appeal as in itself correct. +Finally, Cornelius says of himself in a letter (in Euseb., H. E. VI. 43. +10): [Greek: tôn loipôn episkopôn diadochous eis tous topous, en hois +êsan, cheirotonêsantes apestalkamen]. This quotation refers to Italy, +and the passage, which must be read connectedly, makes it plain (see, +besides, the quotation in reference to Calixtus given above on p. 162), +that, before the middle of the 3rd century, the Roman Church already +possessed a legal right of excommunication and the recognised power of +making ecclesiastical appointments as far as the communities and bishops +in Italy were concerned (see Sohm, p. 389 ff.).] + +[Footnote 338: Euseb., H. E. VII. 30. 19. The Church of Antioch sought +to enter upon an independent line of development under Paul of Samosata. +Paul's fall was the victory of Rome. We may suppose it to be highly +probable, though to the best of my belief there is for the present no +sure proof, that it was not till then that the Roman standards and +sacraments, catholic and apostolic collection of Scriptures (see, on the +contrary, the use of Scripture in the Didaskalia), apostolic rule of +faith, and apostolic episcopacy attained supremacy in Antioch; but that +they began to be introduced into that city about the time of Serapion's +bishopric (that is, during the Easter controversy). The old records of +the Church of Edessa have an important bearing on this point; and from +these it is evident that her constitution did not begin to assume a +Catholic form till the beginning of the 3rd century, and that as the +result of connection with Rome. See _the Doctrine of Addai_ by Phillips, +p. 50: "Palut himself went to Antioch and received the hand of the +priesthood from Serapion, bishop of Antioch. Serapion, bishop of +Antioch, himself also received the hand from Zephyrinus, bishop of the +city of Rome, from the succession of the hand of the priesthood of Simon +Cephas, which he received from our Lord, who was there bishop of Rome 25 +years, (sic) in the days of the Cæsar, who reigned there 13 years." (See +also Tixeront, _Edesse_, pp. 149, 152.) Cf. with this the prominence +given in the Acts of Scharbil and Barsamya to the fact that they were +contemporaries of Fabian, bishop of Rome. We read there (see Rubens +Duval, Les Actes de Scharbil et les Actes de Barsamya, Paris, 1889, and +Histoire d'Eclesse, p. 130): "Barsamya (he was bishop of Edessa at the +time of Decius) lived at the time of Fabian, bishop of Rome. He had +received the laying on of hands from Abschelama, who had received it +from Palut. Palut had been consecrated by Serapion, bishop of Antioch, +and the latter had been consecrated by Zephyrinus, bishop of Rome." As +regards the relation of the State of Rome to the Roman Church, that is, +to the Roman bishop, who by the year 250 had already become a sort of +_præfectus urbis_, with his district superintendents, the deacons, and +in fact a sort of _princeps æmulus_, cf. (1) the recorded comments of +Alexander Severus on the Christians, and especially those on their +organisation; (2) the edict of Maximinus Thrax and the banishment of the +bishops Pontian and Hippolytus; (3) the attitude of Philip the Arabian; +(4) the remarks of Decius in Cyp. ep. 55 (see above p. 124) and his +proceedings against the Roman bishops, and (5) the attitude of Aurelian +in Antioch. On the extent and organisation of the Roman Church about 250 +see Euseb., H. E. VI. 43.] + +[Footnote 339: The memorable words in the lately discovered appeal by +Eusebius of Dorylæum to Leo I. (Neues Archiv., Vol. XI., part 2, p. 364 +f.) are no mere flattery, and the fifth century is not the first to +which they are applicable: "Curavit desuper et ab exordio consuevit +thronus apostolicus iniqua perferentes defensare et eos qui in +evitabiles factiones inciderunt, adiuvare et humi iacentes erigere, +secundum possibilitatem, quam habetis; causa autem rei, quod sensum +rectum tenetis et inconcussam servatis erga dominum nostrum Iesum +Christum fidem, nec non etiam indissimulatam universis fratribus et +omnibus in nomine Christi vocatis tribuitis caritatem, etc." See also +Theodoret's letters addressed to Rome.] + + + + +II. FIXING AND GRADUAL HELLENISING OF CHRISTIANITY AS A SYSTEM OF +DOCTRINE + +CHAPTER IV. + +ECCLESIASTICAL CHRISTIANITY AND PHILOSOPHY. +THE APOLOGISTS. + + +1. _Introduction._[340] + +The object of the Christian Apologists, some of whom filled +ecclesiastical offices and in various ways promoted spiritual +progress,[341] was, as they themselves explained, to uphold the +Christianity professed by the Christian Churches and publicly preached. +They were convinced that the Christian faith was founded on revelation +and that only a mind enlightened by God could grasp and maintain the +faith. They acknowledged the Old Testament to be the authoritative +source of God's revelation, maintained that the whole human race was +meant to be reached by Christianity, and adhered to the early Christian +eschatology. These views as well as the strong emphasis they laid upon +human freedom and responsibility, enabled them to attain a firm +standpoint in opposition to "Gnosticism," and to preserve their position +within the Christian communities, whose moral purity and strength they +regarded as a strong proof of the truth of this faith. In the endeavours +of the Apologists to explain Christianity to the cultured world, we have +before us the attempts of Greek churchmen to represent the Christian +religion as a philosophy, and to convince outsiders that it was the +highest wisdom and the absolute truth. These efforts were not rejected +by the Churches like those of the so-called Gnostics, but rather became +in subsequent times the foundation of the ecclesiastical dogmatic. The +Gnostic speculations were repudiated, whereas those of the Apologists +were accepted. The manner in which the latter set forth Christianity as +a philosophy met with approval. What were the conditions under which +ecclesiastical Christianity and Greek philosophy concluded the alliance +which has found a place in the history of the world? How did this union +attain acceptance and permanence, whilst "Gnosticism" was at first +rejected? These are the two great questions the correct answers to which +are of fundamental importance for the understanding of the history of +Christian dogma. + +The answers to these questions appear paradoxical. The theses of the +Apologists finally overcame all scruples in ecclesiastical circles and +were accepted by the Græco-Roman world, because they made Christianity +_rational_ without taking from, or adding to, its traditional historic +material. The secret of the epoch-making success of the apologetic +theology is thus explained: These Christian philosophers formulated the +content of the Gospel in a manner which appealed to the common sense of +all the serious thinkers and intelligent men of the age. Moreover, they +contrived to use the positive material of tradition, including the life +and worship of Christ, in such a way as to furnish this reasonable +religion with a confirmation and proof that had hitherto been eagerly +sought, but sought in vain. In the theology of the Apologists, +Christianity, as the religious enlightenment directly emanating from God +himself, is most sharply contrasted with all polytheism, natural +religion, and ceremonial. They proclaimed it in the most emphatic manner +as the religion of the spirit, of freedom, and of absolute morality. +Almost the whole positive material of Christianity is embodied in the +story which relates its entrance into the world, its spread, and the +proof of its truth. The religion itself, on the other hand, appears as +the truth that is surely attested and accords with reason--a truth the +content of which is not primarily dependent on historical facts and +finally overthrows all polytheism. + +Now this was the very thing required. In the second century of our era a +great many needs and aspirations were undoubtedly making themselves felt +in the sphere of religion and morals. "Gnosticism" and Marcionite +Christianity prove the variety and depth of the needs then asserting +themselves within the space that the ecclesiastical historian is able to +survey. Mightier than all others, however, was the longing men felt to +free themselves from the burden of the past, to cast away the rubbish of +cults and of unmeaning religious ceremonies, and to be assured that the +results of religious philosophy, those great and simple doctrines of +virtue and immortality and of the God who is a Spirit, were certain +truths. He who brought the message that these ideas were realities, and +who, on the strength of these realities, declared polytheism and the +worship of idols to be obsolete, had the mightiest forces on his side; +for the times were now ripe for this preaching. What formed the strength +of the apologetic philosophy was the proclamation that Christianity both +contained the highest truth, as men already supposed it to be and as +they had discovered it in their own minds, and the absolutely reliable +guarantee that was desired for this truth. To the quality which makes it +appear meagre to us it owed its impressiveness. The fact of its falling +in with the general spiritual current of the time and making no attempt +to satisfy special and deeper needs enabled it to plead the cause of +spiritual monotheism and to oppose the worship of idols in the manner +most easily understood. As it did not require historic and positive +material to describe the nature of religion and morality, this +philosophy enabled the Apologists to demonstrate the worthlessness of +the traditional religion and worship of the different nations.[342] The +same cause, however, made them take up the conservative position with +regard to the historical traditions of Christianity. These were not +ultimately tested as to their content, for this was taken for granted, +no matter how they might be worded; but they were used to give an +assurance of the truth, and to prove that the religion of the spirit was +not founded on human opinion, but on divine revelation. The only really +important consideration in Christianity is that it is _revelation, real +revelation_. The Apologists had no doubt as to what it reveals, and +therefore any investigation was unnecessary. The result of Greek +philosophy, the philosophy of Plato and Zeno, as it had further +developed in the empires of Alexander the Great and the Romans, was to +attain victory and permanence by the aid of Christianity. Thus we view +the progress of this development to-day,[343] and Christianity really +proved to be the force from which that religious philosophy, viewed as a +theory of the world and system of morality, first received the courage +to free itself from the polytheistic past and descend from the circles +of the learned to the common people. + +This constitutes the deepest distinction between Christian philosophers +like Justin and those of the type of Valentinus. The latter sought for a +_religion_; the former, though indeed they were not very clear about +their own purpose, sought _assurance_ as to a theistic and moral +conception of the world which they already possessed. At first the +complexus of Christian tradition, which must have possessed many +features of attraction for them, was something foreign to both. The +latter, however, sought to make this tradition intelligible. For the +former it was enough that they had here a revelation before them; that +this revelation also bore unmistakable testimony to the one God, who was +a Spirit, to virtue, and to immortality; and that it was capable of +convincing men and of leading them to a virtuous life. Viewed +superficially, the Apologists were no doubt the conservatives; but they +were so, because they scarcely in any respect meddled with the contents +of tradition. The "Gnostics," on the contrary, sought to understand what +they read and to investigate the truth of the message of which they +heard. The most characteristic feature is the attitude of each to the +Old Testament. The Apologists were content to have found in it an +ancient source of revelation, and viewed the book as a testimony to the +truth, i.e., to philosophy and virtue; the Gnostics investigated this +document and examined to what extent it agreed with the new impressions +they had received from the Gospel. We may sum up as follows: The +Gnostics sought to determine what Christianity is as a religion, and, as +they were convinced of the absoluteness of Christianity, this process +led them to incorporate with it all that they looked on as sublime and +holy and to remove everything they recognised to be inferior. The +Apologists, again, strove to discover an authority for religious +enlightenment and morality and to find the confirmation of a theory of +the universe, which, if true, contained for them the certainty of +eternal life; and this they found in the Christian tradition. + +At bottom this contrast is a picture of the great discord existing in +the religious philosophy of the age itself (see p. 129, vol. I.). No one +denied the fact that all truth was divine, that is, was founded on +revelation. The great question, however, was whether every man possessed +this truth as a slumbering capacity that only required to be awakened; +whether it was rational, i.e., merely moral truth, or must be above that +which is moral, that is, of a religious nature; whether it must carry +man beyond himself; and whether a real redemption was necessary. It is +ultimately the dispute between morality and religion, which appears as +an unsettled problem in the theses of the idealistic philosophers and in +the whole spiritual conceptions then current among the educated, and +which recurs in the contrast between the Apologetic and the Gnostic +theology. And, as in the former case we meet with the most varied shades +and transitions, for no one writer has developed a consistent theory, so +also we find a similar state of things in the latter;[344] for no +Apologist quite left out of sight the idea of redemption (deliverance +from the dominion of demons can only be effected by the Logos, i.e., +God). Wherever the idea of freedom is strongly emphasised, the religious +element, in the strict sense of the word, appears in jeopardy. This is +the case with the Apologists throughout. Conversely, wherever redemption +forms the central thought, need is felt of a suprarational truth, which +no longer views morality as the only aim, and which, again, requires +particular media, a sacred history and sacred symbols. Stoic +rationalism, in its logical development, is menaced wherever we meet the +perception that the course of the world must in some way be helped, and +wherever the contrast between reason and sensuousness, that the old Stoa +had confused, is clearly felt to be an unendurable state of antagonism +that man cannot remove by his own unaided efforts. The need of a +revelation had its starting-point in philosophy here. The judgment of +oneself and of the world to which Platonism led, the self-consciousness +which it awakened by the detachment of man from nature, and the +contrasts which it revealed led of necessity to that frame of mind which +manifested itself in the craving for a revelation. The Apologists felt +this. But their rationalism gave a strange turn to the satisfaction of +that need. It was not their Christian ideas which first involved them in +contradictions. At the time when Christianity appeared on the scene, the +Platonic and Stoic systems themselves were already so complicated that +philosophers did not find their difficulties seriously increased by a +consideration of the Christian doctrines. As _Apologists_, however, they +decidedly took the part of Christianity because, according to them, it +was the doctrine of reason and freedom. + +The Gospel was hellenised in the second century in so far as the +Gnostics in various ways transformed it into a Hellenic religion for the +educated. The Apologists used it--we may almost say inadvertently--to +overthrow polytheism by maintaining that Christianity was the +realisation of an absolutely moral theism. The Christian religion was +not the first to experience this twofold destiny on Græco-Roman soil. A +glance at the history of the Jewish religion shows us a parallel +development; in fact, both the speculations of the Gnostics and the +theories of the Apologists were foreshadowed in the theology of the +Jewish Alexandrians, and particularly in that of Philo. Here also the +Gospel merely entered upon the heritage of Judaism.[345] Three centuries +before the appearance of Christian Apologists, Jews, who had received a +Hellenic training, had already set forth the religion of Jehovah to the +Greeks in that remarkably summary and spiritualised form which +represents it as the absolute and highest philosophy, i.e., the +knowledge of God, of virtue, and of recompense in the next world. Here +these Jewish philosophers had already transformed all the positive and +historic elements of the national religion into parts of a huge system +for proving the truth of that theism. The Christian Apologists adopted +this method, for they can hardly be said to have invented it anew.[346] +We see from the Jewish Sibylline oracles how wide-spread it was. Philo, +however, was not only a Stoic rationalist, but a hyper-Platonic +religious philosopher. In like manner, the Christian Apologists did not +altogether lack this element, though in some isolated cases among them +there are hardly any traces of it. This feature is most fully +represented among the Gnostics. + +This transformation of religion into a philosophic system would not have +been possible had not Greek philosophy itself happened to be in process +of development into a religion. Such a transformation was certainly very +foreign to the really classical time of Greece and Rome. The pious +belief in the efficacy and power of the gods and in their appearances +and manifestations, as well as the traditional worship, could have no +bond of union with speculations concerning the essence and ultimate +cause of things. The idea of a religious dogma which was at once to +furnish a correct theory of the world and a principle of conduct was +from this standpoint completely unintelligible. But philosophy, +particularly in the Stoa, set out in search of this idea, and, after +further developments, sought for one special religion with which it +could agree or through which it could at least attain certainty. The +meagre cults of the Greeks and Romans were unsuited for this. So men +turned their eyes towards the barbarians. Nothing more clearly +characterises the position of things in the second century than the +agreement between two men so radically different as Tatian and Celsus. +Tatian emphatically declares that salvation comes from the barbarians, +and to Celsus it is also a "truism" that the barbarians have more +capacity than the Greeks for discovering valuable doctrines.[347] +Everything was in fact prepared, and nothing was wanting. + +About the middle of the second century, however, the moral and +rationalistic element in the philosophy and spiritual culture of the +time was still more powerful than the religious and mystic; for +Neoplatonism, which under its outward coverings concealed the aspiration +after religion and the living God, was only in its first beginnings. It +was not otherwise in Christian circles. The "Gnostics" were in the +minority. What the great majority of the Church felt to be intelligible +and edifying above everything else was an earnest moralism.[348] New and +strange as the undertaking to represent Christianity as a philosophy +might seem at first, the Apologists, so far as they were understood, +appeared to advance nothing inconsistent with Christian common sense. +Besides, they did not question authorities, but rather supported them, +and introduced no foreign positive materials. For all these reasons, and +also because their writings were not at first addressed to the +communities, but only to outsiders, the marvellous attempt to present +Christianity to the world as the religion which is the true philosophy, +and as the philosophy which is the true religion, remained unopposed in +the Church. But in what sense was the Christian religion set forth as a +philosophy? An exact answer to this question is of the highest interest +as regards the history of Christian dogma. + + +2. _Christianity as Philosophy and as Revelation_. + +It was a new undertaking and one of permanent importance to a tradition +hitherto so little concerned for its own vindication, when Quadratus and +the Athenian philosopher, Aristides, presented treatises in defence of +Christianity to the emperor.[349] About a century had elapsed since the +Gospel of Christ had begun to be preached. It may be said that the +Apology of Aristides was a most significant opening to the second +century, whilst we find Origen at its close. Marcianus Aristides +expressly designates himself in his pamphlet as a _philosopher of the +Athenians_. Since the days when the words were written: "Beware lest any +man spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit" (Col. II. 8), it had +constantly been repeated (see, as evidence, Celsus, passim) that +Christian preaching and philosophy were things entirely different, that +God had chosen the fools, and that man's duty was not to investigate and +seek, but to believe and hope. Now a philosopher, as such, pleaded the +cause of Christianity. In the summary he gave of the content of +Christianity at the beginning of his address, he really spoke as a +philosopher and represented this faith as a philosophy. By expounding +pure monotheism and giving it the main place in his argument, Aristides +gave supreme prominence to the very doctrine which simple Christians +also prized as the most important.[350] Moreover, in emphasing not only +the supernatural character of the Christian doctrine revealed by the Son +of the Most High God, but also the continuous inspiration of +believers--the new _race_ (not a new _school_)--he confessed in the most +express way the peculiar nature of this philosophy as a divine truth. +According to him Christianity is philosophy because its content is in +accordance with reason, and because it gives a satisfactory and +universally intelligible answer to the questions with which all real +philosophers have concerned themselves. But it is no philosophy, in fact +it is really the complete opposite of this, in so far as it proceeds +from revelation and is propagated by the agency of God, i.e., has a +supernatural and divine origin, on which alone the truth and certainty +of its doctrines finally depend. This contrast to philosophy is chiefly +shown in the unphilosophical form in which Christianity was first +preached to the world. That is the thesis maintained by all the +Apologists from Justin to Tertullian,[351] and which Jewish philosophers +before them propounded and defended. This proposition may certainly be +expressed in a great variety of ways. In the first place, it is +important whether the first or second half is emphasised, and secondly, +whether that which is "universally intelligible" is to be reckoned as +philosophy at all, or is to be separated from it as that which comes by +"nature." Finally, the attitude to be taken up towards the Greek +philosophers is left an open question, so that the thesis, taking up +this attitude as a starting-point, may again assume various forms. But +was the contradiction which it contains not felt? The content of +revelation is to be rational; but does that which is rational require a +revelation? How the proposition was understood by the different +Apologists requires examination. + +_Aristides._ He first gives an exposition of monotheism and the +monotheistic cosmology (God as creator and mover of the universe, as the +spiritual, perfect, almighty Being, whom all things need, and who +requires nothing). In the second chapter he distinguishes, according to +the Greek text, three, and, according to the Syriac, four classes of men +(in the Greek text polytheists, Jews, Christians, the polytheists being +divided into Chaldeans, Greeks, and Egyptians; in the Syriac barbarians, +Greeks, Jews, Christians), and gives their origin. He derives the +Christians from Jesus Christ and reproduces the Christian _kerygma_ (Son +of the Most High God, birth from the Virgin, 12 disciples, death on the +cross, burial, resurrection, ascension, missionary labours of the 12 +disciples). After this, beginning with the third chapter, follows a +criticism of polytheism, that is, the false theology of the barbarians, +Greeks, and Egyptians (down to chapter 12). In the 13th chapter the +Greek authors and philosophers are criticised, and the Greek myths, as +such, are shown to be false. In the 14th chapter the Jews are introduced +(they are monotheists and their ethical system is praised; but they are +then reproached with worshipping of angels and a false ceremonial). In +the 15th chapter follows a description of the Christians, _i.e._, above +all, of their pure, holy life. It is they who have found the truth, +because they know the creator of heaven and earth. This description is +continued in chapters 16 and 17: "This people is new and there is a +divine admixture in it." The Christian writings are recommended to the +emperor. + +_Justin._[352] In his treatise addressed to the emperor Justin did not +call himself a philosopher as Aristides had done. In espousing the cause +of the hated and despised Christians he represented himself as a simple +member of that sect. But in the very first sentence of his Apology he +takes up the ground of piety and philosophy, the very ground taken up by +the pious and philosophical emperors themselves, according to the +judgment of the time and their own intention. In addressing them he +appeals to the [Greek: logos sôphrôn] in a purely Stoic fashion. He +opposes the truth--also in the Stoic manner--to the [Greek: doxais +palaiôn].[353] It was not to be a mere _captatio benevolentiæ_. In that +case Justin would not have added: "That ye are pious and wise and +guardians of righteousness and friends of culture, ye hear everywhere. +Whether ye are so, however, will be shown."[354] His whole exordium is +calculated to prove to the emperors that they are in danger of repeating +a hundredfold the crime which the judges of Socrates had committed.[355] +Like a second Socrates Justin speaks to the emperors in the name of all +Christians. They are to hear the convictions of the wisest of the Greeks +from the mouth of the Christians. Justin wishes to enlighten the emperor +with regard to the life and doctrines ([Greek: bios kai mathêmata]) of +the latter. Nothing is to be concealed, for there is nothing to conceal. + +Justin kept this promise better than any of his successors. For that +very reason also he did not depict the Christian Churches as schools of +philosophers (cc. 61-67). Moreover, in the first passage where he speaks +of Greek philosophers,[356] he is merely drawing a parallel. According +to him there are bad Christians and seeming Christians, just as there +are philosophers who are only so in name and outward show. Such men, +too, were in early times called "philosophers" even when they preached +atheism. To all appearance, therefore, Justin does _not_ desire +Christians to be reckoned as philosophers. But it is nevertheless +significant that, in the case of the Christians, a phenomenon is being +repeated which otherwise is only observed in the case of philosophers; +and how were those whom he was addressing to understand him? In the same +passage he speaks for the first time of Christ. He introduces him with +the plain and intelligible formula: [Greek: ho didaskalos Christos] +("the teacher Christ").[357] Immediately thereafter he praises Socrates +because he had exposed the worthlessness and deceit of the evil demons, +and traces his death to the same causes which are now he says bringing +about the condemnation of the Christians. Now he can make his final +assertion. In virtue of "reason" Socrates exposed superstition; in +virtue of the same reason, this was done by the teacher whom the +Christians follow. _But this teacher was reason itself; it was visible +in him, and indeed it appeared bodily in him._[358] + +Is this philosophy or is it myth? The greatest paradox the Apologist has +to assert is connected by him with the most impressive remembrance +possessed by his readers as philosophers. In the same sentence where he +represents Christ as the Socrates of the barbarians,[359] and +consequently makes Christianity out to be a Socratic doctrine, he +propounds the unheard of theory _that the teacher Christ is the +incarnate reason of God_. + +Justin nowhere tried to soften the effect of this conviction or explain +it in a way adapted to his readers. Nor did he conceal from them that +his assertion admits of no speculative demonstration. That philosophy +can only deal with things which ever are, because they ever were, since +this world began, is a fact about which he himself is perfectly clear. +No Stoic could have felt more strongly than Justin how paradoxical is +the assertion that a thing is of value which has happened only once. +Certain as he is that the "reasonable" emperors will regard it as a +rational assumption that "Reason" is the Son of God,[360] he knows +equally well that no philosophy will bear him out in that other +assertion, and that such a statement is seemingly akin to the +contemptible myths of the evil demons. + +But there is certainly a proof which, if not speculative, is +nevertheless sure. The same ancient documents, which contain the +Socratic and super-Socratic wisdom of the Christians, bear witness +through prophecies, which, just because they are predictions, admit of +no doubt, that the teacher Christ is the incarnate reason; for history +confirms the word of prophecy even in the minutest details. Moreover, in +so far as these writings are in the lawful possession of the Christians, +and announced at the very beginning of things that this community would +appear on the earth, they testify that the Christians may in a certain +fashion date themselves back to the beginning of the world, because +their doctrine is as old as the earth itself (this thought is still +wanting in Aristides). + +The new Socrates who appeared among the barbarians is therefore quite +different from the Socrates of the Greeks, and for that reason also his +followers are not to be compared with the disciples of the +philosophers.[361] From the very beginning of things a world-historical +dispensation of God announced this reasonable doctrine through prophets, +and prepared the visible appearance of reason itself. The same reason +which created and arranged the world took human form in order to draw +the whole of humanity to itself. Every precaution has been taken to make +it easy for any one, be he Greek or barbarian, educated or uneducated, +to grasp all the doctrines of this reason, to verify their truth, and +test their power in life. What further importance can philosophy have +side by side with this, how can one think of calling this a philosophy? + +And yet the doctrine of the Christians can only be compared with +philosophy. For, so far as the latter is genuine, it is also guided by +the Logos; and, conversely, what the Christians teach concerning the +Father of the world, the destiny of man, the nobility of his nature, +freedom and virtue, justice and recompense, has also been attested by +the wisest of the Greeks. They indeed only stammered, whereas the +Christians speak. These, however, use no unintelligible and unheard-of +language, but speak with the words and through the power of reason. The +wonderful arrangement, carried out by the Logos himself, through which +he ennobled the human race by restoring its consciousness of its own +nobility, compels no one henceforth to regard the reasonable as the +unreasonable or wisdom as folly. But is the Christian wisdom not of +divine origin? How can it in that case be natural, and what connection +can exist between it and the wisdom of the Greeks? Justin bestowed the +closest attention on this question, but he never for a moment doubted +what the answer must be. Wherever the reasonable has revealed itself, it +has always been through the operation of the _divine_ reason. For man's +lofty endowment consists in his having had a portion of the divine +reason implanted within him, and in his consequent capacity of attaining +a knowledge of divine things, though not a perfect and clear one, by +dint of persistent efforts after truth and virtue. When man remembers +his real nature and destination, that is, when he comes to himself, the +divine reason is already revealing itself in him and through him. As +man's possession conferred on him at the creation, it is at once his +most peculiar property, and the power which dominates and determines his +nature.[362] All that is reasonable is based on revelation. In order to +accomplish his true destiny man requires from the beginning the inward +working of that divine reason which has created the world for the sake +of man, and therefore wishes to raise man beyond the world to God.[363] + +Apparently no one could speak in a more stoical fashion. But this train +of thought is supplemented by something which limits it. Revelation does +retain its peculiar and unique significance. For no one who merely +possessed the "seed of the Logos" ([Greek: sperma tou logou]), though it +may have been his exclusive guide to knowledge and conduct, was ever +able to grasp the whole truth and impart it in a convincing manner. +Though Socrates and Heraclitus may in a way be called Christians, they +cannot be so designated in any real sense. Reason is clogged with +unreasonableness, and the certainty of truth is doubtful wherever the +whole Logos has not been acting; for man's natural endowment with reason +is too weak to oppose the powers of evil and of sense that work in the +world, namely, the demons. We must therefore believe in the prophets in +whom the whole Logos spoke. He who does that must also of necessity +believe in Christ; for the prophets clearly pointed to him as the +perfect embodiment of the Logos. Measured by the fulness, clearness, and +certainty of the knowledge imparted by the Logos Christ, all knowledge +independent of him appears as merely human wisdom, even when it emanates +from the seed of the Logos. The Stoic argument is consequently +untenable. Men blind and kept in bondage by the demons require to be +aided by a special revelation. It is true that this revelation is +nothing new, and in so far as it has always existed, and never varied in +character, from the beginning of the world, it is in this sense nothing +extraordinary. _It is the divine help granted to man, who has fallen +under the power of the demons, and enabling him to follow his reason and +freedom to do what is good. By the appearance of Christ this help became +accessible to all men._ The dominion of demons and revelation are the +two correlated ideas. If the former did not exist, the latter would not +be necessary. According as we form a lower or higher estimate of the +pernicious results of that sovereignty, the value of revelation rises or +sinks. This revelation cannot do less than give the necessary assurance +of the truth, and it cannot do more than impart the power that develops +and matures the inalienable natural endowment of man and frees him from +the dominion of the demons. + +Accordingly the teaching of the prophets and Christ is related even to +the very highest human philosophy as the whole is to the part,[364] or +as the certain is to the uncertain; and hence also as the permanent is +to the transient. For the final stage has now arrived and Christianity +is destined to put an end to natural human philosophy. When the perfect +work is there, the fragmentary must cease. Justin gave the clearest +expression to this conviction. Christianity, i.e., the prophetic +teaching attested by Christ and accessible to all, puts an end to the +human systems of philosophy that from their close affinity to it may be +called Christian, inasmuch as it effects all and more than all that +these systems have done, and inasmuch as the speculations of the +philosophers, which are uncertain and mingled with error, are +transformed by it into dogmas of indubitable certainty.[365] The +practical conclusion drawn in Justin's treatise from this exposition is +that the Christians are at least entitled to ask the authorities to +treat them as philosophers (Apol. I. 7, 20: II. 15). This demand, he +says, is the more justifiable because the freedom of philosophers is +enjoyed even by such people as merely bear the name, whereas in reality +they set forth immoral and pernicious doctrines.[366] + +In the dialogue with the Jew Trypho, which is likewise meant for heathen +readers, Justin ceased to employ the idea of the existence of a "seed of +the Logos implanted by nature" ([Greek: sperma logou emphuton]) in every +man. From this fact we recognise that he did not consider the notion of +fundamental importance. He indeed calls the Christian religion a +philosophy;[367] but, in so far as this is the case, it is "the only +sure and saving philosophy." No doubt the so-called philosophies put the +right questions, but they are incapable of giving correct answers. For +the Deity, who embraces all true being, and a knowledge of whom alone +makes salvation possible, is only known in proportion as he reveals +himself. True wisdom is therefore exclusively based on revelation. Hence +it is opposed to every human philosophy, because revelation was only +given in the prophets and in Christ.[368] The Christian is _the_ +philosopher,[369] because the followers of Plato and the Stoics are +virtually no philosophers. In applying the title "philosophy" to +Christianity he therefore does not mean to bring Christians and +philosophers more closely together. No doubt, however, he asserts that +the Christian doctrine, which is founded on the knowledge of Christ and +leads to blessedness,[370] is in accordance with reason. + +_Athenagoras._ The petition on behalf of Christians, which Athenagoras, +"the Christian philosopher of Athens," presented, to the emperors Marcus +Aurelius and Commodus, nowhere expressly designates Christianity as a +philosophy, and still less does it style the Christians +philosophers.[371] But, at the very beginning of his writing Athenagoras +also claims for the Christian doctrines the toleration granted by the +state to all philosophic tenets.[372] In support of his claim he argues +that the state punishes nothing but practical atheism,[373] and that the +"atheism" of the Christians is a doctrine about God such as had been +propounded by the most distinguished philosophers--Pythagoreans, +Platonists, Peripatetics, and Stoics--who, moreover, were permitted to +write whatsoever they pleased on the subject of the "Deity."[374] The +Apologist concedes even more: "If philosophers did not also acknowledge +the existence of one God, if they did not also conceive the gods in +question to be partly demons, partly matter, partly of human birth, then +certainly we would be justly expelled as aliens."[375] He therefore +takes up the standpoint that the state is justified in refusing to +tolerate people with completely new doctrines. When we add that he +everywhere assumes that the wisdom and piety of the emperors are +sufficient to test and approve[376] the truth of the Christian teaching, +that he merely represents this faith itself as the _reasonable_ +doctrine,[377] and that, with the exception of the resurrection of the +body, he leaves all the positive and objectionable tenets of +Christianity out of account,[378] there is ground for thinking that this +Apologist differs essentially from Justin in his conception of the +relation of Christianity to secular philosophy. + +Moreover, it is not to be denied that Athenagoras views the revelation +in the prophets and in Christ as completely identical. But in one very +essential point he agrees with Justin; and he has even expressed himself +still more plainly than the latter, inasmuch as he does not introduce +the assumption of a "seed of the Logos implanted by nature" [Greek: +sperma logou emphuton]. The philosophers, he says, were incapable of +knowing the full truth, since it was not from God, but rather from +themselves, that they wished to learn about God. True wisdom, however, +can only be learned from God, that is, from his prophets; it depends +solely on revelation.[379] Here also then we have a repetition of the +thought that the truly reasonable is of supernatural origin. Such is the +importance attached by Athenagoras to this proposition, that he declares +any demonstration of the "reasonable" to be insufficient, no matter how +luminous it may appear. Even that which is most evidently true--e.g., +monotheism--is not raised from the domain of mere human opinion into the +sphere of undoubted certainty till it can be confirmed by +revelation.[380] This can be done by Christians alone. Hence they are +very different from the philosophers, just as they are also +distinguished from these by their manner of life.[381] All the praises +which Athenagoras from time to time bestows on philosophers, +particularly Plato,[382] are consequently to be understood in a merely +relative sense. Their ultimate object is only to establish the claim +made by the Apologist with regard to the treatment of Christians by the +state; but they are not really meant to bring the former into closer +relationship to philosophers. Athenagoras also holds the theory that +Christians are philosophers, in so far as the "philosophers" are not +such in any true sense. It is only the problems they set that connect +the two. He exhibits less clearness than Justin in tracing the necessity +of revelation to the fact that the demon sovereignty, which, above all, +reveals itself in polytheism,[383] can only be overthrown by revelation; +he rather emphasises the other thought (cc. 7, 9) that the necessary +attestation of the truth can only be given in this way.[384] + +_Tatian's_[385] chief aim was not to bring about a juster treatment of +the Christians.[386] He wished to represent their cause as the good +contrasted with the bad, wisdom as opposed to error, truth in +contradistinction to outward seeming, hypocrisy, and pretentious +emptiness. His "Address to the Greeks" begins with a violent polemic +against all Greek philosophers. Tatian merely acted up to a judgment of +philosophers and philosophy which in Justin's case is still +concealed.[387] Hence it was not possible for him to think of +demonstrating analogies between Christians and philosophers. He also no +doubt views Christianity as "reasonable;" he who lives virtuously and +follows wisdom receives it;[388] but yet it is too sublime to be grasped +by earthly perception.[389] It is a heavenly thing which depends on the +communication of the "Spirit," and hence can only be known by +revelation.[390] But yet it is a "philosophy" with definite doctrines +([Greek: dogmata]);[391] it brings nothing new, but only such blessings +as we have already received, but could not retain[392] owing to the +power of error, i.e., the dominion of the demons.[393] Christianity is +therefore the philosophy in which, by virtue of the Logos revelation +through the prophets,[394] the rational knowledge that leads to +life[395] is restored. This knowledge was no less obscured among the +Greek philosophers than among the Greeks generally. In so far as +revelation took place among the barbarians from the remotest antiquity, +Christianity may also be called the barbarian philosophy.[396] Its truth +is proved by its ancient date[397] as well as by its intelligible form, +which enables even the most uneducated person that is initiated in +it[398] to understand it perfectly.[399] Finally, Tatian also states (c. +40) that the Greek sophists have read the writings of Moses and the +prophets, and reproduced them in a distorted form. He therefore +maintains the very opposite of what Celsus took upon him to demonstrate +when venturing to derive certain sayings and doctrines of Christ and the +Christians from the philosophers. Both credit the plagiarists with +intentional misrepresentation or gross misunderstanding. Justin judged +more charitably. To Tatian, on the contrary, the mythology of the Greeks +did not appear worse than their philosophy; in both cases he saw +imitations and intentional corruption of the truth.[400] + +_Theophilus_ agrees with Tatian, in so far as he everywhere appears to +contrast Christianity with philosophy. The religious and moral culture +of the Greeks is derived from their poets (historians) and philosophers +(ad Autol. II. 3 fin. and elsewhere). However, not only do poets and +philosophers contradict each other (II. 5); but the latter also do not +agree (II. 4. 8: III. 7), nay, many contradict themselves (III. 3). Not +a single one of the so-called philosophers, however, is to be taken +seriously;[401] they have devised myths and follies (II. 8); everything +they have set forth is useless and godless (III. 2); vain and worthless +fame was their aim (III. 3). But God knew beforehand the "drivellings of +these hollow philosophers" and made his preparations (II. 15). He of old +proclaimed the truth by the mouth of prophets, and these deposited it in +holy writings. This truth refers to the knowledge of God, the origin and +history of the world, as well as to a virtuous life. The prophetic +testimony in regard to it was continued in the Gospel.[402] Revelation, +however, is necessary because this wisdom of the philosophers and poets +is really demon wisdom, for they were inspired by devils.[403] Thus the +most extreme contrasts appear to exist here. Still, Theophilus is +constrained to confess that truth was not only announced by the Sibyl, +to whom his remarks do not apply, for she is (II. 36): [Greek: en +Ellêsin kai en tois loipois ethnetin genomenê prophêtis], but that poets +and philosophers, "though against their will," also gave clear +utterances regarding the justice, the judgment, and the punishments of +God, as well as regarding his providence in respect to the living and +the dead, or, in other words, about the most important points (II. 37, +38, 8 fin.). Theophilus gives a double explanation of this fact. On the +one hand he ascribes it to the imitation of holy writings (II. 12, 37: +I. 14), and on the other he admits that those writers, when the demons +abandoned them ([Greek: tê psychê eknêpsantes ex autôn]), of themselves +displayed a knowledge of the divine sovereignty, the judgment etc., +which agrees with the teachings of the prophets (II. 8). This admission +need not cause astonishment; for the freedom and control of his own +destiny with which man is endowed (II. 27) must infallibly lead him to +correct knowledge and obedience to God, as soon as he is no longer under +the sway of the demons. Theophilus did not apply the title of philosophy +to Christian truth, this title being in his view discredited; but +Christianity is to him the "wisdom of God," which by luminous proofs +convinces the men who reflect on their own nature.[404] + +_Tertullian and Minucius Felix._[405] Whilst, in the case of the Greek +Apologists, the acknowledgment of revelation appears conditioned by +philosophical scepticism on the one hand, and by the strong impression +of the dominion of the demons on the other, the sceptical element is not +only wanting in the Latin Apologists, but the Christian truth is even +placed in direct opposition to the sceptical philosophy and on the side +of philosophical dogmatism, i.e., Stoicism.[406] Nevertheless the +observations of Tertullian and Minucius Felix with regard to the essence +of Christianity, viewed as philosophy and as revelation, are at bottom +completely identical with the conception of the Greek Apologists, +although it is undeniable that in the former case the revealed character +of Christianity is placed in the background.[407] The recognition of +this fact is exceedingly instructive, for it proves that the conception +of Christianity set forth by the Apologists was not an individual one, +but the necessary expression of the conviction that Christian truth +contains the completion and guarantee of philosophical knowledge. To +Minucius Felix (and Tertullian) Christian truth chiefly presents itself +as the wisdom implanted by nature in every man (Oct. 16. 5). In so far +as man possesses reason and speech and accomplishes the task of the +"examination of the universe" ("inquisitio universitatis"), conditioned +by this gift, he has the Christian truth, that is, he finds Christianity +in his own constitution, and in the rational order of the world. +Accordingly, Minucius is also able to demonstrate the Christian +doctrines by means of the Stoic principle of knowledge, and arrives at +the conclusion that Christianity is a philosophy, i.e., the true +philosophy, and that philosophers are to be considered Christians in +proportion as they have discovered the truth.[408] Moreover, as he +represented Christian ethics to be the expression of the Stoic, and +depicted the Christian bond of brotherhood as a cosmopolitan union of +philosophers, who have become conscious of their natural +similarity,[409] the revealed character of Christianity appears to be +entirely given up. This religion is natural enlightenment, the +revelation of a truth contained in the world and in man, the discovery +of the one God from the open book of creation. The difference between +him and an Apologist like Tatian seems here to be a radical one. But, if +we look more closely, we find that Minucius--and not less +Tertullian--has abandoned Stoic rationalism in vital points. We may +regard his apologetic aim as his excuse for clearly drawing the logical +conclusions from these inconsistencies himself. However, these +deviations of his from the doctrines of the Stoa are not merely prompted +by Christianity, but rather have already become an essential component +of his philosophical theory of the world. In the first place, Minucius +developed a detailed theory of the pernicious activity of the demons +(cc. 26, 27). This was a confession that human nature was not what it +ought to be, because an evil element had penetrated it from without. +Secondly, he no doubt acknowledged (I. 4: 16. 5) the natural light of +wisdom in humanity, but nevertheless remarked (32. 9) that our thoughts +are darkness when measured by the clearness of God. Finally, and this is +the most essential point, after appealing to various philosophers when +expounding his doctrine of the final conflagration of the world, he +suddenly repudiated this tribunal, declaring that the Christians follow +the prophets, and that philosophers "have formed this shadowy picture of +distorted truth in imitation of the divine predictions of the prophets." +(34) Here we have now a union of all the elements already found in the +Greek Apologists; only they are, as it were, hid in the case of +Minucius. But the final proof that he agreed with them in the main is +found in the exceedingly contemptuous judgment which he in conclusion +passed on all philosophers and indeed on philosophy generally.[410] (34. +5: 38. 5) This judgment is not to be explained, as in Tertullian's case, +by the fact that his Stoic opinions led him to oppose natural perception +to all philosophical theory--for this, at most, cannot have been more +than a secondary contributing cause,[411] but by the fact that he is +conscious of following _revealed_ wisdom.[412] Revelation is necessary +because mankind must be aided from without, i.e., by God. In this idea +man's need of redemption is acknowledged, though not to the same extent +as by Seneca and Epictetus. But no sooner does Minucius perceive the +teachings of the prophets to be divine truth than man's natural +endowment and the speculation of philosophers sink for him into +darkness. Christianity is the wisdom which philosophers sought, but were +not able to find.[413] + +We may sum up the doctrines of the Apologists as follows: (1) +Christianity is revelation, i.e., it is the divine wisdom, proclaimed of +old by the prophets and, by reason of its origin, possessing an absolute +certainty which can also be recognised in the fulfilment of their +predictions. As divine wisdom Christianity is contrasted with, and puts +an end to, all natural and philosophical knowledge. (2) Christianity is +the enlightenment corresponding to the natural but impaired knowledge of +man.[414] It embraces all the elements of truth in philosophy, whence it +is _the_ philosophy; and helps man to realise the knowledge with which +he is naturally endowed. (3) Revelation of the rational was and is +necessary, because man has fallen under the sway of the demons. (4) The +efforts of philosophers to ascertain the right knowledge were in vain; +and this is, above all, shown by the fact that they neither overthrew +polytheism nor brought about a really moral life. Moreover, so far as +they discovered the truth, they owed it to the prophets from whom they +borrowed it; at least it is uncertain whether they even attained a +knowledge of fragments of the truth by their own independent +efforts.[415] But it is certain that many seeming truths in the writings +of the philosophers were imitations of the truth by evil demons. This is +the origin of all polytheism, which is, moreover, to some extent an +imitation of Christian institutions. (5) The confession of Christ is +simply included in the acknowledgment of the wisdom of the prophets; the +doctrine of the truth did not receive a new content through Christ; he +only made it accessible to the world and strengthened it (victory over +the demons; special features acknowledged by Justin and Tertullian). (6) +The practical test of Christianity is first contained in the fact that +all persons are able to grasp it, for women and uneducated men here +become veritable sages; secondly in the fact that it has the power of +producing a holy life, and of overthrowing the tyranny of the demons. In +the Apologists, therefore, Christianity served itself heir to antiquity, +i.e., to the result of the monotheistic knowledge and ethics of the +Greeks: "[Greek: Osa oun para pasikalôs eirêtai, hêmôn tôn Christianôn +esti]" (Justin, Apol. II. 13). It traced its origin back to the +beginning of the world. Everything true and good which elevates mankind +springs from divine revelation, and is at the same time genuinely human, +because it is a clear expression of what man finds within him and of his +destination (Justin, Apol. I. 46: [Greek: hoi meta logou biôsantes +Christianoi eisi, kan atheoi enomisthêsan, oion en Hellêsi men Sôkratês +kai Êrakleitos kai oi omoioi autois, en barbarois de Abraam k.t.l.], +"those that have lived with reason are Christians, even though they were +accounted atheists, such as Socrates and Heraclitus and those similar to +them among the Greeks, and Abraham etc. among the barbarians"). But +everything true and good is Christian, for Christianity is nothing else +than the teaching of revelation. No second formula can be imagined in +which the claim of Christianity to be the religion of the world is so +powerfully expressed (hence also the endeavour of the Apologists to +reconcile Christianity and the Empire), nor, on the other hand, can we +conceive of one where the specific content of traditional Christianity +is so thoroughly neutralised as it is here. But the really epoch-making +feature is the fact that the intellectual culture of mankind now appears +reconciled and united with religion. The "dogmas" are the expression of +this. Finally, these fundamental presuppositions also result in a quite +definite idea of the essence of revelation and of the content of reason. +The essence of revelation consists in its form: it is divine +communication through a miraculous inward working. All the media of +revelation are passive organs of the Holy Spirit (Athenag. Supplic. 7; +Pseudo-Justin, Cohort. 8; Justin, Dialogue 115. 7; Apol. I. 31, 33, 36; +etc.; see also Hippolytus, de Christo et Antichr. 2). These were not +necessarily at all times in a state of ecstasy, when they received the +revelations; but they were no doubt in a condition of absolute +receptivity. The Apologists had no other idea of revelation. What they +therefore viewed as the really decisive proof of the reality of +revelation is the prediction of the future, for the human mind does not +possess this power. It was only in connection with this proof that the +Apologists considered it important to show what Moses, David, Isaiah, +etc., had proclaimed in the Old Testament, that is, these names have +only a _chronological_ significance. This also explains their interest +in a history of the world, in so far as this interest originated in the +effort to trace the chain of prophets up to the beginning of history, +and to prove the higher antiquity of revealed truth as compared with all +human knowledge and errors, particularly as found among the Greeks +(clear traces in Justin,[416] first detailed argument in Tatian).[417] +If, however, strictly speaking, it is only the form and not the content +of revelation that is supernatural in so far as this content coincides +with that of reason, it is evident that the Apologists simply took the +content of the latter for granted and stated it dogmatically. So, +whether they expressed themselves in strictly Stoic fashion or not, they +all essentially agree in the assumption that true religion and morality +are the natural content of reason. Even Tatian forms no exception, +though he himself protests against the idea. + +3. _The doctrines of Christianity as the revealed and rational +religion._ + +The Apologists frequently spoke of the doctrines or "dogmas" of +Christianity; and the whole content of this religion as philosophy is +included in these dogmas.[418] According to what we have already set +forth there can be no doubt about the character of Christian dogmas. +_They are the rational truths, revealed by the prophets in the Holy +Scriptures, and summarised in Christ_ ([Greek: christos logos kai +nomos]), _which in their unity represent the divine wisdom, and the +recognition of which leads to virtue and eternal life._ The Apologists +considered it their chief task to set forth these doctrines, and hence +they can be reproduced with all desirable clearness. The dogmatic scheme +of the Apologists may therefore be divided into three component parts. +These are: (A) Christianity viewed as monotheistic cosmology (God as the +Father of the world); (B) Christianity as the highest morality and +righteousness (God as the judge who rewards goodness and punishes +wickedness); (C) Christianity regarded as redemption (God as the Good +One who assists man and rescues him from the power of the demons).[419] +Whilst the first two ideas are expressed in a clear and precise manner, +it is equally true that the third is not worked out in a lucid fashion. +This, as will afterwards be seen, is, on the one hand, the result of the +Apologists' doctrine of freedom, and, on the other, of their inability +to discover a specific significance for the _person_ of Christ within +the sphere of revelation. Both facts again are ultimately to be +explained from their moralism. + +The essential content of revealed philosophy is viewed by the Apologists +(see A, B) as comprised in three doctrines.[420] First, there is one +spiritual and inexpressibly exalted God, who is Lord and Father of the +world. Secondly, he requires a holy life. Thirdly, he will at last sit +in judgment, and will reward the good with immortality and punish the +wicked with death. The teaching concerning God, virtue, and eternal +reward is traced to the prophets and Christ; but the bringing about of a +virtuous life (of righteousness) has been necessarily left by God to men +themselves; for God has created man free, and virtue can only be +acquired by man's own efforts. The prophets and Christ are therefore a +source of righteousness in so far as they are teachers. But as God, that +is, the divine Word (which we need not here discuss) has spoken in them, +Christianity is to be defined as the Knowledge of God, mediated by the +Deity himself, and as a virtuous walk in the longing after eternal and +perfect life with God, as well as in the sure hope of this imperishable +reward. By knowing what is true and doing what is good man becomes +righteous and a partaker of the highest bliss. This knowledge, which has +the character of divine instruction,[421] rests on faith in the divine +revelation. This revelation has the nature and power of redemption in so +far as the fact is undoubted that without it men cannot free themselves +from the tyranny of the demons, whilst believers in revelation are +enabled by the Spirit of God to put them to flight. Accordingly, the +dogmas of Christian philosophy theoretically contain the monotheistic +cosmology, and practically the rules for a holy life, which appears as a +renunciation of the world and as a new order of society.[422] The goal +is immortal life, which consists in the full knowledge and contemplation +of God. The dogmas of revelation lie between the cosmology and ethics; +they are indefinitely expressed so far as they contain the idea of +salvation; but they are very precisely worded in so far as they +guarantee the truth of the cosmology and ethics. + +1. The dogmas which express the knowledge of God and the world are +dominated by the fundamental idea that the world as the created, +conditioned, and transient is contrasted with something self-existing, +unchangeable and eternal, which is the first cause of the world. This +self-existing Being has none of the attributes which belong to the +world; hence he is exalted above every name and has in himself no +distinctions. This implies, first, the unity and uniqueness of this +eternal Being; secondly, his spiritual nature, for everything bodily is +subject to change; and, finally, his perfection, for the self-existent +and eternal requires nothing. Since, however, he is the cause of all +being, himself being unconditioned, he is the fulness of all being or +true being itself (Tatian 5: [Greek: katho pasa dunamis oratôn te kai +aoratôn autos hupostasis ên, sun autô ta panta]). As the living and +spiritual Being he reveals himself in free creations, which make known +his omnipotence and wisdom, i.e., his operative reason. These creations +are, moreover, a proof of the goodness of the Deity, for they can be no +result of necessities, in so far as God is in himself perfect. Just +because he is perfect, the Eternal Essence is also the Father of all +virtues, in so far as he contains no admixture of what is defective. +These virtues include both the goodness which manifests itself in his +creations, and the righteousness which gives to the creature what +belongs to him, in accordance with the position he has received. On the +basis of this train of thought the Apologists lay down the dogmas of the +monarchy of God ([Greek: tôn holôn to monarchikon]), his +supramundaneness ([Greek: to arrêton, to anekphraston, to achôrêton, to +akatalêpton, to aperinoêton, to asugkriton, to asymbibaston, to +anekdiêgêton]; see Justin, Apol. II. 6; Theoph. I. 3); his unity +([Greek: eis Theos]); his having no beginning ([Greek: anarchos, hoti +agenêtos]); his eternity and unchangeableness ([Greek: analloiôtos +kathoti athanatos]); his perfection ([Greek: teleios]); his need of +nothing ([Greek: aprosdeês]); his spiritual nature ([Greek: pneuma ho +Theos]); his absolute causality ([Greek: autos hyparchôn tou pantos hê +hypostasis], the motionless mover, see Aristides c. 1); his creative +activity ([Greek: ktistês tôn pantôn]); his sovereignty ([Greek: +despotês tôn holôn]); his fatherhood ([Greek: patêr dia to einai auton +pro tôn holôn]) his reason-power (God as [Greek: logos, nous, pneuma, +sophia]); his omnipotence ([Greek: pantokratôr hoti autos ta panta +kratei kai emperiechei]); his righteousness and goodness ([Greek: patêr +tês dikaiosunês kai pasôn tôn aretôn chrêstotês]). These dogmas are set +forth by one Apologist in a more detailed, and by another in a more +concise form, but three points are emphasised by all. First, God is +primarily to be conceived as the First Cause. Secondly, the principle of +moral good is also the principle of the world. Thirdly, the principle of +the world, that is, the Deity, as being the immortal and eternal, forms +the contrast to the world which is the transient. In the cosmology of +the Apologists the two fundamental ideas are that God is the Father and +Creator of the world, but that, as uncreated and eternal, he is also the +complete contrast to it.[423] + +These dogmas about God were not determined by the Apologists from the +standpoint of the Christian Church which is awaiting an introduction +into the Kingdom of God; but were deduced from a contemplation of the +world on the one hand (see particularly Tatian, 4; Theophilus, I. 5, 6), +and of the moral nature of man on the other. But, in so far as the +latter itself belongs to the sphere of created things, the cosmos is the +starting-point of their speculations. This is everywhere dominated by +reason and order;[424] it bears the impress of the divine Logos, and +that in a double sense. On the one hand it appears as the copy of a +higher, eternal world, for if we imagine transient and changeable matter +removed, it is a wonderful complex of spiritual forces; on the other it +presents itself as the finite product of a rational will. Moreover, the +matter which lies at its basis is nothing bad, but an indifferent +substance created by God,[425] though indeed perishable. In its +constitution the world is in every respect a structure worthy of +God.[426] Nevertheless, according to the Apologists, the direct author +of the world was not God, but the personified power of reason which they +perceived in the cosmos and represented as the immediate source of the +universe. The motive for this dogma and the interest in it would be +wrongly determined by alleging that the Apologists purposely introduced +the Logos in order to separate God from matter, because they regarded +this as something bad. This idea of Philo's cannot at least have been +adopted by them as the result of conscious reflection, for it does not +agree with their conception of matter; nor is it compatible with their +idea of God and their belief in Providence, which is everywhere firmly +maintained. Still less indeed can it be shown that they were all +impelled to this dogma from their view of Jesus Christ, since in this +connection, with the exception of Justin and Tertullian, they manifested +no specific interest in the incarnation of the Logos in Jesus. The +adoption of the dogma of the Logos is rather to be explained thus: (1) +The idea of God, derived by abstraction from the cosmos, did indeed, +like that of the idealistic philosophy, involve the element of unity and +spirituality, which implied a sort of personality; but the fulness of +all spiritual forces, the essence of everything imperishable were quite +as essential features of the conception; for in spite of the +transcendence inseparable from the notion of God, this idea was +nevertheless meant to explain the world.[427] Accordingly, they required +a formula capable of expressing the transcendent and unchangeable nature +of God on the one hand, and his fulness of creative and spiritual powers +on the other. But the latter attributes themselves had again to be +comprehended in a unity, because the law of the cosmos bore the +appearance of a harmonious one. From this arose the idea of the Logos, +and indeed the latter was necessarily distinguished from God as a +separate existence, as soon as the realisation of the powers residing in +God was represented as beginning. _The Logos is the hypostasis of the +operative power of reason, which at once preserves the unity and +unchangeableness of God in spite of the exercise of the powers residing +in him, and renders this very exercise possible._ (2) Though the +Apologists believed in the divine origin of the revelation given to the +prophets, on which all knowledge of truth is based, they could +nevertheless not be induced by this idea to represent God himself as a +direct actor. For that revelation presupposes a speaker and a spoken +word; but it would be an impossible thought to make the fulness of all +essence and the first cause of all things speak. The Deity cannot be a +speaking and still less a visible person, yet according to the testimony +of the prophets, a Divine Person was seen by them. The Divine Being who +makes himself known on earth in audible and visible fashion can only be +the Divine Word. As, however, according to the fundamental view of the +Apologists the principle of religion, i.e., of the knowledge of the +truth, is also the principle of the world, so that Divine Word, which +imparts the right knowledge of the world, must be identical with the +Divine Reason which produced the world itself. In other words, the Logos +is not only the creative Reason of God, but also his revealing Word. +This explains the motive and aim of the dogma of the Logos. We need not +specially point out that nothing more than the precision and certainty +of the Apologists' manner of statement is peculiar here; the train of +thought itself belongs to Greek philosophy. But that very confidence is +the most essential feature of the case; for in fact the firm belief that +the principle of the world is also that of revelation represents an +important early-Christian idea, though indeed in the form of +philosophical reflection. To the majority of the Apologists the +theoretical content of the Christian faith is completely exhausted in +this proposition. They required no particular Christology, for in every +revelation of God by his Word they already recognised a proof of his +existence not to be surpassed, and consequently regarded it as +Christianity _in nuce_.[428] But the fact that the Apologists made a +distinction _in thesi_ between the prophetic Spirit of God and the +Logos, without being able to make any use of this distinction, is a very +clear instance of their dependence on the formulæ of the Church's faith. +Indeed their conception of the Logos continually compelled them to +identify the Logos and the Spirit, just as they not unfrequently define +Christianity as the belief in the true God and in his Son, without +mentioning the Spirit.[429] Further their dependence on the Christian +tradition is shown in the fact that the most of them expressly +designated the Logos as the _Son_ of God.[430] + +The Logos doctrine of the Apologists is an essentially unanimous one. +Since God cannot be conceived as without reason, [Greek: alogos], but as +the fulness of all reason,[431] he has always Logos in himself. This +Logos is on the one hand the divine consciousness itself, and on the +other the power (idea and energy) to which the world is due; he is not +separate from God, but is contained in his essence.[432] For the sake of +the creation God produced (sent forth, projected) the Logos from +himself, that is, he engendered[433] him from his essence by a free and +simple act of will ([Greek: Theos ek Theou pephukôs ex heautou]. Dial. +61). Then for the first time the Logos became a hypostasis separate from +God, or, in other words, he first came into existence; and, in virtue of +his origin, he possesses the following distinctive features:[434] (1) +The inner essence of the Logos is identical with the essence of God +himself; for it is the product of self-separation in God, willed and +brought about by himself. Further, the Logos is not cut off and +separated from God, nor is he a mere modality in him. He is rather the +independent product of the self-unfolding of God ([Greek: oikonomia]), +which product, though it is the epitome of divine reason, has +nevertheless not stripped the Father of this attribute. The Logos is the +revelation of God, and the visible God. Consequently the Logos is really +God and Lord, i.e., he possesses the divine nature in virtue of his +essence. The Apologists, however, only know of one kind of divine nature +and this is that which belongs to the Logos. (2) From the moment when he +was begotten the Logos is a being distinct from the Father; he is +[Greek: arithmô eteron ti, Theos heteros, Theos deuteros] ("something +different in number, another God, a second God.") But his personality +only dates from that moment. "Fuit tempus, cum patri filius non fuit," +("there was a time when the Father had no Son," so Tertullian, adv. +Hermog. 3). The [Greek: logos prophorikos] is for the first time a +hypostasis distinct from the Father, the [Greek: logos endiathetos] is +not.[435] (3) The Logos has an origin, the Father has not; hence it +follows that in relation to God the Logos is a creature; he is the +begotten, that is, the created God, the God who has a beginning. +Wherefore in rank he is below God ([Greek: en deutera chôra]--[Greek: +deuteros Theos], "in the second place, and a second God"), the messenger +and servant of God. The subordination of the Logos is not founded on the +content of his essence, but on his origin. In relation to the creatures, +however, the Logos is the [Greek: archê], i.e., not only the beginning +but the principle of the vitality and form of everything that is to +receive being. As an emanation (the begotten) he is distinguished from +all creatures, for he alone is the Son;[436] but, as having a beginning, +he again stands on a level with them. Hence the paradoxical expression, +[Greek: ergon prôtotokon tou patros] ("first begotten work of the +Father"), is here the most appropriate designation. (4) In virtue of his +finite origin, it is possible and proper for the Logos to enter into the +finite, to act, to speak, and to appear. As he arose for the sake of the +creation of the world, he has the capacity of personal and direct +revelation which does not belong to the infinite God; nay, his whole +essence consists in the very fact that he is thought, word, and deed. +Behind this active substitute and vicegerent, the Father stands in the +darkness of the incomprehensible, and in the incomprehensible light of +perfection as the hidden, unchangeable God.