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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Letters of Cassiodorus, by
+Cassiodorus (AKA Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator)
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Letters of Cassiodorus
+ Being A Condensed Translation Of The Variae Epistolae Of
+ Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator
+
+Author: Cassiodorus (AKA Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator)
+
+Translator: Thomas Hodgkin
+
+Release Date: June 15, 2006 [EBook #18590]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LETTERS OF CASSIODORUS ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Robert Connal, Linda Cantoni, and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by the Bibliotheque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at
+http://gallica.bnf.fr)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE LETTERS OF CASSIODORUS
+
+_HODGKIN_
+
+Oxford
+
+PRINTED BY HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
+
+
+
+
+THE
+
+LETTERS OF CASSIODORUS
+
+BEING
+
+A CONDENSED TRANSLATION OF THE VARIAE EPISTOLAE
+OF MAGNUS AURELIUS CASSIODORUS SENATOR
+
+With an Introduction
+
+BY
+
+THOMAS HODGKIN
+
+FELLOW OF UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON; HON. D.C.L. OF DURHAM UNIVERSITY
+AUTHOR OF 'ITALY AND HER INVADERS'
+
+LONDON: HENRY FROWDE
+AMEN CORNER, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C.
+
+1886.
+
+[_All rights reserved_]
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+The abstract of the 'Variae' of Cassiodorus which I now offer to the
+notice of historical students, belongs to that class of work which
+Professor Max Mueller happily characterised when he entitled two of his
+volumes 'Chips from a German Workshop.' In the course of my
+preparatory reading, before beginning the composition of the third and
+fourth volumes of my book on 'Italy and Her Invaders,' I found it
+necessary to study very attentively the 'Various Letters' of
+Cassiodorus, our best and often our only source of information, for
+the character and the policy of the great Theodoric. The notes which
+in this process were accumulated upon my hands might, I hoped, be
+woven into one long chapter on the Ostrogothic government of Italy.
+When the materials were collected, however, they were so manifold, so
+perplexing, so full of curious and unexpected detail, that I quite
+despaired of ever succeeding in the attempt to group them into one
+harmonious and artistic picture. Frankly, therefore, renouncing a task
+which is beyond my powers, I offer my notes for the perusal of the few
+readers who may care to study the mutual reactions of the Roman and
+the Teutonic mind upon one another in the Sixth Century, and I ask
+these to accept the artist's assurance, 'The curtain is the picture.'
+
+It will be seen that I only profess to give an abstract, not a full
+translation of the letters. There is so much repetition and such a
+lavish expenditure of words in the writings of Cassiodorus, that they
+lend themselves very readily to the work of the abbreviator. Of course
+the longer letters generally admit of greater relative reduction in
+quantity than the shorter ones, but I think it may be said that on an
+average the letters have lost at least half their bulk in my hands. On
+any important point the real student will of course refuse to accept
+my condensed rendering, and will go straight to the fountain-head. I
+hope, however, that even students may occasionally derive the same
+kind of assistance from my labours which an astronomer derives from
+the humble instrument called the 'finder' in a great observatory.
+
+A few important letters have been translated, to the best of my
+ability, verbatim. In the not infrequent instances where I have been
+unable to extract any intelligible meaning, on grammatical principles,
+from the words of my author, I have put in the text the nearest
+approximation that I could discover to his meaning, and placed the
+unintelligible words in a note, hoping that my readers may be more
+fortunate in their interpretation than I have been.
+
+With the usual ill-fortune of authors, just as my last sheet was
+passing through the press I received from Italy a number of the 'Atti
+e Memorie della R. Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Provincie di
+Romagna' (to which I am a subscriber), containing an elaborate and
+scholarlike article by S. Augusto Gaudenzi, entitled 'L'Opera di
+Cassiodorio a Ravenna.' It is a satisfaction to me to see that in
+several instances S. Gaudenzi and I have reached practically the same
+conclusions; but I cannot but regret that his paper reached me too
+late to prevent my benefiting from it more fully. A few of the more
+important points in which I think S. Gaudenzi throws useful light on
+our common subject are noticed in the 'Additions and Corrections,' to
+which I beg to draw my readers' attention.
+
+I may perhaps be allowed to add that the Index, the preparation of
+which has cost me no small amount of labour, ought (if I have not
+altogether failed in my endeavour) to be of considerable assistance to
+the historical enquirer. For instance, if he will refer to the heading
+_Sajo_, and consult the passages there referred to, he will find, I
+believe, all that Cassiodorus has to tell us concerning these
+interesting personages, the Sajones, who were almost the only
+representatives of the intrusive Gothic element in the fabric of Roman
+administration.
+
+From textual criticism and the discussion of the authority of
+different MSS. I have felt myself entirely relieved by the
+announcement of the forthcoming critical edition of the 'Variae,'
+under the superintendence of Professor Meyer. The task to which an
+eminent German scholar has devoted the labour of several years, it
+would be quite useless for me, without appliances and without special
+training, to approach as an amateur; and I therefore simply help
+myself to the best reading that I can get from the printed texts,
+leaving to Professor Meyer to say which reading possesses the highest
+diplomatic authority. Simply as a a matter of curiosity I have spent
+some days in examining the MSS. of Cassiodorus in the British Museum.
+If they are at all fair representatives (which probably they are not)
+of the MSS. which Professor Meyer has consulted, I should say that
+though the titles of the letters have often got into great confusion
+through careless and unintelligent copying, the main text is not
+likely to show any very important variations from the editions of
+Nivellius and Garet.
+
+I now commend this volume with all its imperfections to the indulgent
+criticism of the small class of historical students who alone will
+care to peruse it. The man of affairs and the practical politician
+will of course not condescend to turn over its pages; yet the anxious
+and for a time successful efforts of Theodoric and his Minister to
+preserve to Italy the blessings of _Civilitas_ might perhaps teach
+useful lessons even to a modern statesman.
+
+THOS. HODGKIN.
+
+
+
+
+NOTE.
+
+
+The following Note as to the MSS. at the British Museum may save a
+future enquirer a little trouble.
+
+(1) 10 B. XV. is a MS. about 11 inches by 8, written in a fine bold
+hand, and fills 157 folios, of which 134 belong to the 'Variae' and 23
+to the 'Institutiones Divinarum Litterarum.' There are also two folios
+at the end which I have not deciphered. The MS. is assigned to the
+Thirteenth Century. The title of the First Book is interesting,
+because it contains the description of Cassiodorus' official rank, 'Ex
+Magistri Officii,' which Mommsen seems to have looked for in the MSS.
+in vain. The MS. contains the first Three Books complete, but only 39
+letters of the Fourth. Letters 40-51 of the Fourth Book, and the whole
+of the Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Books, are missing. It then goes on
+to the Eighth Book (which it calls the Fifth), but omits the first
+five letters. The remaining 28 appear to be copied satisfactorily. The
+Ninth, Tenth, Eleventh, and Twelfth Books, which the transcriber calls
+the Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth, seem to be on the whole
+correctly copied.
+
+There seems to be a certain degree of correspondence between the
+readings of this MS. and those of the Leyden MS. of the Twelfth
+Century (formerly at Fulda) which are described by Ludwig Tross in his
+'Symbolae Criticae' (Hammone, 1853).
+
+(2) 8 B. XIX. is a MS. also of the Thirteenth Century, in a smaller
+hand than the foregoing. The margins are very large, but the Codex
+measures only 6-3/4 inches by 4-1/4. The rubricated titles are of
+somewhat later date than the body of the text. The initial letters are
+elaborately illuminated. This MS. contains, in a mutilated state and
+in a peculiar order, the books from the Eighth to the Twelfth. The
+following is the order in which the books are placed:
+
+ IX. 8-25, folios 1-14.
+ X. " 14-33.
+ XI. " 33-63.
+ XII. " 63-83.
+ VIII. " 83-126.
+ IX. 1-7, " 126-134.
+
+The amanuensis, who has evidently been a thoroughly dishonest worker,
+constantly omits whole letters, from which however he sometimes
+extracts a sentence or two, which he tacks on to the end of some
+preceding letter without regard to the sense. This process makes it
+exceedingly difficult to collate the MS. with the printed text. Owing
+to the Eighth Book being inserted after the Twelfth, it is erroneously
+labelled on the back, 'Cassiodori Senatoris Epistolae, Lib. X-XIII.'
+
+(3) 10 B. IV. (also of the Thirteenth Century, and measuring 11 inches
+by 8) contains, in a tolerably complete state, the first Three Books
+of the 'Variae,' Book IV. 5-39, Book VIII. 1-12, and Books X-XII. The
+order, however, is transposed, Books IV. and VIII. coming after Book
+XII. These excerpts from Cassiodorus, which occupy folios 66 to 134 of
+the MS., are preceded by some collections relative to the Civil and
+Canon Law. The letters which are copied seem to be carefully and
+conscientiously done.
+
+These three MSS. are all in the King's Library.
+
+Besides these MSS. I have also glanced at No. 1,919 in the Bodleian
+Library at Oxford. Like those previously described it is, I believe,
+of the Thirteenth Century, and professes to contain the whole of the
+'Variae;' but the letters are in an exceedingly mutilated form. On an
+average it seems to me that not more than one-third of each letter is
+copied. In this manner the 'Variae' are compressed into the otherwise
+impossible number of 33 folios (149-182).
+
+All these MSS., even the best of them, give me the impression of being
+copied by very unintelligent scribes, who had but little idea of the
+meaning of the words which they were transcribing. In all, the
+superscription V.S. is expanded (wrongly, as I believe) into 'Viro
+Senatori;' for 'Praefecto Praetorio' we have the meaningless
+'Praeposito;' and the Agapitus who is addressed in the 6th, 32nd, and
+33rd letters of the First Book is turned, in defiance of chronology,
+into a Pope.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+LIFE OF CASSIODORUS.
+
+ PAGE
+Historical position of Cassiodorus 1
+His ancestry 3-4
+His name 5-6
+His birthplace 6-9
+Date of his birth 9-12
+His education 12
+Consiliarius to his father 12
+Quaestor 14-16
+Composition of the 'Variae' 16
+Their style 17-19
+Policy of Theodoric 20
+Date of composition of the 'Variae' 23
+Consulship 25
+Patriciate 27
+Composition of the 'Chronicon' 27
+ " " Gothic History 29-35
+Relation of the work of Jordanes to this History 34
+Master of the Offices 36
+Praetorian Praefect 39
+Sketch of history during his Praefecture 42-50
+End of official career 50
+Edits the 'Variae' 51
+His treatise 'De Anima' 53
+He retires to the cloister 54
+His theological works 60-63
+His literary works 64-66
+His death 67
+NOTE ON THE TOPOGRAPHY OF SQUILLACE 68-72
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+THE 'ANECDOTON HOLDERI.'
+
+Content of the MS. 74-75
+To whom addressed 76
+Information as to life of Symmachus 77
+ " " " Boethius 79
+Religious position of Boethius 81
+Information as to life of Cassiodorus 84
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+THE GRADATIONS OF OFFICIAL RANK IN THE LOWER EMPIRE.