[437] + +With the issuing forth of the Logos from God began the realisation of +the idea of the world. The world as [Greek: kosmos noêtos] is contained +in the Logos. But the world is material and manifold, the Logos is +spiritual and one. Therefore the Logos is not himself the world, but he +is its creator and in a certain fashion its archetype. Justin and Tatian +used the expression "beget" [Greek: gennan] for the creation of the +world, but in connections which do not admit of any importance being +attached to this use. The world was created out of nothing after a host +of spirits, as is assumed by most Apologists, had been created along +with heaven, which is a higher, glorious world. The purpose of the +creation of the world was and is the production of men, i.e., beings +possessed of soul and body, endowed with reason and freedom, and +therefore made in the image of God; beings who are to partake of the +blessedness and perfection of God. Everything is created for man's sake, +and his own creation is a proof of the goodness of God. As beings +possessed of soul and body, men are neither mortal nor immortal, but +capable either of death or immortality.[438] The condition on which men +can attain the latter introduces us to ethics. The doctrines, that God +is also the absolute Lord of matter; that evil cannot be a quality of +matter, but rather arose in time and from the free decision of the +spirits or angels; and finally that the world will have an end, but God +can call the destroyed material into existence, just as he once created +it out of nothing, appear in principle to reconcile the dualism in the +cosmology. We have the less occasion to give the details here, because +they are known from the philosophical systems of the period, especially +Philo's, and vary in manifold ways. All the Apologists, however, are +imbued with the idea that this knowledge of God and the world, the +genesis of the Logos and cosmos, are the most essential part of +Christianity itself.[439] This conception is really not peculiar to the +Apologists: in the second century the great majority of Christians, in +so far as they reflected at all, regarded the monotheistic explanation +of the world as a main part of the Christian religion. The theoretical +view of the world as a harmonious whole, of its order, regularity and +beauty; the certainty that all this had been called into existence by an +Almighty Spirit; the sure hope that heaven and earth will pass away, but +will give place to a still more glorious structure, were always present, +and put an end to the bright and gorgeously coloured, but phantastic and +vague, cosmogonies and theogonies of antiquity. + +2. Their clear system of morality is in keeping with their relatively +simple cosmology. In giving man reason and freedom as an inalienable +possession God destined him for incorruptibility ([Greek: athanasia, +aphtharsia]), by the attainment of which he was to become a being +similar to God.[440] To the gift of imperishability God, however, +attached the condition of man's preserving [Greek: ta tês athanasias] +("the things of immortality"), i.e., preserving the knowledge of God and +maintaining a holy walk in imitation of the divine perfection. This +demand is as natural as it is just; moreover, nobody can fulfil it in +man's stead, for an essential feature of virtue is its being free, +independent action. Man must therefore determine himself to virtue by +the knowledge that he is only in this way obedient to the Father of the +world and able to reckon on the gift of immortality. The conception of +the content of virtue, however, contains an element which cannot be +clearly apprehended from the cosmology; moral goodness consists in +letting oneself be influenced in no way by the sensuous, but in living +solely, after the Spirit, and imitating the perfection and purity of +God. Moral badness is giving way to any affection resulting from the +natural basis of man. The Apologists undoubtedly believe that virtue +consists negatively in man's renunciation of what his natural +constitution of soul and body demands or impels him to. Some express +this thought in a more pregnant and unvarnished fashion, others in a +milder way. Tatian, for instance, says that we must divest ourselves of +the human nature within us; but in truth the idea is the same in all. +The moral law of nature of which the Apologists speak, and which they +find reproduced in the clearest and most beautiful way in the sayings of +Jesus,[441] calls upon man to raise himself above his nature and to +enter into a corresponding union with his fellow-man which is something +higher than natural connections. It is not so much the law of love that +is to rule everything, for love itself is only a phase of a higher law; +it is the law governing the perfect and sublime Spirit, who, as being +the most exalted existence on this earth, is too noble for the world. +Raised already in this knowledge beyond time and space, beyond the +partial and the finite, the man of God, even while upon the earth, is to +hasten to the Father of Light. By equanimity, absence of desires, +purity, and goodness, which are the necessary results of clear +knowledge, he is to show that he has already risen above the transient +through gazing on the imperishable and through the enjoyment of +knowledge, imperfect though the latter still be. If thus, a suffering +hero, he has stood the test on earth, if he has become dead to the +world,[442] he may be sure that in the life to come God will bestow on +him the gift of immortality, which includes the direct contemplation of +God together with the perfect knowledge that flows from it.[443] +Conversely, the vicious man is given over to eternal death, and in this +punishment the righteousness of God is quite as plainly manifested, as +in the reward of everlasting life. + +3. While it is certain that virtue is a matter of freedom, it is just as +sure that no soul is virtuous unless it follows the will of God, i.e., +knows and judges of God and all things as they must be known and judged +of; and fulfils the commandments of God. This presupposes a revelation +of God through the Logos. A revelation of God, complete in itself and +mediated by the Logos, is found in the cosmos and in the constitution of +man, he being created in his Maker's image.[444] But experience has +shown that this revelation is insufficient to enable men to retain clear +knowledge. They yielded to the seduction of evil demons, who, by God's +sufferance, took possession of the world, and availed themselves of +man's sensuous side to draw him away from the contemplation of the +divine and lead him to the earthly.[445] The results of this temptation +appeared in the facts that humanity as a whole fell a prey to error, was +subjected to the bonds of the sensuous and of the demons, and therefore +became doomed to death, which is at once a punishment and the natural +consequence of want of knowledge of God.[446] Hence it required fresh +efforts of the Logos to free men from a state which is indeed in no +instance an unavoidable necessity, though a sad fact in the case of +almost all. For very few are now able to recognise the one true God from +the order of the universe and from the moral law implanted in +themselves; nor can they withstand the power of the demons ruling in the +world and use their freedom to imitate the virtues of God. Therefore the +Almighty in his goodness employed new means through the Logos to call +men back from the error of their ways, to overthrow the sovereignty of +the demons upon earth, and to correct the disturbed course of the world +before the end has yet come. From the earliest times the Logos (the +Spirit) has descended on such men as preserved their souls pure, and +bestowed on them, through inspiration, knowledge of the truth (with +reference to God, freedom, virtue, the demons, the origin of polytheism, +the judgment) to be imparted by them to others. These are his +"prophets." Such men are rare among the Greeks (and according to some +not found at all), but numerous among the barbarians, i.e., among the +Jewish people. Taught by God, they announced the truth about him, and +under the promptings of the Logos they also committed the revelations to +writings, which therefore, as being inspired, are an authentic record of +the whole truth.[447] To some of the most virtuous among them he himself +even appeared in human form and gave directions. He then is a Christian, +who receives and follows these prophetic teachings, that have ever been +proclaimed afresh from the beginning of the world down to the present +time, and are summed up in the Old Testament. Such a one is enabled even +now to rescue his soul from the rule of the demons, and may confidently +expect the gift of immortality. + +With the majority of the Apologists "Christianity" seems to be exhausted +in these doctrines; in fact, they do not even consider it necessary to +mention _ex professo_ the appearance of the Logos in Christ (see above, +p. 189 ff.). But, while it is certain that they all recognised that the +teachings of the prophets contained the full revelation of the truth, we +would be quite wrong in assuming that they view the appearance and +history of Christ as of no significance. In their presentations some of +them no doubt contented themselves with setting forth the most rational +and simple elements, and therefore took almost no notice of the +historical; but even in their case certain indications show that they +regarded the manifestation of the Logos in Christ as of special +moment.[448] For the prophetic utterances, as found from the beginning, +require an attestation, the prophetic teaching requires a guarantee, so +that misguided humanity may accept them and no longer take error for +truth and truth for error. The strongest guarantee imaginable is found +in the fulfilment of prophecy. Since no man is able to foretell what is +to come, the prediction of the future accompanying a doctrine proves its +divine origin. God, in his extraordinary goodness, not only inspired the +prophets, through the Logos, with the doctrines of truth, but has from +the beginning put numerous predictions in their mouth. These predictions +were detailed and manifold; the great majority of them referred to a +more prolonged appearance of the Logos in human form at the end of +history, and to a future judgment. Now, so long as the predictions had +not yet come to pass, the teachings of the prophets were not +sufficiently impressive, for the only sure witness of the truth is its +outward attestation. In the history of Christ, however, the majority of +these prophecies were fulfilled in the most striking fashion, and this +not only guarantees the fulfilment of the relatively small remainder not +yet come to pass (judgment, resurrection), but also settles beyond all +doubt the truth of the prophetic teachings about God, freedom, virtue, +immortality, etc. In the scheme of fulfilment and prophecy even the +irrational becomes rational; for the fulfilment of a prediction is not a +proof of its divine origin unless it refers to something extraordinary. +Any one can predict regular occurrences which always take place. +Accordingly, a part of what was predicted had to be irrational. Every +particular in the history of Christ has therefore a significance, not as +regards the future, but as regards the past. Here everything happened +"that the word of the prophet might be fulfilled." Because the prophet +had said so, it had to happen. Christ's destiny attests the ancient +teachings of the prophets. Everything, however, depends on this +attestation, for it was no longer the full truth that was wanting, but a +convincing proof that the truth was a reality and not a fancy.[449] But +prophecy testifies that Christ is the ambassador of God, the Logos that +has appeared in human form, and the Son of God. If the future destiny of +Jesus is recorded in the Old Testament down to the smallest particular, +and the book at the same time declares that this predicted One is the +Son of God and will be crucified, then the paying of divine honours to +this crucified man, to whom all the features of prophecy apply, is +completely justified. The stage marked by Christ in the history of God's +revelation, the content of which is always the same, is therefore the +highest and last, because in it the "truth along with the proof" has +appeared. This circumstance explains why the truth is so much more +impressive and convinces more men than formerly, especially since Christ +has also made special provision for the spread of the truth and is +himself an unequalled exemplification of a virtuous life, the principles +of which have now become known in the whole world through the spread of +his precepts. + +These statements exhaust the arguments in most of the Apologies; and +they accordingly seem neither to have contemplated a redemption by +Christ in the stricter sense of the word, nor to have assumed the unique +nature of the appearance of the Logos in Jesus. Christ accomplished +salvation as a divine _teacher_, that is to say, his teaching brings +about the [Greek: allagê] and [Greek: epangôgê] of the human race, its +restoration to its original destination. This also seems to suffice as +regards demon rule. Logically considered, the individual portions of the +history of Jesus (of the baptismal confession) have no direct +significance in respect to salvation. Hence the teachings of the +Christians seem to fall into two groups having no inward connection, +i.e., the propositions treating of the rational knowledge of God, and +the predicted and fulfilled historical facts which prove those doctrines +and the believing hopes they include. + +But Justin at least gave token of a manifest effort to combine the +historical statements regarding Christ with the philosophical and moral +doctrines of salvation and to conceive Jesus as the Redeemer.[450] +Accordingly, if the Christian dogmatic of succeeding times is found in +the connection of philosophical theology with the baptismal confession, +that is, in the "scientific theology of facts," Justin is, in a certain +fashion, the first framer of Church dogma, though no doubt in a very +tentative way. (1) He tried to distinguish between the appearance of the +Logos in pre-Christian times and in Christ; he emphasised the fact that +the whole Logos appeared only in Christ, and that the manner of this +appearance has no counterpart in the past. (2) Justin showed in the +Dialogue that, independently of the theologoumenon of the Logos, he was +firmly convinced of the divinity of Christ on the ground of predictions +and of the impression made by his personality.[451] (3) In addition to +the story of the exaltation of Christ, Justin also emphasised other +portions of his history, especially the death on the cross (together +with baptism and the Lord's Supper) and tried to give them a positive +significance.[452] He adopted the common Christian saying that the blood +of Christ cleanses believers and men are healed through his wounds; and +he tried to give a mystic significance to the cross. (4) He accordingly +spoke of the forgiveness of sins through Christ and confessed that men +are changed, through the new birth in baptism, from children of +necessity and ignorance into children of purpose and understanding and +forgiveness of sins.[453] Von Engelhardt has, however, quite rightly +noticed that these are mere words which have nothing at all +corresponding to them in the general system of thought, because Justin +remains convinced that the knowledge of the true God, of his will, and +of his promises, or the certainty that God will always grant forgiveness +to the repentant and eternal life to the righteous, is sufficient to +convert the man who is master of himself. Owing to the fundamental +conviction which is expressed in the formulæ, "perfect philosophy," +"divine teacher," "new law," "freedom," "repentance," "sinless life," +"sure hope," "reward," "immortality," the ideas, "forgiveness of sins," +"redemption," "reconciliation," "new birth," "faith" (in the Pauline +sense) must remain words,[454] or be relegated to the sphere of magic +and mystery.[455] Nevertheless we must not on that account overlook the +intention. Justin tried to see the divine revelation not only in the +sayings of the prophets, but in unique fashion in the person of Christ, +and to conceive Christ not only as the divine teacher, but also as the +"Lord and Redeemer." In two points he actually succeeded in this. By the +resurrection and exaltation of Jesus Justin proved that Christ, the +divine teacher, is also the future judge and bestower of reward. Christ +himself is able to give what he has promised--a life after death free +from sufferings and sins, that is the first point. The other thing, +however, which Justin very strongly emphasised is that Jesus is even now +reigning in heaven, and shows his future visible sovereignty of the +world by giving his own people the power to cast out and vanquish the +demons in and by his name. Even at the present time the latter are put +to flight by believers in Christ.[456] So the redemption is no mere +future one; it is even now taking place, and the revelation of the Logos +in Jesus Christ is not merely intended to prove the doctrines of the +rational religion, but denotes a real redemption, that is, a new +beginning, in so far as the power of the demons on earth is overthrown +through Christ and in his strength. Jesus Christ, the teacher of the +whole truth and of a new law, which is the rational, the oldest, and the +divine, the only being who has understood how to call men from all the +different nations and in all stages of culture into a union of holy +life, the inspiring One, for whom his disciples go to death, the mighty +One, through whose name the demons are cast out, the risen One, who will +one day reward and punish as judge, must be identical with the Son of +God, who is the divine reason and the divine power. In this belief which +accompanies the confession of the one God, creator of heaven and earth, +Justin finds the special content of Christianity, which the later +Apologists, with the probable exception of Melito, reproduced in a much +more imperfect and meagre form. One thing, however, Justin in all +probability did not formulate with precision, viz., the proposition that +the special result of salvation, i.e., immortality, was involved in the +incarnation of the Logos, in so far as that act brought about a real +secret transformation of the whole mortal nature of man. With Justin, +indeed, as with the other Apologists, the "salvation" ([Greek: sôtêria]) +consists essentially in the apportioning of eternal life to the world, +which has been created mortal and in consequence of sin has fallen a +prey to the natural destiny of "death;" and Christ is regarded as the +bestower of incorruptibility who thus brings the creation to its goal; +but as a rule Justin does not go beyond this thought. Yet we certainly +find hints pointing to the notion of a physical and magical redemption +accomplished at the moment of the incarnation. See particularly the +fragment in Irenæus (already quoted on page 220), which may be thus +interpreted, and Apol. I. 66. This conception, in its most complete +shape, would have to be attributed to Justin if the fragment V. (Otto, +Corp. Apol. III. p. 256) were genuine.[457] But the precise form of the +presentation makes this very improbable. The question as to how, i.e., +in what conceivable way, immortality can be imparted to the mortal +nature as yet received little attention from Justin and the Apologists: +it is the necessary result of knowledge and virtue. Their great object +was to assure the belief in immortality. "Religion and morality depend +on the belief in immortality or the resurrection from the dead. The fact +that the Christian religion, as faith in the incarnate Son of God the +creator, leads to the assurance that the maker of all things will reward +piety and righteousness with the bestowal of eternal and immortal life, +is the essential advantage possessed by the Christian religion over all +others. The righteousness of the heathen was imperfect in spite of all +their knowledge of good and evil, because they lacked the certain +knowledge that the creator makes the just immortal and will consign the +unjust to eternal torment." The philosophical doctrines of God, virtue, +and immortality became through the Apologists the certain content of a +world-wide religion, which is Christian because Christ guarantees its +certainty. They made Christianity a deistical religion for the whole +world without abandoning in word at least the old "teachings and +knowledge" ([Greek: didagmata kai mathêmata]) of the Christians. They +thus marked out the task of "dogmatic" and, so to speak, wrote the +prolegomena for every future theological system in the Church (see Von +Engelhardt's concluding observations in his "Christenthum Justin's" pp. +447-490, also Overbeck in the Historische Zeitschrift, 1880, pp. +499-505.) At the same time, however, they adhered to the early-Christian +eschatology (see Justin, Melito, and, with reference to the resurrection +of the flesh, the Apologists generally), and thus did not belie their +connection with early Christianity.[458] + + +_Interpretation and Criticism, especially of Justin's Doctrines._ + +1. The fundamental assumption of all the Apologists is that there can +only be one and the same relation on earth between God and free man, and +that it has been conditioned by the creation. This thought, which +presupposes the idea of God's unchangeableness, at bottom neutralises +every quasi-historical and mythological consideration. According to it +grace can be nothing else than the stimulation of the powers of reason +existent in man; revelation is supernatural only in respect of its form, +and the redemption merely enables us to redeem ourselves, just as this +possibility was given at the creation. Sin, which arose through +temptation, appears on the one hand as error which must almost of +necessity have arisen so long as man only possessed the "germs of the +Logos" ([Greek: spermata tou logou]) and on the other as the dominion of +sensuousness, which was nearly unavoidable since earthly material +clothes the soul and mighty demons have possession of the world. The +mythological idea of the invading sway of the demons is really the only +interruption of the rationalistic scheme. So far as Christianity is +something different from morality, it is the antithesis of the service +and sovereignty of the demons. Hence the idea that the course of the +world and mankind require in some measure to be helped is the narrow +foundation of the thought of revelation or redemption. The necessity of +revelation and redemption was expressed in a much stronger and more +decisive way by many heathen philosophers of the same period. +Accordingly, not only did these long for a revelation which would give a +fresh attestation to old truth, but they yearned for a force, a real +redemption, a _præsens numen_, and some new thing. Still more powerful +was this longing in the case of the Gnostics and Marcion; compare the +latter's idea of revelation with that of the Apologists. It is probable +indeed that the thought of redemption would have found stronger +expression among them also, had not the task of _proof_, which could be +best discharged by the aid of the Stoic philosophy, demanded religious +rationalism. But, admitting this, the determination of the highest good +itself involved rationalism and moralism. For immortality is the highest +good, in so far as it is perfect knowledge--which is, moreover, +conceived as being of a rational kind,--that necessarily leads to +immortality. We can only find traces of the converse idea, according to +which the change into the immortal condition is the _prius_ and the +knowledge the _posterius_. But, where this conception is the prevailing +one, moralistic intellectualism is broken through, and we can now point +to a specific, supernatural blessing of salvation, produced by +revelation and redemption. Corresponding to the general development of +religious philosophy from moralism into mysticism (transition from the +second to the third century), a displacement in this direction can also +be noticed in the history of Greek apologetics (in the West it was +different); but this displacement was never considerable and therefore +cannot be clearly traced. Even later on under altered circumstances, +apologetic science adhered in every respect to its old method, as being +the most suitable (monotheism, morality, proof from prophecy), a +circumstance which is evident, for example, from the almost complete +disregard of the New Testament canon of Scripture and from other +considerations besides. + +2. In so far as the possibility of virtue and righteousness has been +implanted by God in men, and in so far as--apart from trifling +exceptions--they can actually succeed in doing what is good only through +prophetic, i.e., divine, revelations and exhortations, some Apologists, +following the early Christian tradition, here and there designate the +transformation of the sinner into a righteous man as a work of God, and +speak of renewal and regeneration. The latter, however, as a real fact, +is identical with the repentance which, as a turning from sin and +turning to God, is a matter of free will. As in Justin, so also in +Tatian, the idea of regeneration is exhausted in the divine call to +repentance. The conception of the forgiveness of sins is also determined +in accordance with this. Only those sins can be forgiven, i.e., +overlooked, which are really none, i.e., which were committed in a state +of error and bondage to the demons, and were well-nigh unavoidable. The +blotting out of these sins is effected in baptism, "which is the bath of +regeneration in so far as it is the voluntary consecration of one's own +person. The cleansing which takes place is God's work in so far as +baptism was instituted by him, but it is effected by the man who in his +change of mind lays aside his sins. The name of God is pronounced above +him who repents of his transgressions, that he may receive freedom, +knowledge, and forgiveness of his previous sins, but this effects a +change only denoting the new knowledge to which the baptised person has +attained." If, as all this seems to show, the thought of a specific +grace of God in Christ appears virtually neutralised, the adherence to +the language of the cultus (Justin and Tatian) and Justin's conception +of the Lord's Supper show that the Apologists strove to get beyond +moralism, that is, they tried to supplement it through the mysteries. +Augustine's assertion (de predest. sanct. 27) that the faith of the old +Church in the efficacy of divine grace was not so much expressed in the +_opuscula_ as in the _prayers_, shows correct insight. + +3. All the demands, the fulfilment of which constitutes the virtue and +righteousness of men, are summed up under the title of _the new law_. In +virtue of its eternally valid content this new law is in reality the +oldest; but it is new because Christ and the prophets were preceded by +Moses, who inculcated on the Jews in a transient form that which was +eternally valid. It is also new because, being proclaimed by the Logos +that appeared in Christ, it announced its presence with the utmost +impressiveness and undoubted authority, and contains the promise of +reward in terms guaranteed by the strongest proof--the proof from +prophecy. The old law is consequently a new one because it appears now +for the first time as purely spiritual, perfect, and final. The +commandment of love to one's neighbour also belongs to the law; but it +does not form its essence (still less love to God, the place of which is +taken by faith, obedience, and imitation). The content of all moral +demands is comprehended in the commandment of perfect, active holiness, +which is fulfilled by the complete renunciation of all earthly +blessings, even of life itself. Tatian preached this renunciation in a +specially powerful manner. There is no need to prove that no remains of +Judæo-Christianity are to be recognised in these ideas about the new +law. It is not Judæo-Christianity that lies behind the Christianity and +doctrines of the Apologists, but Greek philosophy (Platonic metaphysics, +Logos doctrine of the Stoics, Platonic and Stoic ethics), the +Alexandrine-Jewish apologetics, the maxims of Jesus, and the religious +speech of the Christian Churches. Justin is distinguished from Philo by +the sure conviction of the living power of God, the Creator and Lord of +the world, and the steadfast confidence in the reality of all the ideals +which is derived from the person of Christ. We ought not, however, to +blame the Apologists because to them nearly everything historical was at +bottom only a guarantee of thoughts and hopes. As a matter of fact, the +assurance is not less important than the content. By dint of thinking +one can conceive the highest truth, but one cannot in this way make out +the certainty of its reality. No positive religion can do more for its +followers than faith in the revelation through Christ and the prophets +did for the Apologists. Although it chiefly proved to them the truth of +that which we call natural theology and which was the idealistic +philosophy of the age, so that the Church appears as the great insurance +society for the ideas of Plato and Zeno, we ought not at the same time +to forget that their idea of a divine spirit working upon earth was a +far more lively and worthy one than in the case of the Greek +philosophers. + +4. By their intellectualism and exclusive theories the Apologists +founded philosophic and dogmatic Christianity (Loofs: "they laid the +foundation for the conversion of Christianity into a revealed +doctrine."[459]) If about the middle of the second century the short +confession of the Lord Jesus Christ was regarded as a watchword, +passport, and _tessera hospitalitas (signum et vinculum)_, and if even +in lay and uneducated circles it was conceived as "doctrine" in +contradistinction to heresy, this transformation must have been +accelerated through men, who essentially conceived Christianity as the +"divine doctrine," and by whom all its distinctive features were +subordinated to this conception or neutralised. As the philosophic +schools are held together by their "laws" ([Greek: nomoi]) as the +"dogmas" form the real bond between the "friends," and as, in addition +to this, they are united by veneration for the founder, so also the +Christian Church appeared to the Apologists as a universal league +established by a divine founder and resting _on the dogmas of the +perfectly known truth_, a league the members of which possess definite +laws, viz., the eternal laws of nature for everything moral, and unite +in common veneration for the Divine Master. In the "dogmas" of the +Apologists, however, we find nothing more than traces of the fusion of +the philosophical and historical elements; in the main both exist +separately side by side. It was not till long after this that +intellectualism gained the victory in a Christianity represented by the +clergy. What we here chiefly understand by "intellectualism" is the +placing of the scientific conception of the world behind the +commandments of Christian morality and behind the hopes and faith of the +Christian religion, and the connecting of the two things in such a way +that this conception appeared as the foundation of these commandments +and hopes. Thus was created the future dogmatic in the form which still +prevails in the Churches and which presupposes the Platonic and Stoic +conception of the world long ago overthrown by science. The attempt made +at the beginning of the Reformation to free the Christian faith from +this amalgamation remained at first without success. + + +Footnotes: + +[Footnote 340: Edition by Otto, 9 Vols., 1876 f. New edition of the +Apologists (unfinished; only Tatian and Athenagoras by Schwarz have yet +appeared) in the Texte und Untersuchungen zur altchristlichen +Litteratur-Geschichte, Vol. IV. Tzschirner, Geschichte der Apologetik, +1st part, 1805; id., Der Fall des Heidenthums, 1829. Ehlers, Vis atque +potestas, quam philosophia antiqua, imprimis Platonica et Stoica in +doctrina apologetarum habuerit, 1859.] + +[Footnote 341: It is intrinsically probable that their works directly +addressed to the Christian Church gave a more full exposition of their +Christianity than we find in the Apologies. This can moreover be proved +with certainty from the fragments of Justin's, Tatian's and Melito's +esoteric writings. But, whilst recognising this fact, we must not make +the erroneous assumption that the fundamental conceptions and interests +of Justin and the rest were in reality other than may be inferred from +their Apologies.] + +[Footnote 342: That is, so far as these were clearly connected with +polytheism. Where this was not the case or seemed not to be so, national +traditions, both the true and the spurious, were readily and joyfully +admitted into the _catalogus testimoniorum_ of revealed truth.] + +[Footnote 343: Though these words were already found in the first +edition, Clemen (Justin 1890, p. 56) has misunderstood me so far as to +think that I spoke here of conscious intention on the part of the +Apologists. Such nonsense of course never occurred to me.] + +[Footnote 344: Note here particularly the attitude of Tatian, who has +already introduced a certain amount of the "Gnostic" element into his +"Oratio ad Græcos," although, he adheres in the main to the ordinary +apologetic doctrines.] + +[Footnote 345: Since the time of Josephus Greek philosophers had ever +more and more acknowledged the "philosophical" character of Judaism; see +Porphyr., de abstin. anim. II. 26, [Greek: hate philosophoi to genos +ontes.]] + +[Footnote 346: On the relation of Christian literature to the writings +of Philo, of Siegfried, Philo von Alexandrien, p. 303 f.] + +[Footnote 347: It is very instructive to find Celsus (Origen, c. Cels. +I. 2) proceeding to say that the Greeks understood better how to judge, +to investigate, and to perfect the doctrines devised by the barbarians, +and to apply them to the practice of virtue. This is quite in accordance +with the idea of Origen, who makes the following remarks on this point: +"When a man trained in the schools and sciences of the Greeks becomes +acquainted with our faith, he will not only recognise and declare it to +be true, but also by means of his scientific training and skill reduce +it to a system and supplement what seems to him defective in it, when +tested by the Greek method of exposition and proof, thus at the same +time demonstrating the truth of Christianity."] + +[Footnote 348: See the section "Justin und die apostolischen Váter" in +Engelhardt's "Christenthum Justin's des Martyrers," p. 375 ff., and my +article on the so-called 2nd Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians +(Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte I. p. 329 ff.). Engelhardt, who on +the whole emphasises the correspondences, has rather under- than +over-estimated them. If the reader compares the exposition given in Book +I., chap. 3, with the theology of the Apologists (see sub. 3), he will +find proof of the intimate relationship that may be traced here.] + +[Footnote 349: See Euseb., H. E. IV. 3. Only one sentence of Quadratus' +Apology is preserved; we have now that of Aristides in the Syriac +language; moreover, it is proved to have existed in the original +language in the Historia Barlaam et Joasaph; finally, a considerable +fragment of it is found in Armenian. See an English edition by Harris +and Robinson in the Texts and Studies I. 1891. German translation and +commentary by Raabe in the Texte und Untersuchungen IX. 1892. Eusebius +says that the Apology was handed in to the emperor Hadrian; but the +superscription in Syriac is addressed to the emperor Titus Hadrianus +Antoninus.] + +[Footnote 350: See Hermas, Mand I.] + +[Footnote 351: With reservations this also holds good of the +Alexandrians. See particularly Orig., c. Cels. I. 62.] + +[Footnote 352: Semisch, Justin der Martyrer, 2 Vols, 1840 f. Aubé, S +Justin, philosophe et martyre, 2nd reprint, 1875. Weizsäcker, Die +Theologie des Martyrers Justin's in the Jahrbuch fur deutsche Theologie, +1867, p. 60 ff. Von Engelhardt, Christenthum Justin's, 1878; id, +"Justin," in Herzog's Real-Encyklopädie. Stählin, Justin der Martyrer, +1880 Clemen, Die religionsphilosophische Bedeutung des +stoisch-christlichen Eudamonismus in Justin's Apologie, 1890. Flemming, +zur Beurtheilung des Christenthums Justin's des Martyrers, 1893. +Duncker, Logoslehre Justin's, 1848. Bosse, Der prae istente Christus des +Justinus, 1891.] + +[Footnote 353: Apol. I. 2, p. 6, ed. Otto.] + +[Footnote 354: Apol. I. 2, p. 6, sq.] + +[Footnote 355: See the numerous philosophical quotations and allusions +in Justin's Apology pointed out by Otto. Above all, he made an extensive +use of Plato's Apology of Socrates.] + +[Footnote 356: Apol. I. 4. p. 16, also I. 7, p. 24 sq: I. 26.] + +[Footnote 357: Apol. I. 4, p. 14.] + +[Footnote 358: Apol. I. 5, p. 18 sq., see also I. 14 fin.: [Greek: ou +sophistês hupêrchen alla dunamis Theou ho logos autou ên.]] + +[Footnote 359: L.c.: [Greek: ou gar monon en Hellêsi dia Sôkratous hupo +logou êlegchthêtauta, alla kai en barbarois hup' autou tou logou +morphôthentos kai anthrôpou kai Iêsou Christou klêthenos.]] + +[Footnote 360: Celsus also admits this, or rather makes his Jew +acknowledge it (Orig., c. Cels. II. 31). In Book VI. 47 he adopts the +proposition of the "ancients" that the world is the Son of God.] + +[Footnote 361: See Apol. II. 10 fin.: [Greek: Sôkratei oudeis epeisthê +huper toutou tou dogmatos apothnêskin Christô de tô kai hupo Sôkratous +apo merous gnôsthenti ... ou philosophoi oude philologoi monon +epeisthêsan.]] + +[Footnote 362: The utterances of Justin do not clearly indicate whether +the non-Christian portion of mankind has only a [Greek: sperma tou +logon] as a natural possession, or whether this [Greek: sperma] has in +some cases been enhanced by the inward workings of the whole Logos +(inspiration). This ambiguity, however, arises from the fact that he did +not further discuss the relation between [Greek: ho logos] and [Greek: +to sperma tou logou] and we need not therefore attempt to remove it. On +the one hand, the excellent discoveries of poets and philosophers are +simply traced to [Greek: to emphuton panti genei anthrôpôn sperma tou +logou] (Apol. II. 8), the [Greek: meros spermatikou logou] (ibid) which +was implanted at the creation, and on which the human [Greek: heuresis +kai theôria] depend (II. 10). In this sense it may be said of them all +that they "in human fashion attempted to understand and prove things by +means of reason;" and Socrates is merely viewed as the [Greek: pantôn +eutonôteros] (ibid.), his philosophy also, like all pre-Christian +systems, being a [Greek: philosophia anthrôpeios] (II. 15). But on the +other hand Christ was known by Socrates though only [Greek: apo merous]; +for "Christ was and is the Logos who dwells in every man." Further, +according to the Apologist, the [Greek: meros tou spermatikou theiou +logou] bestows the power of recognising whatever is related to the Logos +([Greek: to sungenes] II. 13). Consequently it may not only be said: +[Greek: hosa para pasi kalôs eirêtai hêmôn, tôn Christianôn esti] +(ibid.), but, on the strength of the "participation" in reason conferred +on all, it may be asserted that all who have lived with the Logos +([Greek: meta logou])--an expression which must have been +ambiguous--were Christians. Among the Greeks this specially applies to +Socrates and Heraclitus (I. 46). Moreover, the Logos implanted in man +does not belong to his nature in such a sense as to prevent us saying +[Greek: upo logou dia Sôkratous êlegchthê k.t.l.] (I. 5). Nevertheless +[Greek: autos ho logos] did not act in Socrates, for this only appeared +in Christ (ibid). Hence the prevailing aspect of the case in Justin was +that to which he gave expression at the close of the 2nd Apology (II. +15: alongside of Christianity there is only _human_ philosophy), and +which, not without regard for the opposite view, he thus formulated in +II. 13 fin.: All non-Christian authors were able to attain a knowledge +of true being, though only darkly, by means of the seed of the Logos +naturally implanted within them. For the [Greek: spora] and [Greek: +mimêma] of a thing, which are bestowed in proportion to one's +receptivity, are quite different from the thing itself, which divine +grace bestows on us for our possession and imitation.] + +[Footnote 363: "For the sake of man" (Stoic) Apol. I. 10: II. 4, 5; +Dial. 41, p. 260, Apol I. 8: "Longing for the eternal and pure life, we +strive to abide in the fellowship of God, the Father and Creator of all +things, and we hasten to make confession, because we are convinced and +firmly believe that that happiness is really attainable." It is +frequently asserted that it is the Logos which produces such conviction +and awakens courage and strength.] + +[Footnote 364: Justin has destroyed the force of this argument in two +passages (I. 44, 59) by tracing (like the Alexandrian Jews) all true +knowledge of the poets and philosophers to borrowing from the books of +the Old Testament (Moses). Of what further use then is the [Greek: +sperma logos emphuton]? Did Justin not really take it seriously? Did he +merely wish to suit himself to those whom he was addressing? We are not +justified in asserting this. Probably, however, the adoption of that +Jewish view of the history of the world is a proof that the results of +the demon sovereignty were in Justin's estimation so serious that he no +longer expected anything from the [Greek: sperma logos emphuton] when +left to its own resources; and therefore regarded truth and prophetic +revelation as inseparable. But this view is not the essential one in the +Apology. That assumption of Justin's is evidently dependent on a +tradition, whilst his real opinion was more "liberal."] + +[Footnote 365: Compare with this the following passages: In Apol. I. 20 +are enumerated a series of the most important doctrines common to +philosophers and Christians. Then follow the words: "If we then in +particular respects even teach something similar to the doctrines of the +philosophers honoured among you, though in many cases in a divine and +more sublime way; and we indeed alone do so in such a way that the +matter is proved etc." In Apol. I. 44: II. 10. 13 uncertainty, error, +and contradictions are shown to exist in the case of the greatest +philosophers. The Christian doctrines are more sublime than all human +philosophy (II. 15). "Our doctrines are evidently more sublime than any +human teaching, because the Christ who appeared for our sakes was the +whole fulness of reason" ([Greek: to logikon to holon], II. 10). "The +principles of Plato are not foreign ([Greek: allotria]) to the teaching +of Christ, but they do not agree in every respect. The same holds good +of the Stoics" (II. 13). "We must go forth from the school of Plato" +(II. 12). "Socrates convinced no one in such a way that he would have +been willing to die for the doctrine proclaimed by him; whereas not only +philosophers and philologers, but also artisans and quite common +uneducated people have believed in Christ" (II. 10). These are the very +people--and that is perhaps the strongest contrast found between Logos +and Logos in Justin--among whom it is universally said of Christianity: +[Greek: dunamis esti tou arrêtou patros kai ouchi anthrôpeiou logou +kataskeuê] (see also I. 14 and elsewhere.)] + +[Footnote 366: In Justin's estimate of the Greek philosophers two other +points deserve notice. In the first place, he draws a very sharp +distinction between real and nominal philosophers. By the latter he +specially means the Epicureans. They are no doubt referred to in I. 4, +7, 26 (I. 14: Atheists). Epicurus and Sardanapalus are classed together +in II. 7; Epicurus and the immoral poets in II. 12; and in the +conclusion of II, 15 the same philosopher is ranked with the worst +society. But according to II. 3 fin. ([Greek: adunaton Kunikô, +adiaphoron to telos prothemenô, to agathon eidenai plên adikphorias]) +the Cynics also seem to be outside the circle of real philosophers. This +is composed principally of Socrates, Plato, the Platonists and Stoics, +together with Heraclitus and others. Some of these understood one set of +doctrines more correctly, others another series. The Stoics excelled in +ethics (II. 7); Plato described the Deity and the world more correctly. +It is, however, worthy of note--and this is the second point--that +Justin in principle conceived the Greek philosophers as a unity, and +that he therefore saw in their very deviations from one another a proof +of the imperfection of their teaching. In so far as they are all +included under the collective idea "human philosophy," philosophy is +characterised by the conflicting opinions found within it. This view was +suggested to Justin by the fact that the highest truth, which is at once +allied and opposed to human philosophy, was found by him among an +exclusive circle of fellow-believers. Justin showed great skill in +selecting from the Gospels the passages (I. 15-17), that prove the +"philosophical" life of the Christians as described by him in c. 14. +Here he cannot be acquitted of colouring the facts (cf. Aristides) nor +of exaggeration (see, for instance, the unqualified statement: [Greek: +ha echomen eis koinon pherontes kai panti deomenô koinônountes]). The +philosophical emperors were meant here to think of the "[Greek: philois +panta koina]." Yet in I. 67 Justin corrected exaggerations in his +description. Justin's reference to the invaluable benefits which +Christianity confers on the state deserves notice (see particularly I. +12, 17.) The later Apologists make a similar remark.] + +[Footnote 367: Dialogue 8. The dialogue takes up a more positive +attitude than the Apology, both as a whole and in detail. If we consider +that both works are also meant for Christians, and that, on the other +hand, the Dialogue as well as the Apology appeals to the cultured +heathen public, we may perhaps assume that the two writings were meant +to present a graduated system of Christian instruction. (In one passage +the Dialogue expressly refers to the Apology.) From Justin's time onward +the apologetic polemic of the early Church appears to have adhered +throughout to the same method. This consisted in giving the polemical +writings directed against the Greeks the form of an introduction to +Christian knowledge, and in continuing this instruction still further in +those directed against the Jews.] + +[Footnote 368: Dial. 2. sq. That Justin's Christianity is founded on +theoretical scepticism is clearly shown by the introduction to the +Dialogue.] + +[Footnote 369: Dial. 8: [Greek: houtôs dê kai dia tauta philosophos +egô].] + +[Footnote 370: Dial., l.c.: [Greek: parestin soi ton Christon tou Theou +epignonti kai teleiô genomenô eudaimonein].] + +[Footnote 371: See particularly the closing chapter.] + +[Footnote 372: Suppl. 2,] + +[Footnote 373: Suppl. 4.] + +[Footnote 374: Suppl. 5-7.] + +[Footnote 375: Suppl. 24 (see also Aristides c. 13).] + +[Footnote 376: Suppl, 7 fin. and many other places.] + +[Footnote 377: _E.g._, Suppl. 8. 35 fin.] + +[Footnote 378: The Crucified Man, the incarnation of the Logos etc. are +wanting. Nothing at all is said about Christ.] + +[Footnote 379: Suppl. 7.] + +[Footnote 380: Cf. the arguments in c. 8 with c. 9 init.] + +[Footnote 381: Suppl. 11.] + +[Footnote 382: Suppl. 23.] + +[Footnote 383: Suppl. 18, 23-27. He, however, as well as the others, +sets forth the demon theory in detail.] + +[Footnote 384: The Apology which Miltiades addressed to Marcus Aurelius +and his fellow-emperor perhaps bore the title: [Greek: huper tês kata +Christianous philosophias] (Euseb., H. E. V. 17. 5). It is certain that +Melito in his Apology designated Christianity as [Greek: hê kath' hêmas +philosophia] (l.c., IV. 26. 7). But, while it is undeniable that this +writer attempted, to a hitherto unexampled extent, to represent +Christianity as adapted to the Empire, we must nevertheless beware of +laying undue weight on the expression "philosophy." What Melito means +chiefly to emphasise is the fact that Christianity, which in former +times had developed into strength among the barbarians, began to +flourish in the provinces of the Empire simultaneously with the rise of +the monarchy under Augustus, that as foster-sister of the monarchy, it +increased in strength with the latter, and that this mutual relation of +the two institutions had given prosperity and splendour to the state. +When in the fragments preserved to us he twice, in this connection, +calls Christianity "philosophy," we must note that this expression +alternates with the other "[Greek: ho kath' hêmas logos]", and that he +uses the formula: "Thy forefathers held this philosophy in honour along +with the other cults" [Greek: pros tais allais thrêskeichis]. This +excludes the assumption that Melito in his Apology merely represented +Christian as philosophy (see also IV. 26. 5, where the Christians are +called "[Greek: to tôn theosebôn genos]"). He also wrote a treatise +[Greek: peri ktiseôs kai geneseôs Christou]. In it (fragment in the +Chron. Pasch) he called Christ [Greek: Theou logos pro aiônôn].] + +[Footnote 385: See my treatise "Tatian's Rede an die Griechen übers." +1884 (Giessener Programm). Daniel, Tatianus, 1837. Steuer, Die Gottes- +und Logoslehre des Tatian, 1893.] + +[Footnote 386: But see Orat. 4 init., 24 fin., 25 fin., 27 init.] + +[Footnote 387: He not only accentuated the disagreement of philosophers +more strongly than Justin, but insisted more energetically than that +Apologist on the necessity of viewing the practical fruits of philosophy +in life as a criterion; see Orat. 2, 3, 19, 25. Nevertheless Socrates +still found grace in his eyes (c. 3). With regard to other philosophers +he listened to foolish and slanderous gossip.] + +[Footnote 388: Orat. 13, 15 fin., 20. Tatian also gave credence to it +because it imparts such an intelligible picture of the creation of the +world (c. 29).] + +[Footnote 389: Orat. 12: [Greek: ta tês hêmeteras paideias estin anôterô +tês kosmikês katalêpseôs]. Tatian troubled himself very little with +giving demonstrations. No other Apologist made such bold assertions.] + +[Footnote 390: See Orat. 12 (p. 54 fin.), 20 (p. 90), 25 fin., 26 fin., +29, 30 (p. 116), 13 (p. 62), 15 (p. 70), 36 (p. 142), 40 (p. 152 sq.). +The section cc. 12-15 of the Oratio is very important (see also c. 7 +ff); for it shows that Tatian denied the natural immortality of the +soul, declared the soul (the material spirit) to be something inherent +in all matter, and accordingly looked on the distinction between men and +animals in respect of their inalienable natural constitution as only one +of degree. According to this Apologist the dignity of man does not +consist in his natural endowments: but in the union of the human soul +with the divine spirit, for which union indeed he was planned. But, in +Tatian's opinion, man lost this union by falling under the sovereignty +of the demons. The Spirit of God has left him, and consequently he has +fallen back to the level of the beasts. So it is man's task to unite the +Spirit again with himself, and thereby recover that religious principle +on which all wisdom and knowledge rest. This anthropology is opposed to +that of the Stoics and related to the "Gnostic" theory. It follows from +it that man, in order to reach his destination, must raise himself above +his natural endowment; see c. 15: [Greek: anthrôpon legô ton porrô men +anthrôptêtos pros auton de ton Theon kechôrêkota]. But with Tatian this +conception is burdened with radical inconsistency; for he assumes that +the Spirit reunites itself with every man who rightly uses his freedom, +and he thinks it still possible for every person to use his freedom +aright (11 fin., 13 fin., 15 fin.) So it is after all a mere assertion +that the natural man is only distinguished from the beast by speech. He +is also distinguished from it by freedom. And further it is only in +appearance that the blessing bestowed in the "Spirit" is a _donum +superadditum et supernaturale_. For if a proper spontaneous use of +freedom infallibly leads to the return of the Spirit, it is evident that +the decision and consequently the realisation of man's destination +depend on human freedom. That is, however, the proposition which all the +Apologists maintained. But indeed Tatian himself in his latter days +seems to have observed the inconsistency in which he had become involved +and to have solved the problem in the Gnostic, that is, the religious +sense. In his eyes, of course, the ordinary philosophy is a useless and +pernicious art; philosophers make their own opinions laws (c. 27); +whereas of Christians the following holds good (c. 32): [Greek: logou +tou dêmosiou kai epigeiou kechôrismenoi kai peithomenoi theou +parangelmasi kai nomô patros aphtharsias hepomenoi, pan to en doxê +keimenon anthrôpinê paraitoumetha].] + +[Footnote 391: C. 31. init.: [Greek: hê hêmetera philosophia]. 32 (p. +128): [Greek: hoi boulomenoi philosophein par' hêmin anthrôpoi]. In c. +33 (p. 130) Christian women are designated [Greek: hai par hêmin +philosophousai]. C. 35: [Greek: hê kath' hêmas barbaros philosophia]. 40 +(p. 152): [Greek: hoi kata Môusea kai homoiôs autô philosophountes]. 42: +[Greek: ho kata barbarous philosophôn Tatianos]. The [Greek: dogmata] of +the Christians: c. 1 (p. 2), 12 (p. 58), 19 (p. 86), 24 (p. 102), 27 (p. +108), 35 (p. 138), 40, 42. But Tatian pretty frequently calls +Christianity "[Greek: hê hêmetera paideia]", once also "[Greek: +nomothesia]" (12; cf. 40: [Greek: hoi hêmeteroi nomoi]), and often +[Greek: politeia].] + +[Footnote 392: See, e.g., c. 29 fin.: the Christian doctrine gives us +[Greek: ouch hoper mê elabomen, all' hoper labontes hupo tês planês +echein ekoluthêmen].] + +[Footnote 393: Tatian gave still stronger expression than Justin to the +opinion that it is the demons who have misled men and rule the world, +and that revelation through the prophets is opposed to this demon rule; +see c. 7 ff. The demons have fixed the laws of death; see c. 15 fin. and +elsewhere.] + +[Footnote 394: Tatian also cannot at bottom distinguish between +revelation through the prophets and through Christ. See the description +of his conversion in c. 29. where only the Old Testament writings are +named, and c. 13 fin., 20 fin.. 12 (p. 54) etc.] + +[Footnote 395: Knowledge and life appear in Tatian most closely +connected. See, e.g., c. 13 init.: "In itself the soul is not immortal, +but mortal; it is also possible, however, that it may not die. If it has +not attained a knowledge of that truth it dies and is dissolved with the +body; but later, at the end of the world, it will rise again with the +body in order to receive death in endless duration as a punishment. On +the contrary it does not die, though it is dissolved for a time, if it +is equipped with the knowledge of God."] + +[Footnote 396: Barbarian: the Christian doctrines are [Greek: ta tôn +barbarôn dogmata] (c. 1): [Greek: kath' hêmas barbaros philosophia] (c. +35); [Greek: hê barbarikê nomothesia] (c. 12); [Greek: graphai +barbarikai] (c. 29); [Greek: kainotomein ta barbarôn dogmata] (c. 35); +[Greek: ho kata barbarous philosophôn Tatianos] (c. 42); [Greek: Môusês +pasês barbarou philosophias archêgos] (c. 31); see also c. 30, 32. In +Tatian's view barbarians and Greeks are the decisive contrasts in +history.] + +[Footnote 397: See the proof from antiquity, c. 31 ff.] + +[Footnote 398: C. 30 (p. 114): [Greek: toutôn oun tên katalêpsin +memuêmenos].] + +[Footnote 399: Tatian's own confession is very important here (c. 26): +"Whilst I was reflecting on what was good it happened that there fell +into my hands certain writings of the barbarians, too old to be compared +with the doctrines of the Greeks, too divine to be compared with their +errors. And it chanced that they convinced me through the plainness of +their expressions, through the unartificial nature of their language, +through the intelligible representation of the creation of the world, +through the prediction of the future, the excellence of their precepts, +and the summing up of all kinds under one head. My soul was instructed +by God and I recognised that those Greek doctrines lead to perdition, +whereas the others abolish the slavery to which we are subjected in the +world, and rescue us from our many lords and tyrants, though they do not +give us blessings we had not already received, but rather such as we had +indeed obtained, but were not able to retain in consequence of error." +Here the whole theology of the Apologists is contained _in nuce_; see +Justin, Dial. 7-8. In Chaps. 32, 33 Tatian strongly emphasises the fact +that the Christian philosophy is accessible even to the most uneducated; +see Justin, Apol. II. 10; Athenag. 11 etc.] + +[Footnote 400: The unknown author of the [Greek: Logos pros Ellênas] +also formed the same judgment as Tatian (Corp. Apolog., T. III., p. 2 +sq., ed. Otto; a Syrian translation, greatly amplified, is found in the +Cod. Nitr. Mus. Britt. Add. 14658. It was published by Cureton, Spic. +Syr., p. 38 sq. with an English translation). Christianity is an +incomparable heavenly wisdom, the teacher of which is the Logos himself. +"It produces neither poets, nor philosophers, nor rhetoricians; but it +makes mortals immortal and men gods, and leads them away upwards from +the earth into super-Olympian regions." Through Christian knowledge the +soul returns to its Creator: [Greek: dei gar apokatatathênai othen +apestê].] + +[Footnote 401: Nor is Plato "[Greek: ho dokôn en autois semnoteron +pephilosophêkenai]" any better than Epicurus and the Stoics (III. 6). +Correct views which are found in him in a greater measure than in the +others ([Greek: ho dokôn Hellênôn sophôteros gegenêsthai]), did not +prevent him from giving way to the stupidest babbling (III. 16). +Although he knew that the full truth can only be learned from God +himself through the law (III. 17), he indulged in the most foolish +guesses concerning the beginning of history. But where guesses find a +place, truth is not to be found (III. 16: [Greek: ei de eikasmô, ouk ara +alêthê estin ta hup' autou eirêmena]).] + +[Footnote 402: Theophilus confesses (I. 14) exactly as Tatian does: +[Greek: kai gar egô êpistoun touto esesthai, alla nun katanoêsas auta +pisteuô, hama kai epituchôn hierais graphais tôn agiôn prophêtôn, hoi +kai proeipon dia pneumatos Theou ti progegonota ô tropô gegonen kai ta +enestôta tini tropô ginetai, kai ta eperchomena poia taxei +apartisthêsetai. Apodeixin oun labôn tôn ginomenôn kai +proanapephônêmenôn ouk apistô]; see also II. 8-10, 22, 30, 33-35: III. +10, 11, 17. Theophilus merely looks on the Gospel as a continuation of +the prophetic revelations and injunctions. Of Christ, however, he did +not speak at all, but only of the Logos (Pneuma), which has operated +from the beginning. To Theophilus the first chapters of Genesis already +contain the sum of all Christian knowledge (II. 10-32).] + +[Footnote 403: See II. 8: [Greek: hupo daimonôn de empneusthentes kai +hup' autôn phusiôthentes ha eipon di' autôn eipon].] + +[Footnote 404: The unknown author of the work _de resurrectione_, which +goes under the name of Justin (Corp. Apol., Vol. III.) has given a +surprising expression to the thought that it is simply impossible to +give a demonstration of truth. ([Greek: O men tês alêtheias logos estin +eleutheroste kai autexousios, upo mêdemian basanon elegchou thelôn +piptein mêde tên para tois akouousi di' apodeixeôs exetasin hupomenein. +To gar eugenes autou kai pepoithos autô tô pempsanti pisteuesthai +thelei]). He inveighs in the beginning of his treatise against all +rationalism, and on the one hand professes a sort of materialistic +theory of knowledge, whilst on the other, for that very reason, he +believes in inspiration and the authority of revelation; for all truth +originates with revelation, since God himself and God alone is the +truth. Christ revealed this truth and is for us [Greek: tôn olôn pistis +kai apodeixis]. But it is far from probable that the author would really +have carried this proposition to its logical conclusion (Justin, Dial. 3 +ff. made a similar start). He wishes to meet his adversaries "armed with +the arguments of faith which are unconquered" (c. 1, p. 214), but the +arguments of faith are still the arguments of reason. Among these he +regarded it as most important that even according to the theories about +the world, that is, about God and matter, held by the "so-called sages," +Plato, Epicurus, and the Stoics, the assumption of a resurrection of the +flesh is not irrational (c. 6, p. 228 f.). Some of these, viz., +Pythagoras and Plato, also acknowledged the immortality of the soul. +But, for that very reason, this view is not sufficient, "for if the +Redeemer had only brought the message of the (eternal) life of the soul +what new thing would he have proclaimed in addition to what had been +made known by Pythagoras, Plato, and the band of their adherents?" (c. +10, p. 246.) This remark is very instructive, for it shows what +considerations led the Apologists to adhere to the belief in the +resurrection of the body. Zahn, (Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, Vol. +VIII., pp. 1 f., 20 f.) has lately reassigned to Justin himself the +fragment de resurr. His argument, though displaying great plausibility, +has nevertheless not fully convinced me. The question is of great +importance for fixing the relation of Justin to Paul. I shall not +discuss Hermias' "Irrisio Gentilium Philosophorum," as the period when +this Christian disputant flourished is quite uncertain. We still possess +an early-Church Apology in Pseudo-Melito's "Oratio ad Antoninum Cæsarem" +(Otto, Corp. Apol. IX., p. 423 sq.). This book is preserved (written?) +in the Syrian language and was addressed to Caracalla or Heliogabalus +(preserved in the Cod. Nitr. Mus. Britt. Add. 14658). It is probably +dependent on Justin, but it is less polished and more violent than his +Apology.] + +[Footnote 405: Massebieau (Revue de l'histoire des religions, 1887, Vol. +XV. No. 3) has convinced me that Minucius wrote at a later period than +Tertullian and made use of his works.] + +[Footnote 406: Cf. the plan of the "Octavius." The champion of +heathenism here opposed to the Christian is a philosopher representing +the standpoint of the middle Academy. This presupposes, as a matter of +course, that the latter undertakes the defence of the Stoical position. +See, besides, the corresponding arguments in the Apology of Tertullian, +e.g., c. 17, as well as his tractate: "de testimonio animæ naturaliter +Christianæ." We need merely mention that the work of Minucius is +throughout dependent on Cicero's book, "de natura deorum." In this +treatise he takes up a position more nearly akin to heathen syncretism +than Tertullian.] + +[Footnote 407: In R. Kühn's investigation ("Der Octavius des Min. +Felix," Leipzig, 1882)--the best special work we possess on an early +Christian Apology from the point of view of the history of dogma--based +on a very careful analysis of the Octavius, more emphasis is laid on the +difference than on the agreement between Minucius and the Greek +Apologists. The author's exposition requires to be supplemented in the +latter respect (see Theologische Litteratur-Zeitung, 1883, No. 6).] + +[Footnote 408: C. 20: "Exposui opiniones omnium ferme philosophorum.... +ut quivis arbitretur, aut nunc Christianos philosophos esse aut +philosophos fuisse jam tunc Christianos."] + +[Footnote 409: See Minucius, 31 ff. A quite similar proceeding is +already found in Tertullian, who in his _Apologeticum_ has everywhere +given a Stoic colouring to Christian ethics and rules of life, and in c. +39 has drawn a complete veil over the peculiarity of the Christian +societies.] + +[Footnote 410: Tertullian has done exactly the same thing; see Apolog. +46 (and de præscr. 7.)] + +[Footnote 411: Tertull., de testim. I.: "Sed non eam te (animam) advoco, +quæ scholis formata, bibliothecis exercitata, academiis et porticibus +Atticis pasta sapientiam ructas. Te simplicem et rudem et impoliitam et +idioticam compello, qualem te habent qui te solam habent... Imperitia +tua mihi opus est, quoniam aliquantulæ peritiæ tuæ nemo credit."] + +[Footnote 412: Tertull., Apol. 46: "Quid simile philosophus et +Christianas? Græciæ discipulus et coeli?" de præscr. 7: "Quid ergo +Athenis et Hierosolymis? Quid academiæ et ecclesiæ?" Minuc. 38.5: +"Philosophorum supercilia contemnimus, quos corruptores et adulteros +novimus... nos, qui non habitu sapientiam sed mente præferimus, non +eloquimur magna sed vivimus, gloriamur nos consecutos, quod illi summa +intentione quæsiverunt nec invenire potuerunt. Quid ingrati sumus, quid +nobis invidemus, si veritas divinitatis nostri temporis ælate +maturuit?"] + +[Footnote 413: Minucius did not enter closely into the significance of +Christ any more than Tatian, Athenagoras, and Theophilus; he merely +touched upon it (9. 4: 29. 2). He also viewed Christianity as the +teaching of the Prophets; whoever acknowledges the latter must of +necessity adore the crucified Christ. Tertullian was accordingly the +first Apologist after Justin who again considered it necessary to give a +detailed account of Christ as the incarnation of the Logos (see the 21st +chapter of the Apology in its relation to chaps. 17-20).] + +[Footnote 414: Among the Greek Apologists the unknown author of the work +"de Monarchia," which bears the name of Justin, has given clearest +expression to this conception. He is therefore most akin to Minucius +(see chap. I.). Here monotheism is designated as the [Greek: katholikê +doxa] which has fallen into oblivion through bad habit; for [Greek: tês +anthrôpinês phuseôs to kat' archên suzugian suneseôs kai sôtêrias +labousês eis epignôsin alêtheias thrêskeias te tês eis ton hena kai +pantôn despotên.] According to this, then, only an awakening is +required.] + +[Footnote 415: But almost all the Apologists acknowledged that +heathendom possessed prophets. They recognise these in the Sibyls and +the old poets. The author of the work "de Monarchia" expressed the most +pronounced views in regard to this. Hermas (Vis. II. 4), however, shows +that the Apologists owed this notion also to an idea that was widespread +among Christian people.] + +[Footnote 416: See Justin, Apol. I. 31, Dial. 7, p. 30 etc.] + +[Footnote 417: See Tatian, c. 31 ff.] + +[Footnote 418: In the New Testament the content of the Christian faith +is now here designated as dogma. In Clement (I. 11.), Hermas, and +Polycarp the word is not found at all; yet Clement (I. 20. 4, 27. 5) +called the divine order of nature [Greek: ta dedogmatismena hupo Theou]. +In Ignatius (ad Magn. XIII. 1) we read: [Greek: spoudazete oun +bebaiôthênai en tois dogmasin tou kuriou kai tôn apostolôn], but [Greek: +dogmata] here exclusively mean the rules of life (see Zahn on this +passage), and this is also their signification in [Greek: Didachê] XI. +3. In the Epistle of Barnabas we read in several passages (I. 6: IX. 7: +X. 1, 9 f.) of "dogmas of the Lord;" but by these he means partly +particular mysteries, partly divine dispensations. Hence the Apologists +are the first to apply the word to the Christian faith, in accordance +with the language of philosophy. They are also the first who employed +the ideas [Greek: theologein] and [Greek: theologia]. The latter word is +twice found in Justin (Dial. 56) in the sense of "aliquem nominare +deum." In Dial. 113, however, it has the more comprehensive sense of "to +make religio-scientific investigations." Tatian (10) also used the word +in the first sense; on the contrary he entitled a book of which he was +the author "[Greek: pros tous apophênamenous ta peri Theou]" and not +"[Greek: pros tous theologountas]". In Athenagoras (Suppl. 10) theology +is the doctrine of God and of all beings to whom the predicate "Deity" +belongs (see also 20, 22). That is the old usage of the word. It was +thus employed by Tertullian in ad nat. II. 1 (the threefold division of +theology; in II. 2, 3 the expression "theologia physica, mythica" refers +to this); Cohort, ad Gr. 3, 22. The anonymous writer in Eusebius (H. E. +V. 28. 4, 5) is instructive on the point. Brilliant demonstrations of +the ancient use of the word "theology" are found in Natorp, Thema und +Disposition der aristotelischen Metaphysik (Philosophische Monatshefte, +1887, Parts I and 2, pp. 55-64). The title "theology," as applied to a +philosophic discipline, was first used by the Stoics; the old poets were +previously called "theologians," and the "theological" stage was the +prescientific one which is even earlier than the "childhood" of +"physicists" (so Aristotle speaks throughout). To the Fathers of the +Church also the old poets are still [Greek: hoi palaioi theologoi]. But +side by side with this we have an adoption of the Stoic view that there +is also a philosophical theology, because the teaching of the old poets +concerning the gods conceals under the veil of myth a treasure of +philosophical truth. In the Stoa arose the "impossible idea of a +'theology' which is to be philosophy, that is, knowledge based on +reason, and yet to have positive religion as the foundation of its +certainty." The Apologists accepted this, but added to it the +distinction of a [Greek: kosmikê] and [Greek: theologikê sophia.]] + +[Footnote 419: Christ has a relation to all three parts of the scheme, +(1) as [Greek: logos]; (2) as [Greek: nomos, nomothetês], and [Greek: +kritês]; (3) as [Greek: didaskalos] and [Greek: sotêr].] + +[Footnote 420: In the reproduction of the apologetical theology +historians of dogma have preferred to follow Justin; but here they have +constantly overlooked the fact that Justin was the most Christian among +the Apologists, and that the features of his teaching to which +particular value is rightly attached, are either not found in the others +at all (with the exception of Tertullian), or else in quite rudimentary +form. It is therefore proper to put the doctrines common to all the +Apologists in the foreground, and to describe what is peculiar to Justin +as such, so far as it agree with New Testament teachings or contains an +anticipation of the future tenor of dogma.] + +[Footnote 421: Cicero's proposition (de nat. deor. II. 66. 167): "nemo +vir magnus sine aliquo afflatu divino unquam fuit," which was the +property of all the idealistic philosophers of the age, is found in the +Apologists reproduced in the most various forms (see, e.g., Tatian 29). +That all knowledge of the truth, both among the prophets and those who +follow their teaching, is derived from inspiration was in their eyes a +matter of certainty. But here they were only able to frame a theory in +the case of the prophets; for such a theory strictly applied to all +would have threatened the spontaneous character of the knowledge of the +truth.] + +[Footnote 422: Justin, Apol. I. 3: [Greek: Hêmeteron oun ergon kai biou +kai mathêmatôn tên episkepsin pasi parechein].] + +[Footnote 423: See the exposition of the doctrine of God in Aristides +with the conclusion found in all the Apologists, that God requires no +offerings and presents.] + +[Footnote 424: Even Tatian says in c. 19: [Greek: Kosmou men gar ê +kataskeuê kalê, to de en autô politeuma phaulon].] + +[Footnote 425: Tatian 5: [Greek: Oute anarchos ê hulê kathaper ho Theos, +oude dia to anarchon kai autê isodunamos tô Theô gennêtê de kai ouch +hupo tou allou gegonuia monon de hupo tou pantôn dêmiourgou +probeblêmenê]. 12. Even Justin does not seem to have taught otherwise, +though that is not quite certain; see Apol. I. 10, 59, 64, 67: II. 6. +Theophilus I. 4: II. 4, 10, 13 says very plainly: [Greek: ex ouk ontôn +ta panta epoiêsen.... ti de mega, ei ho theos ex hupokeimenês hulês +epoiei ton kosmon].] + +[Footnote 426: Hence the knowledge of God and the right knowledge of the +world are most closely connected; see Tatian 27: [Greek: hê Theou +katalêpsis ên echô peri tôn holôn].] + +[Footnote 427: The beginning of the fifth chapter of Tatian's Oration is +specially instructive here.] + +[Footnote 428: According to what has been set forth in the text it is +incorrect to assert that the Apologists adopted the Logos doctrine in +order to reconcile monotheism with the divine honours paid to the +crucified Christ. The truth rather is that the Logos doctrine was +already part of their creed before they gave any consideration to the +person of the historical Christ, and _vice versâ_ Christ's right to +divine honours was to them a matter of certainty independently of the +Logos doctrine.] + +[Footnote 429: We find the distinction of Logos (Son) and Spirit in +Justin, Apol. I. 5, and in every case where he quotes formulæ (if we are +not to assume the existence of interpolation in the text, which seems to +me not improbable; see now also Cramer in the Theologische Studien, +1893. pp. 17 ff., 138 ff.). In Tatian 13 fin. the Spirit is represented +as [Greek: ho diakonos tou peponthotos Theou]. The conception in Justin, +Dial. 116, is similar. Father, Word, and prophetic Spirit are spoken of +in Athenag. 10. The express designation [Greek: trias] is first found in +Theophilus (but see the Excerpta ex Theodoto); see II. 15: [Greek: hai +treis hêmerai tupoi heisin tês triados, tou Theou kai tou logou autou +kai tês sophias autou]; see II. 10, 18. But it is just in Theophilus +that the difficulty of deciding between Logos and Wisdom appears with +special plainness (II. 10). The interposition of the host of good angels +between Son and Spirit found in Justin, Apol. I. 5 (see Athenag.), is +exceedingly striking. We have, however, to notice, provided the text is +right, (1) that this interposition is only found in a single passage, +(2) that Justin wished to refute the reproach of [Greek: atheotês], (3) +that the placing of the Spirit after the angels does not necessarily +imply a position inferior to theirs, but merely a subordination to the +Son and the Father common to the Spirit and the angels, (4) that the +good angels were also invoked by the Christians, because they were +conceived as mediators of prayer (see my remark on I. Clem, ad Corinth. +LVI. 1); they might have found a place here just for this latter reason. +On the significance of the Holy Spirit in the theology of Justin, see +Zahn's Marcellus of Ancyra, p. 228: "If there be any one theologian of +the early Church who might be regarded as depriving the Holy Spirit of +all scientific _raison d'etre_ at least on the ground of having no +distinctive activity, and the Father of all share in revelation, it +is Justin." We cannot at bottom say that the Apologists possessed a +doctrine of the Trinity.] + +[Footnote 430: To Justin the name of the Son is the most important; see +also Athenag. 