+
+Nobilissimi 85
+Illustres 86-90
+Spectabiles 90-91
+Clarissimi 91
+Perfectissimi 92
+Egregii 92
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+ON THE OFFICIUM OF THE PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO.
+
+Military character of the Roman Civil Service 93
+Sources of information 95
+Princeps 96
+Cornicularius 97-102
+Adjutor 103
+Commentariensis 104
+Ab Actis 106
+Numerarii 108
+Inferior Officers 109-114
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY.
+
+Editions of the 'Variae' 115-118
+Literature concerning the 'Variae' 118-121
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+CHRONOLOGY.
+
+Consular Fasti 122
+Indictions 123
+Chronological Tables 126-130
+
+
+ABSTRACT OF THE 'VARIAE.'
+
+PREFACE 133-140
+
+
+BOOK I.
+
+CONTAINING FORTY-SIX LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF
+THEODORIC.
+
+ 1. TO EMPEROR ANASTASIUS. Persuasives to peace 141
+ 2. " THEON. Manufacture of purple dye 143
+ 3. " CASSIODORUS, father of the author. His praises 144
+ 4. " SENATE. Great deeds of ancestors of Cassiodorus 145
+ 5. " FLORIANUS. End of litigation 147
+ 6. " AGAPITUS. Mosaics for Ravenna 147
+ 7. " FELIX. Inheritance of Plutianus 148
+ 8. " AMABILIS. Prodigality of Neotherius 149
+ 9. " BISHOP EUSTORGIUS. Offences of Ecclesiastics 149
+10. " BOETIUS. Frauds of moneyers 150
+11. " SERVATUS. Violence of Breones 151
+12. " EUGENIUS. Appointment as Magister Officium 151
+13. " SENATE. On the same 152
+14. " FAUSTUS. Collection of 'Tertiae' 152
+15. " FESTUS. Interests of the absent 153
+16. " JULIANUS. Remission of taxes 153
+17. " GOTHIC AND ROMAN INHABITANTS OF DERTONA. Fortification
+ of Camp 153
+18. " DOMITIANUS AND WILIAS. Statute of Limitations, &c. 154
+19. " SATURNINUS AND VERBUSIUS. Rights of the Fiscus 155
+20. " ALBINUS AND ALBIENUS. Circus quarrels 155
+21. " MAXIMIAN AND ANDREAS. Embellishment of Rome 156
+22. " MARCELLUS. His promotion to rank of Advocatus Fisci 156
+23. " COELIANUS AND AGAPITUS. Litigation between Senators 157
+24. " ALL THE GOTHS. Call to arms 157
+25. " SABINIANUS. Repair of the walls of Rome 158
+26. " FAUSTUS. Immunity of certain Church property 159
+27. " SPECIOSUS. Circus quarrels 159
+28. " GOTHS AND ROMANS. Building of walls of Rome 160
+29. " THE LUCRISTANI ON RIVER SONTIUS. Postal Service 160
+30. " SENATE. Injury to public peace from Circus rivalries 161
+31. " THE ROMAN PEOPLE. Same subject 161
+32. " AGAPITUS. Same subject 162
+33. " " Arrangements for Pantomime 162
+34. " FAUSTUS. Exportation of corn 163
+35. " " Unreasonable delays in transmission of corn 163
+36. " THERIOLUS. Guardianship of sons of Benedictus 164
+37. " CRISPIANUS. Justifiable homicide 164
+38. " BAION. Hilarius to have possession of his property 165
+39. " FESTUS. Nephews of Filagrius to be detained in Rome 165
+40. " ASSUIN (or ASSIUS). Inhabitants of Salona to be drilled 166
+41. " AGAPITUS. Enquiries into character of younger Faustus 166
+42. " ARTEMIDORUS. Appointment as Praefect of the City 167
+43. " SENATE. Promotion of Artemidorus 167
+44. " THE PEOPLE OF ROME. Same subject 168
+45. " BOETIUS. Water-clock and sundial for Burgundian King 168
+46. " GUNDIBAD. Same subject 170
+
+
+BOOK II.
+
+CONTAINING FORTY-ONE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF
+THEODORIC.
+
+ 1. TO EMPEROR ANASTASIUS. Consulship of Felix 171
+ 2. " FELIX. Same subject 172
+ 3. " SENATE. Same subject 173
+ 4. " ECDICIUS (or BENEDICTUS). Collection of _Siliquaticum_ 173
+ 5. " FAUSTUS. Soldiers' arrears 173
+ 6. " AGAPITUS. Embassy to Constantinople 174
+ 7. " SURA (or SUNA). Embellishment of City 174
+ 8. " BISHOP SEVERUS. Compensation for damage by troops 175
+ 9. " FAUSTUS. Allowance to retired charioteer 175
+10. " SPECIOSUS. Abduction of Agapita 175
+11. " PROVINUS (PROBINUS?). Gift unduly obtained from Agapita 176
+12. " THE COUNT OF THE SILIQUATARII, AND THE HARBOUR MASTER
+ (OF PORTUS?). Prohibition of export of lard 177
+13. " FRUINARITH. Dishonest conduct of Venantius 177
+14. " SYMMACHUS. Romulus the parricide 178
+15. " VENANTIUS. Appointment as Comes Domesticorum 178
+16. " SENATE. Same subject. Panegyric on Liberius, father of
+ Venantius 179
+17. " POSSESSORS, DEFENSORS, AND CURIALS OF TRIDENTUM (TRIENT).
+ Immunity from Tertiae enjoyed by lands granted by the King 180
+18. " BISHOP GUDILA. Ecclesiastics as Curiales 181
+19. " GOTHS AND ROMANS, AND KEEPERS OF HARBOURS AND MOUNTAIN
+ FORTRESSES. Domestic treachery and murder 181
+20. " UNILIGIS (or WILIGIS). Order for provision ships 182
+21. " JOANNES. Drainage-concession too timidly acted upon 182
+22. " FESTUS. Ecdicius to be buried by his sons 183
+23. " AMPELIUS, DESPOTIUS, AND THEODULUS. Protection for owners
+ of potteries 183
+24. " SENATE. Arrears of taxation due from Senators 183
+25. " SENATE. AN EDICT. Evasion of taxes by the rich 184
+26. " FAUSTUS. Regulations for corn-traffic 185
+27. " JEWS LIVING IN GENOA. Rebuilding of Synagogue 185
+28. " STEPHANUS. Honours bestowed on retirement 186
+29. " ADILA. Protection to dependents of the Church 186
+30. " FAUSTUS. Privileges granted to Church of Milan 187
+31. " THE DROMONARII [ROWERS IN EXPRESS-BOATS]. State Galleys
+ on the Po 187
+32. " SENATE. Drainage of marshes of Decennonium 188
+33. " DECIUS. Same subject 189
+34. " ARTEMIDORUS. Embezzlement of City building funds 189
+35. " TANCILA. Theft of statue at Como 190
+36. EDICT. Same subject 190
+37. TO FAUSTUS. Largesse to citizens of Spoleto 190
+38. " " Immunity from taxation 191
+39. " ALOISIUS. Hot springs of Aponum 191
+40. " BOETIUS. Harper for King of the Franks 193
+41. " LUDUIN [CLOVIS]. Victories over the Alamanni 194
+
+
+BOOK III.
+
+CONTAINING FIFTY-THREE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF
+THEODORIC.
+
+ 1. TO ALARIC. Dissuades from war with the Franks 196
+ 2. " GUNDIBAD. Dissuades from war 197
+ 3. " THE KINGS OF THE HERULI, WARNI (GUARNI), AND THURINGIANS.
+ Attempt to form a Teutonic coalition 198
+ 4. " LUDUIN (LUDWIG, or CLOVIS). To desist from war on Alaric. 198
+ 5. " IMPORTUNUS. Promotion to the Patriciate 199
+ 6. " SENATE. Same subject 200
+ 7. " JANUARIUS. Reproof for alleged extortion 201
+ 8. " VENANTIUS. Remissness in collection of public revenue 201
+ 9. " POSSESSORES, DEFENSORES, AND CURIALES OF AESTUNAE.
+ Marbles for Ravenna 202
+10. " FESTUS. Same subject 202
+11. " ARGOLICUS. Appointment to Praefecture of the City 203
+12. " SENATE. Same subject 203
+13. " SUNHIVAD. Appointment as Governor of Samnium 204
+14. " BISHOP AURIGENES. Accusations against servants of a Bishop 204
+15. " THEODAHAD. Disposal of contumacious person 205
+16. " GEMELLUS. Appointment as Governor of Gaulish Provinces 205
+17. " GAULISH PROVINCIALS. Proclamation 206
+18. " GEMELLUS. Re-patriation of Magnus 206
+19. " DANIEL. Supply of marble sarcophagi 207
+20. " GRIMODA AND FERROCINCTUS. Oppression of Castorius by
+ Faustus 207
+21. " FAUSTUS. Disgrace and temporary exile 208
+22. " ARTEMIDORUS. Invitation to King's presence 209
+23. " COLOSSAEUS. Appointment as Governor of Pannonia 209
+24. " BARBARIANS AND ROMANS SETTLED IN PANNONIA. Same subject 210
+25. " SIMEON. Tax-collecting and iron-mining in Dalmatia 210
+26. " OSUN. Simeon's journey to Dalmatia 211
+27. " JOANNES. Protection against Praetorian Praefect 211
+28. " CASSIODORUS (SENIOR). Invitation to Court 211
+29. " ARGOLICUS. Repair of granaries in Rome 212
+30. " " Repair of Cloacae " " 212
+31. " SENATE. Conservation of aqueducts and temples in Rome 213
+32. " GEMELLUS. Remission of taxes to citizens of Arles 214
+33. " ARGOLICUS. Promotion of Armentarius and Superbus 214
+34. " INHABITANTS OF MASSILIA. Appointment of Governor 215
+35. " ROMULUS. Gifts not to be revoked 215
+36. " ARIGERN. Complaints against Venantius 216
+37. " BISHOP PETER. Alleged injustice 216
+38. " WANDIL [VUANDIL]. Gothic troops not to molest citizens 217
+39. " FELIX. Largesse to charioteers of Milan 217
+40. " PROVINCIALS SETTLED IN GAUL. Exemption from taxation 218
+41. " GEMELLUS. Corn for garrisons on the Durance 218
+42. " PROVINCIALS IN GAUL. Exemption from military contributions 219
+43. " UNIGIS. Fugitive slaves to be restored to owners 219
+44. " LANDOWNERS (POSSESSORES) OF ARLES. Repair of walls, &c. 220
+45. " ARIGERN. Dispute between Roman Church and Samaritans 220
+46. " ADEODATUS. Further charges against Venantius 220
+47. " FAUSTUS. Banishment of Jovinus to Vulcanian Islands 222
+48. " GOTHS AND ROMANS LIVING NEAR FORT VERRUCA. Fortification 222
+49. " POSSESSORES, DEFENSORES, AND CURIALES OF CATANA. Repair
+ of walls 224
+50. " PROVINCIALS OF NORICUM. Alamanni and Noricans to exchange
+ cattle 225
+51. " FAUSTUS. Stipend of charioteer. Description of Circus 226
+52. " CONSULARIS. Roman land surveying 231
+53. " APRONIANUS. Water-finders 233
+
+
+BOOK IV.