10. The Logos had indeed been already called the Son of +God by Philo, and Celsus expressly says (Orig., c. Cels. II. 31); "If +according to your doctrine the Word is really the Son of God then we +agree with you;" but the Apologists are the first to attach the name of +Son to the Logos as a proper designation. If, however, the Logos is +intrinsically the Son of God, then Christ is the Son of God, not because +he is the begotten of God in the flesh (early Christian), but because +the spiritual being existing in him is the antemundane reproduction of +God (see Justin, Apol. II. 6: [Greek: ho huios tou patros kai Theou, ho +monos legomenos kuriôs huios])--a momentous expression.] + +[Footnote 431: Athenag., 10; Tatian, Orat. 5.] + +[Footnote 432: The clearest expression of this is in Tatian 5, which +passage is also to be compared with the following: [Greek: Theos ên en +archê, tên de archên logou dunamin pareilêphamen. Ho gar despotês tôn +holôn, autos huparchôn tou pantos hê hupostasis, kata men tên mêdepô +gegenêmenên poiêsin monos ên, katho de pasa dunamis, horatôn te kai +aoratôn autos hupostasis ên, sun autô ta panta sun autô dia logikês +dunameôs autos kai ho logos, hos ên auto, hupestêse. Thelêmati de tês +aplotêtos autou propêda logos, ho de logos, ou kata kenou chôrêsas, +ergon prôtotokon tou patros ginetai. Touton ismen tou kosmou tên archên. +Gegone de kata merismon, ou kata apokopên to gar apotmêthen tou prôtou +kechôristai, to de meriothen oikonomas tên hairesin proslabon ouk endea +ton hothen eilêptai pepoiêken. Ôsper gar aro mias dados anaptetai men +pura polla, tês de prôtês dados dia tên exapsin tôn pollôn dadôn ouk +elattoutai to phôs, houtô kai ho logos proelthôn ek tês tou patros +dunameôs ouk alogon pepoiêke ton gegennêkota]. In the identification of +the divine consciousness, that is, the power of God, with the force to +which the world is due the naturalistic basis of the apologetic +speculations is most clearly shown. Cf. Justin, Dial. 128, 129.] + +[Footnote 433: The word "beget" ([Greek: gennan]) is used by the +Apologists, especially Justin, because the name "Son" was the recognised +expression for the Logos. No doubt the words [Greek: exereugesthai, +proballesthai, proerchesthai, propêdan] and the like express the +physical process more exactly in the sense of the Apologists. On the +other hand, however, [Greek: gennan] appears the more appropriate word +in so far as the relation of the essence of the Logos to the essence of +God is most clearly shown by the name "Son."] + +[Footnote 434: None of the Apologists has precisely defined the Logos +idea. Zahn, l.c., p. 233, correctly remarks: "Whilst the distinction +drawn between the hitherto unspoken and the spoken word of the Creator +makes Christ appear as the thought of the world within the mind of God, +yet he is also to be something real which only requires to enter into a +new relation to God to become an active force. Then again this Word is +not to be the thought that God thinks, but the thought that thinks in +God. And again it is to be a something, or an Ego, in God's thinking +essence, which enters into reciprocal intercourse with something else in +God; occasionally also the reason of God which is in a state of active +exercise and without which he would not be rational." Considering this +evident uncertainty it appears to me a very dubious proceeding to +differentiate the conceptions of the Logos in Justin, Athenagoras, +Tatian, and Theophilus, as is usually done. If we consider that no +Apologist wrote a special treatise on the Logos, that Tatian (c. 5) is +really the only one from whom we have any precise statements, and that +the elements of the conception are the same in all, it appears +inadvisable to lay so great stress on the difference as Zahn, for +instance, has done in the book already referred to, p. 232 f. Hardly any +real difference can have existed between Justin, Tatian, and Theophilus +in the Logos doctrine proper. On the other hand Athenagoras certainly +seems to have tried to eliminate the appearance of the Logos in time, +and to emphasise the eternal nature of the divine relationships, +without, however, reaching the position which Irenæus took up here.] + +[Footnote 435: This distinction is only found in Theophilus (II. 10); +but the idea exists in Tatian and probably also in Justin, though it is +uncertain whether Justin regarded the Logos as having any sort of being +before the moment of his begetting.] + +[Footnote 436: Justin, Apol. II. 6., Dial. 61. The Logos is not produced +out of nothing, like the rest of the creatures. Yet it is evident that +the Apologists did not yet sharply and precisely distinguish between +begetting and creating, as the later theologians did; though some of +them certainly felt the necessity for a distinction.] + +[Footnote 437: All the Apologists tacitly assume that the Logos in +virtue of his origin has the capacity of entering the finite. The +distinction which here exists between Father and Son is very pregnantly +expressed by Tertullian (adv. Marc. II. 27): "Igitur quæcumque exigitis +deo digna, habebuntur in patre invisibili incongressibilique et placido +et, ut ita dixerim, philosophorum deo. Quæcumque autem ut indigna +reprehenditis deputabuntur in filio et viso et audito et congresso, +arbitro patris et ministro." But we ought not to charge the Apologists +with the theologoumenon that it was an inward necessity for the Logos to +become man. Their Logos hovers, as it were, between God and the world, +so that he appears as the highest creature, in so far as he is conceived +as the production of God; and again seems to be merged in God, in so far +as he is looked upon as the consciousness and spiritual force of God. To +Justin, however, the incarnation is irrational, and the rest of the +Greek Apologists are silent about it.] + +[Footnote 438: The most of the Apologists argue against the conception +of the natural immortality of the human soul; see Tatian 13; Justin, +Dial. 5; Theoph. II. 27.] + +[Footnote 439: The first chapter of Genesis represented to them the sum +of all wisdom, and therefore of all Christianity. Perhaps Justin had +already written a commentary to the Hexaëmeron (see my Texte und +Untersuchungen I. 1, 2, p. 169 f.). It is certain that in the second +century Rhodon (Euseb., H. E. V. 13. 8), Theophilus (see his 2nd Book ad +Autol.), Candidus, and Apion (Euseb., H. E. V. 27) composed such. The +Gnostics also occupied themselves a great deal with Gen. I.-III.; see, +e.g., Marcus in Iren. I. 18.] + +[Footnote 440: See Theophilus ad Aut. II. 27: [Greek: Ei gar ho Theos +athanaton ton anthrôpon ap' archês pepoiêkei, Theon auton pepoiêkei; +palin ei thnêton auton pepoiêkei edokei an ho Theos aitios einai tou +thanatou autou. Oute oun athanaton auton epoiêsen oute mên thnêton, alla +dektikon amphoterôn, hina, ei rhepsê epi ta tês athanasias têrêsas tên +entolên tou Theou, misthon komisêtai par' autou tên athanasian kai +genêtai Theos, ei d' au trapê epi ta tou thanatou pragmata parakousas +tou Theou, autos eautô aitios ê tou thanatou.]] + +[Footnote 441: See Justin, Apol. I. 14 ff. and the parallel passages in +the other Apologists.] + +[Footnote 442: See Tatian, Orat. II. and many other passages.] + +[Footnote 443: Along with this the Apologists emphasise the resurrection +of the flesh in the strongest way as the specific article of Christian +anticipation, and prove the possibility of realising this irrational +hope. Yet to the Apologists the ultimate ground of their trust in this +early-Christian idea is their reliance on the unlimited omnipotence of +God and this confidence is a proof of the vividness of their idea of +him. Nevertheless this conception assumes that in the other world there +will be a return of the flesh, which on this side the grave had to be +overcome and regarded as non-existent. A clearly chiliastic element is +found only in Justin.] + +[Footnote 444: No uniform conception of this is found in the Apologists; +see Wendt, Die Christliche Lehre von der menschlichen Vollkommenheit +1882, pp. 8-20. Justin speaks only of a heavenly destination for which +man is naturally adapted. With Tatian and Theophilus it is different.] + +[Footnote 445: The idea that the demon sovereignty has led to some +change in the psychological condition and capacities of man is +absolutely unknown to Justin (see Wendt, l.c., p. 11 f., who has +successfully defended the correct view in Engelhardt's "Das Christenthum +Justin's des Märtyrers" pp. 92 f. 151. f. 266 f., against Stählin, +"Justin der Märtyrer und sein neuester Beurtheiler" 1880, p. 16 f.). +Tatian expressed a different opinion, which, however, involved him in +evident contradictions (see above, p. 191 ff.). The apologetic theology +necessarily adhered to the two following propositions: (1) The freedom +to do what is good is not lost and cannot be. This doctrine was opposed +to philosophic determinism and popular fatalism. (2) The desires of the +flesh resulting from the constitution of man only become evil when they +destroy or endanger the sovereignty of reason. The formal _liberum +arbitrium_ explains the possibility of sin, whilst its actual existence +is accounted for by the desire that is excited by the demons. The +Apologists acknowledge the universality of sin and death, but refused to +admit the necessity of the former in order not to call its guilty +character in question. On the other hand they are deeply imbued with the +idea that the sovereignty of death is the most powerful factor in the +perpetuation of sin. Their believing conviction of the omnipotence of +God, as well as their moral conviction of the responsibility of man, +protected them in theory from a strictly dualistic conception of the +world. At the same time, like all who separate nature and morality in +their ethical system, though in other respects they do not do so, the +Apologists were obliged in practice to be dualists.] + +[Footnote 446: Death is accounted the worst evil. When Theophilus (II. +26) represents it as a blessing, we must consider that he is arguing +against Marcion. Polytheism is traced to the demons; they are accounted +the authors of the fables about the gods; the shameful actions of the +latter are partly the deeds of demons and partly lies.] + +[Footnote 447: The Old Testament therefore is not primarily viewed as +the book of prophecy or of preparation for Christ, but as the book of +the full revelation which cannot be surpassed. In point of content the +teaching of the prophets and of Christ is completely identical. The +prophetical details in the Old Testament serve only to attest the _one_ +truth. The Apologists confess that they were converted to Christianity +by reading the Old Testament. Cf. Justin's and Tatian's confessions. +Perhaps Commodian (Instruct. I. 1) is also be understood thus.] + +[Footnote 448: The _Oratio_ of Tatian is very instructive in this +respect. In this book he has nowhere spoken _ex professo_ of the +incarnation of the Logos in Christ; but in c. 13 fin. he calls the Holy +Spirit "the servant of God who has suffered," and in c. 21 init. he +says: "we are not fools and do not adduce anything stupid, when we +proclaim that God has appeared in human form." Similar expressions are +found in Minucius Felix. In no part of Aristides' Apology is there any +mention of the pre-Christian appearance of the Logos. The writer merely +speaks of the revelation of the Son of God in Jesus Christ.] + +[Footnote 449: We seldom receive an answer to the question as to why +this or that particular occurrence should have been prophesied. +According to the ideas of the Apologists, however, we have hardly a +right to put that question; for, since the value of the historical +consists in its having been predicted, its content is of no importance. +The fact that Jesus finds the she-ass bound to a vine (Justin, Apol. I. +32) is virtually quite as important as his being born of a virgin. Both +occurrences attest the prophetic teachings of God, freedom, etc.] + +[Footnote 450: In Justin's polemical works this must have appeared in a +still more striking way. Thus we find in a fragment of the treatise +[Greek: pros Markiôna], quoted by Irenæus (IV. 6. 2), the sentence +"unigenitus filius venit ad nos, suum plasma in semetipsum +recapitulans." So the theologoumenon of the _recapitulatio per Christum_ +already appeared in Justin. (Vide also Dial. c. Tryph. 100.) If we +compare Tertullian's _Apologeticum_ with his Antignostic writings we +easily see how impossible it is to determine from that work the extent +of his Christian faith and knowledge. The same is probably the case, +though to a less extent, with Justin's apologetic writings.] + +[Footnote 451: Christians do not place a man alongside of God, for +Christ is God, though indeed a second God. There is no question of two +natures. It is not the divine nature that Justin has insufficiently +emphasised--or at least this is only the case in so far as it is a +second Godhead--but the human nature; see Schultz, Gottheit Christi, p. +39 ff.] + +[Footnote 452: We find allusions in Justin where the various incidents +in the history of the incarnate Logos are conceived as a series of +arrangements meant to form part of the history of salvation, to paralyse +mankind's sinful history, and to regenerate humanity. He is thus a +forerunner of Irenæus and Melito.] + +[Footnote 453: Even the theologoumenon of the definite number of the +elect, which must be fulfilled, is found in Justin (Apol. I. 28, 45). +For that reason the judgment is put off by God (II. 7). The Apology of +Aristides contains a short account of the history of Jesus; his +conception, birth, preaching, choice of the 12 Apostles, crucifixion, +resurrection, ascension, sending out of the 12 Apostles are mentioned.] + +[Footnote 454: "To Justin faith is only an acknowledgment of the mission +and Sonship of Christ and a conviction of the truth of his teaching. +Faith does not justify, but is merely a presupposition of the +justification which is effected through repentance, change of mind, and +sinless life. Only in so far as faith itself is already a free decision +to serve God has it the value of a saving act, which is indeed of such +significance that one can say, 'Abraham was justified by faith.' In +reality, however, this took place through [Greek: metanoia]." The idea +of the new birth is exhausted in the thought: [Greek: Theos kalei eis +metanoian], that of the forgiveness of sins in the idea: "God is so good +that he overlooks sins committed in a state of ignorance, if man has +changed his mind." Accordingly, Christ is the Redeemer in so far as he +has brought about all the conditions which make for repentance.] + +[Footnote 455: This is in fact already the case in Justin here and +there, but in the main there are as yet mere traces of it: the +Apologists are no mystics.] + +[Footnote 456: If we consider how largely the demons bulked in the ideas +of the Apologists, we must rate very highly their conviction of the +redeeming power of Christ and of his name, a power continuously shown in +the victories over the demons. See Justin Apol. II. 6, 8; Dial. II, 30, +35, 39, 76, 85, 111, 121; Tertull., Apol. 23, 27, 32, 37 etc. Tatian +also (16 fin.) confirms it, and c. 12, p. 56, line 7 ff. (ed. Otto) does +not contradict this.] + +[Footnote 457: Von Engelhardt, Christenthum Justin's, p. 432 f., has +pronounced against its genuineness; see also my Texte und Untersuchungen +I. 1, 2, p. 158. In favour of its genuineness see Hilgenfeld, +Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie, 1883, p. 26 f. The fragment +is worded as follows: [Greek: Plasas ho Theos kat' archas ton anthrôpon +tês gnômês autou ta tês phuseôs apêôrêsen entolê mia poiêsamenos tên +diapeiran. Phulaxanta men gar tautên tês athantou lêxeôs pepoiêken +esesthai, parabanta de tês enantias. Outô gegonôs ho anthrôpos kai pros +tên parabasin euthus elthôn tên phthoran phusikôs eisedexato. Phusei de +tês phthoras prosgenomenês anankaion ên hoti sôsai boulomenos ên tên +phthoropoion ousian aphanisas. Touto de ouk ên heteros genesthai, ei +mêper hê kata phusin zôê proseplakê tô tên phthoran dexamenô, +aphanizousa men tên phthoran, athanaton de tou loipou to dexamenon +diatêrousa. Dia touto ton logon edeêsen en sômati genesthai, hina (tou +thanatou) tês kata phusin hêmas phthoras eleutherôsê. Ei gar, hôs phate, +neumati monon ton thanaton hêmôn apekôlusen, ou prosêi men dia tên +boulêsin ho thanatos, ouden de êtton phthartoi palin êmen phuikên en +heautois tên phthoran peripherontes].] + +[Footnote 458: Weizsäcker, Jahrbücher fur deutsche Theologie, 1867, p. +119, has with good reason strongly emphasised this element. See also +Stählin, Justin der Martyrer, 1880, p. 63 f., whose criticism of Von +Engelhardt's book contains much that is worthy of note, though it +appears to me inappropriate in the main.] + +[Footnote 459: Loofs continues: "The Apologists, viewing the +transference of the concept 'Son' to the preëxistent Christ as a matter +of course, enabled the Christological problem of the 4th century to be +started. They removed the point of departure of the Christological +speculation from the historical Christ back into the preëxistence and +depreciated the importance of Jesus' life as compared with the +incarnation. They connected the Christology with the cosmology, but were +not able to combine it with the scheme of salvation. Their Logos +doctrine is not a 'higher' Christology than the prevailing form; it +rather lags behind the genuine Christian estimate of Christ. It is not +God who reveals himself in Christ, but the Logos, the depotentiated God, +who _as God_ is subordinate to the supreme Deity."] + + + + +CHAPTER V. + +THE BEGINNINGS OF AN ECCLESIASTICO-THEOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION AND +REVISION OF THE RULE OF FAITH IN OPPOSITION TO GNOSTICISM ON THE BASIS +OF THE NEW TESTAMENT AND THE CHRISTIAN PHILOSOPHY OF THE APOLOGISTS: +MELITO, IRENÆUS, TERTULLIAN, HIPPOLYTUS, NOVATIAN.[460] + + +1. _The theological position of Irenæus and the later contemporary +Church teachers_. + +Gnosticism and the Marcionite Church had compelled orthodox Christianity +to make a selection from tradition and to make this binding on +Christians as an apostolical law. Everything that laid claim to validity +had henceforth to be legitimised by the faith, i.e., the baptismal +confession and the New Testament canon of Scripture (see above, chap. 2, +under A and B). However, mere "prescriptions" could no longer suffice +here. But the baptismal confession was no "doctrine;" if it was to be +transformed into such it required an interpretation. We have shown above +that the _interpreted_ baptismal confession was instituted as the guide +for the faith. This interpretation took its _matter_ from the sacred +books of _both_ Testaments. It owed its guiding lines, however, on the +one hand to philosophical theology, as set forth by the Apologists, and +on the other to the earnest endeavour to maintain and defend against all +attacks the traditional convictions and hopes of believers, as professed +in the past generation by the enthusiastic forefathers of the Church. In +addition to this, certain interests, which had found expression in the +speculations of the so-called Gnostics, were adopted in an increasing +degree among all thinking Christians, and also could not but influence +the ecclesiastical teachers.[461] The theological labours, thus +initiated, accordingly bear the impress of great uniqueness and +complexity. In the first place, the old Catholic Fathers, Melito,[462] +Rhodon,[463] Irenæus, Hippolytus, and Tertullian were in every case +convinced that all their expositions contained the universal Church +faith itself and nothing else. Though the faith is identical with the +baptismal confession, yet every interpretation of it derived from the +New Testament is no less certain than the shortest formula.[464] The +creation of the New Testament furnished all at once a quite unlimited +multitude of conceptions, the whole of which appeared as "doctrines" and +offered themselves for incorporation with the "faith."[465] The limits +of the latter therefore seem to be indefinitely extended, whilst on the +other hand tradition, and polemics too in many cases, demanded an +adherence to the shortest formula. The oscillation between this brief +formula, the contents of which, as a rule, did not suffice, and that +fulness, which admitted of no bounds at all, is characteristic of the +old Catholic Fathers we have mentioned. In the second place, these +fathers felt quite as much need of a rational proof in their arguments +with their christian opponents, as they did while contending with the +heathen;[466] and, being themselves children of their time, they +required this proof for their own assurance and that of their +fellow-believers. The epoch in which men appealed to charisms, and +"knowledge" counted as much as prophecy and vision, because it was still +of them same nature, was in the main a thing of the past.[467] Tradition +and reason had taken the place of charisms as courts of appeal. But this +change had neither come to be clearly recognized,[468] nor was the right +and scope of rational theology alongside of tradition felt to be a +problem. We can indeed trace the consciousness of the danger in +attempting to introduce new _termini_ and regulations not prescribed by +the Holy Scriptures.[469] The bishops themselves in fact encouraged this +apprehension in order to warn people against the Gnostics,[470] and +after the deluge of heresy, representatives of Church orthodoxy looked +with distrust on every philosophic-theological formula.[471] Such +propositions of rationalistic theology as were absolutely required, +were, however, placed by Irenæus and Tertullian on the same level as the +hallowed doctrines of tradition, and were not viewed by them as +something of a different nature. Irenæus uttered most urgent warnings +against subtle speculations;[472] but yet, in the naivest way, +associated with the faithfully preserved traditional doctrines and +fancies of the faith theories which he likewise regarded as tradition +and which, in point of form, did not differ from those of the Apologists +or Gnostics.[473] The Holy Scriptures of the New Testament were the +basis on which Irenæus set forth the most important doctrines of +Christianity. Some of these he stated as they had been conceived by the +oldest tradition (see the eschatology), others he adapted to the new +necessities. The qualitative distinction between the _fides credenda_ +and theology was noticed neither by Irenæus nor by Hippolytus and +Tertullian. According to Irenæus I. 10. 3 this distinction is merely +quantitative. Here faith and theological knowledge are still completely +intermixed. Whilst stating and establishing the doctrines of tradition +with the help of the New Testament, and revising and fixing them by +means of intelligent deduction, the Fathers think they are setting forth +the faith itself and nothing else. Anything more than this is only +curiosity not unattended with danger to Christians. Theology is +interpreted faith.[474] + +Corresponding to the baptismal confession there thus arose at the first +a loose system of dogmas which were necessarily devoid of strict style, +definite principle, or fixed and harmonious aim. In this form we find +them with special plainness in Tertullian.[475] This writer was still +completely incapable of inwardly connecting his rational (Stoic) +theology, as developed by him for apologetic purposes, with the +Christological doctrines of the _regula fidei_, which, after the example +of Irenæus, he constructed and defended from Scripture and tradition in +opposition to heresy. Whenever he attempts in any place to prove the +_intrinsic_ necessity of these dogmas, he seldom gets beyond rhetorical +statements, holy paradoxes, or juristic forms. As a systematic thinker, +a cosmologist, moralist, and jurist rather than a theosophist, as a +churchman, a masterly defender of tradition, as a Christian exclusively +guided in practical life by the strict precepts and hopes of the Gospel, +his theology, if by that we understand his collective theological +disquisitions, is completely devoid of unity, and can only be termed a +mixture of dissimilar and, not unfrequently, contradictory propositions, +which admit of no comparison with the older theology of Valentinus or +the later system of Origen.[476] To Tertullian everything lies side by +side; problems which chance to turn up are just as quickly solved. The +specific faith of Christians is indeed no longer, as it sometimes seems +to be in Justin's case, a great apparatus of proof for the doctrines of +the only true philosophy; it rather stands, in its own independent +value, side by side with these, partly in a crude, partly in a developed +form; but inner principles and aims are nearly everywhere sought for in +vain.[477] In spite of this he possesses inestimable importance in the +history of dogma; for he developed and created, in a disconnected form +and partly in the shape of legal propositions, a series of the most +important dogmatic formulæ, which Cyprian, Novatian, Hosius, and the +Roman bishops of the fourth century, Ambrosius and Leo I., introduced +into the general dogmatic system of the Catholic Church. He founded the +terminology both of the trinitarian and of the Christological dogma; and +in addition to this was the first to give currency to a series of +dogmatic concepts (_satisfacere_, _meritum_, _sacramentum_, _vitium +originis_ etc., etc._). Finally it was he who at the very outset +imparted to the type of dogmatic that arose in the West its momentous +bias in the direction of _auctoritas et ratio_, and its corresponding +tendency to assume a legal character (_lex_, formal and material), +peculiarities which were to become more and more clearly marked as time +went on.[478] But, great as is his importance in this respect, it has no +connection at all with the fundamental conception of Christianity +peculiar to himself, for, as a matter of fact, this was already out of +date at the time when he lived. What influenced the history of dogma was +not his Christianity, but his masterly power of framing formulæ. + +It is different with Irenæus. The Christianity of this man proved a +decisive factor in the history of dogma in respect of its content. If +Tertullian supplied the future Catholic dogmatic with the most important +part of its formulæ, Irenæus clearly sketched for it its fundamental +idea, by combining the ancient notion of salvation with New Testament +(Pauline) thoughts.[479] Accordingly, as far as the essence of the +matter is concerned, the great work of Irenæus is far superior to the +theological writings of Tertullian. This appears already in the task, +voluntarily undertaken by Irenæus, of giving a relatively complete +exposition of the doctrines of ecclesiastical Christianity on the basis +of the New Testament, in opposition to heresy. Tertullian nowhere +betrayed a similar systematic necessity, which indeed, in the case of +the Gallic bishop too, only made its appearance as the result of +polemical motives. But Irenæus to a certain degree succeeded in +amalgamating philosophic theology and the statements of ecclesiastical +tradition viewed as doctrines. This result followed (1) because he never +lost sight of a fundamental idea to which he tried to refer everything, +and (2) because he was directed by a confident view of Christianity as a +religion, that is, a theory of its purpose. The first fundamental idea, +in its all-dominating importance, was suggested to Irenæus by his +opposition to Gnosticism. It is the conviction that the Creator of the +world and the supreme God are one and the same.[480] The other theory as +to the aim of Christianity, however, is shared by Irenæus with Paul, +Valentinus, and Marcion. It is the conviction that Christianity is real +redemption, and that this redemption was only effected by the appearance +of Christ. The working out of these two ideas is the most important +feature in Irenæus' book. As yet, indeed, he by no means really +succeeded in completely adapting to these two fundamental thoughts all +the materials to be taken from Holy Scripture and found in the rule of +faith; he only thought with systematic clearness within the scheme of +the Apologists. His archaic eschatological disquisitions are of a +heterogeneous nature, and a great deal of his material, as, for +instance, Pauline formulæ and thoughts, he completely emptied of its +content, inasmuch as he merely contrived to turn it into a testimony of +the oneness and absolute causality of God the Creator; but the +repetition of the same main thoughts to an extent that is wearisome to +us, and the attempt to refer everything to these, unmistakably +constitute the success of his work.[481] God the Creator and the one +Jesus Christ are really the middle points of his theological system, and +in this way he tried to assign an intrinsic significance to the several +historical statements of the baptismal confession. Looked at from this +point of view, his speculations were almost of an identical nature with +the Gnostic.[482] But, while he conceives Christianity as an explanation +of the world and as redemption, his Christocentric teaching was opposed +to that of the Gnostics. Since the latter started with the conception of +an original dualism they saw in the empiric world a faulty combination +of opposing elements,[483] and therefore recognised in the redemption by +Christ the separation of what was unnaturally united. Irenæus, on the +contrary, who began with the idea of the absolute causality of God the +Creator, saw in the empiric world faulty estrangements and separations, +and therefore viewed the redemption by Christ as the reunion of things +unnaturally separated--the "recapitulatio" ([Greek: +anakephalaiôsis]).[484] This speculative thought, which involved the +highest imaginable optimism in contrast to Gnostic pessimism, brought +Irenæus into touch with certain Pauline trains of thought,[485] and +enabled him to adhere to the theology of the Apologists. At the same +time it opened up a view of the person of Christ, which supplemented the +great defect of that theology,[486] surpassed the Christology of the +Gnostics,[487] and made it possible to utilise the Christological +statements contained in certain books of the New Testament.[488] + +So far as we know at least, Irenæus is the first ecclesiastical +theologian after the time of the Apologists (see Ignatius before that) +who assigned a quite specific significance to the person of Christ and +in fact regarded it as the vital factor.[489] That was possible for him +because of his realistic view of redemption. Here, however, he did not +fall into the abyss of Gnosticism, because, as a disciple of the +"elders", he adhered to the early-Christian eschatology, and because, as +a follower of the Apologists, he held, along with the realistic +conception of salvation, the other dissimilar theory that Christ, as the +teacher, imparts to men, who are free and naturally constituted for +fellowship with God, the knowledge which enables them to imitate God, +and thus by their own act to attain communion with him. Nevertheless to +Irenæus the pith of the matter is already found in the idea that +Christianity is real redemption, i.e., that the highest blessing +bestowed in Christianity is the deification of human nature through the +gift of immortality, and that this deification includes the full +knowledge and enjoying of God (visio dei). This conception suggested to +him the question as to the cause of the incarnation as well as the +answer to the same. The question "cur deus--homo", which was by no means +clearly formulated in the apologetic writings, in so far as in these +"homo" only meant _appearance_ among men, and the "why" was answered by +referring to prophecy and the necessity of divine teaching, was by +Irenæus made the central point. The reasons why the answer he gave was +so highly satisfactory may be stated as follows: (1) It proved that the +Christian blessing of salvation was of a specific kind. (2) It was +similar in point of form to the so-called Gnostic conception of +Christianity, and even surpassed it as regards the promised extent of +the sphere included in the deification. (3) It harmonised with the +eschatological tendency of Christendom, and at the same time was fitted +to replace the material eschatological expectations that were fading +away. (4) It was in keeping with the mystic and Neoplatonic current of +the time, and afforded it the highest imaginable satisfaction. (5) For +the vanishing trust in the possibility of attaining the highest +knowledge by the aid of reason it substituted the sure hope of a +supernatural transformation of human nature which would even enable it +to appropriate that which is above reason. (6) Lastly, it provided the +traditional historical utterances respecting Christ, as well as the +whole preceding course of history, with a firm foundation and a definite +aim, and made it possible to conceive a history of salvation unfolding +itself by degrees [Greek: oikonomia Theou]. According to this conception +the central point of history was no longer the Logos as such, but Christ +as the _incarnate God_, while at the same time the moralistic interest +was balanced by a really religious one. An approach was thus made to the +Pauline theology, though indeed in a very peculiar way and to some +extent only in appearance. A more exact representation of salvation +through Christ has, however, been given by Irenæus as follows: +Incorruptibility is a _habitus_ which is the opposite of our present one +and indeed of man's natural condition. For immortality is at once God's +manner of existence and his attribute; as a created being man is only +"capable of incorruption and immortality" ("_capax incorruptionis et +immortalitatis_");[490] thanks to the divine goodness, however, he is +intended for the same, and yet is empirically "subjected to the power of +death" ("sub condicione mortis"). Now the sole way in which immortality +as a physical condition can be obtained is by its possessor uniting +himself _realiter_ with human nature, in order to deify it "by adoption" +("_per adoptionem_"), such is the technical term of Irenæus. The deity +must become what we are in order that we may become what he is. +Accordingly, if Christ is to be the Redeemer, he must himself be God, +and all the stress must fall upon his birth as man. "By his birth as man +the eternal Word of God guarantees the inheritance of life to those who +in their natural birth have inherited death."[491] But this work of +Christ can be conceived as _recapitulatio_ because God the Redeemer is +identical with God the Creator; and Christ consequently brings about a +final condition which existed from the beginning in God's plan, but +could not be immediately realised in consequence of the entrance of sin. +It is perhaps Irenæus' highest merit, from a historical and +ecclesiastical point of view, to have worked out this thought in +pregnant fashion and with the simplest means, i.e., without the +apparatus of the Gnostics, but rather by the aid of simple and +essentially Biblical ideas. Moreover, a few decades later, he and +Melito, an author unfortunately so little known to us, were already +credited with this merit. For the author of the so-called "Little +Labyrinth" (Euseb., H. E. V. 28. 5) can indeed boast with regard to the +works of Justin, Miltiades, Tatian, Clement, etc., that they declared +Christ to be God, but then continues: [Greek: Ta Eirênaiou te kai +Melitônos kai tôn loipôn tis agnoei biblia, theon kai anthrôpon +katangellonta ton Christon] ("Who is ignorant of the books of Irenæus, +Melito, and the rest, which proclaim Christ to be God and man"). The +progress in theological views is very precisely and appropriately +expressed in these words. The Apologists also professed their belief in +the full revelation of God upon earth, that is, in revelation as the +teaching which necessarily leads to immortality;[492] but Irenæus is the +first to whom Jesus Christ, God and man, is the centre of history and +faith.[493] Following the method of Valentinus, he succeeded in +sketching a history of salvation, the gradual realising of the [Greek: +oikonomia Theou] culminating in the deification of believing humanity, +but here he always managed to keep his language essentially within the +limits of the Biblical. The various acting æons of the Gnostics became +to him different stages in the saving work of the one Creator and his +Logos. His system seemed to have absorbed the rationalism of the +Apologists and the intelligible simplicity of their moral theology, just +as much as it did the Gnostic dualism with its particoloured mythology. +Revelation had become history, the history of salvation; and dogmatics +had in a certain fashion become a way of looking at history, the +knowledge of God's ways of salvation that lead historically to an +appointed goal.[494] + +But, as this realistic, quasi-historical view of the subject was by no +means completely worked out by Irenæus himself, since the theory of +human freedom did not admit of its logical development, and since the +New Testament also pointed in other directions, it did not yet become +the predominating one even in the third century, nor was it consistently +carried out by any one teacher. The two conceptions opposed to it, that +of the early Christian eschatology and the rationalistic one, were still +in vogue. The two latter were closely connected in the third century, +especially in the West, whilst the mystic and realistic view was almost +completely lacking there. In this respect Tertullian adopted but little +from Irenæus. Hippolytus also lagged behind him. Teachers like +Commodian, Arnobius, and Lactantius, however, wrote as if there had been +no Gnostic movement at all, and as if no Antignostic Church theology +existed. The immediate result of the work carried on by Irenæus and the +Antignostic teachers in the Church consisted in the fixing of tradition +and in the intelligent treatment of individual doctrines, which +gradually became established. The most important will be set forth in +what follows. On the most vital point, the introduction of the +philosophical Christology into the Church's rule of faith, see Chapter +7. + +The manner in which Irenæus undertook his great task of expounding and +defending orthodox Christianity in opposition to the Gnostic form was +already a prediction of the future. The oldest Christian motives and +hopes; the letter of both Testaments, including even Pauline thoughts; +moralistic and philosophical elements, the result of the Apologists' +labours; and realistic and mystical features balance each other in his +treatment. He glides over from the one to the other; limits the one by +the other; plays off Scripture against reason, tradition against the +obscurity of the Scriptures; and combats fantastic speculation by an +appeal sometimes to reason, sometimes to the limits of human knowledge. +Behind all this and dominating everything, we find his firm belief in +the bestowal of divine incorruptibility on believers through the work of +the God-man. This eclectic method did not arise from shrewd calculation. +It was equally the result of a rare capacity for appropriating the +feelings and ideas of others, combined with the conservative instincts +that guided the great teacher, and the consequence of a happy blindness +to the gulf which lay between the Christian tradition and the world of +ideas prevailing at that time. Still unconscious of the greatest +problem, Irenæus with inward sincerity sketched out that future dogmatic +method according to which the theology compiled by an eclectic process +is to be nothing else than the simple faith itself, this being merely +illustrated and explained, developed and by that very process +established, as far as "stands in the Holy Scripture," and--let us +add--as far as reason requires. But Irenæus was already obliged to +decline answering the question as to how far unexplained faith can be +sufficient for most Christians, though nothing but this explanation can +solve the great problems, "why more covenants than one were given to +mankind, what was the character of each covenant, why God shut up every +man unto unbelief, why the Word became flesh and suffered, why the +advent of the Son of God only took place in the last times etc." (I. 10. +3). The relation of faith and theological Gnosis was fixed by Irenæus to +the effect that the latter is simply a continuation of the former.[495] +At the same time, however, he did not clearly show how the collection of +historical statements found in the confession can of itself guarantee a +sufficient and tenable knowledge of Christianity. Here the speculative +theories are as a matter of fact quite imbedded in the historical +propositions of tradition. Will these obscurities remain when once the +Church is forced to compete in its theological system with the whole +philosophical science of the Greeks, or may it be expected that, instead +of this system of eclecticism and compromise, a method will find +acceptance which, distinguishing between faith and theology, will +interpret in a new and speculative sense the whole complex of tradition? +Irenæus' process has at least this one advantage over the other method: +according to it everything can be reckoned part of the faith, providing +it bears the stamp of truth, without the faith seeming to alter its +nature. It is incorporated in the theology of facts which the faith here +appears to be.[496] The latter, however, imperceptibly becomes a +revealed system of doctrine and history; and though Irenæus himself +always seeks to refer everything again to the "simple faith" ([Greek: +philê pistis]), and to believing simplicity, that is, to the belief in +the Creator and the Son of God who became man, yet it was not in his +power to stop the development destined to transform the faith into +knowledge of a theological system. The pronounced hellenising of the +Gospel, brought about by the Gnostic systems, was averted by Irenæus and +the later ecclesiastical teachers by preserving a great portion of the +early Christian tradition, partly as regards its letter, partly as +regards its spirit, and thus rescuing it for the future. But the price +of this preservation was the adoption of a series of "Gnostic" formulæ. +Churchmen, though with hesitation, adopted the adversary's way of +looking at things, and necessarily did so, because as they became ever +further and further removed from the early-Christian feelings and +thoughts, they had always more and more lost every other point of view. +The old Catholic Fathers permanently settled a great part of early +tradition for Christendom, but at the same time promoted the gradual +hellenising of Christianity. + + +2. _The Doctrines of the Church._ + +In the following section we do not intend to give a presentation of the +theology of Irenæus and the other Antignostic Church teachers, but +merely to set forth those points of doctrine to which the teachings of +these men gave currency in succeeding times. + +Against the Gnostic theses[497] Irenæus and his successors, apart from +the proof from prescription, adduced the following intrinsic +considerations: (1) In the case of the Gnostics and Marcion the Deity +lacks absoluteness, because he does not embrace everything, that is, he +is bounded by the _kenoma_ or by the sphere of a second God; and also +because his omnipresence, omniscience, and omnipotence have a +corresponding limitation.[498] (2) The assumption of divine emanations +and of a differentiated divine _pleroma_ represents the Deity as a +composite, i.e.,[499] finite being; and, moreover, the personification +of the divine qualities is a mythological freak, the folly of which is +evident as soon as one also makes the attempt to personify the +affections and qualities of man in a similar way.[500] (3) The attempt +to make out conditions existing within the Godhead is in itself absurd +and audacious.[501] (4) The theory of the passion and ignorance of +Sophia introduces sin into the pleroma itself, i.e., into the +Godhead.[502] With this the weightiest argument against the Gnostic +cosmogony is already mentioned. A further argument against the system is +that the world and mankind would have been incapable of improvement, if +they had owed their origin to ignorance and sin.[503] Irenæus and +Tertullian employ lengthy arguments to show that a God who has created +nothing is inconceivable, and that a Demiurge occupying a position +alongside of or below the Supreme Being is self-contradictory, inasmuch +as he sometimes appears higher than this Supreme Being, and sometimes so +weak and limited that one can no longer look on him as a God.[504] The +Fathers everywhere argue on behalf of the Gnostic Demiurge and against +the Gnostic supreme God. It never occurs to them to proceed in the +opposite way and prove that the supreme God may be the Creator. All +their efforts are rather directed to show that the Creator of the world +is the only and supreme God, and that there can be no other above this +one. This attitude of the Fathers is characteristic; for it proves that +the apologetico-philosophical theology was their fundamental assumption. +The Gnostic (Marcionite) supreme God is the God of religion, the God of +redemption; the Demiurge is the being required to explain the world. The +intervention of the Fathers on his behalf, that is, their assuming him +as the basis of their arguments, reveals what was fundamental and what +was accidental in their religious teaching. At the same time, however, +it shows plainly that they did not understand or did not feel the +fundamental problem that troubled and perplexed the Gnostics and +Marcion, viz., the qualitative distinction between the spheres of +creation and redemption. They think they have sufficiently explained +this distinction by the doctrine of human freedom and its consequences. +Accordingly their whole mode of argument against the Gnostics and +Marcion is, in point of content, of an abstract, philosophico-rational +kind.[505] As a rule they do not here carry on their controversy with +the aid of reasons taken from the deeper views of religion. As soon as +the rational argument fails, however, there is really an entire end to +the refutation from inner grounds, at least in the case of Tertullian; +and the contest is shifted into the sphere of the rule of faith and the +Holy Scriptures. Hence, for example, they have not succeeded in making +much impression on the heretical Christology from dogmatic +considerations, though in this respect Irenæus was still very much more +successful than Tertullian.[506] Besides, in adv. Marc. II. 27, the +latter betrayed what interest he took in the preëxistent Christ as +distinguished from God the Father. It is not expedient to separate the +arguments advanced by the Fathers against the Gnostics from their own +positive teachings, for these are throughout dependent on their peculiar +attitude within the sphere of Scripture and tradition. + +Irenæus and Hippolytus have been rightly named Scripture theologians; +but it is a strange infatuation to think that this designation +characterises them as evangelical. If indeed we here understand +"evangelical" in the vulgar sense, the term may be correct, only in this +case it means exactly the same as "Catholic." But if "evangelical" +signifies "early-Christian," then it must be said that Scripture +theology was not the primary means of preserving the ideas of primitive +Christianity; for, as the New Testament Scriptures were also regarded as +_inspired_ documents and were to be interpreted according to the +_regula_, their content was just for that reason apt to be obscured. +Both Marcion and the chiefs of the Valentinian school had also been +Scripture theologians. Irenæus and Hippolytus merely followed them. Now +it is true that they very decidedly argued against the arbitrary method +of interpreting the Scriptures adopted by Valentinus, and compared it to +the process of forming the mosaic picture of a king into the mosaic +picture of a fox, and the poems of Homer into any others one might +choose;[507] but they just as decidedly protested against the rejection +by Apelles and Marcion of the allegorical method of interpretation,[508] +and therefore were not able to set up a canon really capable of +distinguishing their own interpretation from that of the Gnostics.[509] +The Scripture theology of the old Catholic Fathers has a twofold aspect. +The religion of the Scripture is no longer the original form; it is the +mediated, scientific one to be constructed by a learned process; it is, +on its part, the strongest symptom of the secularisation that has begun. +In a word, it is the religion of the school, first the Gnostic then the +ecclesiastical. But it may, on the other hand, be a wholesome reaction +against enthusiastic excess and moralistic frigidity; and the correct +sense of the letter will from the first obtain imperceptible recognition +in opposition to the "spirit" arbitrarily read into it, and at length +banish this "spirit" completely. Irenæus certainly tried to mark off the +Church use of the Scriptures as distinguished from the Gnostic practice. +He rejects the accommodation theory of which some Gnostics availed +themselves;[510] he emphasises more strongly than these the absolute +sufficiency of the Scriptures by repudiating all esoteric +doctrines;[511] he rejects all distinction between different kinds of +inspiration in the sacred books;[512] he lays down the maxim that the +obscure passages are to be interpreted from the clear ones, not vice +versa;[513] but this principle being in itself ambiguous, it is rendered +quite unequivocal by the injunction to interpret everything according to +the rule of faith[514] and, in the case of all objectionable passages, +to seek the type.[515] Not only did Irenæus explain the Old Testament +allegorically, in accordance with traditional usage;[516] but according +to the principle: "with God there is nothing without purpose or due +signification" ("nihil vacuum neque sine signo apud deum") (IV. 21. 3), +he was also the first to apply the scientific and mystical explanation +to the New Testament, and was consequently obliged to adopt the Gnostic +exegesis, which was imperative as soon as the apostolic writings were +viewed as a New Testament. He regards the fact of Jesus handing round +food to those _lying_ at table as signifying that Christ also bestows +life on the long dead generations;[517] and, in the parable of the +Samaritan, he interprets the host as the Spirit and the two denarii as +the Father and Son.[518] To Irenæus and also to Tertullian and +Hippolytus all numbers, incidental circumstances, etc., in the Holy +Scriptures are virtually as significant as they are to the Gnostics, and +hence the only question is what hidden meaning we are to give to them. +"Gnosticism" is therefore here adopted by the ecclesiastical teachers in +its full extent, proving that this "Gnosticism" is nothing else than the +learned construction of religion with the scientific means of those +days. As soon as Churchmen were forced to bring forward their proofs and +proceed to put the same questions as the "Gnostics," they were obliged +to work by their method. Allegory, however, was required in order to +establish the continuity of the tradition from Adam down to the present +time--not merely down to Christ--against the attacks of the Gnostics and +Marcion. By establishing this continuity a historical truth was really +also preserved. For the rest, the disquisitions of Irenæus, Tertullian, +and Hippolytus were to such an extent borrowed from their opponents that +there is scarcely a problem that they propounded and discussed as the +result of their own thirst for knowledge. This fact not only preserved +to their works an early-Christian character as compared with those of +the Alexandrians, but also explains why they frequently stop in their +positive teachings, when they believe they have confuted their +adversaries. Thus we find neither in Irenæus nor Tertullian a discussion +of the relation of the Scriptures to the rule of faith. From the way in +which they appeal to both we can deduce a series of important problems, +which, however, the Fathers themselves did not formulate and +consequently did not answer.[519] + +_The doctrine of God_ was fixed by the old Catholic Fathers for the +Christendom of succeeding centuries, and in fact both the methodic +directions for forming the idea of God and their results remained +unchanged. With respect to the former they occupy a middle position +between the renunciation of all knowledge--for God is not abyss and +silence--and the attempt to fathom the depths of the Godhead.[520] +Tertullian, influenced by the Stoics, strongly emphasised the +possibility of attaining a knowledge of God. Irenæus, following out an +idea which seems to anticipate the mysticism of later theologians, made +love a preliminary condition of knowledge and plainly acknowledged it as +the principle of knowledge.[521] God can be known from revelation,[522] +because he has really revealed himself, that is, both by the creation +and the word of revelation. Irenæus also taught that a sufficient +knowledge of God, as the creator and guide, can be obtained from the +creation, and indeed this knowledge always continues, so that all men +are without excuse.[523] In this case the prophets, the Lord himself, +the Apostles, and the Church teach no more and nothing else than what +must be already plain to the natural consciousness. Irenæus certainly +did not succeed in reconciling this proposition with his former +assertion that the knowledge of God springs from love resting on +revelation. Irenæus also starts, as Apologist and Antignostic, with the +God who is the First Cause. Every God who is not that is a phantom;[524] +and every sublime religious state of mind which does not include the +feeling of dependence upon God as the Creator is a deception. It is the +extremest blasphemy to degrade God the Creator, and it is the most +frightful machination of the devil that has produced the _blasphemia +creatoris_.[525] Like the Apologists, the early Catholic Fathers confess +that the doctrine of God the Creator is the first and most important of +the main articles of Christian faith;[526] the belief in his oneness as +well as his absoluteness is the main point.[527] God is all light, all +understanding, all Logos, all active spirit;[528] everything +anthropopathic and anthropomorphic is to be conceived as incompatible +with his nature.[529] The early-Catholic doctrine of God shows an +advance beyond that of the Apologists, in so far as God's attributes of +goodness and righteousness are expressly discussed, and it is proved in +opposition to Marcion that they are not mutually exclusive, but +necessarily involve each other.[530] + +In the case of the _Logos doctrine_ also, Tertullian and Hippolytus +simply adopted and developed that of the Apologists, whilst Irenæus +struck out a path of his own. In the _Apologeticum_ (c. 21) Tertullian +set forth the Logos doctrine as laid down by Tatian, the only noteworthy +difference between him and his predecessor consisting in the fact that +the appearance of the Logos in Jesus Christ was the uniform aim of his +presentation.[531] He fully explained his Logos doctrine in his work +against the Monarchian Praxeas.[532] Here he created the formulæ of +succeeding orthodoxy by introducing the ideas "substance" and "person" +and by framing, despite of the most pronounced subordinationism and a +purely economical conception of the Trinity, definitions of the +relations between the persons which could be fully adopted in the Nicene +creed.[533] Here also the philosophical and cosmological interest +prevails; the history of salvation appears only to be the continuation +of that of the cosmos. This system is distinguished from Gnosticism by +the history of redemption appearing as the natural continuation of the +history of creation and not simply as its correction. The thought that +the unity of the Godhead is shown in the _una substantia_ and the _una +dominatio_ was worked out by Tertullian with admirable clearness. +According to him the unfolding of this one substance into several +heavenly embodiments, or the administration of the divine sovereignty by +emanated _persons_ cannot endanger the unity; the "arrangement of the +unity when the unity evolves the trinity from itself" ("dispositio +unitatis, quando unitas ex semetipsa [trinitatem] derivat") does not +abolish the unity, and, moreover, the Son will some day subject himself +to the Father, so that God will be all in all.[534] Here then the +Gnostic doctrine of æons is adopted in its complete form, and in fact +Hippolytus, who in this respect agrees with Tertullian, has certified +that the Valentinians "acknowledge that the one is the originator of +all" ("[Greek: ton hena homologousin aition tôn pantôn]"), because with +them also, "the whole goes back to one" ("[Greek: to pan eis hena +anatrechei]").[535] The only difference is that Tertullian and +Hippolytus limit the "economy of God" ([Greek: oikonomia tou Theou]) to +Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, while the Gnostics exceed this number.[536] +According to Tertullian "a rational conception of the Trinity +constitutes truth, an irrational idea of the unity makes heresy" +("trinitas rationaliter expensa veritatem constituit, unitas +irrationaliter collecta hæresim facit") is already the watchword of the +Christian dogmatic. Now what he considers a rational conception is +keeping in view the different stages of God's economy, and +distinguishing between _dispositio_, _distinctio_, _numerus_ on the one +hand and _divisio_ on the other. At the beginning God was alone, but +_ratio_ and _sermo_ existed within him. In a certain sense then, he was +never alone, for he thought and spoke inwardly. If even men can carry on +conversations with themselves and make themselves objects of reflection, +how much more is this possible with God.[537] But as yet he was the only +_person_.[538] The moment, however, that he chose to reveal himself and +sent forth from himself the word of creation, the Logos came into +existence as a real being, before the world and for the sake of the +world. For "that which proceeds from such a great substance and has +created such substances cannot itself be devoid of substance." He is +therefore to be conceived as permanently separate from God "secundus a +deo consititutus, perseverans in sua forma"; but as unity of substance +is to be preserved ("_alius pater, alius filius, alius non +aliud_"--"_ego et pater unum sumus ad substantiæ unitatem, non ad numeri +singularitatem dictum est_"--"_tres unum sunt, non unus_"--"the Father +is one person and the Son is another, different persons not different +things", "_I and the Father are one_ refers to unity of substance, not +to singleness in number"--"the three are one thing not one person"), the +Logos must be related to the Father as the ray to the sun, as the stream +to the source, as the stem to the root (see also Hippolytus, c. Noëtum +10).[539] For that very reason "Son" is the most suitable expression for +the Logos that has emanated in this way ([Greek: kata merismon]). +Moreover, since he (as well as the Spirit) has the same substance as the +Father ("unius substantia" = [Greek: homoousios]) he has also the same +_power_[540] as regards the world. He has all might in heaven and earth, +and he has had it _ab initio_, from the very beginning of time.[541] On +the other hand this same Son is only a part and offshoot; the Father is +the whole; and in this the mystery of the economy consists. What the Son +possesses has been given him by the Father; the Father is therefore +greater than the Son; the Son is subordinate to the Father.[542] "Pater +tota substantia est, filius vero derivatio totius et portio".[543] This +paradox is ultimately based on a philosophical axiom of Tertullian: the +whole fulness of the Godhead, i.e., the Father, is incapable of entering +into the finite, whence also he must always remain invisible, +unapproachable, and incomprehensible. The Divine Being that appears and +works on earth can never be anything but a part of the transcendent +Deity. This Being must be a derived existence, which has already in some +fashion a finite element in itself, because it is the hypostatised Word +of creation, which has an origin.[544] We would assert too much, were we +to say that Tertullian meant that the Son was simply the world-thought +itself; his insistance on the "unius substantiæ" disproves this. But no +doubt he regards the Son as the Deity depotentiated for the sake of +self-communication; the Deity adapted to the world, whose sphere +coincides with the world-thought, and whose power is identical with that +necessary for the world. From the standpoint of humanity this Deity is +God himself, i.e., a God whom men can apprehend and who can apprehend +them; but from God's standpoint, which speculation can fix but not +fathom, this Deity is a subordinate, nay, even a temporary one. +Tertullian and Hippolytus know as little of an immanent Trinity as the +Apologists; the Trinity only _appears_ such, because the unity of the +substance is very vigorously emphasised; but in truth the Trinitarian +process as in the case of the Gnostics, is simply the background of the +process that produces the history of the world and of salvation. This is +first of all shown by the fact that in course of the process of the +world and of salvation the Son grows in his sonship, that is, goes +through a finite process;[545] and secondly by the fact that the Son +himself will one day restore the monarchy to the Father.[546] These +words no doubt are again spoken not from the standpoint of man, but from +that of God; for so long as history lasts "the Son continues in his +form." In its point of departure, its plan, and its details this whole +exposition is not distinguished from the teachings of contemporaneous +and subsequent Greek philosophers,[547] but merely differs in its aim. +In itself absolutely unfitted to preserve the primitive Christian belief +in God the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ, its importance consists in +its identification of the historical Jesus with this Logos. By its aid +Tertullian united the scientific, idealistic cosmology with the +utterances of early Christian tradition about Jesus in such a way as to +make the two, as it were, appear the totally dissimilar wings of one and +the same building,[548] With peculiar versatility he contrived to make +himself at home in both wings. + +It is essentially otherwise with the Logos doctrine of Irenæus.[549] +Whereas Tertullian and Hippolytus developed their Logos doctrine without +reference to the historical Jesus, the truth rather being that they +simply add the incarnation to the already existing theory of the +subject, there is no doubt that Irenæus, as a rule, made Jesus Christ, +whom he views as God and man, the _starting-point_ of his speculation. +Here he followed the Fourth Gospel and Ignatius. It is of Jesus that +Irenæus almost always thinks when he speaks of the Logos or of the Son +of God; and therefore he does not identify the divine element in Christ +or Christ himself with the world idea or the creating Word or the Reason +of God.[550] That he nevertheless makes Logos ([Greek: monogenês, +prôtotokos], "only begotten," "first born") the regular designation of +Christ as the preëxistent One can only be explained from the apologetic +tradition which in his time was already recognised as authoritative by +Christian scholars, and moreover appeared justified and required by John +I. 1. Since both Irenæus and Valentinus consider redemption to be the +special work of Christ, the cosmological interest in the doctrine of the +second God becomes subordinate to the soteriological. As, however, in +Irenæus' system (in opposition to Valentinus) this real redemption is to +be imagined as _recapitulatio_ of the creation, redemption and creation +are not opposed to each other as antitheses; and therefore the Redeemer +has also his place in the history of creation. In a certain sense then +the Christology of Irenæus occupies a middle position between the +Christology of the Valentinians and Marcion on the one hand and the +Logos doctrine of the Apologists on the other. The Apologists have a +cosmological interest, Marcion only a soteriological, whereas Irenæus +has both; the Apologists base their speculations on the Old Testament, +Marcion on a New Testament, Irenæus on both Old and New. + +Irenæus expressly refused to investigate what the divine element in +Christ is, and why another deity stands alongside of the Godhead of the +Father. He confesses that he here simply keeps to the rule of faith and +the Holy Scriptures, and declines speculative disquisitions on +principle. He does not admit the distinction of a Word existing in God +and one coming forth from him, and opposes not only ideas of emanation +in general, but also the opinion that the Logos issued forth at a +definite point of time. Nor will Irenæus allow the designation "Logos" +to be interpreted in the sense of the Logos being the inward Reason or +the spoken Word of God. God is a simple essence and always remains in +the same state; besides we ought not to hypostatise qualities.[551] +Nevertheless Irenæus, too, calls the preëxistent Christ the Son of God, +and strictly maintains the personal distinction between Father and Son. +What makes the opposite appear to be the case is the fact that he does +not utilise the distinction in the interest of cosmology.[552] In +Irenæus' sense we shall have to say: The Logos is the revelation +hypostasis of the Father, "the self-revelation of the self-conscious +God," and indeed the eternal self-revelation. For according to him the +Son _always_ existed with God, _always_ revealed the Father, and it was +always the _full_ Godhead that he revealed in himself. In other words, +he is God in his specific nature, _truly_ God, and there is no +distinction of essence between him and God.[553] Now we might conclude +from the strong emphasis laid on "always" that Irenæus conceived a +relationship of Father and Son in the Godhead, conditioned by the +essence of God himself and existing independently of revelation. But the +second hypostasis is viewed by him as existing from all eternity, just +as much in the quality of Logos as in that of Son, and his very +statement that the Logos has revealed the Father from the beginning +shows that this relationship is always within the sphere of revelation. +The Son then exists because he gives a revelation. Little interested as +Irenæus is in saying anything about the Son, apart from his historical +mission, naïvely as he extols the Father as the direct Creator of the +universe, and anxious as he is to repress all speculations that lead +beyond the Holy Scriptures, he could not altogether avoid reflecting on +the problems: why there is a second deity alongside of God, and how the +two are related to one another. His incidental answers are not +essentially different from those of the Apologists and Tertullian; the +only distinction is this incidental character. Irenæus too looked on the +Son as "the hand of God," the mediator of creation; he also seems in one +passage to distinguish Father and Son as the naturally invisible and +visible elements of God; he too views the Father as the one who +dominates all, the head of Christ, i.e., he who bears the creation and +_his_ Logos.[554] Irenæus had no opportunity of writing against the +Monarchians, and unfortunately we possess no apologetic writings of his. +It cannot therefore he determined how he would have written, if he had +had less occasion to avoid the danger of being himself led into Gnostic +speculations about æons. It has been correctly remarked that with +Irenæus the Godhead and the divine personality of Christ merely exist +beside each other. He did not want to weigh the different problems, +because, influenced as he was by the lingering effects of an +early-Christian, anti-theological interest, he regarded the results of +this reflection as dangerous; but, as a matter of fact, he did not +really correct the premises of the problems by rejecting the +conclusions. We may evidently assume (with Zahn) that, according to +Irenæus, "God placed himself in the relationship of Father to Son, in +order to create after his image and in his likeness the man who was to +become his Son;"[555] but we ought not to ask if Irenæus understood the +incarnation as a definite purpose necessarily involved in the Sonship, +as this question falls outside the sphere of Patristic thinking. No +doubt the incarnation constantly formed the preëminent interest of +Irenæus, and owing to this interest he was able to put aside or throw a +veil over the mythological speculations of the Apologists regarding the +Logos, and to proceed at once to the soteriological question.[556] + +Nothing is more instructive than an examination of Irenæus' views with +regard to the _destination of man_, the _original state_, the _fall_, +and _sin_; because the heterogeneous elements of his "theology," the +apologetic and moralistic the realistic, and the Biblical (Pauline), are +specially apparent here, and the inconsistencies into which he was led +are very plain. But these very contradictions were never eliminated from +the Church doctrinal system of succeeding centuries and did not admit of +being removed; hence his attitude on these points is typical.[557] The +apologetic and moralistic train of thought is alone developed with +systematic clearness. Everything created is imperfect, just from the +very fact of its having had a beginning; therefore man also. The Deity +is indeed capable of bestowing perfection on man from the beginning, but +the latter was incapable of grasping or retaining it from the first. +Hence perfection, i.e., incorruptibility, which consists in the +contemplation of God and is conditional on voluntary obedience, could +only be the _destination_ of man, and he must accordingly have been made +_capable_ of it.[558] That destination is realised through the guidance +of God and the free decision of man, for goodness not arising from free +choice has no value. The capacity in question is on the one hand +involved in man's possession of the divine image, which, however, is +only realised in the body and is therefore at bottom a matter of +indifference; and, on the other, in his likeness to God, which consists +in the union of the soul with God's Spirit, but only comes about when +man is obedient to him. Along with this Irenæus has also the idea that +man's likeness consists in freedom. Now, as man became disobedient +immediately after the creation, this likeness to God did not become +perfect.[559] Through the fall he lost the fellowship with God to which +he was destined, i.e., he is forfeit to death. This death was +transmitted to Adam's whole posterity.[560] Here Irenæus followed +sayings of Paul, but adopted the words rather than the sense; for, in +the first place, like the Apologists, he very strongly emphasises the +elements that palliate man's fall[561] and, secondly, he contemplates +the fall as having a teleological significance. It is the fall itself +and not, as in Paul's case, the consequences of the fall, that he thus +views; for he says that disobedience was conducive to man's development. +Man had to learn by experience that disobedience entails death, in order +that he might acquire wisdom and choose freely to fulfil the +commandments of God. Further, man was obliged to learn through the fall +that goodness and life do not belong to him by nature as they do to +God.[562] Here life and death are always the ultimate question to +Irenæus. It is only when he quotes sayings of Paul that he remembers sin +in connection with redemption; and ethical consequences of the fall are +not mentioned in this connection. "The original destination of man was +not abrogated by the fall, the truth rather being that the fall was +intended as a means of leading men to attain this perfection to which +they were destined."[563] Moreover, the goodness of God immediately +showed itself both in the removal of the tree of life and in the +sentence of temporal death.[564] What significance belongs to Jesus +Christ within this conception is clear: he is the man who first realised +in his person the destination of humanity; the Spirit of God became +united with his soul and accustomed itself to dwell in men. But he is +also the teacher who reforms mankind by his preaching, calls upon them +to direct their still existing freedom to obedience to the divine +commandments, thereby restoring, i.e., strengthening, freedom, so that +humanity is thus rendered capable of receiving incorruptibility.[565] +One can plainly see that this is the idea of Tatian and Theophilus, with +which Irenæus has incorporated utterances of Paul. Tertullian and +Hippolytus taught essentially the same doctrine;[566] only Tertullian +beheld the image and likeness of God expressly and exclusively in the +fact that man's will and capacity are free, and based on this freedom an +argument in justification of God's ways.[567] + +But, in addition to this, Irenæus developed a second train of thought. +This was the outcome of his Gnostic and realistic doctrine of +recapitulation, and evinces clear traces of the influence of Pauline +theology. It is, however, inconsistent with the moralistic teachings +unfolded above, and could only be united with them at a few points. To +the Apologists the proposition: "it is impossible to learn to know God +without the help of God" ("impossibile est sine deo discere deum") was a +conviction which, with the exception of Justin, they subordinated to +their moralism and to which they did not give a specifically +Christological signification. Irenæus understood this proposition in a +Christological sense,[568] and at the same time conceived the blessing +of salvation imparted by Christ not only as the incorruptibility +consisting in the beholding of God bestowed on obedience IV. 20. 5-7: +IV. 38, but also as the divine sonship which has been won for us by +Christ and which is realised in constant fellowship with God and +dependence on him.[569] No doubt he also viewed this divine sonship as +consisting in the transformation of human nature; but the point of +immediate importance here is that it is no longer human freedom but +Christ that he contemplated in this connection. Corresponding to this he +has now also a different idea of the original destination of man, of +Adam, and of the results of the fall. Here comes in the mystical +Adam-Christ speculation, in accordance with the Epistles to the +Ephesians and Corinthians. Everything, that is, the "longa hominum +expositio," was recapitulated by Christ in himself; in other words he +restored humanity _to what it originally was_ and again included under +one head what was divided.[570] If humanity is restored, then it must +have lost something before and been originally in good condition. In +complete contradiction to the other teachings quoted above, Irenæus now +says: "What we had lost in Adam, namely, our possession of the image and +likeness of God, we recover in Christ."[571] Adam, however, is humanity; +in other words, as all humanity is united and renewed through Christ so +also it was already summarised in Adam. Accordingly "the sin of +disobedience and the loss of salvation which Adam consequently suffered +may now be viewed as belonging to all mankind summed up in him, in like +manner as Christ's obedience and possession of salvation are the +property of all mankind united under him as their head."[572] In the +first Adam we offended God by not fulfilling his commandments; in Adam +humanity became disobedient, wounded, sinful, bereft of life; through +Eve mankind became forfeit to death; through its victory over the first +man death descended upon us all, and the devil carried us all away +captive etc.[573] Here Irenæus always means that in Adam, who represents +all mankind as their head, the latter became doomed to death. In this +instance he did not think of a hereditary transmission, but of a mystic +unity[574] as in the case of Christ, viewed as the second Adam. The +teachings in III. 21. 10-23[575] show what an almost naturalistic shape +the religious quasi-historical idea assumed in Irenæus' mind. This is, +however, more especially evident from the assertion, in opposition to +Tatian, that unless Adam himself had been saved by Christ, God would +have been overcome by the devil.[576] It was merely his moralistic train +of thought that saved him from the conclusion that there is a +restoration of _all_ individual men. + +This conception of Adam as the representative of humanity corresponds to +Irenæus' doctrine of the God-man. The historical importance of this +author lies in the development of the Christology. At the present day, +ecclesiastical Christianity, so far as it seriously believes in the +unity of the divine and human in Jesus Christ and deduces the divine +manhood from the work of Christ as his deification, still occupies the +same standpoint as Irenæus did. Tertullian by no means matched him here; +he too has the formula in a few passages, but he cannot, like Irenæus, +account for its content. On the other hand we owe to him the idea of the +"two natures," which remain in their integrity--that formula which owes +its adoption to the influence of Leo I. and at bottom contradicts +Irenæus' thought "the Son of God became the Son of man," ("filius dei +factus filius hominis"). Finally, the manner in which Irenæus tried to +interpret the historical utterances about Jesus Christ from the +standpoint of the Divine manhood idea, and to give them a significance +in regard to salvation is also an epoch-making fact. + +"Filius dei filius hominis factus," "it is one and the same Jesus +Christ, not a Jesus and a Christ, nor a mere temporary union of an æon +and a man, but one and the same person, who created the world, was born, +suffered, and ascended"--this along with the dogma of God the Creator is +the cardinal doctrine of Irenæus:[577] "Jesus Christ truly man and truly +God" ("Jesus Christus, vere homo, vere deus").[578] It is only the +Church that adheres to this doctrine, for "none of the heretics hold the +opinion that the Word of God became flesh" ("secundum nullam sententiam +hæreticorum verbum dei caro factum est").[579] What therefore has to be +shown is (1) that Jesus Christ is really the Word of God, i.e., is God, +(2) that this Word really became man and (3) that the incarnate Word is +an inseparable unity. Irenæus maintains the first statement as well +against the "Ebionites" as against the Valentinians who thought that +Christ's advent was the descent of one of the many æons. In opposition +to the Ebionites he emphasises the distinction between natural and +adopted Sonship, appeals to the Old Testament testimony in favour of the +divinity of Christ,[580] and moreover argues that we would still be in +the bondage of the old disobedience, if Jesus Christ had only been a +man.[581] In this connection he also discussed the birth from the +virgin.[582] He not only proved it from prophecy, but his recapitulation +theory also suggested to him a parallel between Adam and Eve on the one +hand and Christ and Mary on the other, which included the birth from the +virgin.[583] He argues in opposition to the Valentinians that it was +really the eternal Word of God himself, who was always with God and +always present to the human race, that descended.[584] He who became man +was not a being foreign to the world--this is said in opposition to +Marcion--but the Lord of the world and humanity, the Son of God, and +none other. The reality of the body of Christ, i.e., the essential +identity of the humanity of Christ with our own, was continually +emphasised by Irenæus, and he views the whole work of salvation as +dependent on this identity.[585] In the latter he also includes the fact +that Jesus must have passed through and been subjected to all the +conditions of a complete human life from birth to old age and +death.[586] Jesus Christ is therefore the Son of God who has really +become the Son of man; and these are not two Christs but one, in whom +the Logos is permanently united with humanity.[587] Irenæus called this +union "union of the Word of God with the creature" ("adunitio verbi dei +ad plasma")[588] and "blending and communion of God and man" ("commixtio +et communio dei et hominis")[589] without thereby describing it any more +clearly.[590] He views it as perfect, for, _as a rule_, he will not +listen to any separation of what was done by the man Jesus and by God +the Word.[591] The explicit formula of two substances or natures in +Christ is not found in Irenæus; but Tertullian already used it. It never +occurred to the former, just because he was not here speaking as a +theologian, but expressing his belief.[592] In his utterances about the +God-man Tertullian closely imitates Irenæus. Like the latter he uses the +expression "man united with God" ("homo deo mixtus")[593] and like him +he applies the predicates of the man to the Son of God.[594] But he goes +further, or rather, in the interest of formal clearness, he expresses +the mystery in a manner which shows that he did not fully realise the +religious significance of the proposition, "the Son of God made Son of +man" ("filius dei filius hominis factus"). He speaks of a "corporal and +spiritual, i.e., divine, substance of the Lord", ("corporalis et +spiritalis (i.e., divina) substantia domini")[595] of "either substance +of the flesh and spirit of Christ" ("utraque substantia et carnis et +spiritus Christi"), of the "creation of two substances which Christ +himself also possesses," ("conditio duarum substantiarum, quas Christus +et ipse gestat")[596] and of the "twofold condition not blended but +united in one person--God and man" ("duplex status _non confusus sed +conjunctus_ in una persona--deus et homo".)[597] Here we already have in +a complete form the later Chalcedonian formula of the two substances in +one person.[598] At the same time, however, we can clearly see that +Tertullian went beyond Irenæus in his exposition.[599] He was, moreover, +impelled to combat an antagonistic principle. Irenæus had as yet no +occasion to explain in detail that the proposition "the Word became +flesh" ("verbum caro factum") denoted no transformation. That he +excludes the idea of change, and that he puts stress on the Logos' +assumption of flesh from the Virgin is shown by many passages.[600] +Tertullian, on the other hand, was in the first place confronted by +(Gnostic) opponents who understood John's statement in the sense of the +Word's transforming himself into flesh, and therefore argued against the +"assumption of flesh from the Virgin" ("assumptio carnis ex +virgine");[601] and, in the second place, he had to do with Catholic +Christians who indeed admitted the birth from the Virgin, but likewise +assumed a change of God into flesh, and declared the God thus invested +with flesh to be the Son.[602] In this connection the same Tertullian, +who in the Church laid great weight on formulæ like "the crucified God," +"God consented to be born" ("deus crucifixus," "nasci se voluit deus") +and who, impelled by opposition to Marcion and by his apologetic +interest, distinguished the Son as capable of suffering from God the +Father who is impassible, and imputed to him human weaknesses--which was +already a further step,--sharply emphasised the "distinct function" +("distincte agere") of the two substances in Christ and thus separated +the persons. With Tertullian the interest in the Logos doctrine, on the +one hand, and in the real humanity, on the other, laid the basis of that +conception of Christology in accordance with which the unity of the +person is nothing more than an assertion. The "deus factus homo" +("verbum caro factus") presents quite insuperable difficulties, as soon +as "theology" can no longer be banished. Tertullian smoothed over these +difficulties by juristic distinctions, for all his elucidations of +"substance" and "person" are of this nature. + +A somewhat paradoxical result of the defence of the Logos doctrine in +the struggle against the "Patripassians" was the increased emphasis that +now began to be laid on the integrity and independence of the human +nature in Christ. If the only essential result of the struggle with +Gnosticism was to assert the substantial reality of Christ's body, it +was Tertullian who distinguished what Christ did as man from what he did +as God in order to prove that he was not a _tertium quid_. The +discriminating intellect which was forced to receive a doctrine as a +problem could not proceed otherwise. But, even before the struggle with +Modalism, elements were present which repressed the naïve confidence of +the utterances about the God-man. If I judge rightly, there were two +features in Irenæus both of which resulted in a splitting up of the +conception of the perfect unity of Christ's person. The first was the +intellectual contemplation of the perfect humanity of Jesus, the second +was found in certain Old and New Testament texts and the tradition +connected with these.[603] With regard to the first we may point out +that Irenæus indeed regarded the union of the human and divine as +possible only because man, fashioned from the beginning by and after the +pattern of the Logos, was an image of the latter and destined for union +with God. Jesus Christ is the realisation of our possession of God's +image;[604] but this thought, if no further developed, may be still +united with the Logos doctrine in such a way that it does not interfere +with it, but serves to confirm it. The case becomes different when it is +not only shown that the Logos was always at work in the human race, but +that humanity was gradually more and more accustomed by him (in the +patriarchs and prophets) to communion with God,[605] till at last the +perfect man appeared in Christ. For in this view it might appear as if +the really essential element in Jesus Christ were not the Logos, who has +become the new Adam, but the new Adam, who possesses the Logos. That +Irenæus, in explaining the life of Jesus as that of Adam according to +the recapitulation theory, here and there expresses himself as if he +were speaking of the perfect man, is undeniable: If the acts of Christ +are really to be what they seem, the man concerned in them must be +placed in the foreground. But how little Irenæus thought of simply +identifying the Logos with the perfect man is shown by the passage in +III. 19. 3 where he writes: "[Greek: hôsper gar ên anthrôpos hina +peirasthê, houtô kai logos hina doxasthê. êsychazontos men tou logou en +tô peirazesthai kai staurousthai kai apothnêskein sugginomenou de tô +anthrôpô en tô nikan kai hypomenein kai chrêsteuesthai kai anistasthai +kai analambanesthai]" ("For as he was man that he might be tempted, so +also he was the Logos that he might be glorified. The Logos remained +quiescent during the process of temptation, crucifixion and death, but +aided the human nature when it conquered, and endured, and performed +deeds of kindness, and rose again from the dead, and was received up +into heaven"). From these words it is plain that Irenæus preferred to +assume that the divine and human natures existed side by side, and +consequently to split up the perfect unity, rather than teach a mere +ideal manhood which would be at the same time a divine manhood. The +"discrete agere" of the two natures proves that to Irenæus the perfect +manhood of the incarnate Logos was merely an incidental quality he +possessed. In reality the Logos is the perfect man in so far as his +incarnation creates the perfect man and renders him possible, or the +Logos always exists behind Christ the perfect man. But nevertheless this +very way of viewing the humanity in Christ already compelled Irenæus to +limit the "deus crucifixus" and to lay the foundation for Tertullian's +formulæ. With regard to the second point we may remark that there were +not a few passages in both Testaments where Christ appeared as the man +chosen by God and anointed with the Spirit. These as well as the +corresponding language of the Church were the greatest difficulties in +the way of the Logos Christology. Of what importance is an anointing +with the Spirit to him who is God? What is the meaning of Christ being +born by the power of the Holy Ghost? Is this formula compatible with the +other, that he as the Logos himself assumed flesh from the Virgin etc.? +Irenæus no doubt felt these difficulties. He avoided them (III. 9. 3) by +referring the bestowal of the Spirit at baptism merely to the _man_ +Jesus, and thus gave his own approval to that separation which appeared +to him so reprehensible in the Gnostics.[606] This separation indeed +rescued to future ages the minimum of humanity that was to be retained +in the person of Christ, but at the same time it laid the foundation of +those differentiating speculations, which in succeeding times became the +chief art and subject of dispute among theologians. The fact is that one +cannot think in realistic fashion of the "deus homo factus" without +thinking oneself out of it. It is exceedingly instructive to find that, +in some passages, even a man like Irenæus was obliged to advance from +the creed of the one God-man to the assumption of two independent +existences in Christ, an assumption which in the earlier period has only +"Gnostic" testimony in its favour. Before Irenæus' day, in fact, none +but these earliest theologians taught that Jesus Christ had two natures, +and ascribed to them particular actions and experiences. The Gnostic +distinction of the Jesus _patibilis_ ("capable of suffering") and the +Christ [Greek: apathês] ("impassible") is essentially identical with the +view set forth by Tertullian adv. Prax., and this proves that the +doctrine of the two natures is simply nothing else than the Gnostic, +i.e., scientific, adaptation of the formula: "filius dei filius hominis +factus." No doubt the old early-Christian interest still makes itself +felt in the _assertion_ of the one person. Accordingly we can have no +historical understanding of Tertullian's Christology or even of that of +Irenæus without taking into account, as has not yet been done, the +Gnostic distinction of Jesus and Christ, as well as those old +traditional formulæ: "deus passus, deus crucifixus est" ("God suffered, +God was crucified").[607] + +But beyond doubt the prevailing conception of Christ in Irenæus is the +idea that there was the most complete unity between his divine and human +natures; for it is the necessary consequence of his doctrine of +redemption, that "_Jesus Christus factus est, quod sumus nos, uti nos +perficeret esse quod et ipse_"[608] ("Jesus Christ became what we are in +order that we might become what he himself is"). But, in accordance with +the recapitulation theory, Irenæus developed the "factus est quod sumus +nos" in such a way that the individual portions of the life of Christ, +as corresponding to what we ought to have done but did not do, receive +the value of saving acts culminating in the death on the cross. Thus he +not only regards Jesus Christ as "salvation and saviour and saving" +("salus et salvator et salutare"),[609] but he also views his whole life +as a work of salvation. All that has taken place between the conception +and the ascension is an inner necessity in this work of salvation. This +is a highly significant advance beyond the conception of the Apologists. +Whilst in their case the history of Jesus seems to derive its importance +almost solely from the fulfilment of prophecy, it acquires in Irenæus an +independent and fundamental significance. Here also we recognise the +influence of "Gnosis," nay, in many places he uses the same expressions +as the Gnostics, when he sees salvation accomplished, on the one hand, +in the mere appearance of Jesus Christ as the second Adam, and on the +other, in the simple acknowledgment of this appearance.[610] But he is +distinguished from them by the fact that he decidedly emphasises the +personal acts of Jesus, and that he applies the benefits of Christ's +work not to the "pneumatic" _ipso facto_, but in principle to all men, +though practically only to those who listen to the Saviour's words and +adorn themselves with works of righteousness.[611] Irenæus presented +this work of Christ from various points of view. He regards it as the +realisation of man's original destiny, that is, being in communion with +God, contemplating God, being imperishable like God; he moreover views +it as the abolition of the consequences of Adam's disobedience, and +therefore as the redemption of men from death and the dominion of the +devil; and finally he looks upon it as reconciliation with God. In all +these conceptions Irenæus fell back upon the _person_ of Christ. Here, +at the same time, he is everywhere determined by the content of Biblical +passages; in fact it is just the New Testament that leads him to these +considerations, as was first the case with the Valentinians before him. +How uncertain he still is as to their ecclesiastical importance is shown +by the fact that he has no hesitation in reckoning the question, as to +why the Word of God became flesh and suffered, among the articles that +are a matter of consideration for science, but not for the simple faith +(I. 10. 3). Here, therefore, he still maintains the archaic standpoint +according to which it is sufficient to adhere to the baptismal +confession and wait for the second coming of Christ along with the +resurrection of the body. On the other hand, Irenæus did not merely +confine himself to describing the fact of redemption, its content and +its consequences; but he also attempted to explain the peculiar nature +of this redemption from the essence of God and the incapacity of man, +thus solving the question "cur deus homo" in the highest sense.[612] +Finally, he adopted from Paul the thought that Christ's real work of +salvation consists in his death on the cross; and so he tried to +amalgamate the two propositions, "_filius dei filius hominis factus est +propter nos_" ("the Son of God became Son of man for us") and "filius +dei passus est propter nos" ("the Son of God suffered for us") as the +most vital ones. He did not, however, clearly show which of these +doctrines is the more important. Here the speculation of Irenæus is +already involved in the same ambiguity as was destined to be the +permanent characteristic of Church speculation as to Christ's work in +succeeding times. For on the one hand, Paul led one to lay all the +emphasis on the death on the cross, and on the other, the logical result +of dogmatic thinking only pointed to the appearance of God in the flesh, +but not to a particular work of Christ that had not been already +involved in the appearance of the Divine Teacher himself. Still, Irenæus +contrived to reconcile the discrepancy better than his successors, +because, being in earnest with his idea of Christ as the second Adam, he +was able to contemplate the whole life of Jesus as redemption in so far +as he conceived it as a recapitulation. We see this at once not only +from his conception of the virgin birth as a fact of salvation, but also +from his way of describing redemption as deliverance from the devil. +For, as the birth of Christ from the Virgin Mary is the recapitulating +counterpart of Adam's birth from the virgin earth, and as the obedience +of the mother of Jesus is the counterpart of Eve's disobedience, so the +story of Jesus' temptation is to him the recapitulating counterpart of +the story of Adam's temptation. In the way that Jesus overcame the +temptation by the devil (Matt. IV.) Irenæus already sees the redemption +of mankind from Satan; even then Jesus bound the strong one. But, +whereas the devil seized upon man unlawfully and deceitfully, no +injustice, untruthfulness, or violence is displayed in the means by +which Jesus resisted Satan's temptation.[613] As yet Irenæus is quite as +free from the thought that the devil has real rights upon man, as he is +from the immoral idea that God accomplished his work of redemption by an +act of deceit. But, on the strength of Pauline passages, many of his +teachings rather view redemption from the devil as accomplished by the +_death_ of Christ, and accordingly represent this death as a ransom paid +to the "apostasy" for men who had fallen into captivity. He did not, +however, develop this thought any further.[614] + +His idea of the _reconciliation_ of God is just as rudimentary, and +merely suggested by Biblical passages. He sometimes saw the means of +reconciliation solely in obedience and in the "righteous flesh" as such, +at other times in the "wood." Here also the recapitulation theory again +appears: through disobedience at the tree Adam became a debtor to God, +and through obedience at the tree God is reconciled.[615] But teachings +as to vicarious suffering on the part of Christ are not found in +Irenæus, and his death is seldom presented from the point of view of a +sacrifice offered to God.[616] According to this author the +reconciliation virtually consists in Christ's restoring man to communion +and friendship with God and procuring forgiveness of sins; he very +seldom speaks of God being offended through Adam's sin (V. 16. 3). But +the incidental mention of the forgiveness of sins resulting from the +redemption by Christ has not the meaning of an _abolition_ of sin. He +connects the redemption with this only in the form of Biblical and +rhetorical phrases; for the vital point with him is the abolition of the +_consequences_ of sin, and particularly of the sentence of death.[617] +Here we have the transition to the conception of Christ's work which +makes this appear more as a completion than as a restoration. In this +connection Irenæus employed the following categories: _restoring of the +likeness of God in humanity_; _abolition of death_; _connection and +union of man with God_; _adoption of men as sons of God and as gods_; +_imparting of the Spirit who now becomes accustomed to abide with +men_;[618] _imparting of a knowledge of God culminating in beholding +him_; _bestowal of everlasting life_. All these are only the different +aspects of one and the same blessing, which, being of a divine order, +could only be brought to us and implanted in our nature by God himself. +But inasmuch as this view represents Christ not as performing a +reconciling but a perfecting work, his _acts_ are thrust more into the +background; his work is contained in his constitution as the God-man. +Hence this work has a universal significance for all men, not only as +regards the present, but as regards the past from Adam downwards, in so +far as they "according to their virtue in their generation have not only +feared but also loved God, and have behaved justly and piously towards +their neighbours, and have longed to see Christ and to hear his +voice."[619] Those redeemed by Jesus are immediately joined by him into +a unity, into the true humanity, the Church, whose head he himself +is.[620] This Church is the communion of the Sons of God, who have +attained to a contemplation of him and have been gifted with everlasting +life. In this the work of Christ the God-man is fulfilled. + +In Tertullian and Hippolytus, as the result of New Testament exegesis, +we again find the same aspects of Christ's work as in Irenæus, only with +them the mystical form of redemption recedes into the background.[621] + +Nevertheless the _eschatology_ as set forth by Irenæus in the fifth Book +by no means corresponds to this conception of the work of Christ as a +restoring and completing one; it rather appears as a remnant of +antiquity directly opposed to the speculative interpretation of +redemption, but protected by the _regula fidei_, the New Testament, +especially Revelation, and the material hopes of the great majority of +Christians. But it would be a great mistake to assume that Irenæus +merely repeated the hopes of an earthly kingdom just because he still +found them in tradition, and because they were completely rejected by +the Gnostics and guaranteed by the _regula_ and the New Testament.[622] +The truth rather is that he as well as Melito, Hippolytus, Tertullian, +Lactantius, Commodian, and Victorinus lived in these hopes no less than +did Papias, the Asia Minor Presbyters and Justin.[623] But this is the +clearest proof that all these theologians were but half-hearted in their +theology, which was forced upon them, in defence of the traditional +faith, by the historical situation in which they found themselves. The +Christ, who will shortly come to overcome Antichrist, overthrow the +Roman empire, establish in Jerusalem a kingdom of glory, and feed +believers with the fat of a miraculously fruitful earth, is in fact a +quite different being from the Christ who, as the incarnate God, has +already virtually accomplished his work of imparting perfect knowledge +and filling mankind with divine life and incorruptibility. The fact that +the old Catholic Fathers have both Christs shows more clearly than any +other the middle position that they occupy between the acutely +hellenised Christianity of the theologians, i.e., the Gnostics, and the +old tradition of the Church. We have indeed seen that the twofold +conception of Christ and his work dates back to the time of the +Apostles, for there is a vast difference between the Christ of Paul and +the Christ of the supposedly inspired Jewish Apocalypses; and also that +the agency in producing this conjunction may be traced back to the +oldest time; but the union of a precise Christological Gnosis, such as +we find in Irenæus and Tertullian, with the retention in their integrity +of the imaginative series of thoughts about Antichrist, Christ as the +warrior hero, the double resurrection, and the kingdom of glory in +Jerusalem, is really a historical novelty. There is, however, no doubt +that the strength of the old Catholic theology in opposition to the +Gnostics lies in the accomplishment of this union, which, on the basis +of the New Testament, appeared to the Fathers possible and necessary. +For it is not systematic consistency that secures the future of a +religious conception within a church, but its elasticity, and its +richness in dissimilar trains of thought. But no doubt this must be +accompanied by a firm foundation, and this too the old Catholic Fathers +possessed--the church system itself. + +As regards the details of the eschatological hopes, they were fully set +forth by Irenæus himself in Book V. Apart from the belief that the +returning Nero would be the Antichrist, an idea spread in the West +during the third century by the Sibylline verses and proved from +Revelation, the later teachers who preached chiliastic hopes did not +seriously differ from the Gallic bishop; hence the interpretation of +Revelation is in its main features the same. It is enough therefore to +refer to the fifth Book of Irenæus.[624] There is no need to show in +detail that chiliasm leads to a peculiar view of history, which is as +much opposed to that resulting from the Gnostic theory of redemption, as +this doctrine itself forbids the hope of a bliss to be realised in an +earthly kingdom of glory. This is not the proper place to demonstrate to +what extent the two have been blended, and how the chiliastic scheme of +history has been emptied of its content and utilised in the service of +theological apologetics. + +But the Gnostics were not the only opponents of chiliasm. Justin, even +in his time, knew orthodox Christians who refused to believe in an +earthly kingdom of Christ in Jerusalem, and Irenæus (V. 33 ff.), +Tertullian, and Hippolytus[625] expressly argued against these. Soon +after the middle of the second century, we hear of an ecclesiastical +party in Asia Minor, which not only repudiated chiliasm, but also +rejected the Revelation of John as an untrustworthy book, and subjected +it to sharp criticism. These were the so-called Alogi.[626] But in the +second century such Christians were still in the minority in the Church. +It was only in the course of the third century that chiliasm was almost +completely ousted in the East. This was the result of the Montanistic +controversy and the Alexandrian theology. In the West, however, it was +only threatened. In this Church the first literary opponent of chiliasm +and of the Apocalypse appears to have been the Roman Presbyter Caius. +But his polemic did not prevail. On the other hand the learned bishops +of the East in the third century used their utmost efforts to combat and +extirpate chiliasm. The information given to us by Eusebius (H. E. VII. +24), from the letters of Dionysius of Alexandria, about that father's +struggles with whole communities in Egypt, who would not give up +chiliasm, is of the highest interest. This account shews that wherever +philosophical theology had not yet made its way the chiliastic hopes +were not only cherished and defended against being explained away, but +were emphatically regarded as Christianity itself.[627] Cultured +theologians were able to achieve the union of chiliasm and religious +philosophy; but the "simplices et idiotæ" could only understand the +former. As the chiliastic hopes were gradually obliged to recede in +exactly the same proportion as philosophic theology became naturalised, +so also their subsidence denotes the progressive tutelage of the laity. +The religion they understood was taken from them, and they received in +return a faith they could not understand; in other words, the old faith +and the old hopes decayed of themselves and the _authority_ of a +mysterious faith took their place. In this sense the extirpation or +decay of chiliasm is perhaps the most momentous fact in the history of +Christianity in the East. With chiliasm men also lost the living faith +in the nearly impending return of Christ, and the consciousness that the +prophetic spirit with its gifts is a real possession of Christendom. +Such of the old hopes as remained were at most particoloured harmless +fancies which, when allowed by theology, were permitted to be added to +dogmatics. In the West, on the contrary, the millennial hopes retained +their vigour during the whole third century; we know of no bishop there +who would have opposed chiliasm. With this, however, was preserved a +portion of the earliest Christianity which was to exercise its effects +far beyond the time of Augustine. + +Finally, we have still to treat of the altered conceptions regarding the +Old Testament which the creation of the New produced among the +early-Catholic Fathers. In the case of Barnabas and the Apologists we +became acquainted with a theory of the Old Testament which represented +it as the Christian book of revelation and accordingly subjected it +throughout to an allegorical process. Here nothing specifically new +could be pointed out as having been brought by Christ. Sharply opposed +to this conception was that of Marcion, according to which the whole Old +Testament was regarded as the proclamation of a Jewish God hostile to +the God of redemption. The views of the majority of the Gnostics +occupied a middle position between the two notions. These distinguished +different components of the Old Testament, some of which they traced to +the supreme God himself and others to intermediate and malevolent +beings. In this way they both established a connection between the Old +Testament, and the Christian revelation and contrived to show that the +latter contained a specific novelty. This historico-critical conception, +such as we specially see it in the epistle of Ptolemy to Flora, could +not be accepted by the Church because it abolished strict monotheism and +endangered the proof from prophecy. No doubt, however, we already find +in Justin and others the beginning of a compromise, in so far as a +distinction was made between the moral law of nature contained in the +Old Testament--the Decalogue--and the ceremonial law; and in so far as +the literal interpretation of the latter, for which a pedagogic +significance was claimed, was allowed in addition to its typical or +Christian sense. With this theory it was possible, on the one hand, to +do some sort of justice to the historical position of the Jewish people, +and on the other, though indeed in a meagre fashion, to give expression +to the novelty of Christianity. The latter now appears as the _new_ law +or the law of freedom, in so far as the moral law of nature had been +restored in its full purity without the burden of ceremonies, and a +particular historical relation to God was allowed to the Jewish nation, +though indeed more a wrathful than a covenant one. For the ceremonial +regulations were conceived partly as tokens of the judgment on Israel, +partly as concessions to the stiffneckedness of the people in order to +protect them from the worst evil, polytheism. + +Now the struggle with the Gnostics and Marcion, and the creation of a +New Testament had necessarily a double consequence. On the one hand, the +proposition that the "Father of Jesus Christ is the creator of the world +and the God of the Old Testament" required the strictest adherence to +the unity of the two Testaments, so that the traditional apologetic view +of the older book had to undergo the most rigid development; on the +other hand, as soon as the New Testament was created, it was impossible +to avoid seeing that this book was superior to the earlier one, and thus +the theory of the novelty of the Christian doctrine worked out by the +Gnostics and Marcion had in some way or other to be set forth and +demonstrated. We now see the old Catholic Fathers engaged in the +solution of this twofold problem; and their method of accomplishing it +has continued to be the prevailing one in all Churches up to the present +time, in so far as the ecclesiastical and dogmatic practice still +continues to exhibit the inconsistencies of treating the Old Testament +as a Christian book in the strict sense of the word and yet elevating +the New above it, of giving a typical interpretation to the ceremonial +law and yet acknowledging that the Jewish people had a covenant with +God. + +With regard to the first point, viz., the maintenance of the unity of +the two Testaments, Irenæus and Tertullian gave a most detailed +demonstration of it in opposition to Marcion,[628] and primarily indeed +with the same means as the older teachers had already used. It is Christ +that prophesied and appeared in the Old Testament; he is the householder +who produced both Old and New Testaments.[629] Moreover, as the two have +the same origin, their meaning is also the same. Like Barnabas the early +Catholic Fathers contrived to give all passages in the Old Testament a +typical Christian sense: it is the same truth which we can learn from +the prophets and again from Christ and the Apostles. With regard to the +Old Testament the watchword is: "Seek the type" ("Typum quæras").[630] +But they went a step further still. In opposition to Marcion's +antitheses and his demonstration that the God of the Old Testament is a +petty being and has enjoined petty, external observances, they seek to +show in syntheses that the same may be said of the New. (See Irenæus IV. +21-36). The effort of the older teachers to exclude everything outward +and ceremonial is no longer met with to the same extent in Irenæus and +Tertullian, at least when they are arguing and defending their position +against the Gnostics. This has to be explained by two causes. In the +first place Judaism (and Jewish Christianity) was at bottom no longer an +enemy to be feared; they therefore ceased to make such efforts to avoid +the "Jewish" conception of the Old Testament. Irenæus, for example, +emphasised in the most naïve manner the observance of the Old Testament +law by the early Apostles and also by Paul. This is to him a complete +proof that they did not separate the Old Testament God from the +Christian Deity.[631] In connection with this we observe that the +radical antijudaism of the earliest period more and more ceases. Irenæus +and Tertullian admitted that the Jewish nation had a covenant with God +and that the literal interpretation of the Old Testament was +justifiable. Both repeatedly testified that the Jews had the right +doctrine and that they only lacked the knowledge of the Son. These +thoughts indeed do not attain clear expression with them because their +works contain no systematic discussions involving these principles. In +the second place the Church itself had become an institution where +sacred ceremonial injunctions were necessary; and, in order to find a +basis for these, they had to fall back on Old Testament commandments +(see Vol. I., chap. 6, p. 291 ff.). In Tertullian we find this only in +its most rudimentary form;[632] but in the course of the third century +these needs grew mightily[633] and were satisfied. In this way the Old +Testament threatened to become an authentic book of revelation to the +Church, and that in a quite different and much more dangerous sense than +was formerly the case with the Apostolic Fathers and the Apologists. + +With reference to the second point, we may remark that just when the +decay of antijudaism, the polemic against Marcion, and the new needs of +the ecclesiastical system threatened the Church with an estimate of the +Old Testament hitherto unheard of, the latter was nevertheless thrust +back by the creation and authority of the New Testament, and this +consequently revived the uncertain position in which the sacred book was +henceforth to remain. Here also, as in every other case, the development +in the Church ends with the _complexus oppositorum_, which nowhere +allows all the conclusions to be drawn, but offers the great advantage +of removing every perplexity up to a certain point. The early-Catholic +Fathers adopted from Justin the distinction between the Decalogue, as +the moral law of nature, and the ceremonial law; whilst the oldest +theologians (the Gnostics) and the New Testament suggested to them the +thought of the (relative) novelty of Christianity and therefore also of +the New Testament. Like Marcion they acknowledged the literal sense of +the ceremonial law and God's covenant with the Jews; and they sought to +sum up and harmonise all these features in the thought of an economy of +salvation and of a history of salvation. This economy and history of +salvation which contained the conception of a divine _accommodation and +pedagogy_, and which accordingly distinguished between constituent parts +of different degrees of value (in the Old Testament also), is the great +result presented in the main work of Irenæus and accepted by Tertullian. +It is to exist beside the proof from prophecy without modifying it;[634] +and thus appears as something intermediate between the Valentinian +conception that destroyed the unity of origin of the Old Testament and +the old idea which neither acknowledged various constituents in the book +nor recognised the peculiarities of Christianity. We are therefore +justified in regarding this history of salvation approved by the Church, +as well as the theological propositions of Irenæus and Tertullian +generally, as a Gnosis "toned down" and reconciled with Monotheism. This +is shown too in the faint gleam of a historical view that still shines +forth from this "history of salvation" as a remnant of that bright light +which may be recognised in the Gnostic conception of the Old +Testament.[635] Still, it is a striking advance that Irenæus has made +beyond Justin and especially beyond Barnabas. No doubt it is +mythological history that appears in this history of salvation and the +recapitulating story of Jesus with its saving facts that is associated +with it; and it is a view that is not even logically worked out, but +ever and anon crossed by the proof from prophecy; yet for all that it is +development and history. + +The fundamental features of Irenæus' conception are as follow: The +Mosaic law and the New Testament dispensation of grace both emanated +from one and the same God, _and were granted for the salvation of the +human race in a form appropriate to the times_.[636] The two are in part +different; but the difference must be conceived as due to causes[637] +that do not affect the unity of the author and of the main points.[638] +We must make the nature of God and the nature of man our point of +departure. God is always the same, man is ever advancing towards God; +God is always the giver, man always the receiver;[639] God leads us ever +to the highest goal; man, however, is not God from the beginning, but is +destined to incorruptibility, which he is to attain step by step, +advancing from the childhood stage to perfection (see above, p. 267 f.). +This progress, conditioned by the nature and destination of man, is, +however, dependent on the revelation of God by his Son, culminating in +the incarnation of the latter and closing with the subsequent bestowal +of the Spirit on the human race. In Irenæus therefore the place of the +many different revelation-hypostases of the Valentinians is occupied by +the one God, who stoops to the level of developing humanity, +accommodates himself to it, guides it, and bestows on it increasing +revelations of grace.[640] The fundamental knowledge of God and the +moral law of nature, i.e., natural morality, were already revealed to +man and placed in his heart[641] by the creator. He who preserves these, +as for example the patriarchs did, is justified. (In this case Irenæus +leaves Adam's sin entirely out of sight). But it was God's will to bring +men into a higher union with himself; wherefore his Son descended to men +from the beginning and accustomed himself to dwell among them. The +patriarchs loved God and refrained from injustice towards their +neighbours; hence it was not necessary that they should be exhorted with +the strict letter of the law, since they had the righteousness of the +law in themselves.[642] But, as far as the great majority of men are +concerned, they wandered away from God and fell into the sorriest +condition. From this moment Irenæus, keeping strictly to the Old +Testament, only concerns himself with the Jewish people. These are to +him the representatives of humanity. It is only at this period that the +training of the human race is given to them; but it is really the Jewish +_nation_ that he keeps in view, and through this he differs very +decidedly from such as Barnabas.[643] When righteousness and love to God +died out in Egypt, God led his people forth so that man might again +become a disciple and imitator of God. He gave him the written law (the +Decalogue), which contains nothing else than the moral law of nature +that had fallen into oblivion.[644] But when they made to themselves a +golden calf and chose to be slaves rather than free men, then the Word, +through the instrumentality of Moses, gave to them, as a particular +addition, the commandments of slavery (the ceremonial law) in a form +suitable for their training. These were bodily commandments of bondage +which did not separate them from God, but held them in the yoke. The +ceremonial law was thus a pedagogic means of preserving the people from +idolatry; but it was at the same time a type of the future. Each +constituent of the ceremonial law has this double signification, and +both of these meanings originate with God, i.e., with Christ; for "how +is Christ the end of the law, if he be not the beginning of it?" +("quomodo finis legis Christus, si non et initium eius esset") IV. 12. +4. Everything in the law is therefore holy, and moreover we are only +entitled to blame such portions of the history of the Jewish nation as +Holy Scripture itself condemns. This nation was obliged to circumcise +itself, keep Sabbaths, offer up sacrifices, and do whatever is related +of it, so far as its action is not censured. All this belonged to the +state of bondage in which men had a _covenant_ with God and in which +they also possessed the right faith in the one God and were taught +before hand to follow his Son (IV. 12, 5; "lex prædocuit hominem sequi +oportere Christum"). In addition to this, Christ continually manifested +himself to the people in the prophets, through whom also he indicated +the future and prepared men for his appearance. In the prophets the Son +of God accustomed men to be instruments of the Spirit of God and to have +fellowship with the Father in them; and in them he habituated himself to +enter bodily into humanity.[645] Hereupon began the last stage, in which +men, being now sufficiently trained, were to receive the "testamentum +libertatis" and be adopted as Sons of God. By the union of the Son of +God with the flesh the _agnitio filii_ first became possible to all; +that is the fundamental novelty. The next problem was to restore the law +of freedom. Here a threefold process was necessary. In the first place +the Law of Moses, the Decalogue, had been disfigured and blunted by the +"traditio seniorum". First of all then the pure moral law had to be +restored; secondly, it was now necessary to extend and fulfil it by +expressly searching out the inclinations of the heart in all cases, thus +unveiling the law in its whole severity; and lastly the _particularia +legis_, i.e., the law of bondage, had to be abolished. But in the latter +connection Christ and the Apostles themselves avoided every +transgression of the ceremonial law, in order to prove that this also +had a divine origin. The non-observance of this law was first permitted +to the Gentile Christians. Thus, no doubt, Christ himself is the end of +the law, but only in so far as he has abolished the law of bondage and +restored the moral law in its whole purity and severity, and given us +himself. + +The question as to the difference between the New Testament and the Old +is therefore answered by Irenæus in the following manner. It consists +(1) in the _agnitio filii_ and consequent transformation of the slaves +into children of God; and (2) in the restoration of the law, which is a +law of freedom just because it excludes bodily commandments, and with +stricter interpretation lays the whole stress on the inclinations of the +heart.[646] But in these two respects he finds a real addition, and +hence, in his opinion, the Apostles stand higher than the prophets. He +proves this higher position of the Apostles by a surprising +interpretation of 1 Cor. XII. 28, conceiving the prophets named in that +passage to be those of the Old Testament.[647] He therefore views the +two Testaments as of the same nature, but "greater is the legislation +which confers liberty than that which brings bondage" ("maior est +legisdatio quæ in libertatem, quam quæ data est in servitutem"). Through +the two covenants the accomplishment of salvation was to be hastened +"for there is one salvation and one God; but the precepts that form man +are numerous, and the steps that lead man to God are not a few;" ("una +est enim salus et unus deus; quæ autem formant hominem, præcepta multa +et non pauci gradus, qui adducunt hominem ad deum"). A worldly king can +increase his benefits to his subjects; and should it not also be lawful +for God, though he is always the same, to honour continually with +greater gifts those who are well pleasing to him? (IV. 9. 3). Irenæus +makes no direct statement as to the further importance which the Jewish +people have, and in any case regards them as of no consequence after the +appearance of the covenant of freedom. Nor does this nation appear any +further even in the chiliastic train of thought. It furnishes the +Antichrist and its holy city becomes the capital of Christ's earthly +kingdom; but the nation itself, which, according to this theory, had +represented all mankind from Moses to Christ, just as if all men had +been Jews, now entirely disappears.[648] + +This conception, in spite of its want of stringency, made an immense +impression, and has continued to prevail down to the present time. It +has, however, been modified by a combination with the Augustinian +doctrine of sin and grace. It was soon reckoned as Paul's conception, to +which in fact it has a distant relationship. Tertullian had already +adopted it in its essential features, amplified it in some points, and, +in accordance with his Montanist ideas, enriched it by adding a fourth +stage (ab initio--Moses--Christ--Paraclete). But this addition was not +accepted by the Church.[649] + + +3. _Results to ecclesiastical Christianity._ + +As we have shown, Irenæus, Tertullian, and Hippolytus had no strictly +systematised theology; they formulated theological propositions because +their opponents were theologians. Hence the result of their labours, so +far as this was accepted by the Western Church of the third century, +does not appear in the adoption of a systematic philosophical dogmatic, +but in theological fragments, namely, the rule of faith fixed and +interpreted in an antignostic sense[650]. As yet the rule of faith and +theology nowhere came into collision in the Western Churches of the +third century, because Irenæus and his younger contemporaries did not +themselves notice any such discrepancies, but rather imagined all their +teachings to be expositions of the faith itself, and did not trouble +their heads about inconsistencies. If we wish to form a notion as to +what ideas had become universally prevalent in the Church in the middle +of the third century let us compare Cyprian's work "Testimonia", written +for a layman, with Novatian's work "De Trinitate". + +In the "Testimonia" the doctrine of the two Testaments, as developed by +Irenæus, forms the framework in which the individual dogmas are set. The +doctrine of God, which should have been placed at the beginning, has +been left out in this little book probably because the person addressed +required no instruction on the point. Some of the dogmas already belong +to philosophical theology in the strict sense of the word; in others we +have merely a precise assertion of the truth of certain facts. All +propositions are, however, supported by passages from the two Testaments +and thereby proved.[651] The theological counterpart to this is +Novatian's work "De Trinitate". This first great Latin work that +appeared in Rome is highly important. In regard to completeness, extent +of Biblical proofs, and perhaps also its influence on succeeding times, +it may in many respects be compared with Origen's work [Greek: peri +archôn]. Otherwise indeed it differs as much from that work, as the +sober, meagre theology of the West, devoid of philosophy and +speculation, differs in general from that of the East. But it sums up in +classic fashion the doctrines of Western orthodoxy, the main features of +which were sketched by Tertullian in his antignostic writings and the +work against Praxeas. The old Roman symbol forms the basis of the work. +In accordance with this the author gives a comprehensive exposition of +his doctrine of God in the first eight chapters. Chapters 9-28 form the +main portion; they establish the correct Christology in opposition to +the heretics who look on Christ as a mere man or as the Father himself; +the Holy Scriptures furnish the material for the proofs. Chapter 29 +treats of the Holy Spirit. Chapters 30 and 31 contain the recapitulation +and conclusion. The whole is based on Tertullian's treatise against +Praxeas. No important argument in that work has escaped Novatian; but +everything is extended, and made more systematic and polished. No trace +of Platonism is to be found in this dogmatic; on the contrary he employs +the Stoic and Aristotelian syllogistic and dialectic method used also by +his Monarchian opponents. This plan together with its Biblical attitude +gives the work great outward completeness and certainty. We cannot help +concluding that this work must have made a deep impression wherever it +was read, although the real difficulties of the matter are not at all +touched upon, but veiled by distinctions and formulæ. It probably +contributed not least to make Tertullian's type of Christology the +universal Western one. This type, however, as will be set forth in +greater detail hereafter, already approximates closely to the +resolutions of Nicæa and Chalcedon.[652] Novatian adopted Tertullian's +formulæ "one substance, three persons" ("una substantia, tres personæ"), +"from the substance of God" ("ex substantia dei"), "always with the +Father" ("semper apud patrem"), "God and man" ("deus et homo"), "two +substances" ("duæ substantiæ"), "one person" ("una persona"), as well as +his expressions for the union and separation of the two natures adding +to them similar ones and giving them a wider extension.[653] Taking his +book in all we may see that he thereby created for the West a dogmatic +_vademecum_, which, from its copious and well-selected quotations from +Scripture, must have been of extraordinary service. + +The most important articles which were now fixed and transferred to the +general creed along with the necessary proofs, especially in the West, +were: (1) the unity of God, (2) the identity of the supreme God and the +creator of the world, that is, the identity of the mediators of creation +and redemption, (3) the identity of the supreme God with the God of the +Old Testament, and the declaration that the Old Testament is God's book +of revelation, (4) the creation of the world out of nothing, (5) the +unity of the human race, (6) the origin of evil from freedom, and the +inalienable nature of freedom, (7) the two Testaments, (8) Christ as God +and Man, the unity of his personality, the truth of his divinity, the +actuality of his humanity, the reality of his fate, (9) the redemption +and conclusion of a covenant through Christ as the new and crowning +manifestation of God's grace to all men, (10) the resurrection of man in +soul and body. But the transmission and interpretation of these +propositions, by means of which the Gnostic theses were overthrown, +necessarily involved the transmission of the Logos doctrine; for the +doctrine of the revelation of God and of the two Testaments could not +have prevailed without this theory. How this hypothesis gained +acceptance in the course of the third century, and how it was the means +of establishing and legitimising philosophical theology as part of the +faith, will be shown in the seventh chapter. We may remark in conclusion +that the religious hope which looked forward to an earthly kingdom of +Christ was still the more widely diffused among the Churches of the +third century;[654] but that the other hope, viz., that of being +deified, was gaining adherents more and more. The latter result was due +to men's increasing indifference to daily life and growing aspiration +after a higher one, a longing that was moreover nourished among the more +cultured by the philosophy which was steadily gaining ground. The hope +of deification is the expression of the idea that this world and human +nature do not correspond to that exalted world which man has built up +within his own mind and which he may reasonably demand to be realised, +because it is only in it that he can come to himself. The fact that +Christian teachers like Theophilus, Irenæus, and Hippolytus expressly +declared this to be a legitimate Christian hope and held out a sure +prospect of its fulfilment through Christ, must have given the greatest +impulse to the spread and adoption of this ecclesiastical Christianity. +But, when the Christian religion was represented as the belief in the +incarnation of God and as the sure hope of the deification of man, a +speculation that had originally never got beyond the fringe of religious +knowledge was made the central point of the system and the simple +content of the Gospel was obscured.[655] + + +Footnotes: + +[Footnote 460: Authorities: The works of Irenæus (Stieren's and Harvey's +editions), Melito (Otto, Corp. Apol. IX.), Tertullian (Oehler's and +Reiflerscheid's editions), Hippolytus (Fabricius', Lagarde's, Duncker's +and Schneidewin's editions), Cyprian (Hartel's edition), Novatian +(Jackson). Biographies of Bohringer, Die Kirche Christi und ihre Zeugen, +1873 ff. Werner, Der Paulinismus des Irenäus, 1889. Nöldechen, +Tertullian, 1890. Döllinger, "Hippolytus und Kallistus," 1853. Many +monographs on Irenæus and Tertullian.] + +[Footnote 461: The following exposition will show how much Irenæus and +the later old Catholic teachers learned from the Gnostics. As a matter +of fact the theology of Irenæus remains a riddle so long as we try to +explain it merely from the Apologists and only consider its antithetical +relations to Gnosis. Little as we can understand modern orthodox +theology from a historical point of view--if the comparison be here +allowed--without keeping in mind what it has adopted from Schleiermacher +and Hegel, we can just as little understand the theology of Irenæus +without taking into account the schools of Valentinus and Marcion.] + +[Footnote 462: That Melito is to be named here follows both from +Eusebius, H. E. V. 28. 5, and still more plainly from what we know of +the writings of this bishop; see Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte +der altchristlichen Litteratur, I. 1, 2, p. 24 ff. The polemic +writings of Justin and the Antignostic treatise of that "ancient" quoted +by Irenæus (see Patr. App. Opp. ed. Gebhardt etc. I. 2, p. 105 sq.) may +in a certain sense be viewed as the precursors of Catholic literature. +We have no material for judging of them with certainty. The New +Testament was not yet at the disposal of their authors, and consequently +there is a gap between them and Irenæus.] + +[Footnote 463: See Eusebius, H. E. V. 13.] + +[Footnote 464: Tertullian does indeed say in de præscr. 14: "Ceterum +manente forma regulæ fidei in suo ordine quantumlibet quæras, et trades, +et omnem libidinem curiositatis effundas, si quid tibi videtur vel +ambiguitate pendere vel obscuritate obumbrari"; but the preceding +exposition of the _regula_ shows that scarcely any scope remained for +the "curiositas," and the one that follows proves that Tertullian did +not mean that freedom seriously.] + +[Footnote 465: The most important point was that the Pauline theology, +towards which Gnostics, Marcionites, and Encratites had already taken up +a definite attitude, could now no longer be ignored. See Overbeck's +Basler Univ.--Programm, 1877. Irenæus immediately shows the influence of +Paulinism very clearly.] + +[Footnote 466: See what Rhodon says about the issue of his conversation +with Appelles in Euseb., H. E. V. 13. 7: [Greek: egô de gelasas kategnôn +autou, dioti dedaskalos einai legôn oun êdei to didaskomenon hup' autou +kratunein].] + +[Footnote 467: On the old "prophets and teachers" see my remarks on the +[Greek: Didachê], c. 11 ff., and the section, pp. 93-137, of the +prolegomena to my edition of this work. The [Greek: didaskaloi +apostolikoi kai prophêtikoi] (Ep. Smyrn. ap. Euseb., H. E. IV. 15. 39) +became lay-teachers who were skilful in the interpretation of the sacred +traditions.] + +[Footnote 468: In the case of Irenæus, as is well known, there was +absolutely no consciousness of this, as is well remarked by Eusebius in +H. E. V. 7. In support of his own writings, however, Irenæus appealed to +no charisms.] + +[Footnote 469: See the passage already quoted on p. 63, note 1.] + +[Footnote 470: Irenæus and Tertullian scoffed at the Gnostic terminology +in the most bitter way.] + +[Footnote 471: Tertullian, adv. Prax. 3: "Simplices enim quique, ne +dixerim imprudentes et idiotæ, quæ major semper credentium pars est, +quoniam et ipsa regula fidei a pluribus diis sæculi ad unicum et verum +deum transfert, non intellegentes unicum quidem, sed cum sua [Greek: +oikonomia] esse credendum, expavescunt ad [Greek: oikonomian]." Similar +remarks often occur in Origen. See also Hippol., c. Noet 11.] + +[Footnote 472: The danger of speculation and of the desire to know +everything was impressively emphasised by Irenæus, II. 25-28. As a +pronounced ecclesiastical positivist and traditionalist, he seems in +these chapters disposed to admit nothing but obedient and acquiescent +faith in the words of Holy Scripture, and even to reject speculations +like those of Tatian, Orat. 5. Cf. the disquisitions II. 25. 3: "Si +autem et aliquis non invenerit causam omnium quæ requiruntur, cogitet, +quia homo est in infinitum minor deo et qui ex parte (cf. II. 28.) +acceperit gratiam et qui nondum æqualis vel similis sit factori"; II. +26. 1: [Greek: Ameinon kai symphorôteron idiôtas kai oligomatheis +huparchein, kai dia tês agapês plêsion genesthai tou Theou ê polymatheis +kai empeirous dokountas einai, blasphêmous eis ton heautôn heuriskesthai +despotên], and in addition to this the close of the paragraph, II. 27. +1: Concerning the sphere within which we are to search (the Holy +Scriptures and "quæ ante oculos nostros occurrunt", much remains dark to +us even in the Holy Scriptures II. 28. 3); II. 28. 1 f. on the canon +which is to be observed in all investigations, namely, the confident +faith in God the creator, as the supreme and only Deity; II. 28. 2-7: +specification of the great problems whose solution is hid from us, viz., +the elementary natural phenomena, the relation of the Son to the Father, +that is, the manner in which the Son was begotten, the way in which +matter was created, the cause of evil. In opposition to the claim to +absolute knowledge, i.e., to the complete discovery of all the processes +of causation, which Irenæus too alone regards as knowledge, he indeed +pointed out the limits of our perception, supporting his statement by +Bible passages. But the ground of these limits, "ex parte accepimus +gratiam," is not an early-Christian one, and it shows at the same time +that the bishop also viewed knowledge as the goal, though indeed he +thought it could not be attained on earth.] + +[Footnote 473: The same observation applies to Tertullian, Cf. his point +blank repudiation of philosophy in de præse. 7, and the use he himself +nevertheless made of it everywhere.] + +[Footnote 474: In point of form this standpoint is distinguished from +the ordinary Gnostic position by its renunciation of absolute knowledge, +and by its corresponding lack of systematic completeness. That, however, +is an important distinction in favour of the Catholic Fathers. According +to what has been set forth in the text I cannot agree with Zahn's +judgment (Marcellus of Ancyra, p. 235 f.): "Irenæus is the first +ecclesiastical teacher who has grasped the idea of an independent +science of Christianity, of a theology which, in spite of its width and +magnitude, is a branch of knowledge distinguished from others; and was +also the first to mark out the paths of this science."] + +[Footnote 475: Tertullian seems even to have had no great appreciation +for the degree of systematic exactness displayed in the disquisitions of +Irenæus. He did not reproduce these arguments at least, but preferred +after considering them to fall back on the proof from prescription.] + +[Footnote 476: The more closely we study the writings of Tertullian, the +more frequently we meet with inconsistencies, and that in his treatment +both of dogmatic and moral questions. Such inconsistencies could not but +make their appearance, because Tertullian's dogmatising was only +incidental. As far as he himself was concerned, he did not feel the +slightest necessity for a systematic presentation of Christianity.] + +[Footnote 477: With reference to certain articles of doctrine, however, +Tertullian adopted from Irenæus some guiding principles and some points +of view arising from the nature of faith; but he almost everywhere +changed them for the worse. The fact that he was capable of writing a +treatise like the de præscr. hæret., in which all proof of the intrinsic +necessity and of the connection of his dogmas is wanting, shows the +limits of his interests and of his understanding.] + +[Footnote 478: Further references to Tertullian in a future volume. +Tertullian is at the same time the first Christian _individual_ after +Paul, of whose inward life and peculiarities we can form a picture to +ourselves. His writings bring us near himself, but that cannot be said +of Irenæus.] + +[Footnote 479: Consequently the _spirit_ of Irenæus, though indeed +strongly modified by that of Origen, prevails in the later Church +dogmatic, whilst that of Tertullian is not to be traced there.] + +[Footnote 480: The supreme God is the Holy and Redeeming One. Hence the +identity of the creator of the world and the supreme God also denotes +the unity of nature, morality, and revelation.] + +[Footnote 481: What success the early-Christian writings of the second +century had is almost completely unknown to us; but we are justified in +saying that the five books "adv. hæreses" of Irenæus were successful, +for we can prove the favourable reception of this work and the effects +it had in the 3rd and 4th centuries (for instance, on Hippolytus, +Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, Victorinus, Marcellus of Ancyra, +Epiphanius, and perhaps Alexander of Alexandria and Athanasius). As is +well known, we no longer possess a Greek manuscript, although it can be +proved that the work was preserved down to middle Byzantine times, and +was quoted with respect. The insufficient Christological and especially +the eschatological disquisitions spoiled the enjoyment of the work in +later times (on the Latin Irenæus cf. the exhaustive examination of +Loof: "The Manuscripts of the Latin translation of Irenæus", in the +"Studies of Church History" dedicated to Reuter, 1887). The old Catholic +works written against heretics by Rhodon, Melito, Miltiades, Proculus, +Modestus, Musanus, Theophilus, Philip of Gortyna, Hippolytus, and others +have all been just as little preserved to us as the oldest book of this +kind, the Syntagma of Justin against heresies, and the Memorabilia of +Hegesippus. If we consider the criticism to which Tatian's Christology +was subjected by Arethas in the 10th century (Oratio 5; see my Texte und +Untersuchungen I. 1, 2 p. 95 ff.), and the depreciatory judgment passed +on Chiliasm from the 3rd century downwards, and if we moreover reflect +that the older polemical works directed against heretics were supplanted +by later detailed ones, we have a summary of the reasons for the loss of +that oldest Catholic literature. This loss indeed makes it impossible +for us to form an exact estimate of the extent and intensity of the +effect produced by any individual writing, even including the great work +of Irenæus.] + +[Footnote 482: People are fond of speaking of the "Asia Minor" theology +of Irenæus, ascribe it already to his teachers, Polycarp and the +presbyters, then ascend from these to the Apostle John, and complete, +though not without hesitation, the equation: John--Irenæus. By this +speculation they win simply everything, in so far as the Catholic +doctrine now appears as the property of an "apostolic" circle, and +Gnosticism and Antignosticism are thus eliminated. But the following +arguments may be urged against this theory: (1) What we know of Polycarp +by no means gives countenance to the supposition that Irenæus learned +more from him and his fellows than a pious regard for the Church +tradition and a collection of historical traditions and principles. (2) +The doctrine of Irenæus cannot be separated from the received _canon_ of +New Testament writings; but in the generation before him there was as +yet no such compilation. (3) The presbyter from whom Irenæus adopted +important lines of thought in the 4th book did not write till after the +middle of the second century. (4) Tertullian owes his Christocentric +theology, so far as he has such a thing, to Irenæus (and Melito?).] + +[Footnote 483: Marcion, as is well known, went still further in his +depreciatory judgment of the world, and therefore recognised in the +redemption through Christ a pure act of grace.] + +[Footnote 484: See Molwitz, De [Greek: Anakephalaiôseôs] in Irenæi +theologia potestate, Dresden, 1874.] + +[Footnote 485: See, e.g., the Epistle to the Ephesians and also the +Epistles to the Romans and Galatians.] + +[Footnote 486: But see the remark made above, p. 220, note 1. We might +without loss give up the half of the Apologies in return for the +preservation of Justin's chief Antignostic work.] + +[Footnote 487: According to the Gnostic Christology Christ merely +restores the _status quo ante_, according to that of Irenæus he first +and alone realises the hitherto unaccomplished destination of humanity.] + +[Footnote 488: According to the Gnostic conception the incarnation of +the divine, i.e., the fall of _Sophia_, contains, paradoxically +expressed, the element of sin; according to Irenæus' idea the element of +redemption. Hence we must compare not only the Gnostic Christ, but the +Gnostic Sophia, with the Christ of the Church. Irenæus himself did so in +II. 20. 3.] + +[Footnote 489: After tracing in II. 14 the origin of the Gnostic +theologoumena to the Greek philosophers Irenæus continues § 7: "Dicemus +autem adversus eos: utramne hi omnes qui prædicti sunt, cum quibus eadem +dicentes arguimini (Scil. "ye Gnostics with the philosophers"), +cognoverunt veritatem aut non cognoverunt? Et si quidem cognoverunt, +superflua est salvatoris in hunc mundum descensio. Ut (lege "ad") quid +enim descendebat?" It is characteristic of Irenæus not to ask what is +new in the revelations of God (through the prophets and the Logos), but +quite definitely: "Cur descendit salvator in hunc mundum?" See also lib. +III. præf.: "veritas, hoc est dei filii doctrina", III. 10. 3: "Hæc est +salutis agnitio quæ deerat eis, quæ est filii del agnitio ... agnitio +salutis erat agnitio filii dei, qui et salus et salvator et salutare +vere et dicitur et est." III. 11. 3: III. 12. 7: IV. 24.] + +[Footnote 490: See II. 24. 3, 4: "Non enim ex nobis neque ex nostra +natura vita est; sed secundum gratiam dei datur." Cf. what follows. +Irenæus has in various places argued that human nature inclusive of the +flesh is _capax incorruptibilitatis_, and likewise that immortality is +at once a free gift and the realisation of man's destiny.] + +[Footnote 491: Book V. pref.: "Iesus Christus propter immensam suam +dilectionem factus est quod sumus nos, uti nos perficeret esse quod et +ipse": III. 6. I: "Deus stetit in synagoga deorum ... de patre et filio +et de his, qui adoptionem perceperunt, dicit: hi autem sunt ecclesia. +Hæc enim est synagoga dei," etc.; see also what follows III. 16. 3: +"Filius dei hominis filius factus, ut per eum adoptionem percipiamus +portante homine et capiente et compleciente filium dei." III. 16. 6: +"Dei verbum unigenitus, qui semper humano generi adest, unitus et +consparsus suo plasmati secundum placitum patris et caro factus, ipse +est Iesus Christus dominus noster ... unus Iesus Christus, veniens per +universam dispositionem et omnia in semetipsum recapitulans. In omnibus +autem est et homo plasmatio dei, et hominem ergo in semetipsum +recapitulans est, invisibilis visibilis factus, et incomprehensibilis +factus comprehensibilis, et impassibilis passibilis, et verbum homo, +universa in semetipsum recapitulans ... in semetipsum primatum +assumens,.. universa attrahat ad semetipsum apto in tempore." III. 18. +1: "Quando incarnatus est filius homo et homo factus longam hominum +expositionem in se ipso recapitulavit, in compendio nobis salutem +præstans, ut quod perdideramus in Adam id est secundum imaginem et +similitudinem esse dei, hoc in Christo Iesu reciperemus." Cf. the whole +18th chapter where the deepest thoughts of the Pauline Gnosis of the +death on the cross are amalgamated with the Gnosis of the incarnation; +see especially 18. 6, 7: "[Greek: Ênôsen oun ton anthrôpon tô Theô. Ei +gar mê anthrôpos enikêsen tên antipalon tou anthrôpou, ouk an dikaiôs +enikêthê ho echthros. Palin te, ei mê ho Theos edôrêsato tên sôtêrian, +ouk an bebaiôs eschomen autên. Kai ei mê sunênôthê ho anthrôpos tô Theô, +ouk an êdunêthê metaschein tês aphtharsias. Edei gar ton mesitên Theou +te kai anthrôpôn dia tês idias pros hekaterous oikeiotêtos eis philian +kai homonoian tous amphoterous sunagôgein; kai Theô men parastêsai ton +antrôpon anthrôpois de gnôrisai ton Theon.] Qua enim ratione filiorum +adoptionis eius participes esse possemus, nisi per filium eam quæ est ad +ipsura recepissemus ab eo communionem, nisi verbum eius communicasset +nobis caro factum? Quapropter et per omnem venit ætatem, omnibus +restituens eam quæ est ad deum communionem." The Pauline ideas about +sin, law, and bondage are incorporated by Irenæus in what follows. The +disquisitions in capp. 19-23 are dominated by the same fundamental idea. +In cap. 19 Irenæus turns to those who hold Jesus to be a mere man, +"perseverantes in servitute pristinæ inobedientiæ moriuntur, nondum +commixti verbo dei patris neque per filium percipientes libertatem ... +privantur munere eius, quod est vita æsterna: non recipientes autem +verbum incorruptionis perseverant in carne mortali, et sunt debitores +mortis, antidotum vitæ non accipientes. Ad quos verbum ait, suum munus +gratiæ? narrans: [Greek: Egô eipa, huioi hupsistou este pantes kai +theoi; humeis de hôs anthrôpoi apothnêskete. Tauta legei pros tous mê +dexamenous tên dôrean tês huiothesias, all' atimazontas tên sarkôsin tês +katharas gennêseôs tou logou tou Theou ... Eis touto gar ho logos +anthrôpos] et qui filius dei est filius hominis factus est, [Greek: hina +ho anthrôpos ton logon chôrêsas kai tên huiothesian labôn huios genêtai +Theou]. Non enim poteramus aliter incorruptelam et immortalitatem +percipere, nisi adunati fuissemus incorruptelæ et immortalitati. +Quemadmodum autem adunari possumus incorruptelæ et immortalitati, nisi +prius incorruptela et immortalitas facta fuisset id quod et nos, ut +absorbet*etur quod erat corruptibile ab incorruptela et quod erat +mortale ab immortalitate, ut filiorum adoptionem perciperemus?" III. 21. +10: [Greek: Ei toinun ho prôtos Adam esche patera anthrôpon kai ek +spermatos egennêthê, eikos ên kai deuteron Adam legein ex Iôsêph +gegennêsthai. Ei de ekeinos ek gês elêphthê, plastês de autou ho Theos, +edei kai ton anakephalaioumenon eis auton hupo tou Theou peplasmenon +anthrôpon tên autên ekeinô tês gennêseôs echein homoiotêta. Eis ti oun +palin ouk elabe choun ho Theos, all' ek Marias enêrgêse tên plasin +genesthai. Hina mê allê plasis genêtai mêde allo to sôzomenon ê, all' +autos ekeinos anakephalaiôthê têroumenês tês homoiotêtos]; III. 23. 