+
+CONTAINING FIFTY-ONE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF
+THEODORIC.
+
+ 1. TO KING OF THE THURINGIANS. Marriage with Theodoric's niece 235
+ 2. " KING OF THE HERULI. Adoption as son 236
+ 3. " SENARIUS. Appointment as Comes Patrimonii 237
+ 4. " SENATE. Same subject 237
+ 5. " AMABILIS. Supply of provisions to Gaulish Provinces 238
+ 6. " SYMMACHUS. Sons of Valerian to be detained in Rome 238
+ 7. " SENARIUS. Losses by shipwreck to be refunded 239
+ 8. " POSSESSORES AND CURIALES OF FORUM LIVII (FORLI). Transport
+ of timber to Alsuanum 240
+ 9. " OSUIN. '_Tuitio regii nominis_' 240
+10. " JOANNES. Repression of lawless custom of Pignoratio 240
+11. " SENARIUS. Dispute between Possessores and Curiales 241
+12. " MARABAD AND GEMELLUS. Complaint of Archotamia 241
+13. " SENARIUS. Supplies for Colossaeus and suite 242
+14. " GESILA. Evasion of land-tax by Goths 242
+15. " BENENATUS. New rowers, and their qualifications 243
+16. " SENATE. Arigern entrusted with charge of City of Rome 243
+17. " IDA. Church possessions to be restored 244
+18. " ANNAS. Enquiry concerning a priestly Ghoul 244
+19. " GEMELLUS. Corn, wine, and oil to be exempt from the
+ Siliquaticum 245
+20. " GEBERICH. Church land to be restored 245
+21. " GEMELLUS. Promptness and integrity required 245
+22. " ARGOLICUS. }
+23. " ARIGERN. } Accusation of magic against Roman Senators 246
+24. " ELPIDIUS. Architectural restoration at Spoleto 247
+25. " ARGOLICUS. Petrus to become Senator 247
+26. " CITIZENS OF MARSEILLES. Remission of taxes 248
+27. " TEZUTZAT. }
+28. " DUDA. } Petrus assaulted by his Defensor 248
+29. " ARGOLICUS. Official tardiness rebuked 249
+30. " ALBINUS. Erection of workshops near Roman Forum 249
+31. " AEMILIANUS. Aqueduct to be promptly finished 250
+32. " DUDA. Crown rights to be asserted with moderation 250
+33. " JEWS OF GENOA. Their privileges confirmed 251
+34. " DUDA. Reclamation of buried treasure 252
+35. " REPRESENTATIVES (ACTORES) OF ALBINUS. Extravagant minor 252
+36. " FAUSTUS. Remission of taxes for Provincials 253
+37. " THEODAGUNDA. To do justice to Renatus 253
+38. " FAUSTUS. Taxes to be reduced 254
+39. " THEODAHAD. His encroachments 254
+40. " REPRESENTATIVES (ACTORES) OF PROBINUS. The affair of
+ Agapita 255
+41. " JOANNES. Unjust judgment reversed 255
+42. " ARGOLICUS. Property to be restored to sons of Volusian 256
+43. " SENATE. Punishment of incendiaries of Jewish Synagogue 256
+44. " ANTONIUS. To do justice to Stephanus 257
+45. " COMITES, DEFENSORES, AND CURIALES OF TICINUM (PAVIA).
+ Heruli to be forwarded on their way to Ravenna 258
+46. " MARABAD. Case of Liberius' wife to be reheard 258
+47. " GUDISAL. Abuses of the Cursus Publicus 259
+48. " EUSEBIUS. His honourable retirement 260
+49. " PROVINCIALS AND THE LONG-HAIRED MEN, THE DEFENSORES AND
+ CURIALES RESIDING IN SUAVIA. Appointment of Governor, &c. 260
+50. " FAUSTUS. Campanian taxes remitted. Eruption of Vesuvius 261
+51. " SYMMACHUS. Restoration of Theatre of Pompey 263
+
+
+BOOK V.
+
+CONTAINING FORTY-FOUR LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF
+THEODORIC.
+
+ 1. TO KING OF THE VANDALS. Thanking for presents 264
+ 2. " THE HAESTI. Their present of amber 265
+ 3. " HONORATUS. }
+ 4. " SENATE. } Promotion to Quaestorship, &c. 266
+ 5. " MANNILA. Abuses of the Cursus Publicus 268
+ 6. " STABULARIUS. }
+ 7. " JOANNES. } Default in payments to Treasury 269
+ 8. " ANASTASIUS. Transport of marbles to Ravenna 270
+ 9. " POSSESSORES OF FELTRIA. New city to be built 270
+10. " VERANUS. }
+11. " THE GEPIDAE. } Payment on march to Gaul 271
+12. " THEODAHAD. His avarice and injustice 272
+13. " EUTROPIUS AND ACRETIUS. Commissariat 272
+14. " SEVERI(A)NUS. Financial abuses in Suavia 273
+15. " POSSESSORES IN SUAVIA. Same subject 274
+16. " ABUNDANTIUS. Formation of navy 274
+17. " " Same subject 275
+18. " UVILIAS [WILLIAS?]. }
+19. " GUDINAND. } Same subject 276
+20. " AVILF. }
+21. " CAPUANUS. }
+22. " SENATE. } Appointment as Rector Decuriarum 277
+23. " ABUNDANTIUS. Archery drill 279
+24. " EPIPHANIUS. Property of intestate claimed for the State 279
+25. " BACAUDA. Appointment as Tribunus Voluptatum 280
+26. " GOTHS SETTLED IN PICENUM AND SAMNIUM. Summons to the
+ royal presence 280
+27. " GUDUIM. The same 280
+28. " CARINUS. Invitation to Court 281
+29. " NEUDES. Blind Gothic warrior enslaved 281
+30. " GUDUI[M]. Servile tasks imposed on free Goths 281
+31. " DECORATUS. Arrears of Siliquaticum to be enforced 282
+32. " BRANDILA. Assault of his wife on Regina 282
+33. " WILITANCH. Adulterous connection between Brandila and
+ Regina 283
+34. " ABUNDANTIUS. Frontosus compared to chameleon 284
+35. " LUVIRIT AND AMPELIUS. Punishment of fraudulent shipowners 285
+36. " STARCEDIUS. Honourable discharge 285
+37. " JEWS OF MILAN. Rights of Synagogue not to be invaded 286
+38. " ALL CULTIVATORS. Shrubs obstructing aqueduct of Ravenna 286
+39. " AMPELIUS AND LIVERIA. Abuses in administration of Spanish
+ government 287
+40. " CYPRIAN. }
+41. " SENATE. } Promotion to the Comitiva Sacrarum Largitionum 289
+42. " MAXIMUS. Rewards to performers in Amphitheatre 291
+43. " TRANSMUND [THRASAMUND]. Complains of protection given to
+ Gesalic 292
+44. " TRANSMUND [THRASAMUND]. Reconciliation 293
+
+
+BOOK VI.
+
+CONTAINING TWENTY-FIVE FORMULAE.
+
+ 1. OF THE CONSULSHIP 294
+ 2. " " PATRICIATE 296
+ 3. " " PRAETORIAN PRAEFECTURE 296
+ 4. " " PRAEFECTURE OF THE CITY 299
+ 5. " " QUAESTORSHIP 300
+ 6. " " MAGISTERIAL DIGNITY, AND ITS EXCELLENCY (MAGISTRATUS
+ OFFICIORUM) 302
+ 7. " " OFFICE OF COMES SACRARUM LARGITIONUM. 303
+ 8. " " " " " PRIVATARUM, AND ITS EXCELLENCY 304
+ 9. " " " " COUNT OF THE PATRIMONY, AND ITS EXCELLENCY 305
+10. FOR PROMOTION AS PROCERES PER CODICILLOS VACANTES 306
+11. CONFERRING THE RANK OF AN ILLUSTRIS AND TITLE OF COMES
+ DOMESTICORUM, WITHOUT OFFICE 307
+12. BESTOWAL OF COUNTSHIP OF FIRST ORDER, WITHOUT OFFICE 307
+13. BESTOWING THE HONORARY RANK OF MASTER OF THE BUREAU AND
+ COUNT OF THE FIRST ORDER ON AN OFFICER OF THE COURTS IN
+ ACTIVE SERVICE 308
+14. BESTOWING RANK AS A SENATOR 309
+15. OF THE VICARIUS OF THE CITY OF ROME 310
+16. " " NOTARIES 311
+17. " " REFERENDARII 311
+18. " " PRAEFECTUS ANNONAE, AND HIS EXCELLENCY 312
+19. " " COUNT OF THE CHIEF PHYSICIANS 313
+20. " " OFFICE OF A CONSULAR, AND ITS EXCELLENCY 314
+21. " " GOVERNOR (RECTOR) OF A PROVINCE 315
+22. " " COUNT OF THE CITY OF SYRACUSE 316
+23. " " COUNT OF NAPLES 316
+24. TO THE GENTLEMEN-FARMERS AND COMMON COUNCILMEN OF THE
+ CITY OF NAPLES 317
+25. 'DE COMITIVA PRINCIPIS MILITUM'(?) 317
+
+
+BOOK VII.
+
+CONTAINING FORTY-SEVEN FORMULAE.
+
+ 1. OF THE COUNT OF A PROVINCE 319
+ 2. OF A PRAESES 319
+ 3. OF COUNT OF THE GOTHS IN THE SEVERAL PROVINCES 320
+ 4. OF THE DUKE OF RAETIA 322
+ 5. " " PALACE ARCHITECT 323
+ 6. " " COUNT OF THE AQUEDUCTS 324
+ 7. " " PRAEFECT OF THE WATCH OF CITY OF ROME 326
+ 8. " " " " " " RAVENNA 327
+ 9. " " COUNT OF PORTUS 327
+10. " " TRIBUNUS VOLUPTATUM 327
+11. " " DEFENSOR OF ANY CITY 328
+12. " " CURATOR OF A CITY 329
+13. " " COUNT OF ROME 329
+14. " " " RAVENNA 330
+15. ADDRESSED TO THE PRAEFECT OF THE CITY ON APPOINTMENT OF
+ AN ARCHITECT 331
+16. OF THE COUNT OF THE ISLANDS OF CURRITANA AND CELSINA 331
+17. CONCERNING THE PRESIDENT OF THE LIME-KILNS 332
+18. CONCERNING ARMOURERS 332
+19. TO THE PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT CONCERNING ARMOURERS 333
+20. }
+21. } RELATING TO COLLECTION OF BINA AND TERNA 333
+22. EXHORTATION ADDRESSED TO TWO SCRINIARII 333
+23. OF THE VICARIUS OF PORTUS 334
+24. " " PRINCEPS OF DALMATIA 334
+25. RECOMMENDING THE PRINCIPES TO THE COMES 335
+26. OF THE COUNTSHIP OF SECOND RANK IN DIVERS CITIES 336
+27. ADDRESSED TO THE DIGNIFIED CULTIVATORS AND CURIALES 336
+28. ANNOUNCING APPOINTMENT OF A COMES TO THE CHIEF OF HIS
+ STAFF 336
+29. CONCERNING THE GUARD AT THE GATES OF A CITY 337
+30. OF THE TRIBUNATE IN THE PROVINCES 337
+31. " " PRINCEPS OF THE CITY OF ROME 338
+32. " " MASTER OF THE MINT 338
+33. RESPECTING THE AMBASSADORS OF VARIOUS NATIONS 339
+34. OF SUMMONS TO THE KING'S COURT (UNSOLICITED) 339
+35. OF SUMMONS TO THE COURT (SOLICITED) 339
+36. GRANTING TEMPORARY LEAVE OF ABSENCE 339
+37. CONFERRING THE RANK OF A SPECTABILIS 340
+38. " " CLARISSIMUS 340
+39. BESTOWING 'POLICE PROTECTION' 340
+40. FOR THE CONFIRMATION OF MARRIAGE AND THE LEGITIMATION OF
+ OFFSPRING 341
+41. CONFERRING THE RIGHTS OF FULL AGE 342
+42. EDICT TO QUAESTOR, ORDERING PERSON WHO ASKS FOR PROTECTION
+ OF SAJO TO GIVE BAIL 342
+43. APPROVING THE APPOINTMENT OF A CLERK IN RECORD-OFFICE 343
+44. GRANT OF PUBLIC PROPERTY ON CONDITION OF IMPROVEMENT 343
+45. REMISSION OF TAXES WHERE TAXPAYER HAS ONLY ONE HOUSE, TOO
+ HEAVILY ASSESSED 344
+46. LEGITIMATING MARRIAGE WITH A FIRST COUSIN 345
+47. TO PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, DIRECTING SALE OF THE PROPERTY OF
+ A CURIALIS 345
+
+
+BOOK VIII.
+
+CONTAINING THIRTY-THREE LETTERS, ALL WRITTEN IN THE NAME OF ATHALARIC
+THE KING, EXCEPT THE ELEVENTH, WHICH IS WRITTEN IN THE NAME OF TULUM.
+
+ 1. TO THE EMPEROR JUSTIN. Announcement of Athalaric's accession 347
+ 2. " " SENATE. Same subject 348
+ 3. " " ROMAN PEOPLE. Same subject 349
+ 4. " " ROMANS SETTLED IN ITALY AND THE DALMATIAS. Same
+ subject 350
+ 5. " " GOTHS SETTLED IN ITALY. Same subject 350
+ 6. " LIBERIUS, GOVERNOR OF GAUL. " " 351
+ 7. " THE PROVINCIALS SETTLED IN GAUL. Same subject 351
+ 8. " BISHOP VICTORINUS. Same subject 352
+ 9. " TULUM. Raised to the Patriciate. His praises 352
+10. " SENATE. Same subject 354
+11. TULUM'S ADDRESS TO SENATE. Elevation to the Patriciate 356
+12. TO ARATOR. Promotion to Count of the Domestics 357
+13. " AMBROSIUS. Appointment to Quaestorship 358
+14. " SENATE. Same subject 359
+15. " " Election of Pope Felix III (or IV) 360
+16. " OPILIO. Appointment as Count of the Sacred Largesses 361
+17. " SENATE. Same subject 363
+18. " FELIX. Promotion to Quaestorship 365
+19. " SENATE. Same subject 366
+20. " ALBIENUS. Appointment as Praetorian Praefect 367
+21. " CYPRIAN. }
+22. " SENATE. } Elevation to the Patriciate 368
+23. " BERGANTINUS. Gifts to Theodahad 370
+24. " CLERGY OF THE ROMAN CHURCH. Ecclesiastical immunities 371
+25. " JOANNES. Confirmation of Tulum's gift of property 373
+26. " INHABITANTS OF REATE AND NURSIA. To obey their Prior 374
+27. " DUMERIT AND FLORENTINUS. To suppress robbery at Faventia 375
+28. " CUNIGAST. Enforced slavery of Possessores (or Coloni?) 376
+29. " THE DIGNIFIED CULTIVATORS AND CURIALS OF PARMA. Necessity
+ for sanitary measures 377
+30. " GENESIUS. Same subject 377
+31. " SEVERUS. Dissuasions from a country life, and praises of Bruttii 378
+32. " " Fountain of Arethusa 380
+33. " " Feast of St. Cyprian 381
+
+
+BOOK IX.
+
+CONTAINING TWENTY-FIVE LETTERS, WRITTEN IN THE NAME OF ATHALARIC THE
+KING.
+
+ 1. TO HILDERIC. Murder of Amalafrida 384
+ 2. EDICT. Oppression of the Curiales 385
+ 3. TO BERGANTINUS. Gold-mining in Italy 387
+ 4. " ABUNDANTIUS. Curiales to become Possessores 388
+ 5. " CERTAIN BISHOPS AND FUNCTIONARIES. Forestalling and regrating
+ prohibited 389
+ 6. " A CERTAIN PRIMISCRINIUS. Leave to visit Baiae 389
+ 7. " REPARATUS. Appointment to Praefecture of City 390
+ 8. " OSUIN (or OSUM). Promotion to Governorship of Dalmatia
+ and Savia 391
+ 9. " GOTHS AND ROMANS IN DALMATIA AND SAVIA. Same subject 392
+10. " PROVINCIALS OF SYRACUSE. Remission of Augmentum 393
+11. " GILDIAS. {Oppression by King's}
+12. " VICTOR AND WITIGISCLUS (or WIGISICLA). { officers rebuked } 394
+13. " WILLIAS. Increase of emoluments of Domestici 394
+14. " GILDIAS. Charge of oppression 395
+15. " POPE JOHN II. Against Simony at Papal elections 398
+16. " SALVANTIUS. Same subject 400
+17. " " Release of two Roman citizens 400
+18. EDICT. Offences against Civilitas 401
+19. TO SENATE. Promulgation of Edict 405
+20. " JUDGES OF PROVINCES. Same subject 405
+21. " SENATE. Increase of Grammarians' salaries 406
+22. " PAULINUS. Appointment as Consul 407
+23. " SENATE. Same subject 408
+24. " SENATOR [CASSIODORUS HIMSELF]. Appointment as Praetorian
+ Praefect, &c. 408
+25. " SENATE. Eulogy of Cassiodorus on his appointment. His
+ Gothic History. His official career. His military services.
+ His religious character 412-413
+
+
+BOOK X.
+
+CONTAINING THIRTY-FIVE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS:
+
+FOUR IN THE NAME OF QUEEN AMALASUENTHA;
+TWENTY-TWO IN THAT OF KING THEODAHAD;
+FOUR IN THAT OF HIS WIFE GUDELINA;
+FIVE IN THAT OF KING WITIGIS.
+
+ 1. QUEEN AMALASUENTHA TO EMPEROR JUSTINIAN. Association of
+ Theodahad in the Sovereignty 415
+ 2. KING THEODAHAD TO EMPEROR JUSTINIAN. Same subject 416
+ 3. AMALASUENTHA TO SENATE. Same. Praises of Theodahad 416
+ 4. THEODAHAD TO SENATE. Same. Praises of Amalasuentha 418
+ 5. " " HIS MAN THEODOSIUS. Followers of new King to
+ live justly 421
+ 6. " " PATRICIUS. Appointment to Quaestorship 422
+ 7. " " SENATE. Same subject 422
+ 8. AMALASUENTHA TO JUSTINIAN. Acknowledging present of marbles 423
+ 9. THEODAHAD TO JUSTINIAN. Same subject 423
+10. AMALASUENTHA TO THEODORA. Salutation 424
+11. THEODAHAD TO MAXIMUS. Appointment to office of Primicerius 424
+12. " " SENATE. Same subject 425
+13. " " " Summons to Ravenna. Suspicions of
+ Senators 426
+14. " " THE ROMAN PEOPLE. Dissensions between citizens
+ of Rome and Gothic troops 427
+15. " " EMPEROR JUSTINIAN. Letter of introduction for
+ Ecclesiastic 428
+16. " " SENATE. Assurances of good-will 428
+17. " " THE ROMAN PEOPLE. Same subject 429
+18. " " SENATE. Gothic garrison for Rome 430
+19. " " JUSTINIAN. Embassy of Peter 431
+20. QUEEN GUDELINA TO THEODORA, AUGUSTA. Embassy of Rusticus 432
+21. " " " " " Soliciting friendship 433
+22. THEODAHAD TO JUSTINIAN. Entreaties for peace 434
+23. GUDELINA TO THEODORA. Same subject 435
+24. " " JUSTINIAN. Same subject 436
+25. THEODAHAD TO JUSTINIAN. Same subject 436
+26. " " " Monastery too heavily taxed 437
+27. " " SENATOR. Corn distributions in Liguria and Venetia 438
+28. " " " Grant of monopolies 438
+29. " " WINUSIAD. Old soldier gets leave to visit baths
+ of Bormio 440
+30. " " HONORIUS. Brazen elephants in the Via Sacra.
+ Natural history of elephant 442
+31. KING WITIGIS TO ALL THE GOTHS. On his elevation 444
+32. " " " JUSTINIAN. Overtures for peace 445
+33. " " " THE MASTER OF THE OFFICES (at Constantinople).
+ Sending of embassy 447
+34. " " " HIS BISHOPS. Same subject 448
+35. " " " THE PRAEFECT OF THESSALONICA. Same subject 448
+
+
+BOOK XI.
+
+CONTAINING THIRTY-NINE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN HIS OWN NAME
+AS PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO, AND ONE ON BEHALF OF THE ROMAN SENATE.
+
+PREFACE 449
+
+ 1. TO SENATE. On his promotion to the Praefecture. Praises of
+ Amalasuentha. Comparison to Placidia. Relations with
+ the East. Expedition against Franks. League with
+ Burgundians. Virtues of Amal Kings 452-457
+ 2. " POPE JOHN. Salutations 458
+ 3. " DIVERS BISHOPS. The same 459
+ 4. " AMBROSIUS (HIS DEPUTY). Functions of Praefect's Deputy 460
+ 5. " THE SAME. Grain distributions for Rome 461
+ 6. " JOANNES. Functions of the Cancellarius 462
+ 7. " JUDGES OF THE PROVINCES. Duties of tax-collectors 464
+ 8. EDICT PUBLISHED THROUGH THE PROVINCES. Announcement of
+ Cassiodorus' principles of administration 465
+ 9. TO JUDGES OF THE PROVINCES. Exhortation to govern in conformity
+ with Edict 467
+10. " BEATUS. Davus invalided to Mons Lactarius. The milk-cure
+ for consumption 468-469
+11. EDICT. Concerning prices to be maintained at Ravenna 469
+12. " Concerning prices along the Flaminian Way 470
+13. THE SENATE TO EMPEROR JUSTINIAN. Supplications of the
+ Senate 471
+14. TO GAUDIOSUS. Praises of Como. Relief of its inhabitants 474
+15. " THE LIGURIANS. Relief of their necessities 475
+16. " THE SAME. Oppressions practised on them to be remedied 476
+17. " THE PRINCEPS(?). Promotions in Official Staff of Praetorian
+ Praefect 477
+18-35. VARIOUSLY ADDRESSED. [Documents, for the most part very
+ short ones, relating to these promotions.] 477-480
+36. TO ANAT(H)OLIUS. Retirement of a Cornicularius on superannuation
+ allowance justified on astronomical grounds 480
+37. " LUCINUS. Payment of retiring Primiscrinius 482
+38. " JOANNES. Praises of paper 483
+39. " VITALIAN. Payment of commuted cattle-tax 484
+40. INDULGENCE [TO PRISONERS ON SOME GREAT FESTIVAL OF THE
+ CHURCH, PROBABLY EASTER]. General Amnesty 485
+
+
+BOOK XII.