1: +IV. 38: V. 36: IV. 20: V. 16, 19-21, 22. In working out this thought +Irenæus verges here and there on soteriological naturalism (see +especially the disquisitions regarding the salvation of Adam, opposed to +Tatian's views, in III. 23). But he does not fall into this for two +reasons. In the first place, as regards the history, of Jesus, he has +been taught by Paul not to stop at the incarnation, but to view the work +of salvation as only completed by the sufferings and death of Christ +(See II. 20. 3: "dominus per passionem mortem destruxit et solvit +errorem corruptionemque exterminavit, et ignorantiam destruxit, vitam +autem manifestavit et ostendit veritatem et incorruptionem donavit"; +III. 16. 9: III. 18. 1-7 and many other passages), that is, to regard +Christ as having performed a _work_. Secondly, alongside of the +deification of Adam's children, viewed as a mechanical result of the +incarnation, he placed the other (apologetic) thought, viz., that +Christ, as the teacher, imparts complete knowledge, that he has +restored, i.e., strengthened the freedom of man, and that redemption (by +which he means fellowship with God) therefore takes place only in the +case of those children of Adam that acknowledge the truth proclaimed by +Christ and imitate the Redeemer in a holy life (V. 1. 1.: "Non enim +aliter nos discere poteramus quæ sunt dei, nisi magister noster, verbum +exsistens, homo factus fuisset. Neque enim alias poterat enarrare nobis, +quæ sunt patris, nisi proprium ipsius verbum ... Neque rursus nos aliter +discere poteramus, nisi magistrum nostrum videntes et per auditum +nostrum vocem eius percipientes, ut imitatores quidem operum, factores +autem sermonum eius facti, communionem habeamus cum ipso", and many +other passages). We find a combined formula in III. 5. 3: "Christus +libertatem hominibus restauravit et attribuit incorruptelæ +hæreditatem."] + +[Footnote 492: Theophilus also did not see further, see Wendt, l.c., 17 +ff.] + +[Footnote 493: Melito's teaching must have been similar. In a fragment +attributed to him (see my Texte und Untersuchungen I. 1, 2 p. 255 ff.) +we even find the expression "[Greek: hai duo ousiai Christou]". The +genuineness of the fragment is indeed disputed, but, as I think, without +grounds. It is certainly remarkable that the formula is not found in +Irenæus (see details below). The first Syriac fragment (Otto IX. p. 419) +shows that Melito also views redemption as reunion through Christ.] + +[Footnote 494: The conception of the stage by stage development of the +economy of God and the corresponding idea of "several covenants" (I. 10. +3: III. 11-15 and elsewhere) denote a very considerable advance, which +the Church teachers owe to the controversy with Gnosticism, or to the +example of the Gnostics. In this case the origin of the idea is quite +plain. For details see below.] + +[Footnote 495: It would seem from some passages as if faith and +theological knowledge were according to Irenæus simply related as the +"is" and the "why." As a matter of fact, he did express himself so +without being really able to maintain the relationship thus fixed; for +faith itself must also to some extent include a knowledge of the reason +and aim of God's ways of salvation. Faith and theological knowledge are +therefore, after all, closely interwoven with each other. Irenæus merely +sought for a clear distinction, but it was impossible for him to find it +in his way. The truth rather is that the same man, who, in opposition to +heresy, condemned an exaggerated estimate of theoretical knowledge, +contributed a great deal to the transformation of that faith into a +monistic speculation.] + +[Footnote 496: See 1. 10. 2: [Greek: Kai oute ho panu dunatos en logô +tôn en tais ekklêsiais proestôtôn toutôn] (scil. than the regula sidei) +[Greek: epei oudeis gar uper ton didaskalon oute ho asthenês en tô logô +elattôsei tên paradosin. Mias gar kai tês autês pisteôs ousês oute ho +polu peri autês dunamenos eipein epleonasen, oute ho to oligon +êlattonêse].] + +[Footnote 497: See Bohringer's careful reviews of the theology of +Irenæus and Tertullian (Kirchengeschichte in Biographien, Vol. I. 1st +section, 1st half (2nd ed.), pp. 378-612, 2nd half, pp. 484-739).] + +[Footnote 498: To the proof from prescription belong the arguments +derived from the novelty and contradictory multiplicity of the Gnostic +doctrines as well as the proofs that Greek philosophy is the original +source of heresy. See Iren. II. 14. 1-6; Tertull. de præscr. 7; Apolog. +47 and other places; the Philosophoumena of Hippolytus. On Irenæus' +criticism of Gnostic theology see Kunze, Gotteslehre des Irenäus, +Leipzig, 1891. p. 8 ff.] + +[Footnote 499: See Irenæus II. 1. 2-4: II. 31. 1. Tertull., adv. Marc. +I. 2-7. Tertullian proves that there can be neither two morally similar, +nor two morally dissimilar Deities; see also I. 15.] + +[Footnote 500: See Irenæus II. 13. Tertullian (ad Valent. 4) very +appropriately defined the æons of Ptolemy as "personales substantias +extra deum determinatas, quas Valentinus in ipsa summa divinitatis ut +sensus et affectus motus incluserat."] + +[Footnote 501: See Irenæus, l.c., and elsewhere in the 2nd Book, +Tertull. adv. Valent. in several passages. Moreover, Irenæus still +treated the first 8 Ptolemaic æons with more respect than the 22 +following, because here at least there was some appearance of a Biblical +foundation. In confuting the doctrine of æons he incidentally raised +several questions (II. 17. 2), which Church theologians discussed in +later times, with reference to the Son and Spirit. "Quæritur quemadmodum +emissi sunt reliqui æones? Utrum uniti ei qui emiserit, quemadmodum a +sole radii, an efficabiliter et partiliter, uti sit unusquisque eorum +separatim et suam figurationem habens, quemadmodum ab homine homo ... +Aut secundum germinationem, quemabmodum ab arbore rami? Et utrum eiusdem +substantiæ exsistebant his qui se emiserunt, an ex altera quadam +substantia substantiam habentes? Et utrum in eodem emissi sunt, ut +eiusdem temporis essent sibi?... Et utrum simplices quidam et uniformes +et undique sibi æquales et similes, quemadmodum spiritus et lumina +emissa sunt, an compositi et differentes"? See also II. 17. 4: "Si autem +velut a lumine lumina accensa sunt... velut verbi gratia a facula +faculæ, generatione quidem et magnitudine fortasse distabunt ab invicem; +eiusdem autem substantive cum sint cum principe emissionis ipsorum, aut +omnes impassibiles perseverant aut et pater ipsorum participabit +passiones. Neque enim quæ postea accensa est facula, alterum lumen +habebit quam illud quod ante eam fuit." Here we have already a statement +of the logical reasons, which in later times were urged against the +Arian doctrine.] + +[Footnote 502: See Iren. II. 17. 5 and II. 18.] + +[Footnote 503: See Iren. II. 4. 2.] + +[Footnote 504: Tertullian in particular argued in great detail (adv. +Marc. I. 9-19) that every God must, above all, have revealed himself as +a creator. In opposition to Marcion's rejection of all natural theology, +he represents this science as the foundation of all religious belief. In +this connection he eulogised the created world (I. 13) and at the same +time (see also the 2nd Book) argued in favour of the Demiurge, i.e., of +the one true God. Irenæus urged a series of acute and weighty objections +to the cosmogony of the Valentinians (see II. 1-5), and showed how +untenable was the idea of the Demiurge as an intermediate being. The +doctrines that the Supreme Being is unknown (II. 6), that the Demiurge +is the blind instrument of higher æons, that the world was created +against the will of the Supreme God, and, lastly, that our world is the +imperfect copy of a higher one were also opposed by him with rational +arguments. His refutation of the last conception is specially remarkable +(II. 7). On the idea that God did not create the world from eternal +matter see Tertull., adv. Hermog.] + +[Footnote 505: But this very method of argument was without doubt +specially impressive in the case of the educated, and it is these alone +of whom we are here speaking. On the decay of Gnosticism after the end +of the 2nd century, see Renan, Origines, Vol. VII., p. 113 ff.] + +[Footnote 506: See his arguments that the Gnostics merely _assert_ that +they have only one Christ, whereas they actually possess several, III. +16. 1, 8 and elsewhere.] + +[Footnote 507: See Iren., I. 9 and elsewhere; Tertull., de præscr. 39, +adv. Valent. passim.] + +[Footnote 508: See Tertull., adv. Marc. II. 19, 21, 22: III. 5, 6, 14, +19: V. 1.; Orig. Comm. in Matth., T. XV. 3, Opp. III., p. 655: Comm. in +ep. ad Rom., T. II. 12. Opp. IV., p. 494 sq.; Pseudo-Orig. Adamantius, +De recta in deum fide; Orig. I. pp. 808, 817.] + +[Footnote 509: For this reason Tertullian altogether forbade exegetic +disputes with the Gnostics, see de præscr. 16-19: "Ego non ad scripturas +provocandum est nec in his constituendum certamen, in quibus aut milla +aut incerta victoria est aut parum certa."] + +[Footnote 510: See Iren., III. 5. 1: III. 12. 6.] + +[Footnote 511: See Iren., III. 14. 2: III. 15. 1; Tertull., de præscr. +25: "Scripturæ quidem perfectæ sunt, quippe a verbo dei et spiritu eius +dictæ, nos autem secundum quod minores sumus et novissimi a verbo dei et +spiritu eius, secundum hoc et scientia niysteriorum eius indigenus."] + +[Footnote 512: See Iren. II. 35. 2: IV. 34, 35 and elsewhere. Irenæus +also asserted that the translation of the Septuagint (III. 21. 4) was +inspired. The repudiation of different kinds of inspiration in the +Scriptures likewise involved the rejection of all the critical views of +the Gnostics that were concealed behind that assumption. The +Alexandrians were the first who again to some extent adopted these +critical principles.] + +[Footnote 513: See Iren. II. 10. 1: II. 27. 1, 2.] + +[Footnote 514: See Iren. II. 25. I.] + +[Footnote 515: Irenæus appropriates the words of an Asia Minor presbyter +when he says (IV. 31. 1): "De his quidem delictis, de quibus ipsæ +scripturæ increpant patriarchas et prophetas, nos non oportere exprobare +eis ... de quibus autem scripturæ non inciepant (scil. delictis), sed +simpliciter sunt positæ, nos non debere fieri accusatores, sed typum +quærere."] + +[Footnote 516: See, e.g., IV. 20. 12 where he declares the three spies +whom Rahab entertained to be Father, Son. and Spirit.] + +[Footnote 517: See Iren. IV. 22. 1.] + +[Footnote 518: See Iren. III. 17. 3.] + +[Footnote 519: Justin had already noted certain peculiarities of the +Holy Scriptures as distinguished from profane writings. Tertullian +speaks of two _proprietates iudaicæ literaturæ_ in adv. Marc. III. 5. 6. +But the Alexandrians were the first to propound any kind of complete +theories of inspiration.] + +[Footnote 520: See above p. 233, note 2, Kunze, l.c.] + +[Footnote 521: See Iren, II. 26. 1, 13. 4: "Sic et in reliquis omnibus +nulli similis erit omnium pater hominum pusillitati: et dicitur quidem +secundum hæc propter delectionem, sentitur autem super hæc secundum +magnitudinem." Irenæus expressly says that God cannot be known as +regards his greatness, i.e. absolutely, but that he can be known as +regards his love, IV. 20. 1: "Igitur secundum magnitudem non est +cognoscere deum, impossibile est enim mensurari patrem; secundum autem +dilectionem eius--hæc est enim quæ nos per verbum eius perducit ad +deum--obedientes ei semper discimus quoniam est tantus deus etc."; in +IV. 20. 4 the knowledge of God "secundum dilectionem" is more closely +defined by the words "per verbum eius Iesum Christum." The statements in +§§ 5 and 6 are, however, specially important: they who are pure in heart +will see God. God's omnipotence and goodness remove the impossibility of +man knowing him. Man comes to know him gradually, in proportion as he is +revealed and through love, until he beholds him in a state of +perfection. He must be in God in order to know God: [Greek: hôsper hoi +blepontes to phôs entos eisi tou phôtos kai tês lamprotêtos autou +metechousin, houtôs hoi blepontes ton Theon entos eisi tou Theou, +metechontes autou tês lamprotêtos. Kai dia touto ho achôrêtos kai +akatalêptos kai aoratos horômenon heauton ... tois pistois pareschen, +hina zôopoiêsê tous chôrountas kai blepontas auton dia pisteôs]. See +also what follows down to the words: [Greek: metochê Theou esti to +ginôskein Theon kai apolauein tês chrêstotêtos autou], et homines igitur +videbunt deum, ut vivant, per visionem immortales facti et pertingentes +usque in deum. Sentences of this kind where rationalism is neutralised +by mysticism we seek for in Tertullian in vain.] + +[Footnote 522: See Iren., IV. 6. 4: [Greek: Edidaxen hêmas ho kurios, +hoti Theon eidenai oudeis dunatai, mê ouchi Theou didaxantos, toutestin, +aneu Theou mê ginôskesthai ton Theon; auto de to ginôskesthai ton Theon +thelêma einai tou patros, Gnôsontai gar auton hois an apokalupsê ho +huios].] + +[Footnote 523: Iren. II. 6. 1, 9. 1, 27. 2: III. 25. 1: "Providentiam +habet deus omnium propter hoc et consilium dat: consilium autem dans +adest his, qui morum providentiam habent. Necesse est igitur ea quæ +providentur et gubernantur cognoscere suum directorem; quæ quidem non +sunt irrationalia neque vana, sed habent sensibilitatem perceptam de +providentia dei. Et propter hoc ethnicorum quidam, qui minus illecebris +ac voluptatibus servierunt, et non in tantum superstitione idolorum +coabducti sunt, providentia eius moti licet tenuiter, tamen conversi +sunt, ut dicererit fabricatorem huiuss universitatis patrem omnium +providentem et disponentem secundum nos mundum." Tertull., de testim. +animæ; Apolog. 17.] + +[Footnote 524: See Iren., IV. 6. 2; Tertull., adv. Marc. I, II.] + +[Footnote 525: See Iren., V. 26. 2.] + +[Footnote 526: See Iren., II. 1. I and the Hymn II. 30. 9.] + +[Footnote 527: See Iren., III. 8. 3. Very pregnant are Irenæus' +utterances in II. 34. 4 and II. 30. 9: "Principari enim debet in omnibus +et dominari voluntas dei, reliqua autem omnia huic cedere et subdita +esse et in servitium dedita" ... "substantia omnium voluntas dei;" see +also the fragment V. in Harvey, Iren., Opp. II. p. 477 sq. Because +everything originates with God and the existence of eternal metaphysical +contrasts is therefore impossible the following proposition (IV. 2, 4), +which is proved from the parable of the rich man and Lazarus, holds, +good: "ex una substantia esse omnia, id est Abraham et Moysem et +prophetas, etiam ipsum dominum."] + +[Footnote 528: See Iren. II. 28. 4, 5: IV. 11. 2.] + +[Footnote 529: Tertullian also makes the same demand (e.g. adv. Marc. +II. 27); for his assertion "deum corpus esse" (adv. Prax. 7: "Quis enim +negabil, deum corpus esse, etsi deus spiritus est? spiritus enim corpus +sui generis in sua effigie") must be compared with his realistic +doctrine of the soul (de anima 6) as well as with the proposition +formulated in de carne 11: "omne quod est, corpus est sui generis; nihil +est incorporale, nisi quod non est." Tertullian here followed a +principle of Stoic philosophy, and in this case by no means wished to +teach that the Deity has a human form, since he recognised that man's +likeness to God consists merely in his spiritual qualities. On the +contrary _Melito_ ascribed to God a corporeal existence of a higher type +(Eusebius mentions a work of this bishop under the title "[Greek: ho +peri ensômatou Theou logos],") and Origen reckoned him among the teachers +who recognised that man had also a likeness to God in form (in body); +see my Texte und Untersuchungen I. 1. 2, pp. 243, 248. In the second +century the realistic eschatological ideas no doubt continued to foster +in wide circles the popular idea that God had a form and a kind of +corporeal existence. A middle position between these ideas and that of +Tertullian and the Stoics seems to have been taken up by Lactantius +(_Instit. div._ VII. 9, 21; de ira dei 2. 18.).] + +[Footnote 530: See Iren., III. 25. 2; Tertull., adv. Marc. I. 23-28: II. +11 sq. Hippolytus briefly defined his doctrine of God in Phil. X. 32. +The advance beyond the Apologists' idea of God consists not only in the +thorough discussion of God's attributes of goodness and righteousness, +but also in the view, which is now much more vigorously worked out, that +the Almighty Creator has no other purpose in his world than the +salvation of mankind. See the 10th Greek fragment of Irenæus (Harvey, +II. p. 480); Tertull., de orat. 4: "Summa est voluntatis dei salus +eorum, quos adoptavit"; de paenit. 2: "Bonorum dei unus est titulus, +salus hominum"; adv. Marc. II. 27: "Nihil tam dignum deo quam salus +hominis." They had here undeniably learned from Marcion; see adv. Marc. +I. 17. In the first chapters of the work de orat., however, in which +Tertullian expounds the Lord's Prayer, he succeeded in unfolding the +meaning of the Gospel in a way such as was never possible for him +elsewhere. The like remark may be made of Origen's work de orat., and, +in general, in the case of most authors who interpreted the Lord's +Prayer in the succeeding period. This prayer kept alive the knowledge of +the deepest meaning of the Gospel.] + +[Footnote 531: Apol. 21: "Necesse et igitur pauca de Christo ut deo ... +Jam ediximus deum universitatem hanc mundi verbo et ratione et virtute +molitum. Apud vestros quoque sapientes [Greek: Logon], id est sermonem +et rationem, constat artificem videri universitatis." (An appeal to Zeno +and Cleanthes follows). "Et nos autem sermoni atque rationi itemque +virtuti, per quæ omnia molitum deum ediximus, propriam substantiam +spiritum inscribimus, cui et sermo insit pronuntianti et ratio adsit +disponenti et virtus præsit perficienti. Hunc ex deo prolatum didicimus +et prolatione generatum et idcirco filium dei et deum dictum ex unitate +substantiæ, nam et deus spiritus (that is, the antemundane Logos is the +Son of God). Et cum radius ex sole porrigitur, portio ex summa; sed sol +erit in radio, quia solis est radius nec separatur substantia sed +extenditur (cf. adv. Prax. 8). Ita de spiritu spiritus et deo deus ut +lumen de lumine accensum. Manet integra et indefecta materiæ matrix, +etsi plures inde traduces qualitatis mutueris: ita et quod de deo +profectum est, deus est et dei filius et unus ambo. Ita et de spiritu +spiritus et de deo deus modulo alternum numerum, gradu non statu fecit, +et a matrice non necessit sed excessit. Iste igitur dei radius, ut retro +semper prædicabatur, delapsus in virginem quandam et in utero eius caro +figuratus nascitur homo deo mixtus. Caro spiritu instructa nutritur, +adolescit, adfatur, docet, operatur et Christus est." Tertullian adds: +"Recipite interim hanc fabulam, similis est vestris." As a matter of +fact the heathen must have viewed this statement as a philosophical +speculation with a mythological conclusion. It is very instructive to +ascertain that in Hippolytus' book against Noëtus "the setting forth of +the truth" (c. 10 ff.) he begins with the proposition: [Greek: Theos +eboulêthê kosmon ktisai]. The Logos whose essence and working are +described merely went forth to realise this intention.] + +[Footnote 532: See Hagemann, Die römische Kirche (1864), p. 172 ff.] + +[Footnote 533: See my detailed exposition of the _orthodox_ side of +Tertullian's doctrine of the Trinity ("orthodox" in the later sense of +the word), in Vol. IV. There it is also shown that these formulæ were +due to Tertullian's _juristic_ bias. The formulæ, "una _substantia_, +tres _personæ_", never alternates in his case with the others, "una +_natura_, tres _personæ_"; and so it remained for a long time in the +West; they did not speak of "natures" but of "substances" ("nature" in +this connection is very rare down to the 5th century). What makes this +remarkable is the fact that Tertullian always uses "substance" in the +concrete sense "individual substance" and has even expressed himself +precisely on the point. He says in de anima 32: "aliud est substantia, +aliud natura substantiæ; siquidem substantia propria est rei cuiusque, +natura vero potest esse communis. Suscipe exemplum: substantia est +lapis, ferrum; duritia lapidis et ferri natura substantiæ est. Duritia +(natura) communicat, substantia discordat. Mollitia lanæ, mollitia plumæ +pariant naturalia eorum, substantiva non pariant ... Et tune naturæ +similitudo notatur, cum substantiæ dissimilitudo conspicitur. Men and +animals are similar _natura_, but not _substantia_." We see that +Tertullian in so far as he designated Father, Son, and Spirit as one +substance expressed their _unity_ as strongly as possible. The only idea +intelligible to the majority was a juristic and political notion, viz., +that the Father, who is the _tota substantia_, sends forth officials +whom he entrusts with the administration of the monarchy. The legal +fiction attached to the concept "person" aided in the matter here.] + +[Footnote 534: See adv. Prax. 3: "Igitur si et monarchia divina per tot +legiones et exercitus angelorum administratur, sicut scriptum est: +Milies centies centena milia adsistebant ei, et milies centena milia +apparebant ei, nec ideo unius esse desiit, ut desinat monarchia esse, +quia per tanta milia virtutum procuratur: quale est ut deus divisionem +et dispersionem pati videatur in filio et spiritu sancto, secundum et +tertium sortitis locum, tam consortibus substantiæ patris, quam non +patitur in tot angelorum numero?" (!!) c. 4: "Videmus igitur non obesse +monarchiæ filium, etsi hodie apud filium est, quia et in suo statu est +apud filium, et cum suo statu restituetur patri a filio." L.c.: +"Monarchia in tot nominibus constituta est, in quot deus voluit."] + +[Footnote 535: See Hippol., c. Noetum II. According to these doctrines +the unity is sufficiently preserved (1) if the separate persons have one +and the same substance, (2) if there is one possessor of the whole +substance, _i.e._, if everything proceeds from him. That this is a +remnant of polytheism ought not to be disputed.] + +[Footnote 536: Adv. Prax. 8: "Hoc si qui putaverit, me [Greek: probolên] +aliquam introducere id est prolationem rei alterius ex altera, quod +facit Valentinus, primo quidem dicam tibi, non ideo non utatur et +veritas vocabulo isto et re ac censu eius, quia et hæresis utitur; immo +hæresis potius ex veritate accepit quod ad mendacium suum strueret"; cf. +also what follows. Thus far then theologians had got already: "The +economy is founded on as many names as God willed" (c. 4).] + +[Footnote 537: See adv. Prax. 5.] + +[Footnote 538: Tertull., adv. Hermog. 3: "fuit tempus, cum ei filius non +fuit."] + +[Footnote 539: Novatian (de trin. 23) distinguishes very decidedly +between "factum esse" and "procedere".] + +[Footnote 540: Adv. Prax. 2: "Custodiatur [Greek: oikonomias] +sacramentum, quæ unitatem in trinitatem disponit, tres dirigens, tres +autem non statu, sed gradu, nec substantia, sed forma, nec potestate, +sed specie, unius autem substantiæ et unius status et potestatis."] + +[Footnote 541: See the discussions adv. Prax. 16 ff.] + +[Footnote 542: Tertull., adv. Marc. III. 6: "filius portio +plenitudinis." In another passage Tertullian has ironically remarked in +opposition to Marcion (IV. 39): "Nisi Marcion Christum non subiectum +patri infert."] + +[Footnote 543: Adv. Prax. 9.] + +[Footnote 544: See the whole 14th chap. adv. Prax. especially the words: +"I am ergo alius erit qui videbatur, quia non potest idem invisibilis +definiri qui videbatur, et consequens erit, ut invisibilem patrem +intellegamus pro plenitudine maiestatis, visibilem vero filium +agnoscamus pro modulo derivationis." One cannot look at the sun itself, +but, "toleramus radium eius pro temperatura portionis, quæ in terram +inde porrigitur." The chapter also shows how the Old Testament +theophanies must have given an impetus to the distinction between the +Deity as transcendent and the Deity as making himself visible. Adv. +Marc. II. 27: "Quæcunque exigitis deo digna, habebuntur in patre +invisibili incongressibilique et placido et, ut ita dixerim, +philosophorum deo. Quæcunque autem ut indigna reprehenditis, +deputabuntur in filio et viso et audito et congresso, arbitro patris et +ministro, miscente in semetipso hominem et deum in virtutibus deum, in +pusillitatibus hominem, ut tantum homini conferat quantum deo detrahit." +In adv. Prax. 29 Tertullian showed in very precise terms that the Father +is by nature impassible, but the Son is capable of suffering. Hippolytus +does not share this opinion; to him the Logos in himself is likewise +[Greek: apathês] (see c. Noetum 15).] + +[Footnote 545: According to Tertullian it is certainly an _essential +part of the Son's nature_ to appear, teach, and thus come into +connection with men; but he neither asserted the necessity of the +incarnation apart from the faulty development of mankind, nor can this +view be inferred from his premises.] + +[Footnote 546: See adv. Prax. 4. the only passage, however, containing +this idea, which is derived from 1 Cor. XV.] + +[Footnote 547: Cf. specially the attempts of Plotinus to reconcile the +abstract unity which is conceived as the principle of the universe with +the manifoldness and fulness of the real and the particular (Ennead. +lib. III.-V.). Plotinus employs the subsidiary notion [Greek: merismos] +in the same way as Tertullian; see Hagemann l.c. p. 186 f. Plotinus +would have agreed with Tertullian's proposition in adv. Marc. III. 15: +"Dei nomen quasi naturale divinitatis potest in omnes communicari quibus +divinitas vindicatur." Plotinus' idea of hypostasis is also important, +and this notion requires exact examination.] + +[Footnote 548: Following the baptismal confession, Tertullian merely +treated the Holy Ghost according to the scheme of the Logos doctrine +without any trace of independent interest. In accordance with this, +however, the Spirit possesses his own "numerus"--"tertium numen +divinitatis et tertium nomen maiestatis",--and he is a person in the +same sense as the Son, to whom, however, he is subordinate, for the +subordination is a necessary result of his later origin. See cc. 2, 8: +"tertius est spiritus a deo et filio, sicut tertius a radice fructus a +frutice, et tertius a fonte rivus a flumine et tertius a sole apex ex +radio. Nihil tamen a matrice alienatur a qua proprietates suas ducit. +Ita trinitas per consertos et connexos gradus a patre decurrens et +monarchiæ nihil obstrepit et [Greek: oikonomias] statum protegit"; de +pudic. 21. In de præscr. 13 the Spirit in relation to the Son is called +"vicaria vis". The element of personality in the Spirit is with +Tertullian merely a result arising from logical deduction; see his +successor Novatian de trin. 29. Hippolytus did not attribute personality +to the Spirit, for he says (adv. Noet. 14): [Greek: Hena Theon erô, +prosôpa de duo, oikonomia de tritên tên charin tou hagiou pneumatos; +patêr men gar eis, prosôpa de duo, hoti kai ho huios, to de triton to +hagion pneuma]. In his Logos doctrine apart from the express emphasis he +lays on the creatureliness of the Logos (see Philos. X. 33: [Greek: Ei +gar Theon se êthelêse poiêsai ho Theos, edunato; echeis tou logou to +paradeigma]) he quite agrees with Tertullian. See ibid.; here the Logos +is called before his coming forth "[Greek: endiathetos tou pantos +logismos]"; he is produced [Greek: ek tôn ontôn], i.e., from the Father +who then alone existed; his essence is "that he bears in himself the +will of him who has begotten him" or "that he comprehends in himself the +ideas previously conceived by and resting in the Father." Cyprian in no +part of his writings took occasion to set forth the Logos doctrine in a +didactic way; he simply kept to the formula: "Christus deus et homo", +and to the Biblical expressions which were understood in the sense of +divinity and preëxistence; see Testim. II. 1-10. Lactantius was still +quite confused in his Trinitarian doctrine and, in particular, conceived +the Holy Ghost not as a person but as "sanctificatio" proceeding from +the Father or from the Son. On the contrary, Novatian, in his work _de +trinitate_ reproduced Tertullian's views. For details see Dorner +Entwickelungsgeschichte I. pp. 563-634, Kahnis, Lehre vom heiligen +Geiste; Hagemann, l.c., p. 371 ff. It is noteworthy that Tertullian +still very frequently called the preëxistent Christ _dei spiritus_; see +de oral. I: "Dei spiritus et dei sermo et dei ratio, sermo rationis et +ratio sermonis et spiritus, utrumque Iesus Christus." Apol. 21: adv. +Prax. 26; adv. Marc. I. 10: III. 6, 16: IV. 21.] + +[Footnote 549: See Zahn, Marcellus of Ancyra, pp. 235-244. Duncker, Des +heiligen Irenaus Christologie, 1843.] + +[Footnote 550: Zahn, l.c., p. 238.] + +[Footnote 551: See Iren., II. 13. 8: II. 28. 4-9: II. 12. 2: II. 13. 2, +and also the important passage II. 29. 3 fin.] + +[Footnote 552: A great many passages clearly show that Irenæus decidedly +distinguished the Son from the Father, so that it is absolutely +incorrect to attribute modalistic ideas to him. See III. 6. 1 and all +the other passages where Irenæus refers to the Old Testament +theophanies. Such are III. 6. 2: IV. 5. 2 fin.: IV. 7. 4, where the +distinction is particularly plain: IV. 17. 6: II. 28. 6.] + +[Footnote 553: The Logos (Son) is the administrator and bestower of the +divine grace as regards humanity, because he is the revealer of this +grace, see IV. 6 (§ 7: "agnitio patris filius, agnitio autem filii in +patre et per filium revelata"): IV. 5: IV. 16. 7: IV. 20. 7. He has been +the revealer of God from the beginning and always remains so, III. 16. +6: IV. 13. 4 etc.: he is the antemundane revealer to the angel world, +see II. 30. 9: "semper autem coëxsistens filius patri, olim et ab initio +semper revelat patrem et angelis et archangelis et potestatibus et +virtutibus et omnibus, quibus vult revelari deus;" he has always existed +with the Father, see II. 30. 9: III. 18. 1: "non tunc coepit filius dei, +exsistens semper apud patrem"; IV. 20. 3, 7, 14. 1: II. 25. 3: "non enim +infectus es, o homo, neque semper coëxsistebas deo, sicut proprium eius +verbum." The Logos is God as God, nay, for us he is God himself, in so +far as his work is the work of God. Thus, and not in a modalistic sense, +we must understand passages like II. 30. 9: "fabricator qui fecit mundum +per semitipsum, hoc est per verbum et per sapientiam suam," or hymnlike +statements such as III. 16. 6: "et hominem ergo in semetipsum +recapitulans est, invisibilis visibilis factus, et incomprehensibilis +factus comprehensibilis et impassibilis passibilis et verbum homo" (see +something similar in Ignatius and Melito, Otto, Corp. Apolog. IX, p. 419 +sq.). Irenæus also says in III. 6. 2: "filius est in patre et habet in +se patrem," III. 6. 1.: "utrosque dei appellatione signavit spiritus, et +eum qui ungitur filium et eum, qui ungit, id est patrem." He not only +says that the Son has revealed the Father, but that the Father has +revealed the Son (IV. 6. 3: IV. 7. 7). He applies Old Testament passages +sometimes to Christ, sometimes to God, and hence in some cases calls the +Father the creator, and in others the Son ("pater generis humani verbum +dei", IV. 31. 2). Irenæus (IV. 4. 2) appropriated the expression of an +ancient "immensum patrem in filio mensuratum; mensura enim patris +filius, quoniam et capit eum." This expression is by no means intended +to denote a diminution, but rather to signify the identity of Father and +Son. In all this Irenæus adhered to an ancient tradition; but these +propositions do not admit of being incorporated with a rational system.] + +[Footnote 554: Logos and Sophia are the hands of God (III. 21. 10: IV. +20): also IV. 6. 6: "Invisibile filii pater, visibile autem patris +filius." Judging from this passage, it is always doubtful whether +Irenæus, like Tertullian, assumed that transcendency belonged to the +Father in a still higher sense than to the Son, and that the nature of +the Son was more adapted for entering the finite than that of the Father +(on the contrary see IV. 20. 7 and especially IV. 24. 2: "verbum +naturaliter quidem invisibile"). But it ought not to have been denied +that there are passages, in which Irenæus hints at a subordination of +the Son, and deduces this from his origin. See II. 28. 8 (the knowledge +of the Father reaches further than that of the Son and the Father is +greater than the Son); III. 6. 1 (the Son _receives_ from the Father the +sovereignty); IV. 17. 6 (a very important passage: the Father owns the +name of Jesus Christ as his, first, because it is the name of his Son, +and, secondly, because he gave it himself); V. 18. 21, 3 ("pater +conditionem simul et verbum suum portans"--"verbum portatum a +patre"--"et sic unus deus pater ostenditur, qui est super omnia et per +omnia et in omnibus; super omnia pater quidem et ipse est caput +Christi"--"verbum universorum potestatem habet a patre"). "This is not a +subordination founded on the nature of the second person, but an +inequality that has arisen historically," says Zahn (l.c., p. 241); but +it is doubtful whether such a distinction can be imputed to Irenæus. We +have rather simply to recognise the contradiction, which was not felt by +Irenæus because, in his religious belief, he places Christ on a level +with God, but, as a theologian, merely touched on the problem. So also +he shows remarkable unconcern as to the proof of the unity of God in +view of the distinction between Father and Son.] + +[Footnote 555: Irenæus very frequently emphasises the idea that the +whole economy of God refers to mankind, see, e.g., I. 10. 3: [Greek: +ekdiêgeisthai tên pragmateian kai oikonomian tou Theou tên epi tê +anthrôpotêti genomenên], IV, 20. 7: "Verbum dispensator paternæ gratiæ +factus est ad utilitatem hominum, propter quos fecit tantas +dispositiones." God became a creator out of goodness and love; see the +beautiful expression in IV. 20. 7: "Gloria dei vivens homo, vita autem +hominis visio dei," or III. 20. 2: "Gloria hominis deus, operationes +vero dei et omnis sapientias eius et virtutis receptaculum homo." V. 29. +1: "Non homo propter conditionem, sed conditio facta est propter +hominem."] + +[Footnote 556: Irenæus speaks about the Holy Spirit in numerous +passages. No doubt he firmly believes in the distinction of the Spirit +(Holy Spirit, Spirit of God, Spirit of the Father, Spirit of the Son, +prophetic Spirit, Wisdom) from the Father and Son, and in a particular +significance belonging to the Spirit, as these doctrines are found in +the _regula_. In general the same attributes as are assigned to the Son +are everywhere applicable to him; he was always with the Father before +there was any creation (IV. 20. 3; Irenæus applies Prov. III. 19: VIII. +22 to the Spirit and not to the Son); like the Son he was the instrument +and hand of the Father (IV. pref. 4, 20. 1: V. 6. 1.). That Logos and +Wisdom are to be distinguished is clear from IV. 20. 1-12 and +particularly from § 12: IV. 7. 4: III. 17. 3 (the host in the parable of +the Good Samaritan is the Spirit). Irenæus also tried by reference to +Scripture to distinguish the work of the Spirit from that of the Logos. +Thus in the creation, the guidance of the world, the Old Testament +history, the incarnation, the baptism of Jesus, the Logos is the energy, +the Spirit is wisdom. He also alluded to a specific ministry of the +Spirit in the sphere of the new covenant. The Spirit is the principle of +the new knowledge in IV. 33. 1, 7, Spirit of fellowship with God in V. +I. 1, pledge of immortality in V. 8. 1, Spirit of life in V. 18. 2. But +not only does the function of the Spirit remain very obscure for all +that, particularly in the incarnation, where Irenæus was forced by the +canon of the New Testament to unite what could not be united (Logos +doctrine and descent of the Spirit upon Mary--where, moreover, the whole +of the Fathers after Irenæus launched forth into the most wonderful +speculations), but even the personality of the Spirit vanishes with him, +e.g., in III. 18. 3: "unguentem patrem et unctum filium et unctionem, +qui est spiritus" (on Isaiah LXI. 1); there is also no mention of the +Spirit in IV. pref. 4 fin., and IV. 1. 1, though he ought to have been +named there. Father, Son, and Spirit, or God, Logos, and Sophia are +frequently conjoined by Irenæus, but he never uses the formula [Greek: +trias], to say nothing of the abstract formulas of Tertullian. In two +passages (IV. 20. 5: V. 36. 2) Irenæus unfolded a sublime speculation, +which is inconsistent with his usual utterances. In the first passage he +says that God has shown himself prophetically through the Spirit (in the +Old Testament), then adoptively through the Son, and will finally show +himself paternally in the kingdom of heaven; the Spirit prepares man for +the Son of God, the Son leads him to the Father, but the Father confers +on him immortality. In the other passage he adopts the saying of an old +presbyter (Papias?) that we ascend gradually through the Spirit to the +Son, and through the Son to the Father, and that in the end the Son will +deliver up everything to the Father, and God will be all in all. It is +remarkable that, as in the case of Tertullian (see above), it is 1 Cor. +XV. 23-28 that has produced this speculation. This is another clear +proof, that in Irenæus the equality of Father, Son, and Spirit is not +unconditional and that the eternity of Son and Spirit is not absolute. +Here also we plainly perceive that the several disquisitions in Irenæus +were by no means part of a complete system. Thus, in IV. 38. 2, he +inverts the relationship and says that we ascend from the Son to the +Spirit: [Greek: Kai dia touto Paulos Korinthiois phêsi: gala humas +epotisa, ou Brôma, oude gar êdunasthe bastazein; toutesti, tên men kata +anthrôpon parousian tou kuriou emathêteuthête, oudêpou de to tou patros +pneuma epanapauetai eph' humas dia tên humôn astheneian]. Here one of +Origen's thoughts appears.] + +[Footnote 557: The opinions advanced here are, of course, adumbrations +of the ideas about redemption. Noldechen (Zeitschrift fur +wissenschaftliche Theologie, 1885, p. 462 ff): "Die Lehre vom ersten +Menschen bei den christlichen Lehrern des 2 Jahrhunderts."] + +[Footnote 558: Here the whole 38th chapter of the 4th Book is to be +examined. The following sentences are perhaps the most important: +[Greek: Ei de legei tis ouk êdunato ho Theos ap' archês teleion +anadeixai ton anthrôpon, Gnôtô, hoti tô men Theô, aei kata ta auta onti +kai agennêtô huparchonti, hôs pros heauton, panta dunata; ta de gegonta, +katho metepeita geneseôs archên idian esche, kata touto kai +hustereisthai dei auta tou pepoiêkotos; ou gar êdunanto agennêta einai +ta neôsti gegennêmena. Katho de mê estin agennêta, kata touto kai +husterountai tou teleiou. Katho de neôtera, kata touto kai nêpia, kata +touto kai asunêthê kai agumnasta pros tên teleian agôgên]. The mother +can no doubt give strong food to the child at the very beginning, but +the child cannot stand it: [Greek: anthrôpos adunatos labein auto; +nêpios gar ên], see also § 2-4: "Non ab initio dii facti sumus, sed +primo quidem homines, tunc demum dii, quamvis deus secundum +simplicitatem bonitatis suæ hoc fecerit, nequis eum putet invidiosum aut +impræstantem." "Ego," inquit, "dixi, dii estis et filii excelsi omnes, +nobis autem potestatem divinitatis baiulare non sustinentibus" ... +"Oportuerat autem primo naturam apparere, post deinde vinci et absorbi +mortale ab immortalitate et corruptibile ab incorruptibilitate, et fieri +hominem secundum imaginem et similitudinem dei, agnitione accepta boni +et mali." Ibid.: [Greek: hupotagê Theou aptharsia, kai paramonê +aptharsias doxa agennêtos ... horasis Theou peripoiêtikê aptharsias; +aptharsia de eggus einai poiei Theou]. In this chapter Irenæus +contemplates the manner of appearance of the Logos (as man) from the +point of view of a [Greek: sunnêpiazein]. His conception of the capacity +and destination of man enabled him to develop his ideas about the +progressive training of the human race and about the different covenants +(see below). On this point cf. also IV. 20. 5-7. The fact that, +according to this way of looking at things, the Good and Divine appeared +only as the _destination_ of man--which was finally to be reached +through divine guidance--but not as his _nature_, suggested both to +Irenæus and Tertullian the distinction between "natura" and "gratia" or +between "substantia" and "fides et iustitia." In other words, they were +led to propound a problem which had occurred to the Gnostics long +before, and had been solved by them in a dualistic sense. See Irenæus +II. 29. 1: "Si propter substantiam omnes succedunt animæ in refrigerium, +et superfluum est credere, superflua autem et discessio salvatoris; si +autem propter iustitiam, iam non propter id, quod sint animæ sed quoniam +sunt iustæ ... Si enim natura et substantia salvat, omnes salvabuntur +animæ; si autem iustitia et fides etc." II. 34. 3: "Non enim ex nobis +neque ex nostra natura vita est, sed secundum gratiam dei datur," II. +34. 4. Tertullian adv. Marc. III. 15: "Christi nomen non ex natura +veniens, sed ex dispositione." In Tertullian these ideas are not +unfrequently opposed to each other in this way; but the relationship +between them has by no means been made clear.] + +[Footnote 559: On the psychology of Irenæus see Bohringer, p. 466 f., +Wendt p. 22. The fact that in some passages he reckoned the [Greek: +pneuma] in man as the latter's inalienable nature (e.g. II. 33-5), +though as a rule (like Tatian) he conceives it as the divine Spirit, is +an evident inconsistency on his part. The [Greek: eikôn] is realised in +the body, the [Greek: homoiôsis] is not given by nature, but is brought +about by the union with the Spirit of God realised through obedience (V. +6. 1). The [Greek: homoiôsis] is therefore subject to growth, and was +not perfect at the beginning (see above, IV. 38. 4, where he opposes +Tatian's opinion). It is clear, especially from V. 12. 2, that it is +only the [Greek: pnoê], not the [Greek: pneuma], that is to be conceived +as an original possession. On this point Irenæus appealed to 1 Cor. XV. +45. It is plain from the 37th chapter of the 4th Book, that Irenæus also +views everything as ultimately dependent on man's inalienable freedom. +Alongside of this God's goodness has scope for displaying itself in +addition to its exercise at the creation, because it guides man's +knowledge through counsel; see § 1. On Matth. XXIII. 37 Irenæus remarks: +"veterem legem libertatis hominis manifestavit, quia liberum eum deus +fecit ab initio, habentem suam potestatem sicut et suam animam ad +utendum sententia dei voluntarie et non coactum a deo ... posuit in +homine potestatem electionis quemadmodum in angelis (et enim angeli +rationabiles), ut hi quidem qui obedissent iuste bonum sint possidentes, +_datum quidem a deo, servatum vero ab ipsis_." An appeal to Rome II. 4-7 +(!) follows. In § 2 Irenæus inveighs violently against the Gnostic +doctrines of natural goodness and wickedness: [Greek: pantes tês autês +eisi physeôs]. In § 4 he interprets the Pauline: "omnia licent, sed non +omnia expediunt," as referring to man's inalienable freedom and to the +way in which it is abused in order to work evil(!): "liberæ sententiæ ab +initio est homo et liberæ sententiæ est deus, cuius ad similitudinem +factus est." § 5: "Et non tantum in operibus, sed etiam in fide, liberum +et suæ potestatis arbitrium hominis _servavit_ (that is, respected) +dominus, dicens: Secundum fidem tuam fiat tibi." § 4: "deus consilium +dat continere bonum, quod perficitur ex obedientia." § 3: "[Greek: to +autexousion tou anthrôpou kai to symbouleutikon tou Theou mê +biazomenou]." IV. 4. 3: "homo rationabilis et secundum hoc similis deo +liber in arbitrio factus et suæ potestatis, ipse sibi causa est, ut +aliquando quidem frumentum aliquando autem palea fiat."] + +[Footnote 560: As a matter of fact this view already belongs to the +second train of thought; see particularly III. 21-23. Here in reality +this merely applies to the particular individuals who chose +disobedience, but Irenæus almost everywhere referred back to the fall of +Adam. See, however, V. 27. 2: "Quicunque erga eum custodiunt +dilectionem, suam his præstat communionem. Communio autem dei vita et +lumen et fruitio eorum quæ sunt apud deum bonorum. Quicumque autem +absistunt secundum sententiam suam ab eo, his eam quæ electa est ab +ipsis separationem inducit. Separatio autem dei mors, et separatio lucis +tenebræ, et separatio dei amissio omnium quæ sunt apud eum bonorum." V. +19. 1, 1. 3, 1. 1. The subjective moralism is very clearly defined in +IV. 15. 2: "Id quod erat semper liberum et suæ potestatis in homine +semper servavit deus et sua exhortatio, ut iuste iudicentur qui non +obediunt ei quoniam non obedierunt, et qui obedierunt et crediderunt ei, +honorentur incorruptibilitate."] + +[Footnote 561: Man's sin is thoughtlessness; he is merely led astray +(IV. 40. 3). The fact that he let himself be seduced under the pretext +of immortality is an excuse for him; man was _infans_, (See above; hence +it is said, in opposition to the Gnostics, in IV. 38. 4: +"supergredieutes legem humani generis et antequam fiant homines, iam +volunt similes esse factori deo et nullam esse differentiam infecti dei +et nunc facti hominis." The same idea is once more very clearly +expressed in IV. 39. 3; "quemadmodum igitur erit homo deus, qui nondum +factus est homo?" i.e., how could newly created man be already perfect +as he was not even man, inasmuch as he did not yet know how to +distinguish good and evil?). Cf. III. 23. 3, 5: "The fear of Adam was +the beginning of wisdom; the sense of transgression led to repentance; +but God bestows his grace on the penitent" ... "eum odivit deus, qui +seduxit hominem, ei vero qui seductus est, sensim paullatimque misertus +est." The "pondus peccati" in the sense of Augustine was by no means +acknowledged by Irenæus, and although he makes use of Pauline sayings, +and by preference such as have a quite different sense, he is very far +from sharing Paul's view.] + +[Footnote 562: See IV. 37. 7: "Alias autem esset nostrum insensatum +bonum, quod esset inexercitatum. Sed et videre non tantum nobis esset +desiderabile, nisi cognovissemus quantum esset malum non videre; et bene +valere autem male valentis experientia honorabilius efficit, et lucem +tenebrarum comparatio et vitam mortis. Sic et coeleste regnum +honorabilius est his qui cognoverunt terrenum." The main passage is III. +20. 1, 2, which cannot be here quoted. The fall was necessary in order +that man might not believe that he was "naturaliter similis deo." Hence +God permitted the great whale to swallow man for a time. In several +passages Irenæus has designated the permitting of evil as kind +generosity on the part of God, see, e.g., IV. 39. 1, 37. 7.] + +[Footnote 563: See Wendt, l.c., p. 24.] + +[Footnote 564: See III. 23. 6.] + +[Footnote 565: See V. I. 1: "Non enim aliter nos discere poteramus quæ +sunt dei, nisi magister noster, verbum exsistens, homo factus fuisset +... Neque rursus nos aliter discere poteramus, nisi magistrum nostrum +videntes," etc.; III. 23. 2, 5. 3: "libertatem restauravit"; IV. 24. 1: +"reformavit humamum genus"; III. 17. 1: "spiritus sanctus in filium dei, +filium hominis factum, descendit cum ipso assuescens habitare in genere +humano." III. 19. 1: IV. 38. 3: 39. 1, 2. Wendt's summary, l.c., p. 24: +"By the Logos becoming man, the type of the perfect man made its +appearance," formulates Irenæus' meaning correctly and excludes the +erroneous idea that he viewed the Logos himself as the prototype of +humanity. A real divine manhood is not necessary within this train of +thought; only a _homo inspiratus_ is required.] + +[Footnote 566: See Hippol. Philos. X. 33 (p. 538 sq.): [Greek: Epi +toutois ton pantôn archonta dêmiourgôn ek pasôn synthetôn ousiôn +eskeuasen, ou Theôn thelôn poiein esphêlen, oude angelon, all' +anthrôpon. Ei gar Theon se êthelêse poiêsai, edunato; echeis tou logou +to paradeigma; anthrôpon thelôn, anthrôpon se epoiêsen; ei de theleis +kai Theos genesthai, hupakoue tô pepoiêkoti.] The famous concluding +chapter of the Philosophoumena with its prospect of deification is to be +explained from this (X. 34).] + +[Footnote 567: See Tertull. adv. Marc. II. 4-11; his undiluted moralism +appears with particular clearness in chaps. 6 and 8. No weight is to be +attached to the phrase in chapter 4 that God by placing man in Paradise +really even then put him from Paradise into the Church. This is contrary +to Wendt's opinion, l.c., p. 67. ff., where the exposition of Tertullian +is _speciosior quam verior_. In adv. Marc. II. 4 ff. Wendt professes to +see the first traces of the scholastic and Romish theory, and in de +anima 16, 41 the germ of the subsequent Protestant view.] + +[Footnote 568: See IV. 5. 1, 6. 4.] + +[Footnote 569: See IV 14. 1: "In quantum enim deus nullius indiget, in +tantum homo indiget dei communione. Hæc enim gloria hominis, perseverare +et permanere in dei servitute." This statement, which, like the numerous +others where Irenæus speaks of the adoptio, is opposed to moralism, +reminds us of Augustine. In Irenæus' great work, however, we can point +out not a few propositions which, so to speak, bear the stamp of +Augustine; see IV. 38. 3: [Greek: hupotagê Theou aphtharsia].] + +[Footnote 570: See the passages quoted above, p. 241 f.] + +[Footnote 571: See III. 18. 1. V. 16. 1 is very remarkable: [Greek: En +tois prosthen chronois elegeto men kat' eikona Theou gegonenai ton +anthrôpon, ouk edeiknuto de, eti gar aoratos ên ho logos, ou kat' eikona +ho anthrôpos egegonei. dia touto dê kai tên homoiôsin iadiôs apebalen]; +see also what follows. In V. I. 1 Irenæus even says: "Quoniam iniuste +dominabatur nobis apostasia, et cum natura essemus dei omnipotentis, +alienavit nos contra naturam diabolus." Compare with this the +contradictory passage IV. 38: "oportuerat autem primo naturam apparere" +etc. (see above, p. 268), where _natura hominis_ is conceived as the +opposite of the divine nature.] + +[Footnote 572: See Wendt, l.c., p. 29, who first pointed out the two +dissimilar trains of thought in Irenæus with regard to man's original +state, Duncker having already done so in regard to his Christology. +Wendt has rightly shown that we have here a real and not a seeming +contradiction; but, as far as the explanation of the fact is concerned, +the truth does not seem to me to have been arrived at. The circumstance +that Irenæus did not develop the mystic view in such a systematic way as +the moralistic by no means justifies us in supposing that he merely +adopted it superficially (from the Scriptures): for its nature admits of +no systematic treatment, but only of a rhetorical and contemplative one. +No further explanation can be given of the contradiction, because, +strictly speaking, Irenæus has only given us fragments.] + +[Footnote 573: See V. 16. 3: [Greek: en tô prôtô Adam prosekopsamen, mê +poiêsantes autou tên entolên]. IV. 34. 2: "homo initio in Adam +inobediens per mortem percussus est;" III. 18. 7-23: V. 19. 1: V. 21. 1: +V. 17. 1 sq.] + +[Footnote 574: Here also Irenæus keeps sin in the background; death and +life are the essential ideas. Bohringer l.c., p. 484 has very rightly +remarked: "We cannot say that Irenæus, in making Adam's conduct and +suffering apply to the whole human race had started from an inward, +immediate experience of human sinfulness and a feeling of the need of +salvation founded on this." It is the thoughts of Paul to which Irenæus +tried to accommodate himself without having had the same feeling about +the flesh and sin as this Apostle. In Tertullian the mystic doctrine of +salvation is rudimentary (but see, e.g. de anima 40: "ita omnis anima eo +usque in Adam censetur donec in Christo recenseatur," and other +passages); but he has speculations about Adam (for the most part +developments of hints given in Irenæus; see the index in Oehler's +edition), and he has a new realistic idea as to a physical taint of sin +propagated through procreation. Here we have the first beginning of the +doctrine of original sin (de testim. 3: "per diabolum homo a primordio +circumventus, ut præceptum dei excederet, et propterea in mortem datus +exinde totum genus de suo semine infectum suæ etiam damnationis traducem +fecit." Compare his teachings in de anima 40, 41, 16 about the disease +of sin that is propagated "ex originis vitio" and has become a real +second nature). But how little he regards this original sin as guilt is +shown by de bapt. 18: "Quaie innocens ætas festinat ad baptismum." For +the rest, Tertullian discussed the relationship of flesh and spirit, +sensuousness and intellect, much more thoroughly than Irenæus; he showed +that flesh is not the seat of sin (de anima 40). In the same book (but +see Bk. V. c. 1) he expressly declared that in this question also sure +results are only to be obtained from revelation. This was an important +step in the direction of secularising Christianity through "philosophy" +and of emasculating the understanding through "revelation." In regard to +the conception of sin Cyprian followed his teacher. De op. et eleem. 1 +reads indeed like an utterance of Irenæus ("dominus sanavit illa quæ +Adam portaverat vulnera"); but the statement in ep. 64. 5: "Recens natus +nihil peccavit, nisi quod secundum Adam carnaliter natus contagium +mortis antiquæ prima nativitate contraxit" is quite in the manner of +Tertullian, and perhaps the latter could also have agreed with the +continuation: "infanti remittuntur non propria sed aliena peccata." +Tertullian's proposition that absolutely no one but the Son of God could +have remained without sin was repeated by Cyprian (see, e.g., de op. et +eleem. 3).] + +[Footnote 575: III. 22. 4 has quite a Gnostic sound ... "eam quæ est a +Maria in Evam recirculationem significans; quia non aliter quod +colligatum est solveretur, nisi ipsæ compagines alligationis +reflectantur retrorsus, ut primæ coniunctiones solvantur per secundas, +secundæ rursus liberent primas. Et evenit primam quidem compaginem a +secunda colligatione solvere, secundam vero colligationem primæ +solutionis habere locum. Et propter hoc dominus dicebat primos quidem +novissimos futuros et novissimos primos." Irenæus expresses a Gnostic +idea when he on one occasion plainly says (V. 12. 3): [Greek: En tô Adam +pantes apothnêskomen, hoti psychikoi.] But Paul, too, made an approach +to this thought.] + +[Footnote 576: See III. 23. 1, 2, a highly characteristic statement.] + +[Footnote 577: See, e.g., III. 9. 3, 12. 2, 16. 6-9, 17. 4 and +repeatedly 8. 2: "verbum dei, per quem facta sunt omnia, qui est dominus +noster Jesus Christus."] + +[Footnote 578: See IV. 6. 7.] + +[Footnote 579: See III. 11. 3.] + +[Footnote 580: See III. 6.] + +[Footnote 581: See III. 19. 1, 2: IV. 33. 4: V. 1. 3; see also +Tertullian against "Ebion" de carne 14, 18, 24; de præser. 10. 33.] + +[Footnote 582: See III. 21, 22: V. 19-21.] + +[Footnote 583: See the arguments, l.c., V. 19. 1: "Quemadmodum +adstrictum est morti genus humanum per virginem, salvatur per virginem, +æqua lance disposita virginalis inobedientia per virginalem +obedientiam," and other similar ones. We find the same in Tertull., de +carne 17, 20. In this connection we find in both very extravagant +expressions with regard to Mary (see, e.g. Tertull., l.c. 20 fin.: "uti +virgo esset regeneratio nostra spiritaliter ab omnibus inquinamentis +sanctificata per Christum." Iren. III. 21. 7: "Maria cooperans +dispositioni (dei);" III. 22. 4 "Maria obediens et sibi et universo +generi humano causa facta est salutis" ... "quod alligavit virgo Eva per +incredulitatem, hoc virgo Maria solvit per fidem"). These, however, have +no doctrinal significance; in fact the same Tertullian expressed himself +in a depreciatory way about Mary in _de carne_ 7. On the other hand it +is undeniable that the later Mariolatry has one of its roots in the +parallel between Eve and Mary. The Gnostic invention of the _virginitas +Mariæ in partu_ can hardly be traced in Irenæus III. 21. 4. Tertullian +(de carne 23) does not seem to know anything about it as yet, and very +decidedly assumed the natural character of the process. The popular +conception as to the reason of Christ's birth from a virgin, in the form +still current to-day, but beneath all criticism, is already found in +Tertullian _de carne_ 18: "Non competebat ex semine humano dei filium +nasci, ne, si totus esset filius hominis, non esset et dei filius, +nihilque haberet amplius Salomone, ut de Hebionis opinione credendus +erat Ergo iam dei filius ex patris dei semine, id est spiritu, ut esset +et hominis filius, caro ei sola competebat ex hominis carne sumenda sine +viri semine. Vacabat enim semen viri apud habentem dei semen." The other +theory existing side by side with this, viz., that Christ would have +been a sinner if he had been begotten from the semen, whereas he could +assume sinless flesh from woman is so far as I know scarcely hinted at +by Irenæus and Tertullian. The fact of Christ's birth was frequently +referred to by Tertullian in order to prove Christ's kinship to God the +Creator, e.g., adv. Marc. III. 11. Hence this article of the _regula +fidei_ received a significance from this point of view also. An +Encratite explanation of the birth from the Virgin is found in the old +treatise _de resurr._ bearing Justin's name (Otto, Corp. Apol. III., p. +220.)] + +[Footnote 584: See, e.g., III. 18. 1 and many other places. See the +passages named in note, p. 276.] + +[Footnote 585: So also Tertullian. See adv. Marc. III. 8: The whole work +of salvation is destroyed by Docetism; cf. the work _de carne Christi_. +Tertullian exclaims to the Docetist Marcion in c. 5: "Parce unicæ spei +totius orbis." Irenæus and Tertullian mean that Christ's assumption of +humanity was complete, but not unfrequently express themselves in such a +manner as to convey the impression that the Logos only assumed flesh. +This is particularly the case with Tertullian, who, moreover, in his +earlier time had probably quite naive Docetic ideas and really looked +upon the humanity of Christ as only flesh. See Apolog. 21: "spiritum +Christus cum verbo sponte dimisit, prævento carnincis officio." Yet +Irenæus in several passages spoke of Christ's human soul (III. 22. 1: V. +1. 1) as also did Melito ([Greek: to alêthes kai aphantaston tês psuchês +Christou kai tou sômatos, tês kath' hêmas anthrôpinês phuseôs] Otto, +l.c., IX., p. 415) and Tertullian (de carne 10 ff. 13; de resurr. 53). +What we possess in virtue of the creation was _assumed_ by Christ +(Iren., l.c., III. 22. 2.) Moreover, Tertullian already examined how the +case stands with sin in relation to the flesh of Christ. In opposition +to the opinion of the heretic Alexander, that the Catholics believe +Jesus assumed earthly flesh in order to destroy the flesh of sin in +himself, he shows that the Saviour's flesh was without sin and that it +is not admissible to teach the annihilation of Christ's flesh (de carne +16; see also Irenæus V. 14. 2, 3): "Christ by taking to himself our +flesh has made it his own, that is, he has made it sinless." It was +again passages from Paul (Rom. VIII. 3 and Ephes. II. 15) that gave +occasion to this discussion. With respect to the opinion that it may be +with the flesh of Christ as it is with the flesh of angels who appear, +Tertullian remarks (de carne 6) that no angel came to die; that which +dies must be born; the Son of God came to die.] + +[Footnote 586: This conception was peculiar to Irenæus, and for good +reasons was not repeated in succeeding times; see II. 22: III. 17. 4. +From it also Irenæus already inferred the necessity of the death of +Christ and his abode in the lower world, V. 31. 1, 2. Here we trace the +influence of the recapitulation idea. It has indeed been asserted (very +energetically by Schultz, Gottheit Christi, p. 73 f.) that the Christ of +Irenæus was not a personal man, but only possessed humanity. But that is +decidedly incorrect, the truth merely being that Irenæus did not draw +all the inferences from the personal humanity of Christ.] + +[Footnote 587: See Iren. V. 31. 2: "Surgens in carne sic ascendit ad +patrem." Tertullian, de carne 24: "Bene quod idem veniet de cælis qui +est passus ... et agnoscent qui eum confixerunt, utique ipsam carnem in +quam sævierunt, sine qua nee ipse esse poterit et agnosci;" see also +what follows.] + +[Footnote 588: See Iren. IV. 33. 11.] + +[Footnote 589: See Iren. IV. 20. 4; see also III. 19. 1.] + +[Footnote 590: He always posits the unity in the form of a confession +without describing it. See III. 16. 6, which passage may here stand for +many. "Verbum unigenitus, qui semper humano generi adest, unitus et +consparsus suo plasmati secundum placitum patris et caro factus ipse est +Iesus Christus dominus noster, qui et passus est pro nobis et +ressurrexit propter nos.... Unus igitur deus pater, quemadmodum +ostendimus, et unus Christus Iesus domiuns noster, veniens per universam +dispositionem et omnia in semelipsum recapitulans. In omnibus autem est +et homo plasmatio del, et hominem ergo in semetipsum recapitulans est, +invisibilis visibilis factus, et incomprehensibilis factus +comprehensibilis et impassibilis passibilis et verbum homo." V. 18. 1: +"Ipsum verbum dei incarnatum suspensum est super lignum."] + +[Footnote 591: Here Irenæus was able to adopt the old formula "God has +suffered" and the like; so also Melito, see Otto l.c., IX. p. 416: +[Greek: ho Theos peponuen hupo dexias Israêlitidos] (p. 422): "Quidnam +est hoc novum mysterium? iudex iudicatur et quietus est; invisibilis +videtur neque erubescit: incomprehensibilis prehenditur neque +indignatur, incommensurabilis mensuratur neque repugnat; impassibilis +patitur neque ulciscitur; immortalis moritur, neque respondit verbum, +coelestis sepelitur et id fert." But let us note that these are not +"doctrines," but testimonies to the faith, as they were always worded +from the beginning and such as could, if need were, be adapted to any +Christology. Though Melito in a fragment whose genuineness is not +universally admitted (Otto, l.c., p. 415 sq.) declared in opposition to +Marcion, that Christ proved his humanity to the world in the 30 years +before his baptism; but showed the divine nature concealed in his human +nature during the 3 years of his ministry, he did not for all that mean +to imply that Jesus' divinity and humanity are in any way separated. +But, though Irenæus inveighed so violently against the "Gnostic" +separation of Jesus and Christ (see particularly III. 16. 2, where most +weight is laid on the fact that we do not find in Matth.: "Iesu +generatio sic erat" but "Christi generatio sic erat"), there is no doubt +that in some passages he himself could not help unfolding a speculation +according to which the predicates applying to the human nature of Jesus +do not also hold good of his divinity, in fact he actually betrayed a +view of Christ inconsistent with the conception of the Saviour's person +as a perfect unity. We can indeed only trace this view in his writings +in the form of an undercurrent, and what led to it will be discussed +further on. Both he and Melito, as a rule adhered to the simple "filius +dei filius hominis factus" and did not perceive any problem here, +because to them the disunion prevailing in the world and in humanity was +the difficult question that appeared to be solved through this very +divine manhood. How closely Melito agreed with Irenæus is shown not only +by the proposition (p. 419): "Propterea misit pater filium suum e coelo +sine corpore (this is said in opposition to the Valentinian view), ut, +postquam incarnatus esset in, utero virginis et natus esset homo, +vivificaret hominem et colligeret membra eius quæ mors disperserat, quum +hominem divideret," but also by the "propter hominem iudicatus est +iudex, impassibilis passus est?" (l.c.).] + +[Footnote 592: The concepts employed by Irenæus are _deus_, _verbum_, +_filius dei_, _homo_, _filius hominis_, _plasma dei_. What perhaps +hindered the development of that formula in his case was the +circumstance of his viewing Christ, though he had assumed the _plasma +dei_, humanity, as a personal man who (for the sake of the +recapitulation theory) not only had a human nature but was obliged to +live through a complete human life. The fragment attributed to Irenæus +(Harvey II., p. 493) in which occur the words, [Greek: tou Theou logou +henôoei tê kath' hupostasin physikê henôthentos tê sakri], is by no +means genuine. How we are to understand the words: [Greek: hina ex +amphoterôn to periphanes tôn physeôn paradeichthê] in fragment VIII. +(Harvey II., p. 479), and whether this piece belongs to Irenæus, is +uncertain. That Melito (assuming the genuineness of the fragment) has +the formula of the two natures need excite no surprise; for (1) Melito +was also a philosopher, which Irenæus was not, and (2) it is found in +Tertullian, whose doctrines can be shown to be closely connected with +those of Melito (see my Texte und Untersuchungen I. 1, 2, p. 249 f.). If +that fragment is genuine Melito is the first Church teacher who has +spoken of two natures.] + +[Footnote 593: See Apol. 21: "verbum caro figuratus ... homo deo +mixtus;" adv. Marc. II. 27: "filius dei miscens in semetipso hominem et +deum;" de carne 15: "homo deo mixtus;" 18: "sic homo cum deo, dum caro +hominis cum spiritu dei." On the Christology of Tertullian cf. Schulz, +Gottheit Christi, p. 74 ff.] + +[Footnote 594: De carne 5: "Crucifixus est dei filius, non pudet quia +pudendum est; et mortuus est dei filius, prorsus credibile est, quia +ineptum est; et sepultus resurrexit, certum est, quia impossible est;" +but compare the whole book; c. 5 init.: "deus crucifixus," "nasci se +voluit deus". De pat. 3: "nasci se deus in utero patitur." The formula: +[Greek: ho gennêtheis, ho megas Theos] is also found in Sibyll. VII. +24.] + +[Footnote 595: De carne I, cf. ad nat. II. 4: "ut iure consistat +collegium nominis communione substantiæ."] + +[Footnote 596: De carne 18 fin.] + +[Footnote 597: Adv. Prax. 27: "Sed enim invenimus illum diiecto et deum +et hominem expositum, ipso hoc psalmo suggerente (Ps. LXXXVII. 5) ... +hic erit homo et filius hominis, qui definitus est filius dei secundum +spiritum ... Videmus duplicem statum, non confusum sed coniunctum in una +persona deum et hominem Iesum. De Christo autem differo. Et adeo salva +est utriusque proprietas substantiæ, ut et spiritus res suas egerit in +illo, id est virtutes et opera et signa, et caro passiones suas functa +sit, esuriens sub diabolo ... denique et mortua est. Quodsi tertium quid +esset, ex utroque confusum, ut electrum, non tam distincta documenta +parerent utrinsque substantiæ." In what follows the _actus utriusque +substantiæ_ are sharply demarcated: "ambæ substantiæ in statu suo quæque +distincte agebant, ideo illis et operæ et exitus sui occurrerunt ... +neque caro spiritus fit neque spiritus caro: in uno plane esse possunt." +See also c. 29: "Quamquam cum duæ substantiæ censeantur in Christo Iesu, +divina et humana, constet autem immortalem esse divinam" etc.] + +[Footnote 598: Of this in a future volume. Here also two _substances_ in +Christ are always spoken of (there are virtually three, since, according +to _de anima_ 35, men have already two substances in themselves) I know +only one passage where Tertullian speaks of _natures_ in reference to +Christ, and this passage in reality proves nothing; de carne 5: "Itaque +utriusque substantiæ census hominem et deum exhibuit, hinc natum, inde +non natum (!), hinc carneum, inde spiritalem" etc. Then: "Quæ proprietas +conditionum, divinæ et humanæ, æqua utique _naturæ_ cuiusque veritate +disjuncta est."] + +[Footnote 599: In the West up to the time of Leo I. the formula "deus et +homo," or, after Tertullian's time "duæ substantiæ," was always a simple +expression of the facts acknowledged in the Symbol, and not a +speculation derived from the doctrine of redemption. This is shown just +from the fact of stress being laid on the unmixedness. With this was +associated a theoretic and apologetic interest on the part of +theologians, so that they began to dwell at greater length on the +unmixedness after the appearance of that Patripassianism, which +professed to recognise the _filius dei_ in the _caro_, that is in the +_deus_ so far as he is _incarnatus_ or has _changed_ himself into flesh. +As to Tertullian's opposition to this view see what follows. In +contradistinction to this Western formula the monophysite one was +calculated to satisfy both the _salvation_ interest and the +understanding. The Chalcedonian creed, as is admitted by Schulz, l.c., +pp. 64 ff., 71 ff., is consequently to be explained from Tertullian's +view, not from that of the Alexandrians. Our readers will excuse us for +thus anticipating.] + +[Footnote 600: "Quare," says Irenæus III. 21. 10--"igitur non iterum +sumpsit limum deus sed ex Maria operatus est plasmationem fieri? Ut non +alia plasmatio fieret neque alia, esset plasmatio quæ salvaietur, sed +eadem ipsa recapitularetur, servata similitudine?"] + +[Footnote 601: See de carne 18. Oehler has misunderstood the passage and +therefore mispointed it. It is as follows: "Vox ista (Joh. I. 14) quid +caro factum sit contestatur, nec tamen periclitatur, quasi statim aliud +sit (verbum), factum caro, et non verbum.... Cum scriptura non dicat +nisi quod factum sit, non et unde sit factum, ergo ex alio, non ex +semetipso suggerit factum" etc.] + +[Footnote 602: Adv. Prax. 27 sq. In de carne 3 sq. and elsewhere +Tertullian indeed argues against Marcion that God in contradistinction +to all creatures can transform himself into anything and yet remain God. +Hence we are not to think of a transformation in the strict sense, but +of an _adunitio_.] + +[Footnote 603: So I think I ought to express myself. It does not seem to +me proper to read a twofold conception into Irenæus' Christological +utterances under the pretext that Christ according to him was also the +perfect man, with all the modern ideas that are usually associated with +this thought (Bohringer, l.c., p. 542 ff., see Thomasius in opposition +to him).] + +[Footnote 604: See, e.g., V. 1. 3. Nitzch, Dogmengeschichte I. p. 309. +Tertullian, in his own peculiar fashion, developed still more clearly +the thought transmitted to him by Irenæus. See adv. Prax. 12: "Quibus +faciebat deus hominem similem? Filio quidem, qui erat induturus +hominem.... Erat autem ad cuius imaginem faciebat, ad filii scilicet, +qui homo futurus certior et verior imaginem suam fecerat dici hominem, +qui tunc de limo formari habebat, imago veri et similitudo." Adv. Marc. +V. 8: "Creator Christum, sermonem suum, intuens hominem futurum, +Faciamus, inquit, hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram"; the +same in de resurr. 6. But with Tertullian, too, this thought was a +sudden idea and did not become the basis of further speculation.] + +[Footnote 605: Iren. IV. 14. 2; for further particulars on the point see +below, where Irenæus' views on the preparation of salvation are +discussed. The views of Dorner, l.c., 492 f., that the union of the Son +of God with humanity was a gradual process, are marred by some +exaggerations, but are correct in their main idea.] + +[Footnote 606: "Secundum id quod verbum dei homo erat ex radice lesse et +filius Abrabæ, secunum hoc requiescebat spiritus dei super eum ... +secundum autem quod deus erat, non secundum gloriam iudicabat." All that +Irenæus said of the Spirit in reference to the person of Christ is to be +understood merely as an _exegetical_ necessity and must not be regarded +as a theoretical _principle_ (this is also the case with Tertullian). +Dorner (l.c., p. 492 f.) has failed to see this, and on the basis of +Irenæus' incidental and involuntary utterances has attempted to found a +speculation which represents the latter as meaning that the Holy Ghost +was the medium which gradually united the Logos, who was exalted above +growing and suffering, into one person with the free and growing man in +Jesus Christ. In III. 12. 5-7 Irenæus, in conformity with Acts IV. 27: +X. 38, used the following other formulæ about Christ: [Greek: ho Theos, +ho poiêsas ton ouranon k.t.l., kai ho toutou pais, on echrisen ho +Theos]--"Petrus Iesum ipsum esse filium dei testificatus est, qui et +unctus Spiritu Sancto Iesus dicitur." But Irenæus only expressed himself +thus because of these passages, whereas Hippolytus not unfrequently +calls Christ [Greek: pais Theos].] + +[Footnote 607: On Hippolytus' views of the incarnation see Dorner, l.c., +I. p. 609 ff.--an account to be used with caution--and Overbeck, Quæst. +Hippol. Specimen (1864), p. 47 sq. Unfortunately the latter has not +carried out his intention to set forth the Christology of Hippolytus in +detail. In the work quoted he has, however, shown how closely the latter +in many respects has imitated Irenæus in this case also. It is +instructive to see what Hippolytus has not adopted from Irenæus or what +has become rudimentary with him. As a professional and learned teacher +he is at bottom nearer to the Apologists as regards his Christology than +Irenæus. As an exegete and theological author he has much in common with +the Alexandrians, just as he is in more than one respect a connecting +link between Catholic controversialists like Irenæus and Catholic +scholars like Origen. With the latter he moreover came into personal +contact. See Hieron., de vir. inl. 61: Hieron., ep. ad Damas. edit. +Venet. I., ep. 36 is also instructive. These brief remarks are, however, +by no means intended to give countenance to Kimmel's untenable +hypothesis (de Hippol. vita et scriptis, 1839) that Hippolytus was an +Alexandrian. In Hippolytus' treatise c. Noët. we find positive teachings +that remind us of Tertullian. An important passage is de Christo et +Antichristo 3 f.: [Greek: eis gar kai ho tou Theou] (Iren.), [Greek: di' +ou kai hêmeis tuchontes tên dia tou hagiou pneumatos anagennesin eis ena +teleion kai epouranion anthrôpon hoi pantes katantêsai epithumoumen] +(see Iren.) [Greek: Epeidê gar ho logos tou Theou asarkos ôn] (see +Melito, Iren., Tertull.) [Greek: enedusato tên hagian sarka ek tês +hagias parthenou; hôs numphios himation exuphanas heautô ên tô staurikô +pathei] (Irenæus and Tertullian also make the death on the cross the +object of the assumption of the flesh), [Greek: hopôs sygkerasas to +thnêton hemôn sôma tê heautou dunamei kai mixas] (Iren., Tertull.) +[Greek: tô aphthartô to phtharton kai to asthenes tô ischurô sôse ton +apollumenon anthrôpon] (Iren.). The succeeding disquisition deserves +particular note, because it shows that Hippolytus has also borrowed from +Irenæus the idea that the union of the Logos with humanity had already +begun in a certain way in the prophets. Overbeck has rightly compared +the [Greek: anaplassein di' heutou ton Adam] l.c., c. 26, with the +[Greek: anakephalaioun] of Irenæus and l.c., c. 44, with Iren. II. 22, +4. For Hippolytus' Christology Philosoph. X. 33, p. 542 and c. Noet. 10 +ff. are the chief passages of additional importance. In the latter +passage it is specially noteworthy that Hippolytus, in addition to many +other deviations from Irenæus and Tertullian, insists on applying the +full name of Son only to the incarnate Logos. In this we have a remnant +of the more ancient idea and at the same time a concession to his +opponents who admitted an eternal Logos in God, but not a pre-temporal +hypostasis of the Son. See c. 15: [Greek: poion oun huion heautou ho +Theos dia tês sarkos katepempsen all' hê ton logon; hon huion +prosêgoreue dia to mellein auton genesthai, kai to koinon onoma tês eis +anthrôpous philostorgias analambanei ho huios (kaitoi teleios logos ôn +monogenes). oud' hê sarx kath' heautên dicha tou logou hupostênai +êdunato dia to en logô tên sustasin echein houtôs oun eis huios teleios +Theou ephanerôthê.] Hippolytus partook to a much greater extent than his +teacher Irenæus of the tree of Greek knowledge and he accordingly speaks +much more frequently than the latter of the "divine mysteries" of the +faith. From the fragments and writings of this author that are preserved +to us the existence of very various Christologies can be shown; and this +proves that the Christology of his teacher Irenæus had not by any means +yet become predominant in the Church, as we might suppose from the +latter's confident tone. Hippolytus is an exegete and accordingly still +yielded with comparative impartiality to the impressions conveyed by the +several passages. For example he recognised the woman of Rev. XII. as +the Church and the Logos as her child, and gave the following exegesis +of the passage (de Christo et Antichristo 61): [Greek: ou pausetai hê +ekklêsia gennôsa ek kardias ton logon tou en kosmô hupo apistôn +diôkomenon. "kai eteke", phêsin, "huion arrena, hos mellei poimainein +panta ta ethnê", ton arrena kai teleios Christon, paida Theou, Theon kai +anthrôpon katangellomenon aei tiktousa hê ekklêsia didaskei panta ta +ethnê.] If we consider how Irenæus' pupil is led by the text of the Holy +Scriptures to the most diverse "doctrines," we see how the "Scripture" +theologians were the very ones who threatened the faith with the +greatest corruptions. As the exegesis of the Valentinian schools became +the mother of numerous self-contradictory Christologies, so the same +result was threatened here--"doctrinæ inolescentes in silvas iam +exoleverunt Gnosticorum." From this standpoint Origen's undertaking to +subject the whole material of Biblical exegesis to a fixed theory +appears in its historical greatness and importance.] + +[Footnote 608: See other passages on p. 241, note 2. This is also +reëchoed in Cyprian. See, for example, ep. 58. 6: "filius dei passus est +ut nos filios dei faceret, et filius hominis (scil. the Christians) pati +non vult esse dei filius possit."] + +[Footnote 609: See III. 10. 3.] + +[Footnote 610: See the remarkable passage in IV. 36. 7: [Greek: hê +gnôsis tou huiou tou Theou, hêtis ên aphtharsia.] Another result of the +Gnostic struggle is Irenæus' raising the question as to what new thing +the Lord has brought (IV. 34. 1): "Si autem subit vos huiusmodi sensus, +ut dicatis: Quid igitur novi dominus attulit veniens? cognoscite, +quoniam omnem novitatem attulit semetipsum afferens, qui fuerat +annuntiatus." The new thing is then defined thus: "Cum perceperunt eam +quæ ab eo est libertatem et participant visionem eius et audierunt +sermones eius et fruiti sunt muneribus ab eo, non iam requiretur, quid +novius attulit rex super eos, qui annuntiaverunt advenum eius ... +Semetipsum enim attulit et ea quæ prædicta sunt bona."] + +[Footnote 611: See IV. 36. 6: "Adhuc manifestavit oportere nos cum +vocatione (i.e., [Greek: meta tên klêsin]) et iustitiæ operibus +adornari, uti requiescat super nos spiritus dei"--we must provide +_ourselves_ with the wedding garment.] + +[Footnote 612: The incapacity of man is referred to in III. 18. 1: III. +21. 10; III. 21-23 shows that the same man that had fallen had to be led +to communion with God; V. 21. 3: V. 24. 4 teach that man had to overcome +the devil; the intrinsic necessity of God's appearing as Redeemer is +treated of in III. 23. 1: "Si Adam iam non reverteretur ad vitam, sed in +totum proiectus esset morti, victus esset deus et superasset serpentis +nequitia voluntatem dei. Sed quoniam deus invictus et magnanimis est, +magnanimem quidem se exhibuit etc." That the accomplishment of salvation +must be effected in a righteous manner, and therefore be as much a proof +of the righteousness as of the immeasurable love and mercy of God, is +shown in V. 1. 1: V. 21.] + +[Footnote 613: Irenæus demonstrated the view in V. 21 in great detail. +According to his ideas in this chapter we must include the history of +the temptation in the _regula fidei_.] + +[Footnote 614: See particularly V. 1. 1: "Verbum potens et homo verus +sanguine suo rationabiliter redimens nos, redemptionem semetipsum dedit +pro his, qui in captivitatem ducti sunt ... del verbum non deficiens in +sua iustitia, iuste etiam adversus ipsam conversus est apostasiam, ea +quæ sunt sua redimens ab ea, non cum vi, quemadmodum ilia initio +dominabatur nostri, ea quæ non erant sua insatiabiliter rapiens, sed +secundum suadelam, quemadmodum decebat deum suadentem et non vim +inferentem, accipere quæ vellet, ut neque quod est iustum confringeretur +neque antiqua plasmatio dei deperiret." We see that the idea of the +blood of Christ as ransom does not possess with Irenæus the value of a +fully developed theory, but is suggestive of one. But even in this form +it appeared suspicious and, in fact, a Marcionite idea to a Catholic +teacher of the 3rd century. Pseudo-Origen (Adamantius) opposed it by the +following argument (De recta in deum fide, edit Wetstein 1673, Sectio I. +p. 38 sq. See Rufinus' translation in Caspari's Kirchenhistorische +Anecdota Vol. I. 1883, p. 34 sq., which in many places has preserved the +right sense): [Greek: Ton priômenon ephês, einai ton Christon, ho +peprakôs tis estin; êlthen eis se ho aplous mythos; hoti ho pôlôn kai ho +agorazôn adelphoi eisin; ei kakos ôn ho diabolos tô agathô pepraken, ouk +esti kakos alla agathos; ho gar ap' archês phthonêsas tô anthrôpô, nun +ouk eti hupo phthonou agetai, tô agathô tên nomên paradous. estai oun +dikaios ho tou phthonou kai pantos kakou pausamenos. autos goun ho Theos +heurisketai pôlêsas; mallon de hoi hêmartêkotes heautous apêllotriôsan +hoi anthrôpoi dia tas hamartias autôn; palin de elutrôthêsan dia tên +eusplagchnian autou. touto gar phêsin ho prophêtês; Tais hamartiais +humôn eprathête kai tais anomiais exapesteila tên mêtera humôn. Kai +allos palin; Dôrean eprathête, kai ou meta argyriou lutrôthêsesthe. to, +oude meta argyriou; dêlonoti, tou haimatos tou Christou. touto gar +phaskei ho prophêtês] (Isaiah, LIII. 5 follows). [Greek: Eikos de hoti +kata se epriato dous heautou to haima; pôs oun kai ek nekrôn êgeireto; +ei gar ho labôn tên timên tôn anthrôpôn, to haima, apedôken, ouketi +epôlêsen. Ei de mê apedôke, pôs anestê Christos, ouketi oun to, Exousian +echô theinai kai exousian echô labein, histatai; ho goun diabolos +katechei to haima tou Christou anti tês timês tôn anthrôpôn; pollê +blasphêmios anoia! Pheu tôn kakôn! Apethanen, anestê hôs dunatos; +ethêken ho elaben; autê poia prasis; tou prophêtou legontos; Anastêtô ho +Theos kai diaskorpisthêtôsan hoi echthroi autou, Opou anastasis, ekei +thanatos!] That is an argument as acute as it is true and victorious.] + +[Footnote 615: See Iren. V. 2, 3, 16. 3, 17-4. In III. 16. 9 he says: +"Christus per passionem reconciliavit nos deo." It is moreover very +instructive to compare the way in which Irenæus worked out the +recapitulation theory with the old proof from prophecy ("this happened +that the Scripture might be fulfilled"). Here we certainly have an +advance; but at bottom the recapitulation theory may also be conceived +as a modification of that proof.] + +[Footnote 616: See, e.g., IV. 5. 4: [Greek: prothumôs Abraam ton idion +monogenê kai agapêton parachôrêsas thusian tô Theô, hina kai ho Theos +eudokêsê huper tou spermatos autou pantos ton idion monogenê kai +agapêton huion thusian paraschein eis lutrôsin hêmeteran].] + +[Footnote 617: There are not a few passages where Irenæus said that +Christ has annihilated sin, abolished Adam's disobedience, and +introduced righteousness through his obedience (III. 18. 6, 7: III. 20. +2: V. 16-21); but he only once tried to explain how that is to be +conceived (III. 18. 7), and then merely reproduced Paul's thoughts.] + +[Footnote 618: Irenæus has no hesitation in calling the Christian who +has received the Spirit of God the perfect, the spiritual one, and in +representing him, in contrast to the false Gnostic, as he who in truth +judges all men, Jews, heathen, Marcionites, and Valentinians, but is +himself judged by no one; see the great disquisition in IV. 33 and V. 9. +10. This true Gnostic, however, is only to be found where we meet with +right faith in God the Creator, sure conviction with regard to the +God-man Jesus Christ, true knowledge as regards the Holy Spirit and the +economy of salvation, the apostolic doctrine, the right Church system in +accordance with the episcopal succession, the intact Holy Scripture, and +its uncorrupted text and interpretation (IV. 33. 7, 8). To him the true +believer is the real Gnostic.] + +[Footnote 619: See IV. 22. In accordance with the recapitulation theory +Christ must also have descended to the lower world. There he announced +forgiveness of sins to the righteous, the patriarchs and prophets (IV. +27. 2). For this, however, Irenæus was not able to appeal to Scripture +texts, but only to statements of a presbyter. It is nevertheless +expressly asserted, on the authority of Rom. III. 23, that these +pre-Christian just men also could only receive justification and the +light of salvation through the arrival of Christ among them.] + +[Footnote 620: See III. 16. 6: "In omnibus autem est et homo plasmatio +dei; et hominem ergo in semetipsum recapitulans est, invisibilis +visibilis factus, et incomprehensibilis factus comprehensibilis et +impassibilis passibilis, et verbum homo, universa in semetipsum +recapitulans, uti sicut in supercaelestibus et spiritalibus et +invisibilibus princeps est verbum dei, sic et in visibilibus et +corporalibus principatum habeat, in semetipsum primatum assumens et +apponens semetipsum caput ecclesiæ, universa attrahat ad semetipsum apto +in tempore."] + +[Footnote 621: There are innumerable passages where Tertullian has urged +that the whole work of Christ is comprised in the death on the cross, +and indeed that this death was the aim of Christ's mission. See, e.g., +de pat. 3: "Taceo quod figitur; in hoc enim venerat"; de bapt. II: "Mors +nostra dissolvi non potuit, nisi domini passione, nee vita restitui sine +resurrectione ipsius"; adv. Marc. III. 8: "Si mendacium deprehenditur +Christi caro... nec passiones Christi fidem merebuntur. Eversum est +igitur totum dei opus. Totum Christiani nominis et pondus et fructus, +mors Christi, negatur, quam iam impresse apostolus demendat, utique +veram, summum eam fundamentum evangelii constituens et salutis nostræ et +prædictionis suae," 1 Cor. XV. 3, 4; he follows Paul here. But on the +other hand he has also adopted from Irenæus the mystical conception of +redemption--the constitution of Christ is the redemption--though with a +rationalistic explanation. See adv. Marc. II. 27: "filius miscens in +semetipso hominem et deum, ut tantum homini conferat, quantum deo +detrahit. Conversabatur deus, ut homo divina agere doceretur. Ex æquo +agebat deus cum homine, ut homo ex æquo agere cum deo posset." Here +therefore the meaning of the divine manhood of the Redeemer virtually +amounts to divine teaching. In de resurr. 63 Christ is called +"fidelissimus sequester dei et hominum, qui et homini deum et hominem +deo reddet." Note the future tense. It is the same with Hippolytus who +in Philos. X. 34 represents the deification of men as the aim of +redemption, but at the same time merely requires Christ as the lawgiver +and teacher: "[Greek: Kai tauta men ekpheuxê Theon ton onta didachtheis, +exeis de athanaton to sôma kai aphtharton hama psychê, basileian ouranôn +apolêpsê, ho en gê bious kai epouranion basilea epignous, esê de +homilêtês Theou kai sygklêronomos Christou, ouk epithymiais ê pathesi +kai nosois douloumenos. Gegonas gar Theos hosa gar hupemeinas pathê +anthrôpos ôn, tauta edidou, hoti anthrôpos eis, hosa de parakolouthei +Theô, tauta parechein epêngeltai Theos, hoti etheopoiêthês, athanatos +gennêtheis. Toutesti to Gnôthi seauton, epignous tou pepoiêkota Thoen. +To gar epignônai heauton epignôsthênai symbebêke tô kaloumenô hup' +autou. Mê philechthrêsête toinun heautois, anthrôpoi, mêde to +palindromein distasête. Christos gar estin ho kata pantôn Theos, os tên +hamartian ex anthrôpôn apoplunein proetaxe, neon ton palaion anthrôpon +apotelôn, eikona touton kalesas ap' archês, dia tupou tên eis se +epideiknumenos storgên, ou prostagmasin hupakousas semnois, kai agathou +agathos genomenos mimêtês, esê homoios hup' autou timêtheis. Ou gar +ptôcheuei Theos kai se Theon poiêsas eis doxan autou]." It is clear that +with a conception like this, which became prevalent in the 3rd century, +Christ's death on the cross could have no proper significance; nothing +but the Holy Scriptures preserved its importance. We may further remark +that Tertullian used the expression "satisfacere deo" about men (see, +e.g., de bapt. 20; de pud. 9), but, so far as I know, not about the work +of Christ. This expression is very frequent in Cyprian (for penances), +and he also uses it about Christ. In both writers, moreover, we find +"meritum" (_e.g._, Scorp. 6) and "promereri deum". With them and with +Novatian the idea of "culpa" is also more strongly emphasised than it is +by the Eastern theologians. Cf. Novatian de trin. 10: "quoniam cum caro +et sanguis non obtinere regnum dei scribitur, non carnis substantia +damnata est, quæ divinis manibus ne periret, exstructa est, sed sola +carnis _culpa_ merito reprehensa est." Tertullian de bapt. 5 says: +"Exempto reatu eximitur et poena." On the other hand he speaks of +fasting as "officia humiliationis", through which we can "inlicere" God. +Among these Western writers the thought that God's anger must be +appeased both by sacrifices and corresponding acts appears in a much +more pronounced form than in Irenæus. This is explained by their ideas +as practical churchmen and by their actual experiences in communities +that were already of a very secular character. We may, moreover, point +out in a general way that the views of Hippolytus are everywhere more +strictly dependent on Scripture texts than those of Irenæus. That many +of the latter's speculations are not found in Hippolytus is simply +explained by the fact that they have no clear scriptural basis; see +Overbeck, Quæst, Hippol., Specimen p. 75, note 29. On a superficial +reading Tertullian seems to have a greater variety of points of view +than Irenæus; he has in truth fewer, he contrived to work the grains of +gold transmitted to him in such a way as to make the form more valuable +than the substance. But one idea of Tertullian, which is not found in +Irenæus, and which in after times was to attain great importance in the +East (after Origen's day) and in the West (after the time of Ambrosius), +may be further referred to. We mean the notion that Christ is the +bridegroom and the human soul (and also the human body) the bride. This +theologoumenon owes its origin to a combination of two older ones, and +subsequently received its Biblical basis from the Song of Solomon. The +first of these older theologoumena is the Greek philosophical notion +that the divine Spirit is the bridegroom and husband of the human soul. +See the Gnostics (e.g., the sublime description in the Excerpta ex +Theodoto 27); Clem. ep. ad Jacob. 4. 6; as well as Tatian, Orat. 13; +Tertull., de anima 41 fin.: "Sequitur animam nubentem spiritui caro; o +beatum connubium"; and the still earlier Sap. Sal. VIII. 2 sq. An +offensively realistic form of this image is found in Clem. Horn. III. +27: [Greek: numphê gar estin ho pas anthrôpos, hopotan tou alêthous +prophêtou leukô logô alêtheias speiromenos phôtizêtai ton noun.] The +second is the apostolic notion that the Church is the bride and the body +of Christ. In the 2nd Epistle of Clement the latter theologoumenon is +already applied in a modified form. Here it is said that humanity as the +Church, that is human nature (the flesh), belongs to Christ as his Eve +(c. 14; see also Ignat. ad Polyc. V. 2; Tertull. de monog. II, and my +notes on [Greek: Didachê] XI. 11). The conclusion that could be drawn +from this, and that seemed to have a basis in certain utterances of +Jesus, viz., that the individual human soul together with the flesh is +to be designated as the bride of Christ, was, so far as I know, first +arrived at by Tertullian de resurr. 63: "Carnem et spiritum iam in +semetipso Christus foederavit, sponsam sponso et sponsum spousæ; +comparavit. Nam et si animam quis contenderit sponsam, vel dotis nomine +sequetur animam caro ... Caro est sponsa, quæ in Christo spiritum +sponsum per sanguinem pacta est"; see also de virg. vel. 16. Notice, +however, that Tertullian continually thinks of all souls together (all +flesh together) rather than of the individual soul.] + +[Footnote 622: By the _regula_ inasmuch as the words "from thence he +will come to judge the quick and the dead" had a fixed place in the +confessions, and the belief in the _duplex adventus Christi_ formed one +of the most important articles of Church belief in contradistinction to +Judaism and Gnosticism (see the collection of passages in Hesse, "das +Muratorische Fragment", p. 112 f.). But the belief in the return of +Christ to this world necessarily involved the hope of a kingdom of glory +under Christ upon earth, and without this hope is merely a rhetorical +flourish.] + +[Footnote 623: Cf. here the account already given in Book I., chap. 3, +Vol. I., p. 167 ff., Book I., chap. 4, Vol. I, p. 261, Book II., chap. +3, Vol. I, p. 105 f. On Melito compare the testimony of Polycrates in +Eusebius, H. E. V. 24. 5, and the title of his lost work "[Greek: peri +tou diabolou kai tês apokalupseôs Iôannou]." Chiliastic ideas are also +found in the epistle from Lyons in Eusebius, H. E. V. 1 sq. On +Hippolytus see his work "de Christo et Antichristo" and Overbeck's +careful account (l.c., p. 70 sq.) of the agreement here existing between +Irenæus and Hippolytus as well as of the latter's chiliasm on which +unfounded doubts have been cast. Overbeck has also, in my opinion, shown +the probability of chiliastic portions having been removed at a later +period both from Hippolytus' book and the great work of Irenæus. The +extensive fragments of Hippolytus' commentary on Daniel are also to be +compared (and especially the portions full of glowing hatred to Rome +lately discovered by Georgiades). With reference to Tertullian compare +particularly the writings adv. Marc. III., adv. Jud., de resurrectione +carnis, de anima, and the titles of the subsequently suppressed writings +de paradiso and de spe fidelium. Further see Commodian, Carmen apolog., +Lactantius, Instit. div., I. VII., Victorinus, Commentary on the +Apocalypse. It is very remarkable that Cyprian already set chiliasm +aside; cf. the conclusion of the second Book of the Testimonia and the +few passages in which he quoted the last chapters of Revelation. The +Apologists were silent about chiliastic hopes, Justin even denied them +in Apol. I. 11, but, as we have remarked, he gives expression to them in +the Dialogue and reckons them necessary to complete orthodoxy. The +Pauline eschatology, especially several passages in 1 Cor. XV. (see +particularly verse 50), caused great difficulties to the Fathers from +Justin downwards. See Fragm. Justini IV. a Methodic supped. in Otto, +Corp. Apol. III., p. 254, Iren. V. 9, Tertull. de resurr. 48 sq. +According to Irenæus the heretics, who completely abandoned the +early-Christian eschatology, appealed to 1 Cor. XV. 50. The idea of a +kind of purgatory--a notion which does not originate with the realistic +but with the philosophical eschatology--is quite plainly found in +Tertullian, e.g., in de anima 57 and 58 ("modicum delictum illuc +luendum"). He speaks in several passages of stages and different places +of bliss; and this was a universally diffused idea (e.g., Scorp. 6).] + +[Footnote 624: Irenæus begins with the resurrection of the body and the +proofs of it (in opposition to Gnosticism). These proofs are taken from +the omnipotence and goodness of God, the long life of the patriarchs, +the translation of Enoch and Elijah, the preservation of Jonah and of +the three men in the fiery furnace, the essential nature of man as a +temple of God to which the body also belongs, and the resurrection of +Christ (V. 3-7). But Irenæus sees the chief proof in the incarnation of +Christ, in the dwelling of the Spirit with its gifts in us (V. 8-16), +and in the feeding of our body with the holy eucharist (V. 2. 3). Then +he discusses the defeat of Satan by Christ (V. 21-23), shows that the +powers that be are set up by God, that the devil therefore manifestly +lies in arrogating to himself the lordship of the world (V. 24), but +that he acts as a rebel and robber in attempting to make himself master +of it. This brings about the transition to Antichrist. The latter is +possessed of the whole power of the devil, sums up in himself therefore +all sin and wickedness, and pretends to be Lord and God. He is described +in accordance with the Apocalypses of Daniel and John as well as +according to Matth. XXIV. and 2nd Thessalonians. He is the product of +the 4th Kingdom, that is, the Roman empire; but at the same time springs +from the tribe of Dan (V. 30. 2), and will take up his abode in +Jerusalem etc. The returning Christ will destroy him, and the Christ +will come back when 6000 years of the world's history have elapsed; for +"in as many days as the world was made, in so many thousands of years +will it be ended" (V. 28. 3). The seventh day is then the great world +Sabbath, during which Christ will reign with the saints of the first +resurrection after the destruction of Antichrist. Irenæus expressly +argued against such "as pass for orthodox, but disregard the order of +the progress of the righteous and know no stages of preparation for +incorruptibility" (V. 31). By this he means such as assume that after +death souls immediately pass to God. On the contrary he argues that +these rather wait in a hidden place for the resurrection which takes +place on the return of Christ, after which the souls receive back their +bodies and men now restored participate in the Saviour's Kingdom (V. 31. +2). This Kingdom on earth precedes the universal judgment; "for it is +just that they should also receive the fruits of their patience in the +same creation in which they suffered tribulation"; moreover, the promise +made to Abraham that Palestine would be given to him and to his seed, +i.e., the Christians, must be fulfilled (V. 32). There they will eat and +drink with the Lord in the restored body (V. 33. 1) sitting at a table +covered with food (V. 33. 2) and consuming the produce of the land, +which the earth affords in miraculous fruitfulness. Here Irenæus appeals +to alleged utterances of the Lord of which he had been informed by +Papias (V. 33. 3, 4). The wheat will be so fat that lions lying +peacefully beside the cattle will be able to feed themselves even on the +chaff (V. 33. 3, 4). Such and similar promises are everywhere to be +understood in a literal sense. Irenæus here expressly argues against any +figurative interpretation (ibid, and V. 35). He therefore adopted the +whole Jewish eschatology, the only difference being that he regards the +Church as the seed of Abraham. The earthly Kingdom is then followed by +the second resurrection, the general judgment, and the final end.] + +[Footnote 625: Hippolytus in the lost book [Greek: hyper tou kata +Iôannên euangeliou kai apokalupseôs]. Perhaps we may also reckon Melito +among the literary defenders of Chiliasm.] + +[Footnote 626: See Epiph., H. 51, who here falls back on Hippolytus.] + +[Footnote 627: In the Christian village communities of the district of +Arsinoe the people would not part with chiliasm, and matters even went +the length of an "apostasy" from the Alexandrian Church. A book by an +Egyptian bishop, Nepos, entitled "Refutation of the allegorists" +attained the highest repute. "They esteem the law and the prophets as +nothing, neglect to follow the Gospels, think little of the Epistles of +the Apostles, and on the contrary declare the doctrine set forth in this +book to be a really great secret. They do not permit the simpler +brethren among us to obtain a sublime and grand idea of the glorious and +truly divine appearance of our Lord, of our resurrection from the dead +as well as of the union and assimilation with him; but they persuade us +to hope for things petty, perishable, and similar to the present in the +kingdom of God." So Dionysius expressed himself, and these words are +highly characteristic of his own position and that of his opponents; for +in fact the whole New Testament could not but be thrust into the +background in cases where the chiliastic hopes were really adhered to. +Dionysius asserts that he convinced these Churches by his lectures; but +chiliasm and material religious ideas were still long preserved in the +deserts of Egypt. They were cherished by the monks; hence Jewish +Apocalypses accepted by Christians are preserved in the Coptic and +Ethiopian languages.] + +[Footnote 628: See Irenæus lib. IV. and Tertull. adv. Marc. lib. II. and +III.] + +[Footnote 629: It would be superfluous to quote passages here; two may +stand for all Iren. IV. 9. 1: "Utraque testamenta unus et idem +paterfamilias produxit, verbum dei, dominus noster Iesus Christus, qui +et Abrahæ et Moysi collocutus est." Both Testaments are "unius et emsdem +substantiæ." IV. 2. 3: "Moysis literæ sunt verba Christi."] + +[Footnote 630: See Iren. IV. 31. 1.] + +[Footnote 631: Iren. III. 12. 15 (on Gal. II. 11 f.): "Sic apostoli, +quos universi actus et universæ doctrinæ dominus testes fecit, religiose +agebant circa dispositionem legis, qnæ; est secundum Moysem, ab uno et +eodem significantes esse deo"; see Overbeck "Ueber die Auffassung des +Streits des Paulus mit Petrus bei den Kirchenvatern," 1877, p. 8 f. +Similar remarks are frequent in Irenæus.] + +[Footnote 632: Cf., e.g., de monog. 7: "Certe sacerdotes sumus a Christo +vocati, monogarniæ debitores, ex pristina dei lege, quæ nos tune in suis +sacerdotibus prophetavit." Here also Tertullian's Montanism had an +effect. Though conceiving the directions of the Paraclete as _new +legislation_, the Montanists would not renounce the view that these laws +were in some way already indicated in the written documents of +revelation.] + +[Footnote 633: Very much may be made out with regard to this from +Origen's works and the later literature, particularly from Commodian and +the Apostolic Constitutions, lib. I.-VI.] + +[Footnote 634: Where Christians needed the proof from prophecy or +indulged in a devotional application of the Old Testament, everything +indeed remained as before, and every Old Testament passage was taken for +a Christian one, as has remained the case even to the present day.] + +[Footnote 635: With the chiliastic view of history this newly acquired +theory has nothing in common.] + +[Footnote 636: Iren. III. 12. 11.] + +[Footnote 637: See III. 12. 12.] + +[Footnote 638: No _commutatio agnitionis_ takes place, says Irenæus, but +only an increased gift (IV. 11. 3); for the knowledge of God the Creator +is "principium evangelli." (III. 11. 7).] + +[Footnote 639: See IV. 11. 2 and other passages, e.g., IV. 20 7: IV. 26. +1: IV. 37. 7: IV. 38. 1-4.] + +[Footnote 640: Several covenants I. 10. 3; four covenants (Adam, Noah, +Moses, Christ) III. II. 8; the two Testaments (Law and New Covenant) are +very frequently mentioned.] + +[Footnote 641: This is very frequently mentioned; see e.g., IV. 13. 1: +"Et quia dominus naturalia legis, per quæ homo iustificatur, quæ etiam +ante legisdationem custodiebant qui fide iustificabantur et placebant +deo non dissolvit etc." IV. 15, 1.] + +[Footnote 642: Irenæus, as a rule, views the patriarchs as perfect +saints; see III. II. 8: "Verbum dei illis quidem qui ante Moysem fuerunt +patriarchis secundum divinitatem et gloriam colloquebatur", and +especially IV. 16. 3. As to the Son's having descended from the +beginning and having thus appeared to the patriarchs also, see IV. 6. 7. +Not merely Abraham but all the other exponents of revelation knew both +the Father and the Son. Nevertheless Christ was also obliged to descend +to the lower world to the righteous, the prophets, and the patriarchs, +in order to bring them forgiveness of sins (IV. 27. 2).] + +[Footnote 643: On the contrary he agrees with the teachings of a +presbyter, whom he frequently quotes in the 4th Book. To Irenæus the +heathen are simply idolaters who have even forgotten the law written in +the heart; wherefore the Jews stand much higher, for they only lacked +the _agnitio filii_. See III. 5. 3: III. 10. 3: III. 12. 7, IV. 23, 24. +Yet there is still a great want of clearness here. Irenæus cannot get +rid of the following contradictions. The pre-Christian righteous know +the Son and do not know him; they require the appearance of the Son and +do not require it; and the _agnitio filii_ seems sometimes a new, and in +fact the decisive, _veritas_, and sometimes that involved in the +knowledge of God the Creator.] + +[Footnote 644: Irenæus IV. 16. 3. See IV. 15. 1: "Decalogum si quis non +fecerit, non habet salutem".] + +[Footnote 645: As the Son has manifested the Father from of old, so also +the law, and indeed even the ceremonial law, is to be traced back to +him. See IV. 6. 7: IV. 12. 4: IV. 14. 2: "his qui inquieti erant in +eremo dans aptissimam legem ... per omnes transiens verbum omni +conditioni congruentem et aptam legem conscribens". IV. 4. 2. The law is +a law of bondage; it was just in that capacity that it was necessary; +see IV. 4. 1: IV. 9. 1: IV. 13. 2, 4: IV. 14. 3: IV. 15: IV. 16: IV. 32: +IV. 36. A part of the commandments are concessions on account of +hardness of heart (IV. 15. 2). But Irenæus still distinguishes very +decidedly between the "people" and the prophets. This is a survival of +the old view. The prophets he said knew very well of the coming of the +Son of God and the granting of a new covenant (IV. 9. 3: IV. 20. 4, 5: +IV. 33. 10); they understood what was typified by the ceremonial law, +and to them accordingly the law had only a typical signification. +Moreover, Christ himself came to them ever and anon through the +prophetic spirit. The preparation for the new covenant is therefore +found in the prophets and in the typical character of the old. Abraham +has this peculiarity, that both Testaments were prefigured in him: the +Testament of faith, because he was justified before his circumcision, +and the Testament of the law. The latter occupied "the middle times", +and therefore come in between (IV. 25. 1). This is a Pauline thought, +though otherwise indeed there is not much in Irenæus to remind us of +Paul, because he used the moral categories, _growth_ and _training_, +instead of the religious ones, _sin_ and _grace_.] + +[Footnote 646: The law, i.e., the ceremonial law, reaches down to John, +IV. 4. 2. The New Testament is a law of freedom, because through it we +are adopted as sons of God, III. 5. 3: III. 10. 5: III. 12. 5: III. 12. +14: III. 15. 3: IV. 9. 1, 2: IV. 11. 1: IV. 13. 2, 4: IV. 15. 1, 2: IV. +16. 5: IV. 18: IV. 32: IV. 34. 1: IV. 36. 2. Christ did not abolish the +_natus alia legis_, the Decalogue, but extended and fulfilled them; here +the old Gentile-Christian moral conception based on the Sermon on the +Mount, prevails. Accordingly Irenæus now shows that in the case of the +children of freedom the situation has become much more serious, and that +the judgments are now much more threatening. Finally, he proves that the +fulfilling, extending, and sharpening of the law form a contrast to the +blunting of the natural moral law by the Pharisees and elders; see IV. +12. 1 ff.: "Austero dei præcepto miscent seniores aquatam traditionem". +IV. 13. 1. f.: "Christus naturalia legis (which are summed up in the +commandment of love) extendit et implevit ... plenitudo et extensio ... +necesse fuit, auferri quidem vincula servitutis, superextendi vero +decreta libertatis". That is proved in the next passage from the Sermon +on the Mount: we must not only refrain from evil works, but also from +evil desire. IV. 16. 5: "Hæc ergo, quæ in servitutem et in signum data +sunt illis, circumscripsit novo libertatis testamento. Quæ autem +naturalia et liberalia et communia omnium, auxit et dilatavit, sine +invidia largiter donans hominibus per adoptionem, patrem scire deum ... +auxit autem etiam timorem: filios enim plus timere oportet quam servos". +IV. 27. 2. The new situation is a more serious one; the Old Testament +believers have the death of Christ as an antidote for their sins, +"propter eos vero, qui nunc peccant, Christus non iam morietur". IV. 28. +1 f.: under the old covenant God punished "typice et temporaliter et +mediocrius", under the new, on the contrary, "vere et semper et +austerius" ... as under the new covenant "fides aucta est", so also it +is true that "diligentia conversationis adaucta est". The imperfections +of the law, the "particularia legis", the law of bondage have been +abolished by Christ, see specially IV. 16, 17, for the types are now +fulfilled; but Christ and the Apostles did not transgress the law; +freedom was first granted to the Gentile Christians (III. 12) and +circumcision and foreskin united (III. 5. 3). But Irenæus also proved +how little the old and new covenants contradict each other by showing +that the latter also contains concessions that have been granted to the +frailty of man; see IV. 15. 2 (1 Cor. VII.).] + +[Footnote 647: See III. II. 4. There too we find it argued that John the +Baptist was not merely a prophet, but also an Apostle.] + +[Footnote 648: From Irenæus' statement in IV. 4 about the significance +of the city of Jerusalem we can infer what he thought of the Jewish +nation. Jerusalem is to him the vine-branch on which the fruit has +grown; the latter having reached maturity, the branch is cut off and has +no further importance.] + +[Footnote 649: No special treatment of Tertullian is required here, as +he only differs from Irenæus in the additions he invented as a +Montanist. Yet this is also prefigured in Irenæus' view that the +concessions of the Apostles had rendered the execution of the stern new +law more easy. A few passages may be quoted here. De orat. I: "Quidquid +retro fuerat, aut demutatum est (per Christum), ut circumcisio, aut +suppletum ut reliqua lex, aut impletum ut prophetia, aut perfectum ut +fides ipsa. Omnia de carnalibus in spiritalia renovavit nova dei gratia +superducto evangelio, expunctore totius retro vetustatis." (This +differentiation strikingly reminds us of the letter of Ptolemy to Flora. +Ptolemy distinguishes those parts of the law that originate with God, +Moses, and the elders. As far as the divine law is concerned, he again +distinguishes what Christ had to complete, what he had to supersede and +what he had to spiritualise, that is, perficere, solvere, demutare). In +the _regula fidei_ (de præscr. 13): "Christus prædicavit novam legem et +novam promissionem regni coelorum"; see the discussions in adv. Marc. +II., III., and adv. Iud.; de pat. 6: "amplianda adimplendaque lex." +Scorp. 3, 8, 9; ad uxor. 2; de monog. 7: "Et quoniam quidam interdum +nihil sihi dicunt esse cum lege, quam Christus non dissolvit, sed +adimplevit, interdum quæ volunt legis arripiunt (he himself did that +continually), plane et nos sic dicimus legem, ut onera quidem eius, +secundum sententiam apostolorum, quæ nec patres sustinere valuerunt, +concesserint, quæ vero ad iustitiam spectant, non tantum reservata +permaneant, verum et ampliata." That the new law of the new covenant is +the moral law of nature in a stricter form, and that the concessions of +the Apostle Paul cease in the age of the Paraclete, is a view we find +still more strongly emphasised in the Montanist writings than in +Irenæus. In ad uxor. 3 Tertullian had already said: "Quod permittitur, +bonum non est," and this proposition is the theme of many arguments in +the Montanist writings. But the intention of finding a basis for the +laws of the Paraclete, by showing that they existed in some fashion even +in earlier times, involved Tertullian in many contradictions. It is +evident from his writings that Montanists and Catholics in Carthage +alternately reproached each other with judaising tendencies and an +apostasy to heathen discipline and worship. Tertullian, in his +enthusiasm for Christianity, came into conflict with all the authorities +which he himself had set up. In the questions as to the relationship of +the Old Testament to the New, of Christ to the Apostles, of the Apostles +to each other, of the Paraclete to Christ and the Apostles, he was also +of necessity involved in the greatest contradictions. This was the case +not only because he went more into details than Irenæus; but, above all, +because the chains into which he had thrown his Christianity were felt +to be such by himself. This theologian had no greater opponent than +himself, and nowhere perhaps is this so plain as in his attitude to the +two Testaments. Here, in every question of detail, Tertullian really +repudiated the proposition from which he starts. In reference to one +point, namely, that the Law and the prophets extend down to John, see +Noldechen's article in the Zeitschrift fur wissenschaftliche Theologie, +1885, p. 333 f. On the one hand, in order to support certain trains of +thought, Tertullian required the proposition that prophecy extended down +to John (see also the Muratorian Fragment: "completus numerus +prophetarum", Sibyll. I. 386: [Greek: kai tote dê pausis estai metepeita +prophêtôu], scil. after Christ), and on the other, as a Montanist, he +was obliged to assert the continued existence of prophecy. In like +manner he sometimes ascribed to the Apostles a unique possession of the +Holy Spirit, and at other times, adhering to a primitive Christian idea, +he denied this thesis. Cf. also Baith "Tertullian's Auffassung des +Apostels Paulus und seines Verhaltnisses zu den Uraposteln" (Jahrbuch +fur protestantische Theologie, Vol. III. p. 706 ff.). Tertullian strove +to reconcile the principles of early Christianity with the authority of +ecclesiastical tradition and philosophical apologetics. Separated from +the general body of the Church, and making ever increasing sacrifices +for the early-Christian enthusiasm, as he understood it, he wasted +himself in the solution of this insoluble problem.] + +[Footnote 650: In addition to this, however, they definitely established +within the Church the idea that there is a "Christian" view in all +spheres of life and in all questions of knowledge. Christianity appears +expanded to an immense, immeasurable breadth. This is also Gnosticism. +Thus Tertullian, after expressing various opinions about dreams, opens +the 45th chapter of his work "de anima" with the words: "Tenemur hie de +sommis quoque Christianam sententiam expromere". Alongside of the +antignostic rule of faith as the "doctrine" we find the casuistic system +of morality and penance (the Church "disciplina") with its media of +almsgiving, fasting, and prayer; see Cypr, de op et eleemos., but before +that Hippol., Comm. in Daniel ([Greek: Ekkl Alêth]. 1886, p. 242): +[Greek: hoi eis tu onoma ton Theou pisteuontes kai di' agathoergias to +prosôpon autou exilaskomenoi.]] + +[Footnote 651: In the case of Irenæus, Hippolytus, and Tertullian we +already find that they observe a certain order and sequence of books +when advancing a detailed proof from Scripture.] + +[Footnote 652: It is worthy of note that there was not a single Arian +ecclesiastic of note in the Novatian churches of the 4th century, so far +as we know. All Novatian's adherents, even those in the West (see +Socrates' Ecclesiastical History), were of the orthodox Nicæan type. +This furnishes material for reflection.] + +[Footnote 653: Owing to the importance of the matter we shall give +several Christological and trinitarian disquisitions from the work "de +trinitate". The archaic attitude of this Christology and trinitarian +doctrine is evident from the following considerations. (1) Like +Tertullian, Novatian asserts that the Logos was indeed always with the +Father, but that he only went forth from him at a definite period of +time (for the purpose of creating the world). (2) Like Tertullian, he +declares that Father, Son, and Spirit have one substance (that is, are +[Greek: homoousioi], the _homoousia_ of itself never decides as to +equality in dignity); but that the Son is subordinate and obedient to +the Father and the Spirit to the Son (cc. 17, 22, 24), since they derive +their origin, essence, and function from the Father (the Spirit from the +Son). (3) Like Tertullian, Novatian teaches that the Son, after +accomplishing his work, will again become intermingled with the Father, +that is, will cease to have an independent existence (c. 31); whence we +understand why the West continued so long to be favourable to Marcellus +of Ancyra; see also the so-called symbol of Sardika. Apart from these +points and a few others of less consequence, the work, in its formulæ, +exhibits a type which remained pretty constant in the West down to the +time of Augustine, or, till the adoption of Johannes Damascenus' +dogmatic. The sharp distinction between "deus" and "homo" and the use +that is nevertheless made of "permixtio" and synonymous words are also +specially characteristic. Cap. 9: "Christus deus dominus deus noster, +sed dei filius"; c. 11: "non sic de substantia corporis ipsius +exprimimus, ut solum tantum hominem illum esse dicamus, sed ut +divinitate sermonis in ipsa concretione permixta etiam deum illum +teneamus"; c. 11 Christ has _auctoritas divina_, "tam enim scriptura +etiam deum adnuntiat Christum, quam etiam ipsum hominem adnuntiat deum, +tam hominem descripsit Iesum Christum, quam etiam deum quoque descripsit +Christum dominum." In c. 12 the term "Immanuel" is used to designate +Christ as God in a way that reminds one of Athanasius; c. 13: "præsertim +cum animadvertat, scripturam evangelicam utramque istam substantiam in +unam nativitatis Christi foederasse concordiam"; c. 14: "Christus ex +verbi et carnis coniunctione concretus"; c. 16: "... ut neque homo +Christo subtrahatur, neque divinitas negetur ... utrumque in Christo +confoederatum est, utrumque coniunctum est et utrumque connexum est ... +pignerata in illo divinitatis et humilitatis videtur esse concordia ... +qui mediator dei et hominum effectus exprimitur, in se deum et hominem +sociasse reperitur ... nos sermonem dei scimus indutum carnis +substantiam ... lavit substantiam corporis et materiam carnis abluens, +ex parte suscepti hominis, passione"; c. 17: "... nisi quoniam +auctoritas divini verbi ad suscipiendum hominem interim conquiescens nec +se suis viribus exercens, deiicit se ad tempus atque deponit, dum +hominem fert, quem suscepit"; c. 18: "... ut in semetipso concordiam +confibularet terrenorum pariter atque cælestium, dum utriusque partis in +se connectens pignora et deum homini et hominem deo copularet, ut merito +filius dei per assumptionem carnis filius hominis et filius hominis per +receptionem dei verbi filius dei effici possit"; c. 19: "hic est enim +legitimus dei filius qui ex ipso deo est, qui, dum sanctum illud (Luke +I. 35) assumit, sibi filium hominis annectit et illum ad se rapit atque +transducit, connexione sua et permixtione sociata præstat et filium +illum dei facit, quod ille naturaliter non fuit (Novatian's teaching is +therefore like that of the Spanish Adoptionists of the 8th century), ut +principalitas nominis istius 'filius dei' in spiritu sit domini, qui +descendit et venit, ut sequela nominis istius in filio dei et hominis +sit, et merito consequenter his filius dei factus sit, dum non +principaliter filius dei est, atque ideo dispositionem istam anhelus +videns et ordinem istum sacramenti expediens non sic cuncta confundens, +ut nullum vestigium distinctionis collocavit, distinctionem posuit +dicendo. 'Propterea et quod nascetur ex te sanctum vocabitur filius +dei'. Ne si distributionem istam cum libramentis suis non dispensasset, +sed in confuso permixtum reliquisset, vere occasionem hæreticis +contulisset, ut hominis filium qua homo est, eundum et dei et hominis +filium pronuntiare deberent.... Filius dei, dum filium hominis in se +suscepit, consequenter illum filium dei fecit, quoniam illum filius sibi +dei sociavit et iunxit, ut, dum filius hominis adhæret in nativitate +filio dei, ipsa permixtionem foeneratum et mutuatum teneret, quod ex +natura propria possidere non posset. Ac si facta est angeli voce, quod +nolunt hæretici, inter filium dei hominisque cum sua tamen sociatione +distinctio, urgendo illos, uti Christum hominis filium hominem +intelligant quoque dei filium et hominem dei filium id est dei verbum +deum accipiant, atque ideo Christum Iesum dominum ex utroque connexum, +et utroque contextum atque concretum et in eadem utriusque substantiæ +concordia mutui ad invicem foederis confibulatione sociatum, hominem et +deum, scripturæ hoc ipsum dicentis veritate cognoscant". c. 21: +"hæretici nolunt Christum secundam esse personam post patrem, sed ipsum +patrem;" c. 22: "Cum Christus 'Ego' dicit (John X. 30), deinde patrem +infert dicendo, 'Ego et pater', proprietatem personæ suæ id est filii a +paterna auctoritate discernit atque distinguit, non tantummodo de sono +nominis, sed etiam de ordine dispositæ potestatis ... unum enim +neutraliter positum, societatis concordiam, non unitatem personæ sonat +... unum autem quod ait, ad concordiam et eandem sententiam et ad ipsam +charitatis societatem pertinet, ut merito unum sit pater et filius per +concordiam et per amorem et per dilectionem. Et quoniam ex patre est, +quicquid illud est, filius est, manente tamen distinctione ... denique +novit hanc concordiæ unitatem est apostolus Paulus cum personarum tamen +distinctione." (Comparison with the relationship between Paul and +Apollos! "Quos personæ ratio invicem dividit, eosdem rursus invicem +religionis ratio conducit; et quamvis idem atque ipsi non sint, dum idem +sentiunt, ipsum sunt, et cum duo sint, unum sunt"); c. 23: "constat +hominem a deo factum esse, non ex deo processisse; ex deo autem homo +quomodo nou processit, sic dei verbum processit". In c. 24 it is argued +that Christ existed before the creation of the world and that not merely +"predestinatione", for then he would be subsequent and therefore +inferior to Adam, Abel, Enoch etc. "Sublata ergo prædestinatione quæ non +est posita, in substantia fuit Christus ante mundi institutionem"; c. +31: "Est ergo deus pater omnium institutor et creator, solus originem +nesciens(!), invisibilis, immensus, immortalis, æternus, unus deus(!), +... ex quo quando ipse voluit, sermo filius natus est, qui non in sono +percussi aeris aut tono coactæ de visceribus vocis accipitur, sed in +substantia prolatæ a deo virtutis agnoscitur, cuius sacræ et divinas +nativitatis arcana nec apostolus didicit ..., filio soli nota sunt, qui +patris secreta cognovit. Hic ergo cum sit genitus a patre, semper est in +patre. Semper autem sic dico, ut non innatum, sed natum probem; sed qui +ante omne tempus est, semper in patre fuisse discendus est, nec enim +tempus illi assignari potest, qui ante tempus est; semper enim in patre, +ne pater non semper sit pater: quia et pater illum etiam præcedit, quod +necesse est, prior sit qua pater sit. Quoniam antecedat necesse est eum, +qui habet originem, ille qui originem nescit. Simul ut hic minor sit, +dum in illo esse se scit habens originem quia nascitur, et per patrem +quamvis originem habet qua nascitur, vicinus in nativitate, dum ex eo +patre, qui solus originem non habet, nascitur ..., substantia scilicet +divina, cuius nomen est verbum ..., deus utique procedens ex deo +secundam personam efficiens, sed non eripiens illud patri quod unus est +deus.... Cuius sic divinitas traditur, ut non aut dissonantia aut +inæqualitate divinitatis duos deos reddidisse videatur.... Dum huic, qui +est deus, omnia substrata traduntur et cuncta sibi subiecta filius +accepta refert patri, totam divinitatis auctoritatem rursus patri +remittit, unus deus ostenditur verus et æternus pater, a quo solo hæc +vis divinitatis emissa, etiam in filium tradita et directa rursus per +substantiæ; communionem ad patrem revolvitur."] + +[Footnote 654: If I am not mistaken, the production or adaptation of +Apocalypses did indeed abate in the third century, but acquired fresh +vigour in the 4th, though at the same time allowing greater scope to the +influence of heathen literature (including romances as well as +hagiographical literature).] + +[Footnote 655: I did not care to appeal more frequently to the Sibylline +oracles either in this or the preceding chapter, because the literary +and historical investigation of these writings has not yet made such +progress as to justify one in using it for the history of dogma. It is +well known that the oracles contain rich materials in regard to the +doctrine of God, Christology, conceptions of the history of Jesus, and +eschatology; but, apart from the old Jewish oracles, this material +belongs to several centuries and has not yet been reliably sifted.] + + + + +CHAPTER VI. + +THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL TRADITION INTO A PHILOSOPHY OF +RELIGION, OR THE ORIGIN OF THE SCIENTIFIC THEOLOGY AND DOGMATIC OF THE +CHURCH. + +Clement and Origen. + + +The Alexandrian school of catechists was of inestimable importance for +the transformation of the heathen empire into a Christian one, and of +Greek philosophy into ecclesiastical philosophy. In the third century +this school overthrew polytheism by scientific means whilst at the same +time preserving everything of any value in Greek science and culture. +These Alexandrians wrote for the educated people of the whole earth; +they made Christianity a part of the civilisation of the world. The +saying that the Christian missionary to the Greeks must be a Greek was +first completely verified within the Catholic Church in the person of +Origen, who at the same time produced the only system of Christian dogma +possessed by the Greek Church before John Damascenus. + +1. _The Alexandrian Catechetical School. Clement of Alexandria._[656] + +"The work of Irenæus still leaves it undecided whether the form of the +world's literature, as found in the Christian Church, is destined only +to remain a weapon to combat its enemies, or is to become an instrument +of peaceful labour within its own territory." With these words Overbeck +has introduced his examination of Clement of Alexandria's great +masterpiece from the standpoint of the historian of literature. They may +be also applied to the history of theology. As we have shown, Irenæus, +Tertullian (and Hippolytus) made use of philosophical theology to expel +heretical elements; but all the theological expositions that this +interest suggested to them as necessary, were in their view part of the +faith itself. At least we find in their works absolutely no clear +expression of the fact that faith is one thing and theology another, +though rudimentary indications of such distinctions are found. Moreover, +their adherence to the early-Christian eschatology in its entirety, as +well as their rejection of a qualitative distinction between simple +believers and "Gnostics," proved that they themselves were deceived as +to the scope of their theological speculations, and that moreover their +Christian interest was virtually satisfied with subjection to the +authority of tradition, with the early-Christian hopes, and with the +rules for a holy life. But since about the time of Commodus, and in some +cases even earlier, we can observe, even in ecclesiastical circles, the +growing independence and might of the aspiration for a scientific +knowledge and treatment of the Christian religion, that is of Christian +tradition.[657] There is a wish to maintain this tradition in its +entirety and hence the Gnostic theses are rejected. The selection from +tradition, made in opposition to Gnosticism--though indeed in accordance +with its methods--and declared to be apostolic, is accepted. But there +is a desire to treat the given material in a strictly scientific manner, +just as the Gnostics had formerly done, that is, on the one hand to +establish it by a critical and historical exegesis, and on the other to +give it a philosophical form and bring it into harmony with the spirit +of the times. Along with this we also find the wish to incorporate the +thoughts of Paul which now possessed divine authority.[658] Accordingly +schools and scholastic unions now make their appearance afresh, the old +schools having been expelled from the Church.[659] In Asia Minor such +efforts had already begun shortly before the time when the canon of holy +apostolic tradition was fixed by the ecclesiastical authorities (Alogi). +From the history of Clement of Alexandria, the life of bishop Alexander, +afterwards bishop of Jerusalem, and subsequently from the history of +Origen (we may also mention Firmilian of Cæsarea), we learn that there +was in Cappadocia about the year 200 a circle of ecclesiastics who +zealously applied themselves to scientific pursuits. Bardesanes, a man +of high repute, laboured in the Christian kingdom of Edessa about the +same time. He wrote treatises on philosophical theology, which indeed, +judged by a Western standard, could not be accounted orthodox, and +directed a theological school which maintained its ground in the third +century and attained great importance.[660] In Palestine, during the +time of Heliogabalus and Alexander (Severus), Julius Africanus composed +a series of books on scientific theology, which were specifically +different from the writings of Irenæus and Tertullian; but which on the +other hand show the closest relationship in point of form to the +treatises of the so-called Gnostics. His inquiries into the relationship +of the genealogies of Jesus and into certain parts of the Greek +Apocalypse of Daniel showed that the Church's attention had been drawn +to problems of historical criticism. In his chronography the apologetic +interest is subordinate to the historical, and in his [Greek: Kestoi], +dedicated to Alexander Severus (Hippolytus had already dedicated a +treatise on the resurrection to the wife of Heliogabalus), we see fewer +traces of the Christian than of the Greek scholar. Alexander of Ælia and +Theoktistus of Cæsarea, the occupants of the two most important sees in +Palestine, were, contemporaneously with him, zealous patrons of an +independent science of theology. Even at that early time the former +founded an important theological library; and the fragments of his +letters preserved to us prove that he had caught not only the language, +but also the scientific spirit of the age. In Rome, at the beginning of +the third century, there was a scientific school where textual criticism +of the Bible was pursued and where the works of Aristotle, Theophrastus, +Euclid, and Galen were zealously read and utilised. Finally, the works +of Tertullian show us that, even among the Christians of Carthage, there +was no lack of such as wished to naturalise the pursuit of science +within the Church; and Eusebius (H. E. V. 27) has transmitted to us the +titles of a series of scientific works dating as far back as the year +200 and ascribed to ecclesiastics of that period. + +Whilst all these phenomena, which collectively belong to the close of +the second and beginning of the third century, show that it was indeed +possible to suppress heresy in the Church, but not the impulse from +which it sprang, the most striking proof of this conclusion is the +existence of the so-called school of catechists in Alexandria. We cannot +now trace the origin of this school, which first comes under our notice +in the year 190,[661] but we know that the struggle of the Church with +heresy was concluded in Alexandria at a later period than in the West. +We know further that the school of catechists extended its labours to +Palestine and Cappadocia as early as the year 200, and, to all +appearance, originated or encouraged scientific pursuits there.[662] +Finally, we know that the existence of this school was threatened in the +fourth decade of the third century; but Heraclas was shrewd enough to +reconcile the ecclesiastical and scientific interests.[663] In the +Alexandrian school of catechists the whole of Greek science was taught +and made to serve the purpose of Christian apologetics. Its first +teacher, who is well known to us from the writings he has left, is +_Clement of Alexandria_.[664] His main work is epoch-making. "Clement's +intention is nothing less than an introduction to Christianity, or, +speaking more correctly and in accordance with the spirit of his work, +an initiation into it. The task that Clement sets himself is an +introduction to what is inmost and highest in Christianity itself. He +aims, so to speak, at first making Christians perfect Christians by +means of a work of literature. By means of such a work he wished not +merely to repeat to the Christian what life has already done for him as +it is, but to elevate him to something still higher than what has been +revealed to him by the forms of initiation that the Church has created +for herself in the course of a history already dating back a century and +a half." To Clement therefore Gnosis, that is, the (Greek) philosophy of +religion, is not only a means of refuting heathenism and heresy, but at +the same time of ascertaining and setting forth what is highest and +inmost in Christianity. He views it as such, however, because, apart +from evangelical sayings, the Church tradition, both collectively and in +its details, is something foreign to him; he has subjected himself to +its authority, but he can only make it intellectually his own after +subjecting it to a scientific and philosophical treatment.[665] His +great work, which has rightly been called the boldest literary +undertaking in the history of the Church,[666] is consequently the first +attempt to use Holy Scripture and the Church tradition together with the +assumption that Christ as the Reason of the world is the source of all +truth, as the basis of a presentation of Christianity which at once +addresses itself to the cultured by satisfying the scientific demand for +a philosophical ethic and theory of the world, and at the same time +reveals to the believer the rich content of his faith. Here then is +found, in form and content, the scientific Christian doctrine of +religion which, while not contradicting the faith, does not merely +support or explain it in a few places, but raises it to another and +higher intellectual sphere, namely, out of the province of authority and +obedience into that of clear knowledge and inward, intellectual assent +emanating from love to God.[667] Clement cannot imagine that the +Christian faith, as found in tradition, can of itself produce the union +of intellectual independence and devotion to God which he regards as +moral perfection. He is too much of a Greek philosopher for that, and +believes that this aim is only reached through knowledge. But in so far +as this is only the deciphering of the secrets revealed in the Holy +Scriptures through the Logos, secrets which the believer also gains +possession of by subjecting himself to them, all knowledge is a +reflection of the divine revelation. The lofty ethical and religious +ideal of the man made perfect in fellowship with God, which Greek +philosophy had developed since the time of Plato and to which it had +subordinated the whole scientific knowledge of the world, was adopted +and heightened by Clement, and associated not only with Jesus Christ but +also with ecclesiastical Christianity. But, whilst connecting it with +the Church tradition, he did not shrink from the boldest remodelling of +the latter, because the preservation of its wording was to him a +sufficient guarantee of the Christian character of the speculation.[668] +In Clement, then, ecclesiastical Christianity reached the stage that +Judaism had attained in Philo, and no doubt the latter exercised great +influence over him.[669] Moreover, Clement stands on the ground that +Justin had already trodden, but he has advanced far beyond this +Apologist. His superiority to Justin not only consists in the fact that +he changed the apologetic task that the latter had in his mind into a +systematic and positive one; but above all in the circumstance that he +transformed the tradition of the Christian Church, which in his days was +far more extensive and more firmly established than in Justin's time, +into a real scientific dogmatic; whereas Justin neutralised the greater +part of this tradition by including it in the scheme of the proof from +prophecy. By elevating the idea of the Logos who is Christ into the +highest principle in the religious explanation of the world and in the +exposition of Christianity, Clement gave to this idea a much more +concrete and copious content than Justin did. Christianity is the +doctrine of the creation, training, and redemption of mankind by the +Logos, whose work culminates in the perfect Gnostics. The philosophy of +the Greeks, in so far as it possessed the Logos, is declared to be a +counterpart of the Old Testament law;[670] and the facts contained in +the Church tradition are either subordinated to the philosophical +dogmatic or receive a new interpretation expressly suited to it. The +idea of the Logos has a content which is on the one hand so wide that he +is found wherever man rises above the level of nature, and on the other +so concrete that an authentic knowledge of him can only be obtained from +historical revelation. The Logos is essentially the rational law of the +world and the teacher; but in Christ he is at the same time officiating +priest, and the blessings he bestows are a series of holy initiations +which alone contain the possibility of man's raising himself to the +divine life.[671] While this is already clear evidence of Clement's +affinity to Gnostic teachers, especially the Valentinians, the same +similarity may also be traced in the whole conception of the task +(Christianity as theology), in the determination of the formal principle +(inclusive of the recourse to esoteric tradition; see above, p. 35 +f.),[672] and in the solution of the problems. But Clement's great +superiority to Valentinus is shown not only in his contriving to +preserve in all points his connection with the faith of the main body of +Christendom, but still more in his power of mastering so many problems +by the aid of a single principle, that is, in the art of giving the most +comprehensive presentation with the most insignificant means. Both facts +are indeed most closely connected. The rejection of all conceptions that +could not be verified from Holy Scripture, or at least easily reconciled +with it, as well as his optimism, opposed as this was to Gnostic +pessimism, proved perhaps the most effective means of persuading the +Church to recognise the Christian character of a dogmatic that was at +least half inimical to ecclesiastical Christianity. Through Clement +theology became the crowning stage of piety, the highest philosophy of +the Greeks was placed under the protection and guarantee of the Church, +and the whole Hellenic civilisation was thus at the same time +legitimised within Christianity. The Logos is Christ, but the Logos is +at the same time the moral and rational in all stages of development. +The Logos is the teacher, not only in cases where an intelligent +self-restraint, as understood by the ancients, bridles the passions and +instincts and wards off excesses of all sorts; but also, and here of +course the revelation is of a higher kind, wherever love to God alone +determines the whole life and exalts man above everything sensuous and +finite.[673] What Gnostic moralists merely regarded as contrasts +Clement, the Christian and Greek, was able to view as stages; and thus +he succeeded in conceiving the motley society that already represented +the Church of his time as a unity, as the humanity trained by one and +the same Logos, the Pedagogue. His speculation did not drive him out of +the Church; it rather enabled him to understand the multiplicity of +forms she contained and to estimate their relative justification; nay, +it finally led him to include the history of pre-Christian humanity in +the system he regarded as a unity, and to form a theory of universal +history satisfactory to his mind.[674] If we compare this theory with +the rudimentary ideas of a similar kind in Irenæus, we see clearly the +meagreness and want of freedom, the uncertainty and narrowness, in the +case of the latter. In the Christian faith as he understood it and as +amalgamated by him with Greek culture, Clement found intellectual +freedom and independence, deliverance from all external authority. We +need not here directly discuss what apparatus he used for this end. +Irenæus again remained entangled in his apparatus, and much as he speaks +of the _novum testamentum libertatis_, his great work little conveys the +impression that its author has really attained intellectual freedom. +Clement was the first to grasp the task of future theology. According to +him this task consists in utilising the historical traditions, through +which we have become what we are, and the Christian communion, which is +imperative upon us as being the only moral and religious one, in order +to attain freedom and independence of our own life by the aid of the +Gospel; and in showing this Gospel to be the highest revelation by the +Logos, who has given evidence of himself whenever man rises above the +level of nature and who is consequently to be traced throughout the +whole history of humanity. + +But does the Christianity of Clement correspond to the Gospel? We can +only give a qualified affirmation to this question. For the danger of +secularisation is evident, since apostasy from the Gospel would be +completely accomplished as soon as the ideal of the self-sufficient +Greek sage came to supplant the feeling that man lives by the grace of +God. But the danger of secularisation lies in the cramped conception of +Irenæus, who sets up authorities which have nothing to do with the +Gospel, and creates facts of salvation which have a no less deadening +effect though in a different way. If the Gospel is meant to give freedom +and peace in God, and to accustom us to an eternal life in union with +Christ Clement understood this meaning. He could justly say to his +opponents: "If the things we say appear to some people diverse from the +Scriptures of the Lord, let them know that they draw inspiration and +life therefrom and, making these their starting-point give their meaning +only, not their letter" ([Greek: kan heteroia tisi tôn pollôn +kataphainêtai ta hyph' hêmôn legomena tôn kyriakôn graphôn, isteon hoti +ekeithen anapnei te kai zê kai tas aphormas ap' autôn echonta ton noun +monon, ou tên lexin, paristan epangelletai]).[675] No doubt Clement +conceives the aim of the whole traditionary material to be that of Greek +philosophy, but we cannot fail to perceive that this aim is blended with +the object which the Gospel puts before us, namely, to be rich in God +and to receive strength and life from him. The goodness of God and the +responsibility of man are the central ideas of Clement and the +Alexandrians; they also occupy the foremost place in the Gospel of Jesus +Christ. If this is certain we must avoid that searching of the heart +which undertakes to fix how far he was influenced by the Gospel and how +far by philosophy. + +But, while so judging, we cannot deny that the Church tradition was here +completely transformed into a Greek philosophy of religion on a +historical basis, nor do we certify the Christian character of Clement's +"dogmas" in acknowledging the evangelical spirit of his practical +position. What would be left of Christianity, if the practical aim, +given by Clement to this religious philosophy, were lost? A +depotentiated system which could absolutely no longer be called +Christian. On the other hand there were many valuable features in the +ecclesiastical _regula_ literally interpreted; and the attempts of +Irenæus to extract an authoritative religious meaning from the literal +sense of Church tradition and of New Testament passages must be regarded +as conservative efforts of the most valuable kind. No doubt Irenæus and +his theological _confrères_ did not themselves find in Christianity that +freedom which is its highest aim; but on the other hand they preserved +and rescued valuable material for succeeding times. If some day trust in +the methods of religious philosophy vanishes, men will revert to +history, which will still be recognisable in the preserved tradition, as +prized by Irenæus and the rest, whereas it will have almost perished in +the artificial interpretations due to the speculations of religious +philosophers. + +The importance that the Alexandrian school was to attain in the history +of dogma is not associated with Clement, but with his disciple +Origen.[676] This was not because Clement was more heterodox than +Origen, for that is not the case, so far as the Stromateis is concerned +at least;[677] but because the latter exerted an incomparably greater +influence than the former; and, with an energy perhaps unexampled in the +history of the Church, already mapped out all the provinces of theology +by his own unaided efforts. Another reason is that Clement did not +possess the Church tradition in its fixed Catholic forms as Origen did +(see above, chapter 2), and, as his Stromateis shows, he was as yet +incapable of forming a theological system. What he offers is portions of +a theological Christian dogmatic and speculative ethic. These indeed are +no fragments in so far as they are all produced according to a definite +method and have the same object in view, but they still want unity. On +the other hand Origen succeeded in forming a complete system inasmuch as +he not only had a Catholic tradition of fixed limits and definite type +to fall back upon as a basis; but was also enabled by the previous +efforts of Clement to furnish a methodical treatment of this +tradition.[678] Now a sharp eye indeed perceives that Origen personally +no longer possessed such a complete and bold religious theory of the +world as Clement did, for he was already more tightly fettered by the +Church tradition, some details of which here and there led him into +compromises that remind us of Irenæus; but it was in connection with his +work that the development of the following period took place. It is +therefore sufficient, within the framework of the history of dogma, to +refer to Clement as the bold forerunner of Origen, and, in setting forth +the theology of the latter, to compare it in important points with the +doctrines of Clement. + + +2. _The system of Origen._[679] + +Among the theologians of ecclesiastical antiquity Origen was the most +important and influential alongside of Augustine. He proved the father +of ecclesiastical science in the widest sense of the word, and at the +same time became the founder of that theology which reached its complete +development in the fourth and fifth centuries, and which in the sixth +definitely denied its author, without, however, losing the form he had +impressed on it. Origen created the ecclesiastical dogmatic and made the +sources of the Jewish and Christian religion the foundation of that +science. The Apologists, in their day, had found everything clear in +Christianity; the antignostic Fathers had confused the Church's faith +and the science that treats of it. Origen recognised the problem and the +problems, and elevated the pursuit of Christian theology to the rank of +an independent task by freeing it from its polemical aim. He could not +have become what he did, if two generations had not preceded him in +paving the way to form a mental conception of Christianity and give it a +philosophical foundation. Like all epoch-making personalities, he was +also favoured by the conditions in which he lived, though he had to +endure violent attacks. Born of a Christian family which was faithfully +attached to the Church, he lived at a time when the Christian +communities enjoyed almost uninterrupted peace and were being +naturalised in the world; he was a member of a Christian Church where +the right of scientific study was already recognised and where this had +attained a fixed position in an organised school.[680] He proclaimed the +reconciliation of science with the Christian faith and the compatibility +of the highest culture with the Gospel within the bosom of the Church, +thus contributing more than any other to convert the ancient world to +Christianity. But he made no compromises from shrewd calculation: it was +his inmost and holiest conviction that the sacred documents of +Christianity contained all the ideals of antiquity, and that the +speculative conception of ecclesiastical Christianity was the only true +and right one. His character was pure, his life blameless; in his work +he was not only unwearied, but also unselfish. There have been few +Fathers of the Church whose life-story leaves such an impression of +purity behind it as that of Origen. The atmosphere which he breathed as +a Christian and as a philosopher was dangerous; but his mind remained +sound, and even his feeling for truth scarcely ever forsook him.