+
+CONTAINING TWENTY-EIGHT LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN HIS OWN NAME
+AS PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+ 1. TO THE VARIOUS CANCELLARII OF THE PROVINCES. General
+ instructions 487
+ 2. " ALL JUDGES OF THE PROVINCES. General instructions to
+ Provincial Governors 488
+ 3. " SAJONES ASSIGNED TO THE CANCELLARII. General instructions 489
+ 4. " THE CANONICARIUS OF THE VENETIAE. Praise of _Acinaticium_ 490
+ 5. " VALERIAN. Measures for relief of Lucania and Bruttii 492
+ 6. " ALL SUBORDINATE GOVERNORS OF THE PRAEFECTURE. General
+ instructions 494
+ 7. " THE TAX-COLLECTOR OF THE VENETIAN PROVINCE. Remission
+ of taxes on account of invasion by Suevi 495
+ 8. " THE CONSULARIS OF THE PROVINCE OF LIGURIA. Permission
+ to pay taxes direct to Royal Treasury 495
+ 9. " PASCHASIUS. Claim of an African to succeed to estate of
+ intestate countryman 496
+10. " DIVERS CANCELLARII. Taxes to be punctually enforced 497
+11. " PETER, DISTRIBUTOR OF RELISHES. Their due distribution 498
+12. " ANASTASIUS. Praise of the cheese and wine of Bruttii 499
+13. EDICT. Frauds committed by revenue-officers on Churches 500
+14. TO ANASTASIUS. Plea for gentle treatment of citizens of
+ Rhegium 501
+15. " MAXIMUS. Praises of author's birthplace, Scyllacium 503
+16. " A REVENUE OFFICER. Payment of Trina Illatio 506
+17. " JOHN, SILIQUATARIUS OF RAVENNA. Defence of city 507
+18. " CONSTANTIAN. Repair of Flaminian Way 507
+19. " MAXIMUS. Bridge of boats across the Tiber 509
+20. " THOMAS AND PETER. Sacred vessels mortgaged by Pope
+ Agapetus to be restored to Papal See 510
+21. " DEUSDEDIT. Duties of a Scribe 511
+22. " PROVINCIALS OF ISTRIA. Requisition from Province of Istria 513
+23. " LAURENTIUS. Same subject 515
+24. " TRIBUNES OF THE MARITIME POPULATION. First historical
+ notice of Venice 515
+25. " AMBROSIUS, HIS DEPUTY. Famine in Italy 518
+26. " PAULUS. Remission of taxes in consequence of famine 520
+27. " DATIUS. Relief of famine-stricken citizens of Ticinum, &c. 521
+28. EDICT [ADDRESSED TO LIGURIANS]. Relief of inhabitants 523
+
+
+
+
+ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
+
+
+P. 6, l. 30, for 'Scylletium' read 'Scylletion.'
+
+P. 24, _n._ 1, for 'Uterwerfung' read 'Unterwerfung.'
+
+In the 'Note on the Topography of Squillace' (pp. 68-72), and the map
+illustrating it, for 'Scylacium' read 'Scyllacium.' (The line of
+Virgil, however, quoted on p. 6, shows that the name was sometimes
+spelt with only one 'l.')
+
+Pp. 94 and 96, head line, dele 'the.'
+
+P. 128 (Chronological Table, under heading 'Popes') for 'John III.'
+read 'John II.'
+
+P. 146 (last line of text). S. Gaudenzi remarks that the addresses of
+the laws in the Code of Justinian forbid us to suppose that Heliodorus
+was Praetorian Praefect for eighteen years. He thinks that most likely
+the meaning of the words 'in illa republica nobis videntibus
+praefecturam bis novenis annis gessit eximie' is that twice in the
+space of nine years Heliodorus filled the office of Praefect.
+
+P. 159, Letter 27 of Book I. The date of this letter is probably 509,
+as Importunus, who is therein mentioned as Consul, was Consul in that
+year.
+
+P. 160, Letter 29 of Book I. S. Gaudenzi points out that a letter has
+probably dropped out here, as the title does not fit the contents of
+the letter, which seems to have been addressed to a Sajo.
+
+In the titles of I. 14, 26, 34, 35, and II. 5 and 9, for 'Praepositus'
+read 'Praetorian Praefect.' The contraction used by the early
+amanuenses for Praefecto Praetorio has been misunderstood by their
+successors, and consequently many MSS. read 'Praeposito,' and this
+reading has been followed by Nivellius. There can be no doubt,
+however, that Garet is right in restoring 'Praefecto Praetorio.'
+
+On the other hand, I have been misled by Garet's edition into quoting
+the following letters as addressed _Viro Senatori_; I. 38; II. 23, 28,
+29, 35; III. 8, 13, 15, 16, 27, 32, 41; IV. 10, 12, 15, 18, 19, 20,
+21, 28; V. 21, 24. Here, too, the only MSS. that I have examined read
+'Viro Senatori;' but Nivellius preserves what is no doubt the earlier
+reading, 'V.S.,' which assuredly stands for 'Viro Spectabili.'
+Practically there is no great difference between the two readings, and
+the remarks made by me on II. 29, 35, &c., as to Senators with Gothic
+names may still stand; for as every Senator was (at least) a
+Clarissimus, it is not likely that any person who reached the higher
+dignity of a Spectabilis was not also a Senator. (See pp. 90 and 91.)
+
+P. 181, Letter 19 of Book II. Here again, on account of the want of
+correspondence between the title and contents of the letter, S.
+Gaudenzi suggests that a letter has dropped out.
+
+P. 182, title of Letter 20, for 'Unigilis' read 'Uniligis.'
+
+P. 205, l. 6 from bottom, for 'Praefectum' read 'Praefectorum.'
+
+P. 206, l. 1, for 'Provinces' read 'Provincials.'
+
+P. 224 (marginal note), for 'amphitheatre' read 'walls.' Last line
+(text), for 'its' read 'their.'
+
+P. 244, title of Letter 17, for 'Idae' some MSS. read 'Ibbae,' which
+is probably the right reading, Ibbas having commanded the Ostrogothic
+army in Gaul in 510.
+
+P. 247, dele the last two lines. (The Peter who was Consul in 516 was
+an official of the Eastern Empire, the same who came on an embassy to
+Theodahad in 535.)
+
+P. 253. l. 9, for '408' read '508.'
+
+P. 255, ll. 9, 14, and in margin, for 'Agapeta' read 'Agapita.'
+
+P. 256, ll. 16, 26, and in margin, for 'Velusian' read 'Volusian.'
+
+P. 256, title of Letter 43. S. Gaudenzi thinks this letter was really
+addressed to Argolicus, Praefectus Urbis.
+
+P. 269, l. 20, dele 'possibly Stabularius.'
+
+P. 282, Letter 31 of Book V. (to Decoratus). As Decoratus is described
+in V. 3 and 4 as already dead, it is clear that the letters are not
+arranged in chronological order.
+
+P. 282, l. 27, for 'upon' read 'before.'
+
+P. 288, l. 25, for 'extortions' read 'extra horses.'
+
+P. 291, l. 6, for 'Anomymus' read 'Anonymus.'
+
+P. 308, l. 7. This is an important passage, as illustrating the nature
+of the office which Cassiodorus held as Consiliarius to his father.
+
+P. 333, second marginal note, for 'aguntur' read 'agantur' (twice).
+
+P. 398, title of Letter 15, for '532' read '533-535.'
+
+P. 400, title of Letter 17, for 'between 532 and 534' read 'between
+533 and 535.'
+
+P. 450, l. 8. Probably, as suggested by S. Gaudenzi, Felix was
+Consiliarius to Cassiodorus.
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+LIFE OF CASSIODORUS.
+
+
+The interest of the life of Cassiodorus is derived from his position
+rather than from his character. He was a statesman of considerable
+sagacity and of unblemished honour, a well-read scholar, and a devout
+Christian; but he was apt to crouch before the possessors of power
+however unworthy, and in the whole of his long and eventful life we
+never find him playing a part which can be called heroic.
+
+[Sidenote: Position of Cassiodorus on the confines of the Ancient and
+the Modern.]
+
+His position, however, which was in more senses than one that of a
+borderer between two worlds, gives to the study of his writings an
+exceptional value. Born a few years after the overthrow of the Western
+Empire, a Roman noble by his ancestry, a rhetorician-philosopher by
+his training, he became what we should call the Prime Minister of the
+Ostrogothic King Theodoric; he toiled with his master at the
+construction of the new state, which was to unite the vigour of
+Germany and the culture of Rome; for a generation he saw this edifice
+stand, and when it fell beneath the blows of Belisarius he retired,
+perhaps well-nigh broken-hearted, from the political arena. The
+writings of such a man could hardly fail, at any rate they do not
+fail, to give us many interesting glimpses into the political life
+both of the Romans and the Barbarians. It is true that they throw more
+light backwards than forwards, that they teach us far more about the
+constitution of the Roman Empire than they do about the Teutonic
+customs from whence in due time Feudalism was to be born. Still, they
+do often illustrate these Teutonic usages; and when we remember that
+the writer to whom after Tacitus we are most deeply indebted for our
+knowledge of Teutonic antiquity, Jordanes, professedly compiled his
+ill-written pamphlet from the Twelve Books of the Gothic History of
+Cassiodorus, we see that indirectly his contribution to the history of
+the German factor in European civilisation is a most important one.
+
+Thus then, as has been already said, Cassiodorus stood on the confines
+of two worlds, the Ancient and the Modern; indeed it is a noteworthy
+fact that the very word _modernus_ occurs for the first time with any
+frequency in his writings. Or, if the ever-shifting boundary between
+Ancient and Modern be drawn elsewhere than in the fifth and sixth
+centuries, at any rate it is safe to say, that he stood on the
+boundary of two worlds, the Roman and the Teutonic.
+
+[Sidenote: Also on the confines of Politics and Religion.]
+
+But the statesman who, after spending thirty years at the Court of
+Theodoric and his daughter, spent thirty-three years more in the
+monastery which he had himself erected at Squillace, was a borderer in
+another sense than that already mentioned--a borderer between the two
+worlds of Politics and Religion; and in this capacity also, as the
+contemporary, perhaps the friend, certainly the imitator, of St.
+Benedict, and in some respects the improver upon his method,
+Cassiodorus largely helped to mould the destinies of mediaeval and
+therefore of modern Europe.
+
+I shall now proceed to indicate the chief points in the life and
+career of Cassiodorus. Where, as is generally the case, our
+information comes from his own correspondence, I shall, to avoid
+repetition, not do much more than refer the reader to the passage in
+the following collection, where he will find the information given as
+nearly as may be in the words of the great Minister himself.