[681] To +us his theory of the world, surveyed in its details, presents various +changing hues, like that of Philo, and at the present day we can +scarcely any longer understand how he was able to unite the different +materials; but, considering the solidity of his character and the +confidence of his decisions, we cannot doubt that he himself felt the +agreement of all essential parts of his system. No doubt he spoke in one +way to the perfect and in another to the mass of Christian people. The +narrow-minded or the immature will at all times necessarily consider +such proceedings hypocrisy, but the outcome of his religious and +scientific conception of the world required the twofold language. +Orthodox theology of all creeds has never yet advanced beyond the circle +first mapped out by his mind. She has suspected and corrected her +founder, she has thought she could lop off his heterodox opinions as if +they were accidental excrescences, she has incorporated with the simple +faith itself the measure of speculation she was obliged to admit, and +continued to give the rule of faith a more philosophic form, fragment by +fragment, in order that she might thus be able to remove the gap between +Faith and Gnosis and to banish free theology through the formula of +ecclesiastical dogma. But it may reasonably be questioned whether all +this is progress, and it is well worth investigating whether the gap +between half theological, clerical Christianity and a lay Christianity +held in tutelage is more endurable than that between Gnosis and Pistis, +which Origen preserved and bridged over. + +The Christian system of Origen[682] is worked out in opposition to the +systems of the Greek philosophers and of the Christian Gnostics. It is +moreover opposed to the ecclesiastical enemies of science, the Christian +Unitarians, and the Jews.[683] But the science of the faith, as +developed by Origen, being built up with the appliances of Philo's +science, bears unmistakable marks of Neoplatonism and Gnosticism. Origen +speculated not only in the manner of Justin, but also in that of +Valentinus and therefore likewise after the fashion of Plotinus; in fact +he is characterised by the adoption of the methods and, in a certain +sense, of the axioms current in the schools of Valentinus and traceable +in Neoplatonism. But, as this method implied the acknowledgment of a +sacred literature, Origen was an exegete who believed in the Holy +Scriptures and indeed, at bottom, he viewed all theology as a methodical +exegesis of Holy Writ. Finally, however, since Origen, as an +ecclesiastical Christian, was convinced that the Church (by which he +means only the perfect and pure Church) is the sole possessor of God's +holy revelations with whose authority the faith may be justly satisfied, +nothing but the two Testaments, as preserved by her, was regarded by him +as the absolutely reliable divine revelation.[684] But, in addition to +these, every possession of the Church, and, above all, the rule of +faith, was authoritative and holy.[685] By acknowledging not only the +relative correctness of the beliefs held by the great mass of simple +Christians, as the Valentinians did, but also the indispensableness of +their faith as the foundation of speculation, Origen like Clement +avoided the dilemma of becoming a heterodox Gnostic or an ecclesiastical +traditionalist. He was able to maintain this standpoint, because in the +first place his Gnosis required a guaranteed sacred literature which he +only found in the Church, and because in the second place this same +Gnosis had extended its horizon far enough to see that what the +heretical Gnosis had regarded as contrasts were different aspects of the +same thing. The relative way of looking at things, an inheritance from +the best time of antiquity, is familiar to Origen, as it was to Clement; +and he contrived never to lose sight of it, in spite of the absolute +attitude he had arrived at through the Christian Gnosis and the Holy +Scriptures. This relative view taught him and Clement toleration and +discretion (Strom. IV. 22. 139: [Greek: hê gnôsis agapa kai tous +agnoountas didaskei te kai paideuei tên pasan ktisin tou pantokratoros +Theou timan], "Gnosis loves and instructs the ignorant and teaches us to +honour the whole creation of God Almighty"); and enabled them everywhere +to discover, hold fast, and further the good in that which was meagre +and narrow, in that which was undeveloped and as yet intrinsically +obscure.[686] As an orthodox traditionalist and decided opponent of all +heresy Origen acknowledged that Christianity embraces a salvation which +is offered to all men and attained by faith, that it is the doctrine of +historical facts to which we must adhere, that the content of +Christianity has been appropriately summarised by the Church in her rule +of faith,[687] and that belief is of itself sufficient for the renewal +and salvation of man. But, as an idealistic philosopher, Origen +transformed the whole content of ecclesiastical faith into ideas. Here +he adhered to no fixed philosophical system, but, like Philo, Clement, +and the Neoplatonists, adopted and adapted all that had been effected by +the labours of idealistic Greek moralists since the time of Socrates. +These, however, had long before transformed the Socratic saying "know +thyself" into manifold rules for the right conduct of life, and +associated with it a theosophy, in which man was first to attain to his +true self.[688] These rules made the true "sage" abstain from occupying +himself in the service of daily life and "from burdensome appearance in +public". They asserted that the mind "can have no more peculiar duty +than caring for itself." This is accomplished by its not looking without +nor occupying itself with foreign things, but, turning inwardly to +itself, restoring its own nature to itself and thus practising +righteousness.[689] Here it was taught that the wise man who no longer +requires anything is nearest the Deity, because he is a partaker of the +highest good through possession of his rich Ego and through his calm +contemplation of the world; here moreover it was proclaimed that the +mind that has freed itself from the sensuous[690] and lives in constant +contemplation of the eternal is also in the end vouchsafed a view of the +invisible and is itself deified. No one can deny that this sort of +flight from the world and possession of God involves a specific +secularisation of Christianity, and that the isolated and +self-sufficient sage is pretty much the opposite of the poor soul that +hungers after righteousness.[691] Nor, on the other hand, can any one +deny that concrete examples of both types are found in infinite +multiplicity and might shade off into each other in this multiplicity. +This was the case with Clement and Origen. To them the ethical and +religious ideal is the state without sorrow, the state of insensibility +to all evils, of order and peace--but peace in God. Reconciled to the +course of the world, trusting in the divine Logos,[692] rich in +disinterested love to God and the brethren, reproducing the divine +thoughts, looking up with longing to heaven its native city,[693] the +created spirit attains its likeness to God and eternal bliss. It reaches +this by the victory over sensuousness, by constantly occupying itself +with the divine--"Go ye believing thoughts into the wide field of +eternity"--by self-knowledge and contemplative isolation, which, +however, does not exclude work in the kingdom of God, that is in the +Church. This is the divine wisdom: "The soul practises viewing herself +as in a mirror: she displays the divine Spirit in herself as in a +mirror, if she is to be found worthy of this fellowship; and she thus +discovers the traces of a mysterious way to deification."[694] Origen +employed the Stoic and Platonic systems of ethics as an instrument for +the gradual realisation of this ideal.[695] With him the mystic and +ecstatic as well as the magic and sacramental element is still in the +background, though it is not wanting. To Origen's mind, however, the +inadequacy of philosophical injunctions was constantly made plain by the +following considerations. (1) The philosophers, in spite of their noble +thoughts of God, tolerated the existence of polytheism; and this was +really the only fault he had to find with Plato. (2) The truth did not +become universally accessible through them.[696] (3) As the result of +these facts they did not possess sufficient power.[697] In contrast to +this the divine revelation had already mastered a whole people through +Moses--"Would to God the Jews had not transgressed the law, and had not +slain the prophets and Jesus; we would then have had a model of that +heavenly commonwealth which Plato has sought to describe"[698]--and the +Logos shows his universal power in the Church (1) by putting an end to +all polytheism, and (2) by improving everyone to the extent that his +knowledge and capacity admit, and in proportion as his will is inclined +to, and susceptible of, that which is good.[699] + +Not only, however, did Origen employ the Greek ethic in its varied +types, but the Greek cosmological speculation also formed the +complicated substructure of his religious system of morals. The Gnosis +is formally a philosophy of revelation, that is a Scripture +theology,[700] and materially a cosmological speculation. On the basis +of a detailed theory of inspiration, which itself, moreover, originates +with the philosophers, the Holy Scriptures are so treated that all facts +appear as the vehicles of ideas and only attain their highest value in +this aspect. Systematic theology, in undertaking its task, always +starts, as Clement and Origen also did, with the conscious or +unconscious thought of emancipating itself from the outward revelation +and community of cultus that are the characteristic marks of positive +religion. The place of these is taken by the results of speculative +cosmology, which, though themselves practically conditioned, do not seem +to be of this character. This also applies to Origen's Christian Gnosis +or scientific dogmatic, which is simply the metaphysics of the age. +However, as he was the equal of the foremost minds of his time, this +dogmatic was no schoolboy imitation on his part, but was to some extent +independently developed and was worked out both in opposition to +pantheistic Stoicism and to theoretical dualism. That we are not +mistaken in this opinion is shown by a document ranking among the most +valuable things preserved to us from the third century; we mean the +judgment passed on Origen by Porphyry in Euseb., H. E. VI. 19. Every +sentence is instructive,[701] but the culminating point is the judgment +contained in § 7: [Greek: kata men ton Bion Christianôs zôn kai +paranomôs, kata de tas peri tôn pragmatôn kai tou theou doxas Hellênizôn +kai ta Hellênôn tois othneiois hupoballomenos mythois.] ("His outward +life was that of a Christian and opposed to the law, but in regard to +his views of things and of the Deity, he thought like the Greeks, +inasmuch as he introduced their ideas into the myths of other peoples.") +We can everywhere verify this observation from Origen's works and +particularly from the books written against Celsus, where he is +continually obliged to mask his essential agreement in principles and +method with the enemy of the Christians.[702] The Gnosis is in fact the +Hellenic one and results in that wonderful picture of the world which, +though apparently a drama, is in reality immovable, and only assumes +such a complicated form here from its relation to the Holy Scriptures +and the history of Christ.[703] The Gnosis neutralises everything +connected with empiric history; and if this does not everywhere hold +good with regard to the actual occurrence of facts, it is at least +invariably the case in respect to their significance. The clearest proof +of this is (1) that Origen raised the thought of the unchangeability of +God to be the norm of his system and (2) that he denied the historical, +incarnate Logos any significance for "Gnostics." To these Christ merely +appears as the Logos who has been from eternity with the Father and has +always acted from the beginning. He alone is the object of the knowledge +of the wise man, who merely requires a perfect or, in other words, a +divine teacher.[704] The Gospel too only teaches the "shadow of the +secrets of Christ;" but the eternal Gospel, which is also the pneumatic +one, "clearly places before men's minds all things concerning the Son of +God himself, both the mysteries shown by his words, and the things of +which his acts were the riddles" ([Greek: saphôs paristêsi tois noousi +ta panta enôpion peri autou tou huiou tou Theou, kai ta paristamena +mustêria hupo tôn logôn autou, ta te pragmata, ôn ainigmata êsan hai +praxeis autou]).[705] No doubt the true theology based on revelation +makes pantheism appear overthrown as well as dualism, and here the +influence of the two Testaments cannot be mistaken; but a subtle form of +the latter recurs in Origen's system, whilst the manner in which he +rejected both made the Greek philosophy of the age feel that there was +something akin to it here. In the final utterances of religious +metaphysics ecclesiastical Christianity, with the exception of a few +compromises, is thrown off as a husk. The objects of religious knowledge +have no history or rather, and this is a genuinely Gnostic and +Neoplatonic idea, they have only a supramundane one. + +This necessarily gave rise to the assumption of an esoteric and exoteric +form of the Christian religion, for it is only behind the statutory, +positive religion of the Church that religion itself is found. Origen +gave the clearest expression to this assumption, which must have been +already familiar in the Alexandrian school of catechists, and convinced +himself that it was correct, because he saw that the mass of Christians +were unable to grasp the deeper sense of Scripture, and because he +realised the difficulties of the exegesis. On the other hand, in solving +the problem of adapting the different points of his heterodox system of +thought to the _regula fidei_, he displayed the most masterly skill. He +succeeded in finding an external connection, because, though the +construction of his theory proceeded from the top downwards, he could +find support for it on the steps of the _regula fidei_, already +developed by Irenæus into the history of salvation.[706] The system +itself is to be, in principle and in every respect, monistic, but, as +the material world, though created by God out of nothing, merely appears +as a place of punishment and purification for souls, a strong element of +dualism is inherent in the system, as far as its practical application +is concerned.[707] The prevailing contrast is that between the one +transcendent essence and the multiplicity of all created things. The +pervading ambiguity lies in the twofold view of the spiritual in so far +as, on the one hand, it belongs to God as the unfolding of his essence, +and, on the other, as being created, is contrasted with God. This +ambiguity, which recurs in all the Neoplatonic systems and has continued +to characterise all mysticism down to the present day, originates in the +attempt to repel Stoic pantheism and yet to preserve the transcendental +nature of the human spirit, and to maintain the absolute causality of +God without allowing his goodness to be called in question. The +assumption that created spirits can freely determine their own course is +therefore a necessity of the system; in fact this assumption is one of +its main presuppositions[708] and is so boldly developed as to limit the +omnipotence and omniscience of God. But, as from the empirical point of +view the knot is tied for every man at the very moment he appears on +earth, and since the problem is not created by each human being as the +result of his own independent will, but lies in his organisation, +speculation must retreat behind history. So the system, in accordance +with certain hints of Plato, is constructed on the same plan as that of +Valentinus, for example, to which it has an extraordinary affinity. It +contains three parts: (1) The doctrine of God and his unfoldings or +creations, (2) the doctrine of the Fall and its consequences, (3) the +doctrine of redemption and restoration.[709] Like Denis, however, we may +also, in accordance with a premised theory of method, set forth the +system in four sections, viz., Theology, Cosmology, Anthropology, +Teleology. Origen's fundamental idea is "the original indestructible +unity of God and all spiritual essence." From this it necessarily +follows that the created spirit after fall, error, and sin must ever +return to its origin, to being in God. In this idea we have the key to +the religious philosophy of Origen. + +The only sources for obtaining a knowledge of the truth are the Holy +Scriptures of both Testaments. No doubt the speculations of Greek +philosophers also contain truths, but these have only a propædeutic +value and, moreover, have no certainty to offer, as have the Holy +Scriptures, which are a witness to themselves in the fulfilment of +prophecy.[710] On the other hand Origen assumes that there was an +esoteric deeper knowledge in addition to the Holy Scriptures, and that +Jesus in particular imparted this deeper wisdom to a few;[711] but, as a +correct Church theologian, he scarcely made use of this assumption. The +first methodical principle of his exegesis is that the faith, as +professed in the Church in contradistinction to heresy, must not be +tampered with.[712] But it is the carrying out of this rule that really +forms the task of the theologian. For the faith itself is fixed and +requires no particular presentation; it never occurred to Origen to +assume that the fixing of the faith itself could present problems. It is +complete, clear, easily teachable, and really leads to victory over +sensuality and sin (see c. Cels. VII. 48 and cf. other passages), as +well as to fellowship with God, since it rests on the revelation of the +Logos. But, as it remains determined by fear and hope of reward so, as +"uninformed and irrational faith" ([Greek: pistis idiôtikê] and [Greek: +alogos]), it only leads to a "somatic Christianity" ([Greek: +Christianismos sômatikos]). It is the task of theology, however, to +decipher "spiritual Christianity" ([Greek: Christianismos pneumatikos]) +from the Holy Scriptures, and to elevate faith to knowledge and clear +vision. This is effected by the method of Scripture exegesis which +ascertains the highest revelations of God.[713] The Scripture has a +threefold sense because, like the cosmos, alongside of which it stands +like a second revelation, as it were, it must contain a pneumatic, +psychic, and somatic element. The somatic or historical sense is in +every case the first that must be ascertained. It corresponds to the +stage of mere faith and has consequently the same dignity as the latter. +But there are instances where it is to be given up and designated as a +Jewish and fleshly sense. This is to be assumed in all cases where it +leads to ideas opposed to the nature of God, morality, the law of +nature, or reason.[714] Here one must judge (see above) that such +objectionable passages were meant to incite the searcher to a deeper +investigation. The psychic sense is of a moral nature: in the Old +Testament more especially most narratives have a moral content, which +one can easily find by stripping off the history as a covering; and in +certain passages one may content oneself with this meaning. The +pneumatic sense, which is the only meaning borne by many passages, an +assertion which neither Philo nor Clement ventured to make in plain +terms, has with Origen a negatively apologetic and a positively didactic +aim. It leads to the ultimate ideas which, once attained, are +self-evident, and, so to speak, pass completely over into the mind of +the theologian, because they finally obtain for him clear vision and +independent possession.[715] When the Gnostic has attained this stage, +he may throw away the ladders by which he has reached this height.[716] +He is then inwardly united with God's Logos, and from this union obtains +all that he requires. In most passages Origen presupposed the similarity +and equal value of all parts of the Holy Scriptures; but in some he +showed that even inspiration has its stages and grades, according to the +receptivity and worthiness of each prophet, thus applying his relative +view of all matters of fact in such cases also. In Christ the full +revelation of the Logos was first expressed; his Apostles did not +possess the same inspiration as he,[717] and among the Apostles and +apostolic men differences in the degrees of inspiration are again to be +assumed. Here Origen set the example of making a definite distinction +between a heroic age of the Apostles and the succeeding period. This +laid the foundation for an assumption through which the later Church +down to our time has appeased her conscience and freed herself from +demands that she could not satisfy.[718] + +THE DOCTRINE OF GOD AND HIS SELF-UNFOLDINGS OR CREATIONS.[719] The world +points back to an ultimate cause and the created spirit to an eternal, +pure, absolutely simple, and unchangeable spirit, who is the original +source of all existence and goodness, so that everything that exists +only does so in virtue of being caused by that One, and is good in so +far as it derives its essence from the One who is perfection and +goodness. This fundamental idea is the source of all the conclusions +drawn by Origen as to the essence, attributes, and knowableness of God. +As the One, God is contrasted with the Manifold; but the order in the +Manifold points back to the One. As the real Essence, God is opposed to +the essences that appear and seem to vanish, and that therefore have no +real existence, because they have not their principle in themselves, but +testify: "We have not made ourselves." As the absolutely immaterial +Spirit, God is contrasted with the spirit that is clogged with matter, +but which strives to get back to him from whom it received its origin. +The One is something different from the Manifold; but the order, the +dependence, and the longing of that which is created point back to the +One, who can therefore be known relatively from the Manifold. In +sharpest contrast to the heretical Gnosis, Origen maintained the +absolute causality of God, and, in spite of all abstractions in +determining the essence of God, he attributed self-consciousness and +will to this superessential Essence (in opposition to Valentinus, +Basilides, and the later Neoplatonists).[720] The created is one thing +and the Self-existent is another, but both are connected together; as +the created can only be understood from something self-existent, so the +self-existent is not without analogy to the created. The Self-existent +is in itself a living thing; it is beyond dispute that Origen with all +his abstractions represented the Deity, whom he primarily conceived as a +constant substance, in a more living, and, so to speak, in a more +personal way than the Greek philosophers. Hence it was possible for him +to produce a doctrine of the attributes of God. Here he did not even +shrink from applying his relative view to the Deity, because, as will be +seen, he never thinks of God without revelation, and because all +revelation must be something limited. The omnipresence of God indeed +suffers from no limitation. God is potentially everywhere; but he is +everywhere only potentially; that is, he neither encompasses nor is +encompassed. Nor is he diffused through the universe, but, as he is +removed from the limits of space, so also he is removed from space +itself.[721] But the omniscience and omnipotence of God have a limit, +which indeed, according to Origen, lies in the nature of the case +itself. In the first place his omnipotence is limited through his +essence, for he can only do what he wills;[722] secondly by logic, for +omnipotence cannot produce things containing an inward contradiction: +God can do nothing contrary to nature, all miracles being natural in the +highest sense[723]--thirdly, by the impossibility of that which is in +itself unlimited being comprehended, whence it follows that the extent +of everything created must be limited[724]--fourthly, by the +impossibility of realising an aim completely and without disturbing +elements.[725] Omniscience has also its corresponding limits; this is +specially proved from the freedom of spirits bestowed by God himself. +God has indeed the capacity of foreknowledge, but he knows transactions +beforehand because they happen; they do not happen because he knows +them.[726] That the divine purpose should be realised in the end +necessarily follows from the nature of the created spirit itself, apart +from the supporting activity of God. Like Irenæus and Tertullian Origen +very carefully discussed the attributes of goodness and justice in God +in opposition to the Marcionites.[727] But his exposition is different. +In his eyes goodness and justice are not two opposite attributes, which +can and must exist in God side by side; but as virtues they are to him +identical. God rewards in justice and punishes in kindness. That it +should go well with all, no matter how they conduct themselves, would be +no kindness; but it is kindness when God punishes to improve, deter, and +prevent. Passions, anger, and the like do not exist in God, nor any +plurality of virtues; but, as the Perfect One, he is all kindness. In +other places, however, Origen did not content himself with this +presentation. In opposition to the Marcionites, who declared Christ and +the Father of Christ to be good, and the creator of the world to be +just, he argued that, on the contrary, God (the foundation of the world) +is good, but that the Logos-Christ, in so far as he is the pedagogus, is +just.[728] + +From the perfect goodness of God Origen infers that he reveals or +communicates himself, from his immutability that he _always_ reveals +himself. The eternal or never beginning communication of perfection to +other beings is a postulate of the concept "God". But, along with the +whole fraternity of those professing the same philosophy, Origen assumed +that the One, in becoming the Manifold and acting in the interests of +the Manifold, can only effect his purpose by divesting himself of +absolute apathy and once more assuming a form in which he can act, that +is, procuring for himself an adequate organ--_the Logos_. The content of +Origen's teaching about this Logos was not essentially different from +that of Philo and was therefore quite as contradictory; only in his case +everything is more sharply defined and the hypostasis of the Logos (in +opposition to the Monarchians) more clearly and precisely stated.[729] +Nevertheless the personal independence of the Logos is as yet by no +means so sharply defined as in the case of the later Arians. He is still +the Consciousness of God, the spiritual Activity of God. Hence he is on +the one hand the idea of the world existing in God, and on the other the +product of divine wisdom originating with the will of God. The following +are the most important propositions.[730] The Logos who appeared in +Christ, as is specially shown from Joh. I. 1 and Heb. I. 1, is the +perfect image[731] of God. He is the Wisdom of God, the reflection of +his perfection and glory, the invisible image of God. For that very +reason there is nothing corporeal in him[732] and he is therefore really +God, not [Greek: autotheos], nor [Greek: ho Theos], nor [Greek: anarchos +archê] ("beginningless beginning"), but the second God.[733] But, as +such, immutability is one of his attributes, that is, he can never lose +his divine essence, he can also in this respect neither increase nor +decrease (this immutability, however, is not an independent attribute, +but he is perfect as being an image of the Father's perfection).[734] +Accordingly this deity is not a communicated one in the sense of his +having another independent essence in addition to this divine nature; +but deity rather constitutes his essence: [Greek: ho sotêr ou kata +metousian, alla kat' ousian esti Theos][735] ("the Saviour is not God by +communication, but in his essence"). From this it follows that he shares +in the essence of God, therefore of the Father, and is accordingly +[Greek: homoousios] ("the same in substance with the Father") or, seeing +that, as Son, he has come forth from the Father, is engendered from the +essence of the Father.[736] But having proceeded, like the will, from +the Spirit, he was always with God; there was not a time when he was +not,[737] nay, even this expression is still too weak. It would be an +unworthy idea to think of God without his wisdom or to assume a +beginning of his begetting. Moreover, this begetting is not an act that +has only once taken place, but a process lasting from all eternity; the +Son is always being begotten of the Father.[738] It is the theology of +Origen which Gregory Thaumaturgus has thus summed up:[739] [Greek: eis +kurios, monos ek monou, theos ek theou, charaktêr kai eikôn tês +theotêtos, logos energos, sophia tês tôn holôn sustaseôs periektikê kai +dunamis tês holês ktiseôs poiêtikê, huios alêthinos alêthinou patros, +aoratos aoratou kai aphthartos aphthartou kai athanatos athanatou kai +aidios aidiou]. ("One Lord, one from one, God from God, impress and +image of Godhead, energetic word, wisdom embracing the entire system of +the universe and power producing all creation, true Son of a true +Father, the invisible of the invisible and incorruptible of the +incorruptible, the immortal of the immortal, the eternal of the +eternal"). The begetting is an indescribable act which can only be +represented by inadequate images: it is no emanation--the expression +[Greek: probolê] is not found, so far as I know[740]--but is rather to +be designated as an act of the will arising from an inner necessity, an +act which for that very reason is an emanation of the essence. But the +Logos thus produced is really a personally existing being; he is not an +impersonal force of the Father, though this still appears to be the case +in some passages of Clement, but he is the "sapientia dei +substantialiter subsistens"[741] ("the wisdom of God substantially +existing") "figura expressa substantial patris" ("express image of the +Father's substance"), "virtus altera in sua proprietate subsistens" ("a +second force existing in its own characteristic fashion"). He is, and +here Origen appeals to the old Acts of Paul, an "animal vivens" with an +independent existence.[742] He is another person,[743] namely, the +second person in number.[744] But here already begins Origen's second +train of thought which limits the first that we have set forth. As a +particular hypostasis, which has its "first cause" ([Greek: prôton +aition]) in God, the Son is "that which is caused" ([Greek: aitiaton]), +moreover as the fulness of ideas, as he who comprehends in himself all +the forms that are to have an active existence, the Son is no longer an +absolute _simplex_ like the Father.[745] He is already the first stage +of the transition from the One to the Manifold, and, as the medium of +the world-idea, his essence has an inward relation to the world, which +is itself without beginning.[746] As soon therefore as the category of +causality is applied--which moreover dominates the system--and the +particular contemplation of the Son in relation to the Father gives way +to the general contemplation of his task and destination, the Son is not +only called [Greek: ktisma] and [Greek: dêmiourgêma], but all the +utterances about the quality of his essence receive a limitation. We +nowhere find the express assertion that this quality is inferior or of a +different kind when compared with that of God; but these utterances lose +their force when it is asserted that complete similarity between Father +and Son only exists in relation to the world. We have to acknowledge the +divine being that appeared in Christ to be the manifestation of the +Deity; but, from God's standpoint, the Son is the hypostasis appointed +by and _subordinated_ to him.[747] The Son stands between the uncreated +One and the created Many; in so far as unchangeableness is an attribute +of self-existence he does not possess it.[748] It is evident why Origen +was obliged to conceive the Logos exactly as he did; it was only in this +form that the idea answered the purpose for which it was intended. In +the description of the essence of the Logos much more heed continues to +be given to his creative than to his redeeming significance. Since it +was only a teacher that Origen ultimately required for the purpose of +redemption, he could unfold the nature and task of the Logos without +thinking of Christ, whose name indeed he frequently mentions in his +disquisitions, but whose person is really not of the slightest +importance there.[749] + +In order to comply with the rule of faith, and for this reason alone, +for his speculation did not require a Spirit in addition to the Logos, +Origen also placed the Spirit alongside of Father and Son. All that is +predicated about him by the Church is that he is equal to the other +persons in honour and dignity, and it was he that inspired both Prophets +and Apostles; but that it is still undecided whether he be created or +uncreated, and whether he too is to be considered the Son of God or +not.[750] As the third hypostasis, Origen reckoned him part of the +constant divine essence and so treated him after the analogy of the Son, +without producing an impressive proof of the necessity of this +hypostasis. He, however, became the Holy Spirit through the Son, and is +related to the latter as the latter is related to the Father; in other +words he is subordinate to the Son; he is the first creation of the +Father through the Son.[751] Here Origen was following an old tradition. +Considered quantitatively therefore, and this according to Origen is the +most important consideration, the Spirit's sphere of action is the +smallest. All being has its principle in the Father, the Son has his +sphere in the rational, the Holy Spirit in the sanctified, that is in +the Church; this he has to rule over and perfect. Father, Son, and +Spirit form a [Greek: trias] ("triad")[752] to which nothing may be +compared; they are equal in dignity and honour, and the substance they +possess is one. If the following is not one of Rufinus' corrections, +Origen said[753]: "Nihil in trinitate maius minusve dicendum est cum +unius divinitatis fons verbo ac ratione sua teneat universa"[754] +("nothing in the Trinity is to be called greater or less, since the +fountain of one divinity holds all his parts by word and reason"). But, +as in Origen's sense the union of these only exists because the Father +alone is the "source of deity" ([Greek: pêgê tês theotêtos]) and +principle of the other two hypostases, the Trinity is in truth no +homogeneous one, but one which, in accordance with a "subtle emanation +idea", has degrees within it. This Trinity, which in the strict sense +remains a Trinity of revelation, except that revelation belongs to the +essence of God, is with Origen the real secret of the faith, the mystery +beyond all mysteries. To deny it shows a Jewish, carnal feeling or at +least the greatest narrowness of conception. + +The idea of createdness was already more closely associated with the +Holy Ghost than with the Logos. He is in a still clearer fashion than +the Son himself the transition to the series of ideas and spirits that +having been created by the Son, are in truth the unfolding of his +fulness. They form the next stage after the Holy Spirit. In assuming the +existence of such beings as were required by his philosophical system, +Origen appealed to the Biblical doctrine of angels, which he says is +expressly acknowledged in the Church.[755] With Clement even the +association of the Son and Holy Ghost with the great angelic spirits is +as yet not altogether avoided, at least in his expressions.[756] Origen +was more cautious in this respect.[757] The world of spirits appears to +him as a series of well-arranged, graded energies, as the representative +of created reason. Its characteristic is growth, that is, progress +([Greek: prokopê]).[758] Growth is conditioned by freedom: "_omnis +creatura rationabilis laudis et culpæ capax: laudis, si secundum +rationem, quam in se habet, ad meliora proficiat, culpæ, si rationem +recti declinet_"[759] ("every rational creature is capable of meriting +praise or blame--praise, if it advance to better things according to the +reason it possesses in itself, blame, if it avoid the right course"). As +unchangeableness and permanence are characteristic of the Deity, so +freedom is the mark of the created spirit.[760] In this thesis Origen +goes beyond the assumption of the heretical Gnostics just as much as he +does in his other proposition that the creaturely spirit is in no sense +a portion of the divine (because it is changeable[761]); but in reality +freedom, as he understands it, is only the capacity of created spirits +to determine their own destiny _for a time_. In the end, however, they +must turn to that which is good, because everything spiritual is +indestructible. _Sub specie æternitatis_, then, the mere communication +of the divine element to the created spirit[762] is _not_ a mere +communication, and freedom is no freedom; but the absolute necessity of +the created spirit's developing itself merely appears as freedom. Yet +Origen himself did not draw this conclusion, but rather based everything +on his conception that the freedom of _naturæ rationabiles_ consisted in +the _possibilitas utriusque_, and sought to understand the cosmos, as it +is, from this freedom. To the _naturæ rationabiles_, which have +different _species_ and _ordines_, human souls also belong. The whole of +them were created from all eternity; for God would not be almighty +unless he had always produced everything[763]; in virtue of their origin +they are equal, for their original community with the Logos permits of +no diversity[764]; but, on the other hand, they have received different +tasks and their development is consequently different. In so far as they +are spirits subject to change, they are burdened with a kind of bodily +nature,[765] for it is only the Deity that is without a body. The +element of materiality is a necessary result of their finite nature, +that is, of their being created; and this applies both to angels and +human souls.[766] Now Origen did not speculate at all as to how the +spirit world might have developed in ideal fashion, a fact which it is +exceedingly important to recognise; he knows nothing at all about an +ideal development for all, and does not even view it as a possibility. +The truth rather is that as soon as he mentions the _naturæ +rationabiles_, he immediately proceeds to speak of their fall, their +growth, and their diversities. He merely contemplates them in the given +circumstances in which they are placed (see the exposition in [Greek: +peri archôn] II. 9. 2). + +THE DOCTRINE OF THE FALL AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. All created spirits must +develop. When they have done so, they attain perfection and make way for +new dispensations and worlds.[767] In the exercise of their freedom, +however, disobedience, laxity, laziness, and failure make their +appearance among them in an endless multiplicity of ways.[768] The +disciplining and purifying of these spirits was the purpose for which +the material world was created by God.[769] It is therefore a place of +purification, ruled and harmoniously arranged by God's wisdom.[770] Each +member of the world of spirits has received a different kind of material +nature in proportion to his degree of removal from the Creator. The +highest spirits, who have virtually held fast by that which is good, +though they too stand in need of restitution, guide the world, are +servants of God ([Greek: angeloi]), and have bodies of an exceedingly +subtle kind in the form of a globe (stars). The spirits that have fallen +very deeply (the spirits of men) are banished into material bodies. +Those that have altogether turned against God have received very dark +bodies, indescribably ugly, though not visible. Men therefore are placed +between the angels and demons, both of whom try to influence them. The +moral struggle that man has to undergo within himself is made harder by +the demons, but lightened by the angels,[771] for these spiritual powers +are at all times and places acting both upon the physical and the +spiritual world. But everything is subject to the permission of the +divine goodness and finally also to the guidance of divine providence, +though the latter has created for itself a limit in freedom.[772] Evil, +however, and it is in this idea that Origen's great optimism consists, +cannot conquer in the end. As it is nothing eternal, so also it is at +bottom nothing real; it is "nonexistent" ([Greek: ouch on]) and "unreal" +([Greek: anupostaton]).[773] For this very reason the estrangement of +the spirits from God must finally cease; even the devil, who, as far as +his _being_ is concerned, resulted from God's will, cannot always remain +a devil. The spirits must return to God, and this moment is also the end +of the material world, which is merely an intermediate phase.[774] + +According to this conception the doctrine of man, who in Origen's view +is no longer the sole aim of creation to the same extent as he is with +the other Fathers,[775] assumes the following form: The essence of man +is formed by the reasonable soul, which has fallen from the world above. +This is united with the body by means of the animal soul. Origen thus +believes in a threefold nature of man. He does so in the first place, +because Plato holds this theory, and Origen always embraced the most +complicated view in matters of tradition, and secondly, because the +rational soul can never in itself be the principle of action opposed to +God, and yet something relatively spiritual must be cited as the cause +of this action. It is true that we also find in Origen the view that the +spirit in man has itself been cooled down into a soul, has been, as it +were, transformed into a soul; but there is necessarily an ambiguity +here, because on the one hand the spirit of man is said to have chosen a +course opposed to God, and, on the other, that which is rational and +free in man must be shown to be something remaining intact.[776] Man's +struggle consists in the endeavour of the two factors forming his +constitution to gain control of his sphere of action. If man conquers in +this struggle he attains _likeness_ to God; the image of God he bears +beyond danger of loss in his indestructible, rational, and therefore +immortal spirit.[777] Victory, however, denotes nothing else than the +subjugation of the instincts and passions.[778] No doubt God affords +help in the struggle, for nothing good is without God,[779] but in such +a way as not to interfere with freedom. According to this conception sin +is a matter of necessity in the case of fallen spirits; all men are met +with as sinners and are so, for they were already sinners.[780] Sin is +rooted in the whole earthly condition of men; it is the weakness and +error of the spirit parted from its origin.[781] The idea of freedom, +indeed, is supposed to be a feature which always preserves the guilty +character of sin; but in truth it becomes a mere appearance,[782] it +does not avail against the constitution of man and the sinful habit +propagated in human society.[783] All must be sinners at first,[784] for +that is as much their destiny as is the doom of death which is a +necessary consequence of man's material nature.[785] + + +_The Doctrine of Redemption and Restoration._ + +In the view of Clement and Origen the proposition: "God wishes us to be +saved by means of ourselves" ([Greek: o Theos hêmas ex hêmôn autôn +bouletai sôzesthai]) is quite as true as the other statement that no +spirit can be saved without entering into fellowship with the Logos and +submitting to his instruction.[786] They moreover hold that the Logos, +after passing through his various stages of revealing activity (law of +nature, Mosaic law), disclosed himself in the Gospel in a manner +complete and accessible to all, so that this revelation imparts +redemption and eternal happiness to all men, however different their +capacities may be. Finally, it is assumed that not only men but all +spiritual creatures, from the radiant spirits of heaven down to the +dusky demons, have the capacity and need of redemption; while for the +highest stage, the "spiritual Church", there is an _eternal Gospel_ +which is related to the written one as the latter is to the law. This +eternal Gospel is the first complete revelation of God's highest +intentions, and lies hidden in the Holy Scriptures.[787] These elements +compose Origen's doctrine of revelation in general and of Christ in +particular.[788] They presuppose the sighing of the creature and the +great struggle which is more especially carried on upon earth, within +the human breast, by the angels and demons, virtues and vices, knowledge +and passion, that dispute the possession of man. Man must conquer and +yet he cannot do so without help. But help has never been wanting. The +Logos has been revealing himself from the beginning. Origen's teaching +concerning the preparatory history of redemption is founded on the +doctrines of the Apologists; but with him everything takes a more vivid +form, and influences on the part of the heretical Gnosis are also not +lacking. Pure spirits, whom no fault of their own had caused to be +invested with bodies, namely, the prophets, were sent to men by the +Logos in order to support the struggling and to increase knowledge. To +prepare the way of salvation the Logos chose for himself a whole people, +and he revealed himself among all men. But all these undertakings did +not yet lead to the goal. The Logos himself was obliged to appear and +lead men back. But by reason of the diverse nature of the spirits, and +especially of men, the redeeming work of the Logos that appeared could +not fail to be a complicated one. In the case of some he had really to +show them the victory over the demons and sin, a view which beyond +dispute is derived from that of Valentinus. He had, as the "Godman," to +make a sacrifice which represented the expiation of sin, he had to pay a +ransom which put an end to the devil's sovereignty over men's souls, and +in short he had to bring a redemption visible and intelligible to +all.[789] To the rest, however, as divine teacher and hierophant he had +to reveal the depths of knowledge, and to impart in this very process a +new principle of life, so that they might now partake of his life and +themselves become divine through being interwoven with the divine +essence. Here, as in the former case, restoration to fellowship with God +is the goal; but, as in the lower stage, this restoration is effected +through faith and sure conviction of the reality of a historical +fact--namely, the redeeming death of Christ,--so, in the higher stage, +it is accomplished through knowledge and love, which, soaring upward +beyond the Crucified One, grasp the eternal essence of the Logos, +revealed to us through his teaching in the eternal Gospel.[790] What the +Gnostics merely represented as a more or less valuable appearance-- +namely, the historical work of Christ--was to Origen no appearance but +truth. But he did not view it as _the_ truth, and in this he agrees with +the Gnostics, but as _a_ truth, beyond which lies a higher. That +historical work of Christ was a reality; it is also indispensable for +men of more limited endowments, and not a matter of indifference to the +perfect; but the latter no longer require it for their personal life. +Here also Origen again contrived to reconcile contradictions and thus +acknowledged, outdid, reconciled, and united both the theses of the +Gnostics and those of orthodox Christians. The object and goal of +redemption are the same for all, namely, the restoration of the created +spirit to God and participation in the divine life. In so far as history +is a struggle between spirits and demons, the death of Christ on the +cross is the turning-point of history, and its effects extend even into +heaven and hell.[791] + +On the basis of this conception of redemption Origen developed his idea +of Christ. Inasmuch as he recognised Christ as the Redeemer, this +Christ, the God-man, could not but be as many-sided as redemption is. +Only through that masterly art of reconciling contradictions, and by the +aid of that fantastic idea which conceives one real being as dwelling in +another, could there be any apparent success in the attempt to depict a +homogeneous person who in truth is no longer a person, but the symbol of +the various redemptions. That such an acute thinker, however, did not +shrink from the monstrosity his speculation produced is ultimately to be +accounted for by the fact that this very speculation afforded him the +means of nullifying all the utterances about Christ and falling back on +the idea of the divine teacher as being the highest one. The whole +"humanity" of the Redeemer together with its history finally disappears +from the eyes of the perfect one. What remains is the principle, the +divine Reason, which became known and recognisable through Christ. The +perfect one, and this remark also applies to Clement's perfect Gnostic, +thus knows no "Christology", but only an indwelling of the Logos in +Jesus Christ, with which the indwellings of this same Logos in men +began. To the Gnostic the question of the divinity of Christ is of as +little importance as that of the humanity. The former is no question, +because speculation, starting above and proceeding downwards, is already +acquainted with the Logos and knows that he has become completely +comprehensible in Christ; the latter is no question, because the +humanity is a matter of indifference, being the form in which the Logos +made himself recognisable. But to the Christian who is not yet perfect +the divinity as well as the humanity of Christ is a problem, and it is +the duty of the perfect one to solve and explain it, and to guard this +solution against errors on all sides. To Origen, however, the errors are +already Gnostic Docetism on the one hand, and the "Ebionite" view on the +other.[792] His doctrine was accordingly as follows: As a pure +unchangeable spirit, the Logos could not unite with matter, because this +as [Greek: mê on] would have depotentiated him. A medium was required. +The Logos did not unite with the body, but with a soul, and only through +the soul with the body. This soul was a pure one; it was a created +spirit that had never fallen from God, but always remained in faithful +obedience to him, and that had chosen to become a soul in order to serve +the purposes of redemption. This soul then was always devoted to the +Logos from the first and had never renounced fellowship with him. It was +selected by the Logos for the purpose of incarnation and that because of +its moral dignity. The Logos became united with it in the closest way; +but this connection, though it is to be viewed as a mysteriously real +union, continues to remain perfect only because of the unceasing effort +of will by which the soul clings to the Logos. Thus, then, no +intermixture has taken place. On the contrary the Logos preserves his +impassibility, and it is only the soul that hungers and thirsts, +struggles and suffers. In this, too, it appears as a real human soul, +and in the same way the body is sinless and unpolluted, as being derived +from a virgin; but yet it is a human one. This humanity of the body, +however, does not exclude its capacity of assuming all possible +qualities the Logos wishes to give it; for matter of itself possesses no +qualities. The Logos was able at any moment to give his body the form it +required, in order to make the proper impression on the various sorts of +men. Moreover, he was not enclosed in the soul and body of Christ; on +the contrary he acted everywhere as before and united himself, as +formerly, with all the souls that opened themselves to him. But with +none did the union become so close as with the soul, and consequently +also with the body of Jesus. During his earthly life the Logos glorified +and deified his soul by degrees and the latter acted in the same way on +his body. Origen contrived to arrange the different functions and +predicates of the incarnate Logos in such a way that they formed a +series of stages which the believer becomes successively acquainted with +as he advances in knowledge. But everything is most closely united +together in Christ. This union ([Greek: koinônia enôsis, anakrasis]) was +so intimate that Holy Writ has named the created man, Jesus, the Son of +God; and on the other hand has called the Son of God the Son of Man. +After the resurrection and ascension the whole man Jesus appears +transformed into a spirit, is completely received into the Godhead, and +is thus identical with the Logos.[793] In this conception one may be +tempted to point out all possible "heresies":--the conception of Jesus +as a heavenly man--but all men are heavenly;--the Adoptianist +("Ebionite") Christology--but the Logos as a person stands behind +it;--the conception of two Logoi, a personal and an impersonal; the +Gnostic separation of Jesus and Christ; and Docetism. As a matter of +fact Origen united all these ideas, but modified the whole of them in +such a way that they no longer seem, and to some extent are not, what +they turn out to be when subjected to the slightest logical analysis. +This structure is so constituted that not a stone of it admits of being +a hair's-breadth broader or narrower. There is only one conception that +has been absolutely unemployed by Origen, that is, the modalistic view. +Origen is the great opponent of Sabellianism, a theory which in its +simplicity frequently elicited from him words of pity; otherwise he made +use of all the ideas about Christ that had been formed in the course of +two hundred years. This becomes more and more manifest the more we +penetrate into the details of this Christology. We cannot, however, +attribute to Origen a doctrine of two natures, but rather the notion of +two subjects that become gradually amalgamated with each other, although +the expression "two natures" is not quite foreign to Origen.[794] The +Logos retains his human nature eternally,[795] but only in the same +sense in which we preserve our nature after the resurrection. + +The significance which this Christological attempt possessed for its +time consists first in its complexity, secondly in the energetic +endeavour to give an adequate conception of Christ's _humanity_, that +is, of the moral freedom pertaining to him as a creature. This effort +was indeed obliged to content itself with a meagre result: but we are +only justified in measuring Origen's Christology by that of the +Valentinians and Basilidians, that is, by the scientific one that had +preceded it. The most important advance lies in the fact that Origen set +forth a scientific Christology in which he was able to find so much +scope for the humanity of Christ. Whilst within the framework of the +scientific Christologies this humanity had hitherto been conceived as +something indifferent or merely apparent, Origen made the first attempt +to incorporate it with the various speculations without prejudice to the +Logos, God in nature and person. No Greek philosopher probably heeded +what Irenæus set forth respecting Christ as the second Adam, the +_recapitulatur generis humani_; whereas Origen's speculation could not +be overlooked. In this case the Gnosis really adopted the idea of the +incarnation, and at the same time tried to demonstrate the conception of +the God-man from the notions of unity of will and love. In the treatise +against Celsus, moreover, Origen went the reverse way to work and +undertook to show, and this not merely by help of the proof from +prophecy, that the predicate deity applied to the historical +Christ.[796] But Origen's conception of Christ's person as a model (for +the Gnostic) and his repudiation of all magical theories of redemption +ultimately explain why he did not, like Tertullian, set forth a doctrine +of two natures, but sought to show that in Christ's case a human subject +with his will and feelings became completely merged in the Deity. No +doubt he can say that the union of the divine and human natures had its +beginning in Christ, but here he virtually means that this beginning is +continued in the sense of souls imitating the example of Christ. What is +called the real redemption supposed to be given in him is certainly +mediated in the Psychic through his _work_, but the _person_ of Christ +which cannot be known to any but the perfect man is by no means +identified with that real redemption, but appears as a free moral +personality, inwardly blended with the Deity, a personality which cannot +mechanically transfer the content of its essence, though it can indeed +exercise the strongest impression on mind and heart. To Origen the +highest value of Christ's person lies in the fact that the Deity has +here condescended to reveal to us the whole fulness of his essence, in +the person of a man, as well as in the fact that a man is given to us +who shows that the human spirit is capable of becoming entirely God's. +At bottom there is nothing obscure and mystical here; the whole process +takes place in the will and in the feelings through knowledge.[797] + +This is sufficient to settle the nature of what is called personal +attainment of salvation. Freedom precedes and supporting grace follows. +As in Christ's case his human soul gradually united itself with the +Logos in proportion as it voluntarily subjected its will to God, so also +every man receives grace according to his progress. Though Clement and +Origen did not yet recommend actual exercises according to definite +rules, their description of the gradations by which the soul rises to +God already resembles that of the Neoplatonists, except that they +decidedly begin with faith as the first stage. Faith is the first step +and is our own work.[798] Then follows the religious contemplation of +visible things, and from this the soul advances, as on the steps of a +ladder, to the contemplation of the _substantiæ rationabiles_, the +Logos, the knowable essence of God, and the whole fulness of the +Deity.[799] She retraces her steps upwards along the path she formerly +passed over as a fallen spirit. But, when left to her own resources, she +herself is everywhere weak and powerless; she requires at every stage +the divine grace, that is, enlightenment.[800] Thus a union of grace and +freedom takes place within the sphere of the latter, till the +"contemplative life" is reached, that joyous ascetic contemplativeness, +in which the Logos is the friend, associate, and bridegroom of the soul, +which now, having become a pure spirit, and being herself deified, +clings in love to the Deity.[801] In this view the thought of +regeneration in the sense of a fundamental renewal of the Ego has no +place;[802] still baptism is designated the bath of regeneration. +Moreover, in connection with the consideration of main Biblical thoughts +(God as love, God as the Father, Regeneration, Adoption, etc.) we find +in both Clement and Origen passages which, free from the trammels of the +system, reproduce and set forth the preaching of the Gospel in a +surprisingly appropriate way.[803] It is evident that in Origen's view +there can be no visible means of grace; but it likewise follows from his +whole way of thinking that the symbols attending the enlightening +operation of grace are not a matter of indifference to the Christian +Gnostic, whilst to the common man they are indispensable.[804] In the +same way he brought into play the system of numerous mediators and +intercessors with God, viz., angels and dead and living saints, and +counselled an appeal to them. In this respect he preserved a heathen +custom. Moreover, Origen regards Christ as playing an important part in +prayer, particularly as mediator and high priest. On prayer to Christ he +expressed himself with great reserve. + +Origen's eschatology occupies a middle position between that of Irenæus +and the theory of the Valentinian Gnostics, but is more akin to the +latter view. Whilst, according to Irenæus, Christ reunites and glorifies +all that had been severed, though in such a way that there is still a +remnant eternally damned; and, according to Valentinus, Christ separates +what is illegitimately united and saves the spirits alone, Origen +believes that all spirits will be finally rescued and glorified, each in +the form of its individual life, in order to serve a new epoch of the +world when sensuous matter disappears of itself. Here he rejects all +sensuous eschatological expectations.[805] He accepted the formula, +"resurrection of the flesh", only because it was contained in the +doctrine of the Church; but, on the strength of 1 Cor. XV. 44, he +interpreted it as the rising of a "corpus spiritale", which will lack +all material attributes and even all the members that have sensuous +functions, and which will beam with radiant light like the angels and +stars.[806] Rejecting the doctrine that souls sleep,[807] Origen assumed +that the souls of the departed immediately enter Paradise,[808] and that +souls not yet purified pass into a state of punishment, a penal fire, +which, however, like the whole world, is to be conceived as a place of +purification.[809] In this way also Origen contrived to reconcile his +position with the Church doctrines of the judgment and the punishments +in hell; but, like Clement, he viewed the purifying fire as a temporary +and figurative one; it consists in the torments of conscience.[810] In +the end all the spirits in heaven and earth, nay, even the demons, are +purified and brought back to God by the Logos-Christ,[811] after they +have ascended from stage to stage through seven heavens.[812] Hence +Origen treated this doctrine as an esoteric one: "for the common man it +is sufficient to know that the sinner is punished."[813] + +This system overthrew those of the Gnostics, attracted Greek +philosophers, and justified ecclesiastical Christianity. If one +undertook to subject it to a new process of sublimation from the +standpoint given in the "contemplative life", little else would be left +than the unchangeable spirit, the created spirit, and the ethic. But no +one is justified in subjecting it to this process.[814] The method +according to which Origen preserved whatever appeared valuable in the +content of tradition is no less significant than his system of ethics +and the great principle of viewing everything created in a relative +sense. Supposing minds of a radical cast, to have existed at the close +of the history of ancient civilisation, what would have been left to us? +The fact of a strong and undivided religious interest attaching itself +to the traditions of the philosophers and of the two Testaments was the +condition--to use Origen's own language--that enabled a new world of +spirits to arise after the old one had finished its course. + +During the following century Origen's theology at first acted in its +entirety. But it likewise attained this position of influence, because +some important propositions could be detached from their original +connection and fitted into a new one. It is one of the peculiarities of +this ecclesiastical philosophy of religion that the most of its formulæ +could be interpreted and employed _in utramque partem_. The several +propositions could be made to serve very different purposes not only by +being halved, but also by being grouped. With this the relative unity +that distinguishes the system no doubt vanished; but how many are there +who strive after unity and completeness in their theory of the world? +Above all, however, there was something else that necessarily vanished, +as soon as people meddled with the individual propositions, and enlarged +or abridged them. We mean the frame of mind which produced them, that +wonderful unity between the relative view of things and the absolute +estimate of the highest good attainable by the free spirit that is +certain of its God. But a time came, nay, had already come, when a sense +of proportion and relation was no longer to be found. + +In the East the history of dogma and of the Church during the succeeding +centuries is the history of Origen's philosophy. Arians and orthodox, +critics and mystics, priests who overcame the world and monks who +shunned it but were eager for knowledge[815] could appeal to this system +and did not fail to do so. But, in the main problem that Origen set for +the Church in this religious philosophy of his, we find a recurrence of +that propounded by the so-called Gnosticism two generations earlier. He +solved it by producing a system which reconciled the faith of the Church +with Greek philosophy; and he dealt Gnosticism its death-blow. This +solution, however, was by no means intended as the doctrine of the +Church, since indeed it was rather based on the distinction between +Church belief and theology, and consequently on the distinction between +the common man and the theologian. But such a distinction was not +permanently tenable in a Church that had to preserve its strength by the +unity and finality of a revealed faith, and no longer tolerated fresh +changes in the interpretation of its possession. Hence a further +compromise was necessary. The Greek philosophy, or speculation, did not +attain real and permanent recognition within the Church till a new +accommodation, capable of being accounted both Pistis and Gnosis, was +found between what Origen looked on as Church belief and what he +regarded as Gnosis. In the endeavours of Irenæus, Tertullian, and +Hippolytus were already found hesitating, nay, we may almost say naïve, +attempts at such an accommodation; but ecclesiastical traditionalism was +unable to attain complete clearness as to its own position till it was +confronted with a philosophy of religion that was no longer heathen or +Gnostic, but had an ecclesiastical colouring. + +But, with this prospect, we have already crossed the border of the third +century. At its beginning there were but few theologians in Christendom +who were acquainted with speculation, even in its fragmentary form. In +the course of the century it became a recognised part of the orthodox +faith, in so far as the Logos doctrine triumphed in the Church. This +development is the most important that took place in the third century; +for it denoted the definite transformation of the rule of faith into the +compendium of a Greek philosophical system, and it is the parallel of a +contemporaneous transformation of the Church into a holy commonwealth +(see above, chapter 3). + + +Footnotes: + +[Footnote 656: Guericke, De schola, quæ Alex. floruit catechetica 1824, +1825. Vacherot, Hist. crit. de l'école d'Alex., 1846-51. Reinkens, De +Clemente Alex., 1850. Redepenning, Origenes Thl. I. p. 57 ff. Læmmer, +Clem. Al. de Logo doctrina, 1855. Reuter, Clem. theolog. moralis, 1853. +Cognat, Clement d'Alex. Paris, 1859. Westcott, Origen and the beginnings +of Christian Philosophy (Contemporary Review, May 1879). Winter, Die +Ethik des Clemens von Alex., 1882. Merk, Cl. Alex, in seiner +Abhängigkeit von der griech. Philosophie, Leipzig, 1879 (see besides +Overbeck, Theol. Lit. Ztg., 1879. No. 20 and cf. above all his +disquisitions in the treatise "Ueber. die Anfänge der patristischen +Litteratur,") Hist. Ztschr. N.F., Vol. XII., pp. 455-472 Zahn, +Forschungen, Vol. III. Bigg, The Christian Platonists of Alexandria, +Oxford, 1886. Kremmer, De catal. heurematum, Lips. 1890. Wendland, +Quæst. Musonianæ, Berol. 1886. Bratke, Die Stellung des Clem. Alex. z. +antiken Mysterienwesen (Stud. u. Krit. 1888, p. 647 ff). On Alexander of +Jerusalem see Routh, Reliq. Sacr. T. II. p. 161 sq.; on Julius Africanus +see Gelzer, Sextus Jul. Afr. I. Thl., 1880, p. 1 ff., Spitta, Der Brief +des Jul. Afr. an Aristides, Halle 1877, and my article in the +Real-Encykl. On Bardesanes see Hilgenfeld, B., der letzte Gnostiker, +1864, and Hort's article in the Dictionary of Christian Biography. On +the labours in scientific theology on the part of the so-called Alogi in +Asia Minor and of the Roman Theodotianists see Epiph. hær. 51, Euseb., +H. E. V. 28 and my article "Monarchianismus" in the R.-Encykl. f. +protest. Theol. 2nd. ed., Vol. X., pp. 183 ff., 188 ff. On the +tendencies even of orthodox Christians to scientific theology see +Tertull., de præscr. hær. 8 ff. (cf. the first words of c. 8: "Venio +itaque ad illum articulum, quem et nostri prætendunt ad ineundam +curiositatem. Scriptum est, inquiunt, Quærite et invenietis" etc.).] + +[Footnote 657: This manner of expression is indeed liable to be +misunderstood, because it suggests the idea that something new was +taking place. As a matter of fact the scientific labours in the Church +were merely a continuation of the Gnostic schools under altered +circumstances, that is, under the sway of a tradition which was now more +clearly defined and more firmly fenced round as a _noli me tangere_.] + +[Footnote 658: This was begun in the Church by Irenæus and Tertullian +and continued by the Alexandrians. They, however, not only adopted +theologoumena from Paulinism, but also acquired from Paul a more ardent +feeling of religious freedom as well as a deeper reverence for love and +knowledge as contrasted with lower morality.] + +[Footnote 659: We are not able to form a clear idea of the school of +Justin. In the year 180 the schools of the Valentinians, Carpocratians, +Tatian etc. were all outside the Church.] + +[Footnote 660: On the school of Edessa see Assemani, Bibl. orient., T. +III., P. II., p. 924; Von Lengerke, De Ephraemi arte hermen., p. 86 sq.; +Kihn, Die Bedeutung der antiochenischen Schule etc., pp. 32 f. 79 f., +Zahn, Tatian's Diatessaron, p. 54. About the middle of the 3rd century +Macarius, of whom Lucian the Martyr was a disciple, taught at this +school. Special attention was given to the exegesis of the Holy +Scriptures.] + +[Footnote 661: Overbeck, l.c., p. 455, has very rightly remarked: "The +origin of the Alexandrian school of catechists is not a portion of the +Church history of the 2nd century, that has somehow been left in the +dark by a mere accident; but a part of the well-defined dark region on +the map of the ecclesiastical historian of this period, which contains +the beginnings of all the fundamental institutions of the Church as well +as those of the Alexandrian school of catechists, a school which was the +first attempt to formulate the relationship of Christianity to secular +science." We are, moreover, still in a state of complete uncertainty as +to the personality and teaching of Pantænus (with regard to him see +Zahn, "Forschungen" Vol. III., pp. 64 ff. 77 ff). We can form an idea of +the school of catechists from the 6th Book of Eusebius' Ecclesiastical +History and from the works of Clement and Origen.] + +[Footnote 662: On the connection of Julius Africanus with this school +see Eusebius, VI. 31. As to his relations with Origen see the +correspondence. Julius Africanus had, moreover, relations with Edessa. +He mentions Clement in his chronicles. On the connection of Alexander +and the Cappadocian circle with Pantænus, Clement, and Origen, see the +6th Book of Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History. Alexander and Origen were +disciples of Pantænus.] + +[Footnote 663: See my article "Heraklas" in the Real-Encyklopadie.] + +[Footnote 664: We have the most complete materials in Zahn, +"Forschungen" Vol. III. pp. 17-176. The best estimate of the great +tripartite work (Protrepticus, Pædagogus, Stromateis) is found in +Overbeck, l.c. The titles of Clement's remaining works, which are lost +to us or only preserved in fragments, show how comprehensive his +scientific labours were.] + +[Footnote 665: This applies quite as much to the old principles of +Christian morality as to the traditional faith. With respect to the +first we may refer to the treatise: "Quis dives salvetur", and to the +2nd and 3rd Books of the Pædagogus.] + +[Footnote 666: Clement was also conscious of the novelty of his +undertaking; see Overbeck, l.c., p. 464 f. The respect enjoyed by +Clement as a master is shown by the letters of Alexander of Jerusalem. +See Euseb., H. E. VI. 11 and specially VI. 14. Here both Pantænus and +Clement are called "Father", but whilst the former receives the title, +[Greek: ho makarios hôs alêthôs kai kurios ], the latter is called: +[Greek: ho hieros Klêmês, kurios mou genomenos kai ôphelêsas me].] + +[Footnote 667: Strom. VI. 14, 109: [Greek: pleon estin tou pisteusai to +gnônai], Pistis is [Greek: gnôsis suntomos tôn katepeigontôn] (VII. 10. +57, see the whole chapter), Gnosis is [Greek: apodeixis tôn dia pisteôs +pareilêmmenôn tê pistei epoikodomoumenê] (l.c.), [Greek: teleiôsis +anthrôpou] (l.c.), [Greek: pistis epistêmonikê] (II. II. 48).] + +[Footnote 668: We have here more particularly to consider those +paragraphs of the Stromateis where Clement describes the perfect +Gnostic: the latter elevates himself by dispassionate love to God, is +raised above everything earthly, has rid himself of ignorance, the root +of all evil, and already lives a life like that of the angels. See +Strom. VI. 9. 71, 72: [Greek: Oude gar endei ti autô pros exomôiosin tô +kalô kai agathô einai oude ara philei tina tên koinên tautên philian, +all' agapa ton ktistên dia tôn ktismatôn. Out' oun epithumia kai orexei +tini peripiptei oute endeês esti kata ge tên psuchên tôn allôn tinos +sunôn êdê di' agapês tô erastô, ô dê ôkeiôtai kata tên hairesin kai tê +ex askêseos hexei, toutô prosechesteron sunengizôn, makarios ôn dia tên +tôn agathôn periousian, ôste heneka ge toutôn exomoiousthai biazetai tô +didaskalô eis apatheian.] Strom. VII. 69-83: VI. 14, 113: [Greek: houtôs +dunamin labousa kuriakên hê psuchê meleta einai Theos, kakon men ouden +allo plên agnoias einai nomizousa.] The whole 7th Book should be read.] + +[Footnote 669: Philo is quoted by Clement several times and still more +frequently made use of without acknowledgment. See the copious citations +in Siegfried, Philo von Alexandrien, pp. 343-351. In addition to this +Clement made use of many Greek philosophers or quoted them without +acknowledgment, e.g., Musonius.] + +[Footnote 670: Like Philo and Justin, Clement also no doubt at times +asserts that the Greek philosophers pilfered from the Old Testament; but +see Strom. I. 5. 