+
+[Sidenote: His ancestors.]
+
+The ancestors of Cassiodorus for three generations, and their public
+employments, are enumerated for us in the letters (Var. i. 3-4) which
+in the name of Theodoric he wrote on his father's elevation to the
+Patriciate. From these letters we learn that--
+
+[Sidenote: Great grandfather.]
+
+(1) Cassiodorus, the writer's great grandfather, who held the rank of
+an Illustris, defended the shores of Sicily and Bruttii from the
+incursions of the Vandals. This was probably between 430 and 440, and,
+as we may suppose, towards the end of the life of this statesman, to
+whom we may conjecturally assign a date from 390 to 460.
+
+[Sidenote: Grandfather.]
+
+(2) His son and namesake, the grandfather of our Cassiodorus, was a
+Tribune (a military rank nearly corresponding to our 'Colonel') and
+Notarius under Valentinian III. He enjoyed the friendship of the great
+Aetius, and was sent with Carpilio the son of that statesman on an
+embassy to Attila, probably between the years 440 and 450. In this
+embassy, according to his grandson, he exerted an extraordinary
+influence over the mind of the Hunnish King. Soon after this he
+retired to his native Province of Bruttii, where he passed the
+remainder of his days. We may probably fix the limits of his life from
+about 420 to 490.
+
+[Sidenote: Father.]
+
+(3) His son, the third Cassiodorus, our author's father, served under
+Odovacar (therefore between 476 and 492), as Comes Privatarum Rerum
+and Comes Sacrarum Largitionum. These two offices, one of which
+nominally involved the care of the domains of the Sovereign and the
+other the regulation of his private charities, were in fact the two
+great financial offices of the Empire and of the barbarian royalties
+which modelled their system upon it. Upon the fall of the throne of
+Odovacar, Cassiodorus transferred his services to Theodoric, at the
+beginning of whose reign he acted as Governor (Consularis[1]) of
+Sicily. In this capacity he showed much tact and skill, and thereby
+succeeded in reconciling the somewhat suspicious and intractable
+Sicilians to the rule of their Ostrogothic master. He next
+administered (as Corrector[2]) his own native Province of 'Bruttii et
+Lucania[3].' Either in the year 500 or soon after, he received from
+Theodoric the highest mark of his confidence that the Sovereign could
+bestow, being raised to the great place of Praetorian Praefect, which
+still conferred a semi-regal splendour upon its holder, and which
+possibly under a Barbarian King may have involved yet more
+participation in the actual work of reigning than it had done under a
+Roman Emperor.
+
+[Footnote 1: We get these titles from the Notitia Occidentis I.]
+
+[Footnote 2: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+[Footnote 3: On the authority of a letter of Pope Gelasius, 'Philippo
+et Cassiodoro,' Usener fixes this governorship of Bruttii between the
+years 493 and 496 (p. 76).]
+
+The Praefecture of this Cassiodorus probably lasted three or four
+years, and at its close he received the high honour of the Patriciate.
+We are not able to name the exact date of his retirement from office;
+but the important point for us is, that while he still held this
+splendid position his son was first introduced to public life. To that
+son's history we may now proceed, for we have no further information
+of importance as to the father's old age or death beyond the
+intimation (contained in Var. iii. 28) that Theodoric invited him,
+apparently in vain, to leave his beloved Bruttii and return to the
+Court of Ravenna.
+
+MAGNUS AURELIUS CASSIODORUS SENATOR was born at Scyllacium
+(_Squillace_) about the year 480. His name, his birthplace, and his
+year of birth will each require a short notice.
+
+[Sidenote: Name.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cassiodorus, or Cassiodorius.]
+
+(1) _Name._ Magnus (not Marcus, as it has been sometimes incorrectly
+printed) is the author's praenomen. Aurelius, the gentile name,
+connects him with a large gens, of which Q. Aurelius Memmius Symmachus
+was one of the most distinguished ornaments. As to the form of the
+cognomen there is a good deal of diversity of opinion, the majority of
+German scholars preferring Cassiodor_i_us to Cassiodorus. The argument
+in favour of the former spelling is derived from the fact that some of
+the MSS. of his works (not apparently the majority) write the name
+with the termination _rius_, and that while it is easy to understand
+how from the genitive form _ri_ a nominative _rus_ might be wrongly
+inferred instead of the real nominative _rius_, it is not easy to see
+why the opposite mistake should be made, and _rius_ substituted for
+the genuine _rus_.
+
+The question will probably be decided one way or the other by the
+critical edition of the 'Variae' which is to be published among the
+'Monumenta Germaniae Historica;' but in the meantime it may be
+remarked that the correct Greek form of the name as shown by
+inscriptions appears to be Cassiodo_rus_, and that in a poem of
+Alcuin's[4] occurs the line
+
+ 'Cassiodorus item Chrysostomus atque Johannes,'
+
+showing that the termination _rus_ was generally accepted as early as
+the eighth century. It is therefore to be hoped that this is the form
+which may finally prevail.
+
+[Footnote 4: De Pontificibus et Sanctis Ecclesiae Eboracensis, p. 843
+of Migne's Second Volume of Alcuin's Works. I owe this quotation to
+Adolph Franz.]
+
+[Sidenote: Senator.]
+
+Senator, it is clear, was part of the original name of Cassiodorus,
+and not a title acquired by sitting in the Roman Senate. It seems a
+curious custom to give a title of this kind to an infant as part of
+his name, but the well-known instance of Patricius (St. Patrick) shows
+that this was sometimes done, and there are other instances
+(collected by Thorbecke, p. 34) of this very title Senator being used
+as a proper name.
+
+It is clear from Jordanes (who calls the Gothic History of Cassiodorus
+'duodecem Senatoris volumina de origine actibusque Getarum[5]'), from
+Pope Vigilius (who speaks of 'religiosum virum filium nostrum
+Senatorem[6]'), from the titles of the letters written by
+Cassiodorus[7], and from his punning allusions to his own name and the
+love to the Senate which it had prophetically expressed, that Senator
+was a real name and not a title of honour.
+
+[Footnote 5: Preface to Getica (Mommsen's Edition, p. 53).]
+
+[Footnote 6: Epist. XIV. ad Rusticum et Sebastianum (Migne, p. 49).]
+
+[Footnote 7: Nearly all the letters in the XIth and XIIth Books of the
+Variae are headed 'Senator Praefectus Praetorio.']
+
+[Sidenote: Birthplace, Scyllacium.]
+
+(2) Scyllacium, the modern Squillace, was, according to Cassiodorus,
+the first, either in age or in importance, of the cities of Bruttii, a
+Province which corresponds pretty closely with the modern Calabria. It
+is situated at the head of the gulf to which it gives its name, on the
+eastern side of Italy, and at the point where the peninsula is pinched
+in by the Tyrrhene and Ionian Seas to a width of only fifteen miles,
+the narrowest dimensions to which it is anywhere reduced. The Apennine
+chain comes here within a distance of about five miles of the sea, and
+upon one of its lower dependencies Scyllacium was placed. The slight
+promontory in front of the town earned for it from the author of the
+Aeneid the ominous name of 'Navifragum Scylaceum[8].' In the
+description which Cassiodorus himself gives of his birthplace (Var.
+xii. 15) we hear nothing of the danger to mariners which had attracted
+the attention of Virgil, possibly a somewhat timid sailor. The name,
+however, given to the place by the Greek colonists who founded it,
+_Scylletium_, is thought by some to contain an allusion to dangers of
+the coast similar to those which were typified by the barking dogs of
+the not far distant Scylla.
+
+[Footnote 8:
+
+ 'Adtollit se diva Lacinia contra,
+ Caulonisque arces, et navifragum Scylaceum.'
+
+ (iii. 552-3.)]
+
+[Sidenote: The Greek city.]
+
+According to Cassiodorus, this Greek city was founded by Ulysses after
+the destruction of Troy. Strabo[9] attributes the foundation of it to
+the almost equally widespread energy of Menestheus. The form of the
+name makes it probable that the colonists were in any case of Ionian
+descent; but in historic times we find Scylletion subject to the
+domineering Achaian city of Crotona, from whose grasp it was wrested
+(B.C. 389) by the elder Dionysius. It no doubt shared in the general
+decay of the towns of this part of Magna Graecia consequent on the
+wars of Dionysius and Agathocles, and may very probably, like Crotona,
+have been taken and laid waste by the Bruttian banditti in the Second
+Punic War. During the latter part of this war Hannibal seems to have
+occupied a position near to, but not in, the already ruined city, and
+its port was known long after as Castra Hannibalis[10].
+
+[Footnote 9: p. 375: ed. Oxon. 1807.]
+
+[Footnote 10: Pliny (Hist. Nat. iii. 10) says: 'Dein sinus Scylacius
+et Scyllacium, Scylletium Atheniensibus, cum conderent, dictum: quem
+locum occurrens Terinaeus sinus peninsulam efficit: et in ea portus
+qui vocatur Castra Annibalis, nusquam angustiore Italia XX millia
+passuum latitudo est.']
+
+[Sidenote: The Roman colony.]
+
+[11]'A century before the end of the Republic, a city much more
+considerable than that which had existed in the past was again
+established near the point where the Greek Scylletion had existed.
+Among the colonies of Roman citizens founded B.C. 123 on the rogation
+of Caius Gracchus, was one sent to this part of Bruttii, under the
+name of Colonia Minervia Scolacium, a name parallel to those of
+Colonia Neptunia Tarentum and Colonia Junonia Karthago, decided on at
+the same time. _Scolacium_ is the form that we meet with in Velleius
+Paterculus, and that is found in an extant Latin inscription of the
+time of Antoninus Pius. This is the old Latin form of the name of the
+town. _Scylacium_, which first appears as used by the writers of the
+first century of our era, is a purely literary form springing from the
+desire to get nearer to the Greek type _Scylletion_.
+
+[Footnote 11: I take the two following paragraphs from Lenormant's La
+Grande Grece, pp. 342-3.]
+
+'Scolacium, or Scylacium, a town purely Roman by reason of the origin
+of its first colonists, was from its earliest days an important city,
+and remained such till the end of the Empire. Pomponius Mela, Strabo,
+Pliny, and Ptolemy speak of it as one of the principal cities of
+Bruttii. It had for its port Castra Hannibalis. Under Nero its
+population was strengthened by a new settlement of veterans as
+colonists. The city then took the names of Colonia Minervia Nervia
+Augusta Scolacium. We read these names in an inscription discovered in
+1762 at 1,800 metres from the modern Squillace, between that city and
+the sea--an inscription which mentions the construction of an aqueduct
+bringing water to Scolacium, executed 143 A.D. at the cost of the
+Emperor Antoninus.'
+
+[Sidenote: Appearance of the city at the time of Cassiodorus.]
+
+For the appearance of this Roman colony in the seventh century of its
+existence the reader is referred to the letter of Cassiodorus before
+quoted (Var. xii. 15). The picture of the city, 'hanging like a
+cluster of grapes upon the hills, basking in the brightness of the sun
+all day long, yet cooled by the breezes from the sea, and looking at
+her leisure on the labours of the husbandman in the corn-fields, the
+vineyards, and the olive-groves around her,' is an attractive one, and
+shows that kind of appreciation of the gentler beauties of Nature
+which befits a countryman of Virgil.
+
+This picture, however, is not distinctive enough to enable us from it
+alone to fix the exact site of the Roman city. Lenormant (pp.
+360-370), while carefully distinguishing between the sites of the
+Greek Scylletion and the Latin Scolacium, and assigning the former
+with much apparent probability to the neighbourhood of the promontory
+and the Grotte di Stalletti, has been probably too hasty in his
+assertion that the modern city of Squillace incontestably covers the
+ground of the Latin Scolacium. Mr. Arthur J. Evans, after making a
+much more careful survey of the place and its neighbourhood than the
+French archaeologist had leisure for, has come to the conclusion that
+in this identification M. Lenormant is entirely wrong, and that the
+Roman city was not at Squillace, where there are no remains of earlier
+than mediaeval times, but at Roccella del Vescovo, five or six miles
+from Squillace in a north-easterly direction, where there are such
+remains as can only have belonged to a Roman provincial city of the
+first rank. For a further discussion of the question the reader is
+referred to the Note (and accompanying Map) at the end of this
+chapter.
+
+We pass on from considering the place of Cassiodorus' birth to
+investigate the date of that event.
+
+[Sidenote: Date of birth.]
+
+(3) The only positive statement that we possess as to the birth-year
+of Cassiodorus comes from a very late and somewhat unsatisfactory
+source. John Trittheim (or Trithemius), Abbot of the Benedictine
+Monastery of Spanheim, who died in 1516, was one of the ecclesiastical
+scholars of the Renaissance period, and composed, besides a multitude
+of other books, a treatise 'De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis,' in which
+is found this notice of Cassiodorus[12]:--
+
+'Claruit temporibus Justini senioris usque ad imperii Justini junioris
+paene finem, annos habens aetatis plus quam 95, Anno Domini 575.'
+
+[Footnote 12: The reference is given by Koepke (Die Anfaenge des
+Koenigthums, p. 88) as 'De scr. ecc. 212 Bibliotheca Ecclesiastica, ed.
+Fabricius, p. 58;' by Thorbecke (p. 8) as 'Catalogus seu liber
+scriptorum ecclesiasticorum, Coloniae 1546, p. 94.' Franz (p. 4)
+quotes from the same edition as Koepke, 'De script. eccl. c. 212 in
+Fabricii biblioth. eccl., Hamburgi 1728, iii. p. 58.']
+
+This notice is certainly not one to which we should attach much
+importance if it contradicted earlier and trustworthy authorities, or
+if there were any internal evidence against it. But if this cannot be
+asserted, it is not desirable entirely to discard the assertion of a
+scholar who, in the age of the Renaissance and before the havoc
+wrought among the monasteries of Germany by the Thirty Years' War, may
+easily have had access to some sources which are now no longer
+available.
+
+When we examine the information which is thus given us, we find it
+certainly somewhat vague. 'Cassiodorus was illustrious' (no doubt as a
+writer, since it is 'ecclesiastici scriptores' of whom Trittheim is
+speaking) 'in the time of Justin the Elder [518-527] down nearly to
+the end of the reign of Justin the Younger [565-578], attaining to
+more than 95 years of age in the year of our Lord 575.' But on
+reflection we see that the meaning must be that Cassiodorus died in
+575 (which agrees well with the words 'paene finem imperii Justini
+junioris'), and that when he died he was some way on in his 96th year,
+or as we say colloquially 'ninety-five off.' The marvel of his
+attaining such an age is no doubt the reason for inserting the 'plus
+quam,' to show that he did not die immediately after his 95th
+birthday. If this notice be trustworthy, therefore, we may place the
+birth of Cassiodorus in 479 or 480.
+
+Now upon examining all the facts in our possession as to his career as
+a statesman and an author, and especially our latest acquired
+information[13], we find that they do in a remarkable manner agree
+with Trittheim's date, while we have no positive statement by any
+author early or late which really conflicts with it.
+
+[Footnote 13: The Anecdoton Holderi.]
+
+The only shadow of an argument that has been advanced for a different
+and earlier date is so thin that it is difficult to state without
+confuting it. In some editions of the works of Cassiodorus there
+appears a very short anonymous tract on the method of determining
+Easter, called 'Computus Paschalis,' and composed in 562. In the
+'Orthographia,' which was undoubtedly written by Cassiodorus at the
+age of 93, and which contains a list of his previously published
+works, no mention is made of this 'Computus.' It must therefore, say
+the supporters of the theory, have been written after he was 93. He
+must have been at least 94 in 562, and the year of his birth must be
+put back at least to 468. In this argument there are two absolutely
+worthless links. There is no evidence to show that the 'Computus
+Paschalis' came from the pen of Cassiodorus at all, but much reason to
+think that Pithoeus, the editor who first published it under his name,
+was mistaken in doing so. And if it were his, a little memorandum like
+this--only two pages long, and with no literary pretension
+whatever--we may almost say with certainty would _not_ be included by
+the veteran author in the enumeration of his theological works
+prefixed to his 'Orthographia.'
+
+The reason why a theory founded on such an absurdly weak basis has
+held its ground at all, has probably been that it buttressed up
+another obvious fallacy. A whole school of biographers of Cassiodorus
+and commentators on his works has persisted, in spite of the plainest
+evidence of his letters, in identifying him with his father, who bore
+office under Odovacar (476-493). To do this it was necessary to get
+rid of the date 480 for the birth of Cassiodorus Senator, and to throw
+back that event as far as possible. And yet, not even by pushing it
+back to 468, do they make it reasonably probable that a person, who
+was only a child of eight years old at Odovacar's accession, could in
+the course of his short reign (the last four years of which were
+filled by his struggle with Theodoric) have held the various high
+offices which were really held during that reign by the father of
+Senator.
+
+We assume therefore with some confidence the year 480 as the
+approximate date of the birth of our author; and while we observe that
+this date fits well with those which the course of history induces us
+to assign to his ancestors in the three preceding generations[14], we
+also note with interest that it was, as nearly as we can ascertain,
+the year of the birth of two of the most distinguished contemporaries
+of Cassiodorus--Boethius and Benedict.
+
+[Footnote 14: Cassiodorus the First, born about 390; the Second, about
+420; the Third, about 450.]
+
+[Sidenote: Education of Cassiodorus.]
+
+Of the training and education of the young Senator we can only speak
+from their evident results as displayed in the 'Variae,' to which the
+reader is accordingly referred. It may be remarked, however, that
+though he evidently received the usual instruction in philosophy and
+rhetoric which was given to a young Roman noble aspiring to employment
+in the Civil Service, there are some indications that the bent of his
+own genius was towards Natural History, strange and often laughable as
+are the facts or fictions which this taste of his has caused him to
+accumulate.
+
+[Sidenote: Consiliarius to his father.]
+
+In the year 500[15], when Senator had just attained the age of twenty,
+his father, as we have already seen, received from Theodoric the high
+office of Praetorian Praefect. As a General might make an
+_Aide-de-camp_ of his son, so the Praefect conferred upon the young
+Senator the post of _Consiliarius_, or Assessor in his Court[16]. The
+Consiliarius[17] had been in the time of the Republic an experienced
+jurist who sat beside the Praetor or the Consul (who might be a man
+quite unversed in the law) and advised him as to his judgments. From
+the time of Severus onwards he became a paid functionary of the Court,
+receiving a salary which varied from 12 to 72 solidi (L7 to L43). At
+the time which we are now describing it was customary for the Judge to
+choose his Consiliarius from among the ranks of young jurists who had
+just completed their studies. The great legal school of Berytus
+especially furnished a large number of Consiliarii to the Roman
+Governors. In order to prevent an officer in this position from
+obtaining an undue influence over the mind of his principal, the
+latter was forbidden by law to keep a Consiliarius, who was a native
+of the Province in which he was administering justice, more than four
+months in his employ[18]. This provision, of course, would not apply
+when the young Assessor, as in the case of Cassiodorus, came with his
+father from a distant Province: and in such a case, if the Magistrate
+died during his year of office, by a special enactment the
+fairly-earned pay of the Assessor was protected from unjust demands on
+the part of the Exchequer[19]. The functions thus exercised by Senator
+in his father's court at Rome, and the title which he bore, were
+somewhat similar to those which Procopius held in the camp of
+Belisarius, but doubtless required a more thorough legal training. In
+our own system, if we could imagine the Judge's Marshal invested with
+the responsibilities of a Registrar of the Court, we should perhaps
+get a pretty fair idea of the position and duties of a Roman
+Consiliarius[20].
+
+[Footnote 15: Or possibly 501.]
+
+[Footnote 16: This fact, and also the cause of Senator's promotion to
+the Quaestorship, we learn from the Anecdoton Holderi described in a
+following chapter.]
+
+[Footnote 17: The terms Adsessor, Consiliarius, [Greek: Paredros],
+[Greek: Symboulos], seem all to indicate the same office.]
+
+[Footnote 18: Cod. Theod. i. 12. 1.]
+
+[Footnote 19: This seems to be the meaning of Cod. Theod. i. 12. 2.
+The gains of the 'filii familias Assessores' were to be protected as
+if they were 'castrense peculium.']
+
+[Footnote 20: Some points in this description are taken from Bethmann
+Hollweg, Gerichtsverfassung der sinkenden Roemischen Reichs, pp.
+153-158.]
+
+[Sidenote: Panegyric on Theodoric.]
+
+[Sidenote: Appointed Quaestor.]
+
+It was while Cassiodorus was holding this agreeable but not important
+position, that the opportunity came to him, by his dexterous use of
+which he sprang at one bound into the foremost ranks of the official
+hierarchy. On some public occasion it fell to his lot to deliver an
+oration in praise of Theodoric[21], and he did this with such
+admirable eloquence--admirable according to the depraved taste of the
+time--that Theodoric at once bestowed upon the orator, still in the
+first dawn of manhood[22], the 'Illustrious' office of Quaestor,
+giving him thereby what we should call Cabinet-rank, and placing him
+among the ten or eleven ministers of the highest class[23], by whom,
+under the King, the fortunes of the Gothic-Roman State were absolutely
+controlled.
+
+[Footnote 21: 'Cassiodorus Senator ... juvenis adeo, dum patris
+Cassiodori patricii et praefecti praetorii consiliarius fieret et
+laudes Theodorichi regis Gothorum facundissime recitasset, ab eo
+quaestor est factus' (Anecdoton Holderi, ap. Usener, p. 4).]
+
+[Footnote 22: He himself says, or rather makes Theodoric's grandson
+say to him, 'Quem _primaevum_ recipiens ad quaestoris officium, mox
+reperit [Theodoricus] conscientia praeditum, et legum eruditione
+maturum' (Var. ix. 24).]
+
+[Footnote 23: At this time the Illustres actually in office would
+probably be the Praefectus Praetorio Italiae (Cassiodorus the father),
+the Praefectus Urbis Romae, the two Magistri Militum in Praesenti, the
+Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi, the Magister Officiorum, the Quaestor, the
+Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, the Comes Rerum Privatarum, and the two
+Comites Domesticorum Equitum et Peditum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nature of the Quaestor's office.]