28 sq.: [Greek: pantôn men aitios tôn kalôn ho Theos, +alla tôn men kata proêgoumenon hôs tês te diathêkês tês palaias kai tês +neas, tôn de kat' epakolouthêma hôs tês philosophias. tacha de kai +proêgoumenôs tois Hellêsin edothê tote prin ê ton kyrion kalesai kai +tous Hellênas. epaidagôgei gar kai autê to Hellênikon hôs ho nomos tous +Hebraious eis Christon.]] + +[Footnote 671: See Bratke's instructive treatise cited above.] + +[Footnote 672: The fact that Clement appeals in support of the Gnosis to +an esoteric tradition (Strom. VI. 7. 61: VI. 8. 68: VII. 10. 55) proves +how much this writer, belonging as he did to a sceptical age, +underestimated the efficacy of all human thought in determining the +ultimate truth of things. The existence of sacred writings containing +all truth was not even enough for him; the content of these writings had +also to be guaranteed by divine communication. But no doubt the ultimate +cause of this, as of all similar cases of scepticism, was the dim +perception that ethics and religion do not at all come within the sphere +of the intellectual, and that the intellect can produce nothing of +religious value. As, however, in consequence of philosophical tradition, +neither Philo, nor the Gnostics, nor Clement, nor the Neoplatonists were +able to shake themselves free from the intellectual _scheme_, those +things which--as they instinctively felt, but did not recognise--could +really not be ascertained by knowledge at all received from them the +name of _suprarational_ and were traced to divine revelation. We may say +that the extinction or pernicious extravagancies to which Greek +philosophy was subjected in Neoplatonism, and the absurdities into which +the Christian dogmatic was led, arose from the fact that the tradition +of placing the ethical and religious feelings and the development of +character within the sphere of knowledge, as had been the case for +nearly a thousand years, could not be got rid of, though the incongruity +was no doubt felt. Contempt for empiricism, scepticism, the +extravagancies of religious metaphysics which finally become mythology, +have their origin here. Knowledge still continues to be viewed as the +highest possession; it is, however, no longer knowledge, but character +and feeling; and it must be nourished by the fancy in order to be able +to assert itself as knowledge.] + +[Footnote 673: Clement was not a Neoplatonic mystic in the strict sense +of the word. When he describes the highest ethical ideal, ecstasy is +wanting; and the freshness with which he describes Quietism shows that +he himself was no Quietist. See on this point Bigg's third lecture, +l.c., particularly p. 98 f. "... The silent prayer of the Quietist is in +fact ecstasy, of which there is not a trace in Clement. For Clement +shrank from his own conclusions. Though the father of all the Mystics he +is no Mystic himself. He did not enter the 'enchanted garden,' which he +opened for others. If he talks of 'flaying the sacrifice,' of leaving +sense behind, of Epopteia, this is but the parlance of his school. The +instrument to which he looks for growth in knowledge is not trance, but +disciplined reason. Hence Gnosis, when once obtained, is indefectible, +not like the rapture which Plotinus enjoyed but four times during his +acquaintance with Porphyry, which in the experience of Theresa never +lasted more than half an hour. The Gnostic is no Visionary, no +Theurgist, no Antinomian."] + +[Footnote 674: What a bold and joyous thinker Clement was is shown by +the almost audacious remark in Strom. IV. 22. 136: [Greek: ei goun tis +kath' hypothesin protheiê tô gnôstikô poteron helesthai bouloito tên +gnôsin tou Theou ê tên sôtêrian tên aiônian, ein de tauta kechôrismena +pantos mallon en tautotête onta, oude kath' otioun distasas heloit an +tên gnôsin tou Theou.]] + +[Footnote 675: Strom. VII. 1. 1. In several passages of his main work +Clement refers to those churchmen who viewed the practical and +speculative concentration of Church tradition as dangerous and +questioned the use of philosophy at all. See Strom. VI. 10. 80: [Greek: +polloi kathaper hoi paides ta mormolukeia, houtôs dediasi tên hellênikên +philosophian, phoboumenoi mê apagagê autous]. VI. 11. 93.] + +[Footnote 676: Eusebius, H. E. VI. 14. 8, tells us that Origen was a +disciple of Clement.] + +[Footnote 677: Clement's authority in the Church continued much longer +than that of Origen. See Zahn, "Forschungen" III. p. 140 f. The +heterodox opinions advanced by Clement in the Hypotyposes are for the +most part only known to us in an exaggerated form from the report of +Photius.] + +[Footnote 678: In ecclesiastical antiquity all systematising was merely +relative and limited, because the complex of sacred writings enjoyed a +different authority from that which it possessed in the following +period. Here the reference of a theologoumenon to a passage of Scripture +was of itself sufficient, and the manifold and incongruous doctrines +were felt as a unity in so far as they could all be verified from Holy +Scriptures. Thus the fact that the Holy Scriptures were regarded as a +series of divine oracles guaranteed, as it were, a transcendental unity +of the doctrines, and, in certain circumstances, relieved the framer of +the system of a great part of his task. Hitherto little justice has been +done to this view of the history of dogma, though it is the only +solution of a series of otherwise insoluble problems. We cannot for +example understand the theology of Augustine, and necessarily create for +ourselves the most difficult problems by our own fault, if we make no +use of that theory. In Origen's dogmatic and that of subsequent Church +Fathers--so far as we can speak of a dogmatic in their case--the unity +lies partly in the canon of Holy Scripture and partly in the ultimate +aim; but these two principles interfere with each other. As far as the +Stromateis of Clement is concerned, Overbeek (l.c.) has furnished the +explanation of its striking plan. Moreover, how would it have been +conceivable that the riches of Holy Scripture, as presented to the +philosophers who allegorised the books, could have been mastered, +problems and all, at the first attempt.] + +[Footnote 679: See the treatises of Huetius (1668) reprinted by +Lommatzsch. Thomasius, Origenes 1837. Redepenning, Origenes, 2 Vols. +1841-46. Denis, de la philosophie d'Origène, Paris 1884. Lang, Die +Leiblichkeit der Vernunftwesen bei Origenes, Leipzig, 1892. Mehlhorn, +Die Lehre von der menschlichen Freiheit nach Origenes (Zeitschrift für +Kirchengeschichte, Vol. II., p. 234 ff.). Westcott, Origenes, in the +Dictionary of Christian Biography Vol. IV. Moller in Herzog's +Real-Encyklopädie, 2nd ed., Vol. XI., pp. 92-109. The special literature +is to be found there as well as in Nitzsch, Dogmengeschichte I., p. 151, +and Ueberweg, Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie, 5th ed, p. 62 +f.] + +[Footnote 680: See his letter in Eusebius, H. E. VI. 19. 11 ff.] + +[Footnote 681: In the polemic against Celsus it seems to us in not a few +passages as if the feeling for truth had forsaken him. If we consider, +however, that in Origen's idea the premises of his speculation were +unassailable, and if we further consider into what straits he was driven +by Celsus, we will conclude that no proof has been advanced of Origen's +having sinned against the current rules of truth. These, however, did +not include the commandment to use in disputation only such arguments as +could be employed in a positive doctrinal presentation. Basilius (Ep. +210 ad prim. Neocæs) was quite ready to excuse an utterance of Gregory +Thaumaturgus, that sounded suspiciously like Sabellianism, by saying +that the latter was not speaking [Greek: dogmatikôs], but [Greek: +agônistikôs]. Jerome also (ad Pammach. ep 48, c. 13), after defending +the right of writing [Greek: gymnastikôs], expressly said that all Greek +philosophers "have used many words to conceal their thoughts, threaten +in one place, and deal the blow in another." In the same way, according +to him, Origen, Methodius, Eusebius, and Apollinaris had acted in the +dispute with Celsus and Porphyry. "Because they are sometimes compelled +to say, not what they themselves think, but what is necessary for their +purpose; they do this only in the struggle with the heathen."] + +[Footnote 682: See, above all, the systematic main work "[Greek: peri +archôn]".] + +[Footnote 683: Many writings of Origen are pervaded by arguments, +evincing equal discretion and patience, against the Christians who +contest the right of science in the Church. In the work against Celsus, +however, he was not unfrequently obliged to abandon the simple +Christians. C. Celsus III. 78: V. 14-24 are particularly instructive.] + +[Footnote 684: In this point Origen is already narrower than Clement. +Free judgments, such as were passed by Clement on Greek philosophy, were +not, so far as I know, repeated by Origen. (See especially Clement, +Strom. I. 5. 28-32: 13. 57, 58 etc.); yet he also acknowledges +revelations of God in Greek philosophy (see, _e.g._, c. Cels. VI. 3), +and the Christian doctrine is to him the completion of Greek philosophy +(see the remains of Origen's lost Stromateis and Hom. XIV. in Genes. § +3; other passages in Redepenning II., p. 324 ff.).] + +[Footnote 685: We must here content ourselves with merely pointing out +that the method of scientific Scriptural exegesis also led to +historico-critical investigations, that accordingly Origen and his +disciples were also critics of the tradition, and that scientific +theology, in addition to the task of remodelling Christianity, thus +began at its very origin the solution of another problem, namely, the +critical restoration of Christianity from the Scriptures and tradition +and the removal of its excrescences: for these efforts, strictly +speaking, do not come up for consideration in the history of dogma.] + +[Footnote 686: The theory that justified a twofold morality in the +Church is now completely legitimised, but the higher form no longer +appears as Encratite and eschatological, but as Encratite and +philosophical. See, for example, Clement, Strom. III. 12. 82: VI. 13. +106 etc. Gnosis is the principle of perfection. See Strom. IV. 7. 54: +[Greek: prokeitai de tois eis teleiôsin speudousin hê gnôsis hê logikê +hês themelios hê agia trias pistis, agapê, elpis].] + +[Footnote 687: See the preface to the work [Greek: peri archôn].] + +[Footnote 688: From the conclusion of Hippolytus' Philosophoumena it is +also evident how the Socratic [Greek: Gnôthi seauton] was in that age +based on a philosophy of religion and was regarded as a watchword in +wide circles. See Clem. Pædag. III. 11. 1.] + +[Footnote 689: See Gregory Thaumaturgus' panegyric on Origen, one of the +most instructive writings of the 3rd century, especially cc. 11-18.] + +[Footnote 690: Yet all excesses are repudiated. See Clem. Strom. IV. 22. +138: [Greek: Ouk egkratês outos eti, all' en hexei gegonen apatheias +schêma theion ependusasthai anamenôn]. Similar remarks are found in +Origen.] + +[Footnote 691: In many passages of Clement the satisfaction in knowledge +appears in a still more pronounced form than in Origen. The boldest +expression of it is Strom. IV. 22. 136. This passage is quoted above on +p. 328.] + +[Footnote 692: See the beautiful prayer of the Christian Gnostic in +Strom. IV. 23. 148.] + +[Footnote 693: See Strom. IV. 26. 172: Origen's commentaries are +continually interrupted by similar outbursts of feeling.] + +[Footnote 694: On deification as the ultimate aim see Clem., Strom. IV. +23. 149-155: VII. 10. 56, 13. 82, 16. 95: [Greek: houtôs ho tô kuriô +peithomenos kai tê dotheisê di' autou katakolouthêsas prophêteia teleôs +ekteleitai kat' eikona tou didaskalou en sarki peripolôn Theos]. But +note what a distinction Clement makes between [Greek: ho Theos] and the +perfect man in VII. 15. 88 (in contradistinction to the Stoic +identification); Origen does this also.] + +[Footnote 695: Gregory (l.c., c. 13) relates that all the works of the +poets and philosophers were read in Origen's school, and that every part +of these works that would stand the test was admitted. Only the works of +atheists were excluded, "because these overpass the limits of human +thought." However, Origen did not judge philosophers in such an +unprejudiced manner as Clement, or, to speak more correctly, he no +longer valued them so highly. See Bigg, l.c., p. 133, Denis l.c. +Introd.] + +[Footnote 696: See, for example, c. Cels. V. 43: VII. 47, 59 sq. He +compared Plato and other wise men to those doctors who give their +attention only to cultured patients.] + +[Footnote 697: See, for example, c. Cels. VI. 2.] + +[Footnote 698: C. Cels. V. 43.] + +[Footnote 699: One of Origen's main ideas, which we everywhere meet +with, particularly in the work against Celsus (see, for example, VI. 2) +is the thought that Christ has come to improve all men according to +their several capacities, and to lead some to the highest knowledge. +This conception appears to fall short of the Christian ideal and perhaps +really does so; but as soon as we measure it not by the Gospel but by +the aims of Greek philosophy, we see very clearly the progress that has +been attained through this same Gospel. What Origen has in his eye is +mankind, and he is anxious for the amendment not merely of a few, but of +all. The actual state of things in the Church no longer allowed him to +repeat the exclamations of the Apologists that all Christians were +philosophers and that all were filled with the same wisdom and virtue. +These exclamations were naïve and inappropriate even for that time. But +he could already estimate the relative progress made by mankind within +the Church as compared with those outside her pale, saw no gulf between +the growing and the perfect, and traced the whole advance to Christ. He +expressly declared, c. Cels. III. 78, that the Christianity which is +fitted for the comprehension of the multitude is not the best doctrine +in an absolute, but only in a relative, sense; that the "common man", as +he expresses himself, must be reformed by the prospect of rewards and +punishments; and that the truth can only be communicated to him in +veiled forms and images, as to a child. The very fact, however, that the +Logos in Jesus Christ has condescended so to act is to Origen a proof of +the universality of Christianity. Moreover, many of the wonderful +phenomena reported in the Holy Scriptures belong in his opinion to the +veiled forms and images. He is very far from doing violence to his +reason here; he rather appeals to mysterious powers of the soul, to +powers of divination, visionary states etc. His standpoint in this case +is wholly that of Celsus (see particularly the instructive disquisition +in I. 48), in so far as he is convinced that many unusual things take +place between heaven and earth, and that individual names, symbols etc. +possess a mysterious power (see, for example, c. Cels. V. 45). The views +as to the relationship between knowledge and holy initiation or +_sacramentum_ are those of the philosophers of the age. He thinks, +however, that each individual case requires to be examined, that there +can be no miracles not in accordance with nature, but that on the +contrary everything must fit into a higher order. As the letter of the +precepts in both Testaments frequently contains things contrary to +reason (see [Greek: peri archôn] IV. 2. 8-27) in order to lead men to +the spiritual interpretation, and as many passages contain no literal +sense at all (l.c. § 12), so also, in the historical narratives, we +frequently discover a mythical element from which consequently nothing +but the idea is to be evolved (l.c. § 16 sq.: "Non solum de his, quæ +usque ad adventum Christi scripta sunt, hæc Spiritus sanctus procuravit, +sed ... eadem similiter etiam in evangelistis et apostolis fecit. Nam ne +illas quidem narrationes, quas per eos inspiravit, absque huiuscemodi, +quam supra exposuimus, sapientiæ suæ arte contexuit. Unde etiam in ipsis +non parva promiscuit, quibus historialis narrandi ordo interpolates, vel +intercisus per impossibilitatem sui reflecteret atque revocaret +intentionem legentis ad intelligentiæ interioris examen.") In all such +cases Origen makes uniform use of the two points of view, that God +wished to present something even to the simple and to incite the more +advanced to spiritual investigations. In some passages, however, the +former point of view fails, because the content of the text is +offensive; in that case it is only the second that applies. Origen +therefore was very far from finding the literal content of Scripture +edifying in every instance, indeed, in the highest sense, the letter is +not edifying at all. He rather adopted, to its widest extent, the +critical method employed by the Gnostics particularly when dealing with +the Old Testament; but the distinction he made between the different +senses of Scripture and between the various legitimate human needs +enabled him to preserve both the unity of God and the harmony of +revelation. Herein, both in this case and everywhere else, lies the +superiority of his theology. Read especially c. Celsum I. 9-12. After +appealing to the twofold religion among the Egyptians, Persians, +Syrians, and Indians--the mythical religion of the multitude and the +mystery-religion of the initiated--he lays down exactly the same +distinction within Christianity, and thus repels the reproach of Celsus +that the Christians were obliged to accept everything without +examination. With regard to the mythical form of Christianity he merely +claims that it is the most suitable among religions of this type. Since, +as a matter of fact, the great majority of men have neither time nor +talent for philosophy, [Greek: poia an allê beltiôn methodos pros to +tois pollois boêthêsai heuretheiê, tês apo tou Iêsou tois ethnesi +paradotheisês] (l.c., 9). This thought is quite in the spirit of +antiquity, and neither Celsus nor Porphyry could have any fault to find +with these arguments in point of form: all positive religions have a +mythical element; the true religion therefore lies behind the religions. +But the novelty which neither Celsus nor Porphyry could recognise lies +in the acknowledgment that the one religion, even in its mythical form, +is unique and divine, and in the demand that all men, so far as they +cannot attain the highest knowledge, must subject themselves to this +mythical religion and no other. In this claim Origen rejected the +ancient contrast between the multitude and the initiated just as he +repudiated polytheism; and in this, if I see rightly, his historical +greatness consists. He everywhere recognised gradations tending in the +same direction and rejected polytheism.] + +[Footnote 700: Bigg (l.c., p. 154) has rightly remarked: "Origen in +point of method differs most from Clement, who not unfrequently leaves +us in doubt as to the precise Scriptural basis of his ideas."] + +[Footnote 701: Note, for example, § 8, where it is said that Origen +adopted the allegorical method from the Stoic philosophers and applied +it to the Jewish writings. On Origen's hermeneutic principles in their +relation to those of Philo see Siegfried, l.c., pp. 351-62. Origen has +developed them fully and clearly in the 4th Book of [Greek: peri +archôn].] + +[Footnote 702: See Overbeck, Theologische Literatur-Zeitung, 1878, Col. +535.] + +[Footnote 703: A full presentation of Origen's theology would require +many hundreds of pages, because he introduced everything worth knowing +into the sphere of theology, and associated with the Holy Scriptures, +verse by verse, philosophical maxims, ethical reflexions, and results of +physical science, which would require to be drawn on the widest canvas, +because the standpoint selected by Origen allowed the most extensive +view and the most varied judgments. The case was similar with Clement +before him, and also with Tertullian. This is a necessary result of +"Scripture theology" when one takes it up in earnest. Tertullian +assumes, for example, that there must be a Christian doctrine of dreams. +Why? Because we read of dreams in the Holy Scriptures.] + +[Footnote 704: In c. Cels. III. 61 it is said (Lommatzsch XVIII., p. +337): [Greek: epemphthê oun Theos logos katho men iatros tois +hamartôlois, katho de didaskalos theiôn mustêrion tois êdê katharois kai +mêketi hamartanousin.] See also what follows. In Comment. in John I. 20 +sq. the crucified Christ, as the Christ of faith, is distinguished from +the Christ who takes up his abode in us, as the Christ of the perfect. +See 22 (Lomm. I. p. 43): [Greek: kai makarioi ge hosoi deomenoi tou +huiou tou Theou toioutoi gegonasin, hôs mêketi autou chrazein iatrou +tous kakôs hechontas therapeuontos, mêde poimenos, mêde apolutrôseôs, +alla sophias kai logou kai dikaiosunês, hê ei ti allo tois dia +teleiotêta chôrein autou ta kallista dunamenois.] Read also c. Cels. II. +66, 69: IV. 15, 18: VI. 68. These passages show that the crucified +Christ is no longer of any account to the Gnostic, and that he therefore +allegorises all the incidents described in the Gospels. Clement, too, +really regards Christ as of no importance to Gnostics except as a +teacher.] + +[Footnote 705: Comment, in Joh. I. 9, Lomm. I. p, 20. The "mysteries" of +Christ is the technical term for this theology and, at bottom, for all +theology. For, in respect of the form given to it, revelation always +appears as a problem that theology has to solve. What is revealed is +therefore either to be taken as immediate authority (by the believer) or +as a soluble problem. One thing, accordingly, it is not, namely, +something in itself evident and intelligible.] + +[Footnote 706: See Nitzsch, Dogmengeschichte, p. 136.] + +[Footnote 707: To Origen the problem of evil was one of the most +important; see Book III. of [Greek: peri archôn] and c. Cels. VI. 53-59. +He is convinced (1) that the world is not the work of a second, hostile +God; (2) that virtues and the works arising from them are alone good in +the proper sense of the word, and that nothing but the opposite of these +is bad; (3) that evil in the proper sense of the word is only evil will +(see c. Cels. IV. 66: VI. 54). Accordingly he makes a very decided +distinction between that which is bad and evils. As for the latter he +admits that they partly originate from God, in which case they are +designed as means of training and punishment. But he saw that this +conception is insufficient, both in view of individual passages of Holy +Scripture and of natural experience. There are evils in the world that +can be understood neither as the result of sin nor as means of training. +Here then his relative, rational view of things comes in, even with +respect to the power of God. There are evils which are a necessary +consequence of carrying out even the best intentions (c. Cels. VI. 53: +[Greek: ta kaka ek parakolouthêseôs gegenêtai tês pros ta proêgoumena]): +"Evils, in the strict sense, are not created by God; yet some, though +but few in comparison with the great, well-ordered whole of the world, +have of necessity adhered to the objects realised; as the carpenter who +executes the plan of a building does not manage without chips and +similar rubbish, or as architects cannot be made responsible for the +dirty heaps of broken stones and filth one sees at the sites of +buildings;" (l.c., c. 55). Celsus also might have written in this +strain. The religious, absolute view is here replaced by a rational, and +the world is therefore not the best absolutely, but the best possible. +See the Theodicy in [Greek: peri archôn] III. 17-22. (Here, and also in +other parts, Origen's Theodicy reminds us of that of Leibnitz; see +Denis, l.c., p. 626 sq. The two great thinkers have a very great deal in +common, because their philosophy was not of a radical kind, but an +attempt to give a rational interpretation to tradition.) But "for the +great mass it is sufficient when they are told that evil has not its +origin in God" (IV. 66). The case is similar with that which is really +bad. It is sufficient for the multitude to know that that which is bad +springs from the freedom of the creature, and that matter which is +inseparable from things mortal is not the source and cause of sin (IV. +66, see also III, 42: [Greek: to kuriôs miaron apo kakias toiouton esti. +Phusis de sômatos ou miara ou gar hê phusis sômatos esti, to gennêtikon +tês miarotêtos echei tên kakian]); but a closer examination shows that +there can be no man without sin (III. 6l) because error is inseparable +from growth and because the constitution of man in the flesh makes evil +unavoidable (VII. 50). Sinfulness is therefore natural and it is the +necessary _prius_. This thought, which is also not foreign to Irenæus, +is developed by Origen with the utmost clearness. He was not content +with proving it, however, but in order to justify God's ways proceeded +to the assumption of a Fall before time began (see below).] + +[Footnote 708: See Mehlhorn, Die Lehre von der menschlichen Freiheit +nach Origenes (Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, Vol. II., p. 234 ff.)] + +[Footnote 709: The distinction between Valentinus and Origen consists in +the fact that the former makes an æon or, in other words, a part of the +divine _pleroma_, itself fall, and that he does not utilise the idea of +freedom. The outline of Origen's system cannot be made out with complete +clearness from the work [Greek: peri archôn], because he endeavoured to +treat each of the first three parts as a whole. Origen's four principles +are God, the World, Freedom, Revelation (Holy Scripture). Each +principle, however, is brought into relation with Christ. The first part +treats of God and the spirits, and follows the history of the latter +down to their restoration. The second part treats of the world and +humanity, and likewise closes with the prospect of the resurrection, +punishment in hell, and eternal life. Here Origen makes a magnificent +attempt to give a conception of bliss and yet to exclude all sensuous +joys. The third book treats of sin and redemption, that is, of freedom +of will, temptation, the struggle with the powers of evil, internal +struggles, the moral aim of the world, and the restoration of all +things. A special book on Christ is wanting, for Christ is no +"principle"; but the incarnation is treated of in II. 6. The teachers of +Valentinus' school accordingly appear more Christian when contrasted +with Origen. If we read the great work [Greek: peri archôn], or the +treatise against Celsus, or the commentaries connectedly, we never cease +to wonder how a mind so clear, so sure of the ultimate aim of all +knowledge, and occupying such a high standpoint, has admitted in details +all possible views down to the most naive myths, and how he on the one +hand believes in holy magic, sacramental vehicles and the like, and on +the other, in spite of all his rational and even empirical views, +betrays no doubt of his abstract creations. But the problem that +confronts us in Origen is that presented by his age. This we realise on +reading Celsus or Porphyry (see Denis l.c., p. 613: "Toutes les théories +d'Origène, même les plus imaginaires, représent l'état intellectuel et +moral du siècle où il a paru"). Moreover, Origen is not a teacher who, +like Augustine, was in advance of his time, though he no doubt +anticipated the course of ecclesiastical development. This age, as +represented by its greatest men, sought to gain a substructure for +something new, not by a critical examination of the old ideas, but by +incorporating them all into one whole. People were anxious to have +assurance, and, in the endeavour to find this, they were nervous about +giving up any article of tradition. The boldness of Origen, judged as a +Greek philosopher, lies in his rejection of all polytheistic religions. +This made him all the more conservative in his endeavours to protect and +incorporate everything else. This conservatism welded together +ecclesiastical Christianity and Greek culture into a system of theology +which was indeed completely heterodox.] + +[Footnote 710: The proof from prophecy was reckoned by Origen among the +articles belonging to faith, but not to Gnosis (see for ex. c. Cels. II. +37); but, like the Apologists, he found it of great value. As far as the +philosophers are concerned, Origen always bore in mind the principle +expressed in c. Cels. VII. 46: [Greek: pros tauta d'êmeis phêsomen hoi +meletêsantes mêdeni apechthanesthai tôn kalôs legomenôn; kan hoi hexô +tês pisteôs legôusi kalôs.] In that same place it is asserted that God +in his love has not only revealed himself to such as entirely consecrate +themselves to his service, but also to such as do not know the true +adoration and reverence which he requires. But as remarked above, p. +338, Origen's attitude to the Greek philosophers is much more reserved +than that of Clement.] + +[Footnote 711: See, for ex., c. Cels. VI. 6, Comment in Johann. XIII. +59, Lomm. II., p. 9 sq.] + +[Footnote 712: [Greek: Peri archôn] preface.] + +[Footnote 713: On Origen's exegetical method see Kihn, Theodor v. Mopsu. +p. 20 ff., Bigg, l.c. p. 131 ff. On the distinction between his +application of the allegorical method and that of Clement see specially +p. 134 f. of the latter work.] + +[Footnote 714: Origen noted several such passages in the very first +chapter of Genesis. Examples are given in Bigg, p. 137 f.] + +[Footnote 715: Bigg, l.c., has very appropriately named Origen's +allegorism "Biblical alchemy".] + +[Footnote 716: To ascertain the pneumatic sense, Origen frequently drew +analogies between the domain of the cosmic and that of the spiritual. He +is thus a forerunner of modern idealistic philosophers, for example, +Drummond: "To Origen allegorism is only one manifestation of the +sacramental mystery of nature" (Bigg, p. 134).] + +[Footnote 717: See Hom in Luc. XXIX., Lomm. V., p. 193 sq.] + +[Footnote 718: Since Origen does not, as a rule, dispute the literal +meaning of the Scriptures, he has also a much more favourable opinion of +the Jewish people and of the observance of the law than the earlier +Christian authors (but see Iren. and Tertull.). At bottom he places the +observance of the law quite on the same level as the faith of the simple +Christians. The Apostles also kept the law for a time, and it was only +by degrees that they came to understand its spiritual meaning. They were +also right to continue its observance during their mission among the +Jews. On the other hand, he considers the New Testament a higher stage +than the Old both in its literal and its spiritual sense. See c. Cels. +II. 1-4, 7, 75: IV. 31 sq: V. 10, 30, 31, 42 sq., 66: VII. 26.] + +[Footnote 719: In opposition to the method for obtaining a knowledge of +God, recommended by Alcinous (c. 12), Maximus Tyr. (XVII. 8), and Celsus +(by analysis [apophat.], synthesis [kataphat.], and analogy), Origen, c. +Cels. VII. 42, 44, appeals to the fact that the Christian knows God +better, namely, in his incarnate Son. But he himself, nevertheless, also +follows the synthetic method.] + +[Footnote 720: In defining the superessential nature of the One, Origen +did not go so far as the Basilidians (Philosoph. VII. 20, 21) or as +Plotinus. No doubt he also regards the Deity as [Greek: epekeina tês +ousias] (c. Cels. VII. 42-51; [Greek: peri archôn] I. 1; Clement made a +closer approach to the heretical abstractions of the Gnostics inasmuch +as he still more expressly renounced any designation of God; see Strom. +V. 12, 13), but he is not [Greek: buthos] and [Greek: sigê], being +rather a self-comprehending Spirit, and therefore does not require a +hypostasis (the [Greek: nous]) before he can come to himself. +Accordingly the human intellect is not incapable of soaring up to God as +the later Neoplatonists assert; at least vision is by no means so +decidedly opposed to thought, that is, elevated above it as something +new, as is held by the Neoplatonists and Philo before them. Origen is no +mystic. In accordance with this conception Origen and Clement say that +the perfect knowledge of God can indeed be derived from the Logos alone +(c. Cels VII. 48, 49: VI. 65-73; Strom. V. 12. 85: VI. 15. 122), but +that a relative knowledge may be deduced from creation (c. Cels. VII. +46). Hence they also spoke of an innate knowledge of God (Protrept. VI. +68; Strom. V. 13. 78), and extended the teleological proof of God +furnished by Philo ([Greek: peri archôn] I. 1. 6; c. Cels I. 23). The +relatively correct predicates of God to be determined from revelation +are his unity (c. Cels I. 23), his absolute spirituality ([Greek: pneuma +asômatos, aulos, aschêmatistos])--this is maintained both in opposition +to Stoicism and anthropomorphism; see Orig. [Greek: peri archôn] I. 1, +Origen's polemic against Melito's conception of God, and Clem., Strom. +V. 11. 68: V. 12. 82,--his unbegottenness, his immortality (this is +eternity conceived as enjoyment; the eternity of God itself, however, is +to be conceived, according to Clement, as that which is above time; see +Strom. II. 2. 6), and his absolute causality. All these concepts +together constitute the conception of perfection. See Fischer, De Orig. +theologia et cosmologia, 1840.] + +[Footnote 721: Orig. [Greek: peri archôn] II. 1. 3.] + +[Footnote 722: C. Cels V. 23.] + +[Footnote 723: L.c.] + +[Footnote 724: [Greek: Peri archôn] II. 9. 1: "Certum est, quippe quod +præfinito aliquo apud se numero creaturas fecit: non enim, ut quidam +volunt, finem putandum est non habere creaturas; quia ubi finis non est, +nec comprehensio ulla nec circumscriptio esse potest. Quod si fuerit +utique nee contineri vel dispensari a deo, quæ facta sunt, poterunt. +Naturaliter nempe quicquid infinitum fuerit, et incomprehensibile erit." +In Matth., t. 13., c. 1 fin., Lomm. III., p. 209 sq.] + +[Footnote 725: See above, p. 343, note 2.] + +[Footnote 726: See c. Cels. II. 20.] + +[Footnote 727: Clement also did so; see with respect to Origen [Greek: +peri archôn] II. 5, especially § 3 sq.] + +[Footnote 728: See Comment. in Johann. I. 40, Lomm. I. p. 77 sq. I +cannot agree that this view is a _rapprochement_ to the Marcionites +(contrary to Nitzsch's opinion, l.c., p. 285). The confused accounts in +Epiph., H. 43. 13 are at any rate not to be taken into account.] + +[Footnote 729: Clement's doctrine of the Logos, to judge from the +Hypotyposes, was perhaps different from that of Origen. According to +Photius (Biblioth. 109) Clement assumed two Logoi (Origen indeed was +also reproached with the same; see Pamphili Apol., Routh, Reliq. S., +IV., p. 367), and did not even allow the second and weaker one to make a +real appearance on earth; but this is a misunderstanding (see Zahn, +Forschungen III., p. 144). [Greek: Legetai men]--these are said to have +been the words of a passage in the Hypotyposes--[Greek: kai ho huios +logos homônumôs tô patrikô logô, all' ouch outos estin ho sarx +genomenos, oude men ho patrôos logos, alla dynamis tis tou Theou, oion +apporoia tou logou autou nous genomenos tas tôn anthrôpôn kardias +diapephoitêke]. The distinction between an impersonal Logos-God and the +Logos-Christ necessarily appeared as soon as the Logos was definitely +hypostatised. In the so-called Monarchian struggles of the 3rd century +the disputants made use of these two Logoi, who formed excellent +material for sophistical discussions. In the Strom. Clement did not +reject the distinction between a [Greek: logos endiathetos] and [Greek: +prophorikos] (on Strom. V. 1. 6. see Zahn, l.c., p. 145 against +Nitzsch), and in many passages expresses himself in such a way that one +can scarcely fail to notice a distinction between the Logos of the +Father and that of the Son. "The Son-Logos is an emanation of the Reason +of God, which unalterably remains in God and is the Logos proper." If +the Adumbrationes are to be regarded as parts of the Hypotyposes, +Clement used the expression [Greek: homoousios] for the Logos, or at +least an identical one (See Zahn, Forschungen III., pp. 87-138 f.). This +is the more probable because Clement, Strom. 16. 74, expressly remarked +that men are not [Greek: meros theou kai tô Theô homoousioi], and +because he says in Strom. IV. 13. 91: [Greek: ei epi to katalusai +thanaton aphikneitai to diapheron genos, ouch ho Christos ton thanaton +katêrgêsen, ei mê kai autos autois homoousios lechtheiê]. One must +assume from this that the word was really familiar to Clement as a +designation of the community of nature, possessed by the Logos, both +with God and with men. See Protrept. 10. 110: [Greek: ho theios logos, +ho phanerôtatos ontôs Theos, ho tô despotê tôn holôn exisôtheis]). In +Strom. V. I. 1 Clement emphatically declared that the Son was equally +eternal with the Father: [Greek: ou mên oude ho patêr aneu huiou hama +gar tô patêr huiou patêr] (see also Strom. IV. 7. 58: [Greek: hen mên to +agennêton ho pantokratôr, en de kai to progennêthen di' ou ta panta +egeneto], and Adumbrat. in Zahn, l.c., p. 87, where 1 John I. 1 is +explained: "principium generationis separatum ab opificis principio non +est. Cum enim dicit 'quod erat ab initio' generationem tangit sine +principio filii cum patre simul exstantis." See besides the remarkable +passage, Quis dives salv. 37: [Greek: Theô ta tês agapês mystêria, kai +tote epopteuseis ton kolpon tou patros, hon ho monogenês huios Theos +monos exêgêsato esti de kai autos ho Theos agapê kai di' agapên hêmin +anekrathê kai to men arrêton autou patêr, to de hêmin sympathes gegone +mêtêr agapêsas ho patêr ethêlunthê, kai toutou mega sêmeion, hon autos +egennêsen ex autou kai ho techtheis ex agapês karpos agapê]. But that +does not exclude the fact that he, like Origen, named the Son [Greek: +ktisma] (Phot., l.c.). In the Adumbrat. (p. 88) Son and Spirit are called +"primitivæ virtutes ac primo creatæ, immobiles exsistentes secundum +substantiam". That is exactly Origen's doctrine, and Zahn (l.c., p. 99) +has rightly compared Strom. V. 14. 89: VI. 7. 58; and Epit. ex Theod. +20. The Son stands at the head of the series of created beings (Strom. +VII. 2. 5; see also below), but he is nevertheless specifically +different from them by reason of his origin. It may be said in general +that the fine distinctions of the Logos doctrine in Clement and Origen +are to be traced to the still more abstract conception of God found in +the former. A sentence like Strom. IV. 25. 156 ([Greek: ho men oun Theos +anapodeiktos ôn ouk estin epistêmonikos, ho de huios sophia te esti kai +epistêmê]) will hardly be found in Origen I think. Cf. Schultz, Gottheit +Christi, p. 45 ff.] + +[Footnote 730: See Schultz, l.c., p. 51 ff. and Jahrbuch fur +protestantische Theologie I. pp. 193 ff. 369 ff.] + +[Footnote 731: It is very remarkable that Origen [Greek: peri archôn] I. +2. 1 in his presentation of the Logos doctrine, started with the person +of Christ, though he immediately abandoned this starting-point "Primo +illud nos oportere scire", so this chapter begins, "Quod aliud est in +Christo deitatis eius natura, quod est unigenitus filius patris, et alia +humana natura, quam in novissimis temporibus pro dispensatione suscepit. +Propter quod videndum primo est, quid sit unigenitus filius dei."] + +[Footnote 732: [Greek: Peri archôn] I. 2. 2, 6.] + +[Footnote 733: The expression was familiar to Origen as to Justin (see +Dial. c. Tryph). See c. Cels. V. 39: [Greek: Kai deuteron oun legômen +Theon istôsan, hoti ton deuteron Theon ouk allo ti legomen, hê tên +periektikên pasôn aretôn aretên kai ton periektikon pantos houtinosoun +logou tôn kata physin kai proêgoumenôs gegenêmenôn.]] + +[Footnote 734: [Greek: Peri archôn] I. 2. 13 has been much corrupted by +Rufinus. The passage must have been to the effect that the Son is indeed +[Greek: agathos], but not, like the Father, [Greek: aparallaktôs +agathos].] + +[Footnote 735: Selecta in Psalm., Lomm. XIII., p. 134; see also Fragm. +comm. in ep. ad Hebr., Lomm. V., p. 299 sq.] + +[Footnote 736: L.c.: "Sic et sapientia ex deo procedens, ex ipsa +substantia dei generatur. Sic nihilominus et secundum similitudinem +corporalis aporrhoeæ esse dicitur aporrhoea gloriæ omnipotentis pura +quædam et sincera. Quæ utræque similitudines (see the beginning of the +passage) manifestissime ostendunt communionem substantiæ esse filio cum +patre. Aporrhoea enim [Greek: homoousios] videtur, id est, unius +substantiæ cum illo corpore, ex quo est vel aporrhoea vel vapor." In +opposition to Heracleon Origen argues (in Joh. XIII. 25., Lomm. II., p. +43 sq.) that _we_ are not homousios with God: [Greek: epistêsômen de, ei +me sphodra estin asebes homoousios tê agennêtô physei kai pammakaria +einai legein tous proskunountas en pneumati tô Theô.] On the meaning of +[Greek: homoousios] see Zahn, Marcell., pp. 11-32. The conception +decidedly excludes the possibility of the two subjects connected by it +having a different essence; but it says nothing about how they came to +have one essence and in what measure they possess it. On the other hand +it abolishes the distinction of persons the moment the essence itself is +identified with the one person. Here then is found the Unitarian danger, +which could only be averted by assertions. In some of Origen's teachings +a modalistic aspect is also not quite wanting. See Hom. VIII. in Jerem. +no. 2: [Greek: To men hupokeimenon hen esti, tais de epinoiais ta polla +onomata epi diaphorôn]. Conversely, it is also nothing but an appearance +when Origen (for ex. in c. Cels. VIII. 12) merely traces the unity of +Father and Son to unity in feeling and in will. The charge of Ebionitism +made against him is quite unfounded (see Pamphili Apol., Routh IV. p. +367).] + +[Footnote 737: [Greek: Ouk estin ote ouk ên], de princip. I. 2. 9; in +Rom. I. 5.] + +[Footnote 738: [Greek: Peri archôn] I. 2. 2-9. Comm. in ep. ad. Hebr. +Lomm. V., p. 296: "Nunquam est, quando filius non fuit. Erat autem non, +sicut de æterna luce diximus, innatus, ne duo principia lucis videamur +inducere, sed sicut ingenitæ lucis splendor, ipsam illam lucem initium +habens ac fontem, natus quidem ex ipsa; sed non erat quando noa erat." +See the comprehensive disquisition in [Greek: peri archôn] IV. 28, where +we find the sentence: "hoc autem ipsum, quod dicimus, quia nunquam fuit, +quando non fuit, cum venia audiendum est" etc. See further in Jerem. IX. +4, Lomm. XV., p. 212: [Greek: to apaugasma tês doxês ouchi hapax +gegennêtai, kai ouchi gennatai ... kai aei gennatai ho sôtêr hupo tou +patros]; see also other passages.] + +[Footnote 739: See Caspari, Quellen, Vol. IV., p. 10.] + +[Footnote 740: In [Greek: peri archôn] IV. 28 the _prolatio_ is +expressly rejected (see also I. 2, 4) as well as the "conversio partis +alicuius substantiæ dei in filium" and the "procreatio ex nullis +substantibus."] + +[Footnote 741: L.c. I. 2. 2]. + +[Footnote 742: L.c. I. 2. 3]. + +[Footnote 743: De orat. 15: [Greek: Eteros kat' ousian kai hupokeimenon +ho huios esti tou patros]. This, however, is not meant to designate a +deity of a hybrid nature, but to mark the parsonal distinction.] + +[Footnote 744: C. Cels. VIII. 12.: [Greek: duo tê hypostasei pragmata]. +This was frequently urged against the Monarchians in Origen's +commentaries; see in Joh. X. 21: II. 6 etc. The Son exists [Greek: kat' +idian tês ousias perigraphên]. Not that Origen has not yet the later +terminology [Greek: ousia, hypostasis, hypokeimenon, prosôpon]. We find +three hypostases in Joh. II. 6. Lomm. I., p. 109, and this is repeatedly +the case in c. Cels.] + +[Footnote 745: In Joh. I. 22, Lomm. I., p. 41 sq.: [Greek: ho Theos men +oun pantê hen esti kai aploun ho de sôtêr hêmôn dia ta polla]. The Son +is [Greek: idea ideôn, systêma theôrêmatôn en autô](Lomm. I., p. 127).] + +[Footnote 746: See the remarks on the saying: "The Father is greater +than I," in Joh. XIII. 25, Lomm. II., p. 45 sq. and other passages. Here +Origen shows that he considers the homoousia of the Son and the Father +just as relative as the unchangeability of the Son.] + +[Footnote 747: [Greek: Peri archôn] II. 2. 6 has been corrupted by +Rufinus; see Jerome ep. ad Avitum.] + +[Footnote 748: See [Greek: Peri archôn] I. 2. 13 (see above, p. 354, +note 3).] + +[Footnote 749: Athanasius supplemented this by determining the essence +of the Logos from the redeeming work of Christ.] + +[Footnote 750: See [Greek: peri archôn] præf. and in addition to this +Hermas' view of the Spirit.] + +[Footnote 751: [Greek: Peri archôn] I. 3. The Holy Spirit is eternal, is +ever being breathed out, but is to be termed a creature. See also in +Job. II. 6, Lomm. I., p. 109 sq.: [Greek: to hagion pneuma dia tou logou +egeneto, presbuterou] (logically) [Greek: par' auto tou logou +tugchanontos]. Yet Origen is not so confident here as in his Logos +doctrine.] + +[Footnote 752: See [Greek: peri archôn] I. 3, 5-8. Hence Origen says the +heathen had known the Father and Son, but not the Holy Spirit (de +princip. I. 3: II. 7).] + +[Footnote 753: L.c. § 7.] + +[Footnote 754: See Hom. in Num. XII. I, Lomm. X, p. 127: "Est hæc trium +distinctio personarum in patre et filio et spiritu sancto, quæ ad +pluralem puteorum numerum revocatur. Sed horum puteorum unum est fons. +Una enim substantia est et natura trinitatis."] + +[Footnote 755: [Greek: Peri archôn] præf.] + +[Footnote 756: From Hermas, Justin, and Athenagoras we learn how, in the +2nd century, both in the belief of uneducated lay-Christians and of the +Apologists, Son, Spirit, Logos, and angels under certain circumstances +shaded off into one another. To Clement, no doubt, Logos and Spirit are +the only unchangeable beings besides God. But, inasmuch as there is a +series which descends from God to men living in the flesh, there cannot +fail to be elements of affinity between Logos and Spirit on the one hand +and the highest angels on the other, all of whom indeed have the +capacity and need of development. Hence they have certain names and +predicates in common, and it frequently remains uncertain, especially as +regards the theophanies in the Old Testament, whether it was a high +angel that spoke, or the Son through the angel. See the full discussion +in Zahn, Forschungen, III., p. 98 f.] + +[Footnote 757: [Greek: Peri archôn] I. 5.] + +[Footnote 758: So also Clement, see Zahn, l.c.] + +[Footnote 759: [Greek: Peri archôn] I. 5. 2.] + +[Footnote 760: It was of course created before the world, as it +determines the course of the world. See Comm. in Matth. XV. 27, Lomm. +III., p. 384 sq.] + +[Footnote 761: See Comm. in Joh. XIII. 25, Lomm. II, p. 45: we must not +look on the human spirit as [Greek: homoousios] with the divine one. The +same had already been expressly taught by Clement. See Strom., II. 16. +74: [Greek: ho Theos oudemian echei pros hêmas physikên schesin hôs hoi +tôn haireseôn ktistai thelousin]. Adumbr., p. 91 (ed. Zahn). This does +not exclude God and souls having _quodammodo_ one substance.] + +[Footnote 762: Such is the teaching of Clement and Origen. They +repudiated the possession of any natural, essential goodness in the case +of created spirits. If such lay in their essence, these spirits would be +unchangeable.] + +[Footnote 763: [Greek: Peri archôn] I. 2. 10: "Quemadmodum pater non +potest esse quis, si filius non sit, neque dominus quis esse potest sine +possessione, sine servo, ita ne omnipotens quidem deus dici potest, si +non sint, in quos exerceat potentatum, et deo ut omnipotens ostendatur +deus, omnia subsistere necesse est." (So the Hermogenes against whom +Tertullian wrote had already argued). "Nam si quis est, qui velit vel +sæcula aliqua vel spatia transisse, vel quodcunque aliud nominare vult, +cum nondum facta essent, quæ facta sunt, sine dubio hoc ostendet, quod +in illis sæculis vel spatiis omnipotens non erat deus et postmodum +omnipotens factus est." God would therefore, it is said in what follows, +be subjected to a [Greek: prokopê], and thus be proved to be a finite +being. III. 5. 3.] + +[Footnote 764: [Greek: Peri archôn] I. 8.] + +[Footnote 765: Here, however, Origen is already thinking of the +temporary wrong development that is of growth. See [Greek: peri archôn] +I. 7. Created spirits are also of themselves immaterial, though indeed +not in the sense that this can be said of God who can never attach +anything material to himself.] + +[Footnote 766: Angels, ideas (see Phot. Biblioth. 109), and human souls +are most closely connected together, both according to the theory of +Clement and Origen and also to that of Pantænus before them (see Clem. +eclog. 56, 57); and so it was taught that men become angels (Clem. +Strom. VI. 13. 107). But the stars also, which are treated in great +detail in [Greek: peri archôn] I. 7, belong to the number of the angels. +This is a genuinely Greek idea. The doctrine of the preëxistence of +human souls was probably set forth by Clement in the Hypotyposes. The +theory of the transmigration of souls was probably found there also +(Phot. Biblioth. 109). In the Adumbrat., which has been preserved to us, +the former doctrine is, however, contested and is not found in the +Stromateis VI. 16. I. sq.] + +[Footnote 767: Phot. Biblioth. 109: [Greek: Klêmês pollous pro tou Adam +kosmous terateuetai]. This cannot be verified from the Strom. Orig., +[Greek: peri archôn] II. 3.] + +[Footnote 768: [Greek: Peri archôn] I. 5 and the whole 3rd Book. The +Fall is something that happened before time began.] + +[Footnote 769: The assumption of uncreated matter was decidedly rejected +by Origen ([Greek: peri archôn] II. 1, 2). On the other hand Clement is +said to have taught it in the Hypotyposes (Phot., l.c.: [Greek: hulên +archronon doxazei]); this cannot be noticed in the Strom.; in fact in +VI. 16. 147 he vigorously contested the view of the uncreatedness of the +world. He emphasised the agreement between Plato and Moses in the +doctrine of creation (Strom. II. 16. 74 has nothing to do with this). +According to Origen, matter has no qualities and may assume the most +diverse peculiarities (see, e.g., c. Cels. III. 41).] + +[Footnote 770: This conception has given occasion to compare Origen's +system with Buddhism. Bigg. (p. 193) has very beautifully said: +"Creation, as the word is commonly understood, was in Origen's views not +the beginning, but an intermediate phase in human history. Æons rolled +away before this world was made; æons upon æons, days, weeks, months and +years, sabbatical years, jubilee years of æons will run their course, +before the end is attained. The one fixed point in this gigantic drama +is the end, for this alone has been clearly revealed," "God shall be all +in all." Bigg also rightly points out that Rom. VIII. and 1 Cor. XV. +were for Origen the key to the solution of the problems presented by +creation.] + +[Footnote 771: The popular idea of demons and angels was employed by +Origen in the most comprehensive way, and dominates his whole view of +the present course of the world. See [Greek: peri archôn] III. 2. and +numerous passages in the Commentaries and Homilies, in which he approves +the kindred views of the Greeks as well as of Hermas and Barnabas. The +spirits ascend and descend; each man has his guardian spirit, and the +superior spirits support the inferior ([Greek: peri archôn] I. 6). +Accordingly they are also to be reverenced ([Greek: therapeuesthai]); +yet such reverence as belongs to a Gabriel, a Michael, etc., is far +different from the adoration of God (c. Cels. VIII. 13).] + +[Footnote 772: Clement wrote a special work [Greek: peri pronoias] (see +Zahn, Forschungen III., p. 39 ff.), and treated at length of [Greek: +pronoia] in the Strom.; see Orig. [Greek: peri archôn] III. 1; de orat. +6 etc. Evil is also subject to divine guidance; see Clem., Strom. I. 17. +81-87: IV. 12. 86 sq. Orig. Hom. in Num. XIV., Lomm. X., p. 163: "Nihil +otiosum, nihil inane est apud deum, quia sive bono proposito hominis +utitur ad bona sive malo ad necessaria." Here and there, however, Origen +has qualified the belief in Providence, after the genuine fashion of +antiquity (see c. Gels. IV. 74).] + +[Footnote 773: [Greek: Peri archôn] II. 9. 2: "Recedere a bono, non +aliud est quam effici in malo. Ceterum namque est, malum esse bono +canere. Ex quo accidit, ut in quanta mensura quis devolveretur a bono, +in tantam mensuram malitiæ deveniret." In the passage in Johann. II. 7, +Lomm. I., p. 115, we find a closely reasoned exposition of evil as +[Greek: anupostaton] and an argument to the effect that [Greek: ta +ponêra] are--[Greek: mê onta].] + +[Footnote 774: [Greek: Peri archôn] I. 5. 3: III. 6. The devil is the +chief of the apostate angels (c. Cels. IV. 65). As a reasonable being he +is a creature of God (l.c., and in Joh. II. 7, Lomm., l.c.).] + +[Footnote 775: Origen defended the teleology culminating in man against +Celsus' attacks on it; but his assumption that the spirits of men are +only a part of the universal spirit world is, as a matter of fact, quite +akin to Celsus' view. If we consider the plan of the work [Greek: peri +archôn] we easily see that to Origen humanity was merely an element in +the cosmos.] + +[Footnote 776: The doctrine of man's threefold constitution is also +found in Clement. See Pædag. III. 1. 1; Strom V. 14. 94: VI. 16. 134. +(quite in the manner of Plato). Origen, who has given evidence of it in +all his main writings, sometimes calls the rational part spirit, +sometimes [Greek: psychê logikê], and at other times distinguishes two +parts in the one soul. Of course he also professes to derive his +psychology from the Holy Scriptures. The chief peculiarity of his +speculation consists in his assumption that the human spirit, as a +fallen one, became as it were a soul, and can develop from that +condition partly into a spirit as before and partly into the flesh (see +[Greek: peri archôn] III. 4. 1 sq.: II. 8. 1-5). By his doctrine of the +preëxistence of souls Origen excluded both the creation and traducian +hypotheses of the origin of the soul.] + +[Footnote 777: Clement (see Strom. II. 22. 131) gives the following as +the opinion of some Christian teachers: [Greek: to men kat' eikona +eutheôs kata tên genesin eilêphenai ton anthrôpon, to kath' homoiôsin de +usteron kata tên peleiôsin mellein apolambanein]. Orig. c. Cels. IV. 30: +[Greek: epoiête d'o Theos ton anthrôpon kat' eikona Theos, all' ouchi +kath' homoiôsin êdê].] + +[Footnote 778: This follows from the fundamental psychological view and +is frequently emphasised. One must attain the [Greek: sôphorsynê].] + +[Footnote 779: This is emphasised throughout. The goodness of God is +shown first in his having given the creature reason and freedom, and +secondly in acts of assistance, which, however, do not endanger freedom. +Clem.; Strom. VI. 12, 96: [Greek: hêmas ex hêmôn autôn bouletai +sôzesthai].] + +[Footnote 780: See above, p. 344, and p. 361, note 5. Origen continually +emphasised the universality of sin in the strongest expressions: c. +Cels. III. 61-66: VII. 50; Clem., Pæd. III. 12. 93: [Greek: to +examartanein pasin emphyton].] + +[Footnote 781: See Clem., Strom. VII. 16. 101: [Greek: myriôn goun ontôn +kat' arithmon ha prassousin anthrôpoi schedon duo eisin archai pasês +hamartias, agnoia kai astheneia, amphô de eph' hêmin, tôn mête +ethelontôn manthanein mête au tês epithymias kratein]. Two remedies +correspond to this (102): [Greek: hê gnôsis te kai hê tês ek tôn graphôn +martyrias enargês apodeixis] and [Greek: hê kata logon askêsis ek +pisteôs te kai phobou paidagôgoumenê], or otherwise expressed: [Greek: +hê theôria hê epistêmonikê] and [Greek: hê praxis] which lead to perfect +love.] + +[Footnote 782: Freedom is not prejudiced by the idea of election that is +found here and there, for this idea is not worked out. In Clem., Strom. +VI. 9. 76, it is said of the friend of God, the true Gnostic, that God +has destined ([Greek: proôrisen]) him to sonship before the foundation +of the world. See VII. 17. 107.] + +[Footnote 783: C. Cels. III. 69.] + +[Footnote 784: It is both true that men have the same freedom as Adam +and that they have the same evil instincts. Moreover, Origen conceived +the story of Adam symbolically. See c. Cels. IV. 40; [Greek: peri +archôn] IV. 16; in Levit. hom. VI. 2. In his later writings, after he +had met with the practice of child baptism in Cæsarea and prevailed on +himself to regard it as apostolic, he also assumed the existence of a +sort of hereditary sin originating with Adam, and added it to his idea +of the preëxisting Fall. Like Augustine after him, he also supposed that +there was an inherent pollution in sexual union; see in Rom. V. 9: VII. +4; in Lev. hom. VIII. 3; in Num. hom. 2 (Bigg, p. 202 f.).] + +[Footnote 785: Nevertheless Origen assumes that some souls are invested +with flesh, not for their own sins, but in order to be of use to others. +See in Joh. XIII. 43 ad fin; II. 24, 25; in Matth. XII. 30.] + +[Footnote 786: Origen again and again strongly urged the necessity of +divine grace.] + +[Footnote 787: See on this point Bigg, pp. 207 ff., 223 f. Origen is the +father of Joachim and all spiritualists.] + +[Footnote 788: See Knittel, Orig. Lehre von der Menschwerdung (Tübinger +Theologische Quartalschrift, 1872). Ramers, Orig. Lehre von der +Auferstehung des Fleisches, 1851. Schultz, Gottheit Christi, pp. 51-62.] + +[Footnote 789: With regard to this point we find the same explanation in +Origen as in Irenæus and Tertullian, and also among the Valentinians, in +so far as the latter describe the redemption necessary for the Psychici. +Only, in this instance also, everything is more copious in his case, +because he availed himself of the Holy Scriptures still more than these +did, and because he left out no popular conception that seemed to have +any moral value. Accordingly he propounded views as to the value of +salvation and as to the significance of Christ's death on the cross, +with a variety and detail rivalled by no theologian before him. He was, +as Bigg (p. 209 ff.) has rightly noticed, the first Church theologian +after Paul's time that gave a detailed theology of sacrifices. We may +mention here the most important of his views. (1) The death on the cross +along with the resurrection is to be considered as a real, recognisable +victory over the demons, inasmuch as Christ (Col. II. 14) exposed the +weakness of his enemies (a very frequent aspect of the matter). (2) The +death on the cross is to be considered as an expiation offered to God. +Here Origen argued that all sins require expiation, and, conversely, +that all innocent blood has a greater or less importance according to +the value of him who gives up his life. (3) In accordance with this the +death of Christ has also a vicarious signification (see with regard to +both these conceptions the treatise Exhort, ad martyr., as well as c. +Cels. VII. 17: I. 31; in Rom. t. III. 7, 8, Lomm. VI., pp. 196-216 +etc.). (4) The death of Christ is to be considered as a ransom paid to +the devil. This view must have been widely diffused in Origen's time; it +readily suggested itself to the popular idea and was further supported +by Marcionite theses. It was also accepted by Origen who united it with +the notion of a deception practised on the devil, a conception first +found among the Basilidians. By his successful temptation the devil +acquired a right over men. This right cannot be destroyed, but only +bought off. God offers the devil Christ's soul in exchange for the souls +of men. This proposal of exchange was, however, insincere, as God knew +that the devil could not keep hold of Christ's soul, because a sinless +soul could not but cause him torture. The devil agreed to the bargain +and was duped. Christ did not fall into the power of death and the +devil, but overcame both. This theory, which Origen propounded in +somewhat different fashion in different places (see Exhort ad martyr. +12; in Matth. t. XVI. 8, Lomm. IV., p. 27; t. XII. 28, Lomm. III., p. +175; t. XIII. 8, 9, Lomm. III., pp. 224-229; in Rom. II. 13, Lomm. VI., +p. 139 sq. etc.), shows in a specially clear way the conservative method +of this theologian, who would not positively abandon any idea. No doubt +it shows at the same time how uncertain Origen was as to the +applicability of popular conceptions when he was dealing with the sphere +of the Psychici. We must here remember the ancient idea that we are not +bound to sincerity towards our enemies. (5) Christ, the God who became +flesh, is to be considered as high priest and mediator between God and +man (see de Orat. 10, 15). All the above-mentioned conceptions of +Christ's work were, moreover, worked out by Origen in such a way that +his humanity and divinity are necessary inferences from them. In this +case also he is characterised by the same mode of thought as Irenæus. +Finally, let us remember that Origen adhered as strongly as ever to the +proof from prophecy, and that he also, in not a few instances, regarded +the phrase, "it is written", as a sufficient court of appeal (see, for +example, c. Cels. II. 37). Yet, on the other hand, behind all this he +has a method of viewing things which considerably weakens the +significance of miracles and prophecies. In general it must be said that +Origen helped to drag into the Church a great many ancient (heathen) +ideas about expiation and redemption, inasmuch as he everywhere found +some Bible passage or other with which he associated them. While he +rejected polytheism and gave little countenance to people who declared: +[Greek: eusebesteroi esmen kai Theon kai ta agalmata sebontes] (Clemens +Rom., Hom. XI. 12), he had for all that a principal share in introducing +the apparatus of polytheism into the Church (see also the way in which +he strengthened angel and hero worship).] + +[Footnote 790: See above, p. 342. note 1, on the idea that Christ, the +Crucified One, is of no importance to the perfect. Only the teacher is +of account in this case. To Clement and Origen, however, teacher and +mystagogue are as closely connected as they are to most Gnostics. +Christianity is [Greek: mathêsis] and [Greek: mystagôgia] and it is the +one because it is the other. But in all stages Christianity has +ultimately the same object, namely, to effect a reconciliation with God, +and deify man. See c. Cels. III. 28: [Greek: Alla gar kai tên katabasan +eis anthrôpinên physin kai eis anthrôpinas peristaseis dynamin, kai +analabousan psychên kai sôma anthrôpinon, heôrôn ek tou pisteuesthai +meta tôn theioterôn symballomenên eis sôtêrian tois pisteuousin orôsin, +ap' ekeinou êrxato theia kai anthrôpinê sunuphainesthai physis en ê +anthrôpinê tê pros to theioteron koinônia genêtai theia ouk en monô tô +Iêsou, alla kai pasi tois meta too pisteuein analambanousi bion, hon +Iêsous edidaxena].] + +[Footnote 791: From this also we can very clearly understand Origen's +aversion to the early Christian eschatology. In his view the demons are +already overcome by the work of Christ. We need only point out that this +conception must have exercised a most important influence on his frame +of mind and on politics.] + +[Footnote 792: Clement still advocated docetic views without +reservation. Photius (Biblioth. 109) reproached him with these ([Greek: +mê sarkôthênai ton logon alla doxai]), and they may be proved from the +Adumbrat, p. 87 (ed Zahn): "fertur in traditionibus--namely, in the Acta +of Lucius--quoniam Iohannes ipsum corpus (Christi), quod erat +extrinsecus, tangens manum suam in profunda misisse et duritiam carnis +nullo modo reluctatam esse, sed locum manui præbuisse discipuli," and +likewise from Strom. VI. 9. 71 and III. 7. 59. Clement's repudiation of +the Docetists in VII. 17. 108 does not affect the case, and the fact +that he here and there plainly called Jesus a man, and spoke of his +flesh (Pæd. II. 2. 32: Protrept. X. 110) matters just as little. This +teacher simply continued to follow the old undisguised Docetism which +only admitted the apparent reality of Christ's body. Clement expressly +declared that Jesus knew neither pain, nor sorrow, nor emotions, and +only took food in order to refute the Docetists (Strom. VI. 9. 71). As +compared with this, Docetism in Origen's case appears throughout in a +weakened form; see Bigg, p. 191.] + +[Footnote 793: See the full exposition in Thomasius, Origenes, p. 203 +ff. The principal passages referring to the soul of Jesus are de +princip. II. 6: IV. 31; c. Cels. II. 9. 20-25. Socrates (H. E. III. 7) +says that the conviction as to Jesus having a human soul was founded on +a [Greek: mysticê paradosis] of the Church, and was not first broached +by Origen. The special problem of conceiving Christ as a real [Greek: +theanthrôpos] in contradistinction to all the men who only possess the +presence of the Logos within them in proportion to their merits, was +precisely formulated by Origen on many occasions. See [Greek: peri +archôn] IV. 29 sq. The full divine nature existed in Christ and yet, as +before, the Logos operated wherever he wished (l.c., 30): "non ita +sentiendum est, quod omnis divinitatis eius maiestas intra brevissimi +corporis claustra conclusa est, ita ut omne verbum dei et sapientia eius +ac substantialis veritas ac vita vel a patre divulsa sit vel intra +corporis eius coercita et conscripta brevitatem nec usquam præterea +putetur operata; sed inter utrumque cauta pietatis debet esse confessio, +ut neque aliquid divinitatis in Christo defuisse credatur et nulla +penitus a paterna substantia, quæ ubique est, facta putetur esse +divisio." On the perfect ethical union of Jesus' soul with the Logos see +[Greek: peri archôn] II. 6. 3: "anima Iesu ab initio creaturæ et +deinceps inseparabiliter ei atque indissociabiliter inhærens et tota +totum recipiens atque in eius lucem splendoremque ipsa cedens facta est +cum ipso principaliter unus spiritus;" II. 6. 5: "anima Christi ita +elegit diligere iustitiam, ut pro immensitate dilectionis +inconvertibiliter ei atque inseparabiliter inhæreret, ita ut propositi +firmitas et affectus immensitas et dilectionis inexstinguibilis calor +omnem sensum conversionis atque immutationis abscinderet, et quod in +arbitrio erat positum, longi usus affectu iam versum sit in naturam." +The sinlessness of this soul thus became transformed from a fact into a +necessity, and the real God-man arose, in whom divinity and humanity are +no longer separated. The latter lies in the former as iron in the fire +II. 6. 6. As the metal _capax est frigoris et caloris_ so the soul is +capable of deification. "Omne quod agit, quod sentit, quod intelligit, +deus est," "nec convertibilis aut mutabilis dici potest" (l.c.). +"Dilectionis merito anima Christi cum verbo dei Christus efficitur." +(II. 6. 4). [Greek: Tis mallon tês Iêsou psychês ê kan paraplêsiôs +kekollêtai tô kyriô; hoper ei houtôs echei ouk eisi duo hê psychê tou +Iêsou pros ton pasês ktiseôs prôtotokon Theon logon] (c. Cels. VI. 47). +The metaphysical foundation of the union is set forth in [Greek: peri +archôn] II. 6. 2: "Substantia animæ inter deum carnemque mediante--non +enim possibile erat dei naturam corpori sine mediatore miscere--nascitur +deus homo, illa substantia media exsistente, cui utique contra naturam +non erat corpus assumere. Sed neque rursus anima illa, utpote substantia +rationabilis, contra naturam habuit, capere deum." Even during his +historical life the body of Christ was ever more and more glorified, +acquired therefore wonderful powers, and appeared differently to men +according to their several capacities (that is a Valentinian idea, see +Exc. ex Theod. 7); cf. c. Cels. I. 32-38: II. 23, 64: IV. 15 sq.: V. 8, +9, 23. All this is summarised in III. 41: "[Greek: On men nomizomen kai +pepeismetha archêthen einai Theon kai huion Theou, outos ho autologos +esti kai hê autosophia kai hê autoalêtheia to de thnêton autou sôma kai +tên anthrôpinên en autô psychên tê pros ekeinon ou monon koinônia, alla +kai henôsei kai anakrasei, ta megista phamen proseilêphenai kai tês +ekeinou thetêtos kekoinônêkota eis Theon metabebêkenai]." Origen then +continues and appeals to the philosophical doctrine that matter has no +qualities and can assume all the qualities which the Creator wishes to +give it. Then follows the conclusion: [Greek: ei hugiê ta toiauta, ti +thaumaston, tên poiotêta tou thnêtou kata ton Iêsoun sômatos pronoia +Theou boulêthentos metabalein eis aitherion kai theian poiotêta]; The +man is now the same as the Logos. See in Joh. XXXII. 17, Lomm. II., p. +461 sq.; Hom. in Jerem. XV. 6, Lomm. XV., p. 288: [Greek: ei kai ên +anthrôpos, alla nun oudamôs estin anthrôpos].] + +[Footnote 794: In c. Cels. III. 28, Origen spoke of an intermingling of +the divine and human natures, commencing in Christ (see page 368, note +1). See I. 66 fin.; IV. 15, where any [Greek: allattesthai kai +metaplattesthai] of the Logos is decidedly rejected; for the Logos does +not suffer at all. In Origen's case we may speak of a _communicatio +idiomatum_ (see Bigg, p. 190 f.).] + +[Footnote 795: In opposition to Redepenning.] + +[Footnote 796: This idea is found in many passages, especial in Book +III, c. 22-43, where Origen, in opposition to the fables about +deification, sought to prove that Christ is divine because he realised +the aim of founding a holy community in humanity. See, besides, the +remarkable statement in III. 38 init.] + +[Footnote 797: A very remarkable distinction between the divine and +human element in Christ is found in Clement Pæd. I. 3. 7: [Greek: panta +oninêsin ho kurios kai panta ôphelei kai hôs anthrôpos kai hôs Theos, ta +men hamartêmata hôs Theos aphieis, eis de to mê examartanein paidagôgôn +hôs anthrôpos].] + +[Footnote 798: "Fides in nobis; mensura fidei causa accipiendarum +gratiarum" is the fundamental idea of Clement and Origen (as of Justin); +"voluntas humana præcedit". In Ezech. hom. I. c. II: "In tua potestate +positum est, ut sis palea vel frumentum". But all growth in faith must +depend on divine help. See Orig. in Matth. series 69, Lomm. IV., p. 372: +"Fidem habenti, quæ est ex nobis, dabitur gratia fidei quæ est per +spiritum fidei, et abundabit; et quidquid habuerit quis ex naturali +creatione, cum exercuerit illud, accipit id ipsum et ex gratia dei, ut +abundet et firmior sit in eo ipso quod habet"; in Rom. IV. 5, Lomm. VI., +p. 258 sq.; in Rom. IX. 3, Lomm VII., p. 300 sq. The fundamental idea +remains: [Greek: ho Theos hêmas ex hêmôn autôn bouletai sôzesthai.]] + +[Footnote 799: This is frequent in Clement; see Orig. c. Cels. VII. 46.] + +[Footnote 800: See Clem, Strom. V. I. 7: [Greek: chariti sôzometha, ouk +aneu mentoi tôn kalôn ergôn.]. VII. 7. 48: V. 12. 82, 13. 83: [Greek: +eite to en hêmin autexousiou eis gnôsin aphikomenon tagathou skirta te +kai pêda huper ta eskammena, plên ou charitos aneu tês exairetou +pteroutai te kai anistatai kai anô tôn huperkeimenôn airetai hê psychê]; +The amalgamation of freedom and grace. Quis cliv. salv. 21. Orig. +[Greek: peri archôn.] III. 2. 2: In bonis rebus humanum propositum solum +per se ipsum imperfectum est ad consummationem boni, adiutorio namque +divino ad perfecta quæque peracitur. III. 2. 5, I. 18; Selecta in Ps. 4, +Lomm. XI., p. 450: [Greek: to tou logikou agathon mikton estin ek te tês +proaireseôs autou kai tês sumpneousês theias dunameôs tô ta allista +proelomenô]. The support of grace is invariably conceived as +enlightenment; but this enlightenment enables it to act on the whole +life. For a more detailed account see Landerer in the Jahrbucher fur +deutsche Theologie, Vol. II, Part 3, p. 500 ff., and Worter, _Die +christliche Lehre von Gnade und Freiheit bis auf Augustin_, 1860.] + +[Footnote 801: This goal was much more clearly described by Clement than +by Origen; but it was the latter who, in his commentary on the Song of +Solomon, gave currency to the image of the soul as the bride of the +Logos. Bigg (p. 188 f.): "Origen, the first pioneer in so many fields of +Christian thought, the father in one of his many aspects of the English +Latitudinarians, became also the spiritual ancestor of Bernard, the +Victorines, and the author of the 'De imitatione,' of Tauler and Molinos +and Madame de Guyon."] + +[Footnote 802: See Thomasius, Dogmengeschichte I., p. 467.] + +[Footnote 803: See e.g., Clem. Quis dives salv. 37 and especially Pædag. +I. 6. 25-32; Orig. de orat. 22 sq.--the interpretation of the Lord's +Prayer. This exegesis begins with the words: "It would be worth while to +examine more carefully whether the so-called Old Testament anywhere +contains a prayer in which God is called Father by anyone; for till now +we have found none in spite of all our seeking ... Constant and +unchangeable sonship is first given in the new covenant."] + +[Footnote 804: See above, p. 339 f.] + +[Footnote 805: See [Greek: peri archôn] II. 11.] + +[Footnote 806: See [Greek: peri archôn] II. 10. 1-3. Origen wrote a +treatise on the resurrection, which, however, has not come down to us, +because it was very soon accounted heretical. We see from c. Cels V. +14-24 the difficulties he felt about the Church doctrine of the +resurrection of the flesh.] + +[Footnote 807: See Eusebius, H. E. VI. 37.] + +[Footnote 808: Orig., Hom. II. in Reg. I., Lomm. XI., p. 317 sq.] + +[Footnote 809: C. Cels. V. 15: VI. 26; in Lc. Hom. XIV., Lomm. V., p. +136: "Ego puto, quod et post resurrectionem ex mortuis indigeamus +sacramento eluente nos atque purgante". Clem., Strom. VII. 6. 34: +[Greek: phamen d' êmeis agiazein to pur, ou ta krea, alla tas amartôlous +psychas, pur ou to pamphagon kai banauson, alla to phronimon legontes] +(cf. Heraclitus and the Stoa), [Greek: to duknoumenon dia psychêa tês +dierchomenês to pur]. For Origen cf. Bigg, p. 229 ff. There is another +and intermediate stage between the punishments in hell and _regnum +dei_.] + +[Footnote 810: See [Greek: peri archôn] II. 10. 4-7; c. Cels. l.c.] + +[Footnote 811: See [Greek: peri archôn] I. 6. 1-4: III. 6. 1-8; c. Cels. +VI. 26.] + +[Footnote 812: On the seven heavens in Clem. see Strom. V. II. 77 and +other passages. Origen does not mention them, so far as I know.] + +[Footnote 813: c. Cels. l.c.] + +[Footnote 814: We would be more justified in trying this with Clement.] + +[Footnote 815: See Bornemann, In investiganda monachatus origine quibus +de causis ratio habenda sit Origenis. Gottingæ 1885.] + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Dogma, Volume 2 (of 7), by +Adolph Harnack + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF DOGMA, VOLUME 2 (OF 7) *** + +***** This file should be named 19613-8.txt or 19613-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/1/9/6/1/19613/ + +Produced by Dave Maddock, David King, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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