+
+The Quaestor's duty required him to be beyond all other Ministers the
+mouthpiece of the Sovereign. In the 'Notitia[24]' the matters under
+his control are concisely stated to be 'Laws which are to be dictated,
+and Petitions.'
+
+[Footnote 24: 'Sub dispositione viri illustris Quaestoris
+
+ Leges dictandae
+ Preces.
+
+Officium non habet sed adjutores de scriniis quos voluerit.']
+
+To him therefore was assigned the duty (which the British Parliament
+in its folly assigns to no one) of giving a final revision to the laws
+which received the Sovereign's signature, and seeing that they were
+consistent with one another and with previous enactments, and were
+clothed in fitting language. He replied in the Sovereign's name to the
+petitions which were presented to him. He also, as we learn from
+Cassiodorus, had audience with the ambassadors of foreign powers, to
+whom he addressed suitable and stately harangues, or through whom he
+forwarded written replies to the letters which they had brought, but
+always of course speaking or writing in the name of his master. In the
+performance of these duties he had chiefly to rely on his own
+intellectual resources as a trained jurist and rhetorician. The large
+official staff which waited upon the nod of the other great Ministers
+of State was absent from his apartments[25]; but for the mere manual
+work of copying, filing correspondence, and the like, he could summon
+the needful number of clerks from the four great bureaux (scrinia)
+which were under the control of the Master of the Offices.
+
+[Footnote 25: Officium non habet.]
+
+We have an interesting summary of the Quaestor's duties and privileges
+from the pen of Cassiodorus himself in the 'Variae' (vi. 5), under the
+title 'Formula Quaesturae,' and to this document I refer the reader
+who wishes to complete the picture of the occupations in which the
+busiest years of the life of Cassiodorus were passed.
+
+[Sidenote: Special utility of a Quaestor to Theodoric.]
+
+To a ruler in Theodoric's position the acquisition of such a Quaestor
+as Cassiodorus was a most fortunate event. He himself was doubtless
+unable to speak or to write Latin with fluency. According to the
+common story, which passes current on the authority of the 'Anonymus
+Valesii,' he never could learn to write, and had to 'stencil' his
+signature. I look upon this story with some suspicion, especially
+because it is also told of his contemporary, the Emperor Justin; but I
+have no doubt that such literary education as Theodoric ever received
+was Greek rather than Latin, being imparted during the ten years of
+his residence as a hostage at Constantinople. Years of marches and
+countermarches, of battle and foray, at the head of his Ostrogothic
+warriors, may well have effaced much of the knowledge thus acquired.
+At any rate, when he descended the Julian Alps, close upon forty years
+of age, and appeared for the first time in Italy to commence his long
+and terrible duel with Odovacar, it was too late to learn the language
+of her sons in such fashion that the first sentence spoken by him in
+the Hall of Audience should not betray him to his new subjects as an
+alien and a barbarian.
+
+Yet Theodoric was by no means indifferent to the power of well-spoken
+words, by no means unconcerned as to the opinion which his
+Latin-speaking subjects held concerning him. He was no Cambyses or
+Timour, ruling by the sword alone. His proud title was 'Gothorum
+Romanorumque Rex,' and the ideal of his hopes, successfully realised
+during the greater part of his long and tranquil reign, was to be
+equally the King of either people. He had been fortunate thus far in
+his Praetorian Praefects. Liberius, a man of whom history knows too
+little, had amid general applause steered the vessel of the State for
+the first seven years of the new reign. The elder Cassiodorus, who had
+succeeded him, seemed likely to follow the same course. But possibly
+Theodoric had begun to feel the necessity laid upon all rulers of men,
+not only to be, but also to seem, anxious for the welfare of their
+subjects. Possibly some dull, unsympathetic Quaestor had failed to
+present the generous thoughts of the King in a sufficiently attractive
+shape to the minds of the people. This much at all events we know,
+that when the young Consiliarius, high-born, fluent, and learned,
+poured forth his stream of panegyric on 'Our Lord Theodoric'--a
+panegyric which, to an extent unusual with these orations, reflected
+the real feelings of the speaker, and all the finest passages of which
+were the genuine outcome of his own enthusiasm--the great Ostrogoth
+recognised at once the man whom he was in want of to be the exponent
+of his thoughts to the people, and by one stroke of wise audacity
+turned the boyish and comparatively obscure Assessor into the
+Illustrious Quaestor, one of the great personages of his realm.
+
+[Sidenote: Composition of the VARIAE.]
+
+[Sidenote: Their style.]
+
+The monument of the official life of Cassiodorus is the correspondence
+styled the 'Variae,' of which an abstract is now submitted to the
+reader. There is no need to say much here, either as to the style or
+the thoughts of these letters; a perusal of a few pages of the
+abstract will give a better idea of both than an elaborate
+description. The style is undoubtedly a bad one, whether it be
+compared with the great works of Greek and Latin literature or with
+our own estimate of excellence in speech. Scarcely ever do we find a
+thought clothed in clear, precise, closely-fitting words, or a
+metaphor which really corresponds to the abstract idea that is
+represented by it. We take up sentence after sentence of verbose and
+flaccid Latin, analyse them with difficulty, and when at last we come
+to the central thought enshrouded in them, we too often find that it
+is the merest and most obvious commonplace, a piece of tinsel wrapped
+in endless folds of tissue paper. Perhaps from one point of view the
+study of the style of Cassiodorus might prove useful to a writer of
+English, as indicating the faults which he has in this age most
+carefully to avoid. Over and over again, when reading newspaper
+articles full of pompous words borrowed from Latin through French,
+when wearied with 'velleities' and 'solidarities' and 'altruisms' and
+'homologators,' or when vainly endeavouring to discover the real
+meaning which lies hidden in a jungle of Parliamentary verbiage, I
+have said to myself, remembering my similar labour upon the 'Variae,'
+'How like this is to Cassiodorus.'
+
+[Sidenote: Lack of humour.]
+
+[Sidenote: The letter about the sucking-fish.]
+
+Intellectually one of the chief deficiencies of our author--a
+deficiency in which perhaps his age and nation participated--was a
+lack of humour. It is difficult to think that anyone who possessed a
+keen sense of humour could have written letters so drolly unsuited to
+the character of Theodoric, their supposed author, as are some which
+we find in the 'Variae.' For instance, the King had reason to complain
+that Faustus, the Praetorian Praefect, was dawdling over the execution
+of an order which he had received for the shipment of corn from the
+regions of Calabria and Apulia to Rome. We find the literary Quaestor
+putting such words as these into the mouth of Theodoric, when
+reprimanding the lazy official[26]: 'Why is there such great delay in
+sending your swift ships to traverse the tranquil seas? Though the
+south wind blows and the rowers are bending to their oars, has the
+sucking-fish[27] fixed its teeth into the hulls through the liquid
+waves; or have the shells of the Indian Sea, whose quiet touch is said
+to hold so firmly that the angry billows cannot loosen it, with like
+power fixed their lips into your keels? Idle stands the bark though
+winged by swelling sails; the wind favours her but she makes no way;
+she is fixed without an anchor, she is bound without a cable; and
+these tiny animals hinder more than all such prospering circumstances
+can help. Thus, though the loyal wave may be hastening its course, we
+are informed that the ship stands fixed on the surface of the sea, and
+by a strange paradox the swimmer [the ship] is made to remain
+immovable while the wave is hurried along by movements numberless. Or,
+to describe the nature of another kind of fish, perchance the sailors
+in the aforesaid ships have grown dull and torpid by the touch of the
+torpedo, by which such a deadly chill is struck into the right hand of
+him who attacks it, that even through the spear by which it is itself
+wounded, it gives a shock which causes the hand of the striker to
+remain, though still a living substance, senseless and immovable. I
+think some such misfortunes as these must have happened to men who are
+unable to move their own bodies. But I know that in their case the
+echeneis is corruption trading on delays; the bite of the Indian
+shell-fish is insatiable cupidity; the torpedo is fraudulent pretence.
+With perverted ingenuity they manufacture delays that they may seem to
+have met with a run of ill-luck. Wherefore let your Greatness, whom it
+specially concerns to look after such men as these, by a speedy rebuke
+bring them to a better mind. Else the famine which we fear, will be
+imputed not to the barrenness of the times but to official
+negligence, whose true child it will manifestly appear.'
+
+[Footnote 26: Var. i. 35.]
+
+[Footnote 27: Echeneis.]
+
+It is not likely that Theodoric ever read a letter like this before
+affixing to it his (perhaps stencilled) signature. If he did, he must
+surely have smiled to see his few angry Teutonic words transmuted into
+this wonderful rhapsody about sucking-fishes and torpedoes and
+shell-fish in the Indian Sea.
+
+[Sidenote: Character of Cassiodorus.]
+
+The French proverb 'Le style c'est l'homme,' is not altogether true as
+to the character of Cassiodorus. From his inflated and tawdry style we
+might have expected to find him an untrustworthy friend and an
+inefficient administrator. This, however, was not the case. As was
+before said, his character was not heroic; he was, perhaps, inclined
+to humble himself unduly before mere power and rank, and he had the
+fault, common to most rhetoricians, of over-estimating the power of
+words and thinking that a few fluent platitudes would heal inveterate
+discords and hide disastrous blunders. But when we have said this we
+have said the worst. He was, as far as we have any means of judging, a
+loyal subject, a faithful friend, a strenuous and successful
+administrator, and an exceptionally far-sighted statesman. His right
+to this last designation rests upon the part which he bore in the
+establishment of the Italian Kingdom 'of the Goths and Romans,'
+founded by the great Theodoric.
+
+[Sidenote: His work in seconding the policy of Theodoric.]
+
+Theodoric, it must always be remembered, had entered Italy not
+ostensibly as an invader but as a deliverer. He came in pursuance of a
+compact with the legitimate Emperor of the New Rome, to deliver the
+Elder Rome and the land of Italy from the dominion of 'the upstart
+King of Rugians and Turcilingians[28],' Odovacar. The compact, it is
+true, was loose and indefinite, and contained within itself the germs
+of that misunderstanding which, forty-seven years later, was developed
+into a terrible war. Still, for the present, Theodoric, King of the
+Ostrogoths, was also in some undefined way legitimate representative
+of the Old Roman Empire within the borders of Italy. This double
+aspect of his rule was illustrated by that which (rather than the
+doubtful Rex Italiae) seems to have been his favourite title,
+'Gothorum Romanorumque Rex.'
+
+[Footnote 28: Jordanes, De Rebus Geticis, lvii.]
+
+[Sidenote: Theodoric's love of _Civilitas_.]
+
+The great need of Italy was peace. After a century of wars and rumours
+of wars; after Alaric, Attila, and Gaiseric had wasted her fields or
+sacked her capital; after she had been exhausting her strength in
+hopeless efforts to preserve the dominion of Gaul, Spain, and Africa;
+after she had groaned under the exactions of the insolent _foederati_,
+Roman soldiers only in name, who followed the standards of Ricimer or
+Odovacar, she needed peace and to be governed with a strong hand, in
+order to recover some small part of her old material prosperity. These
+two blessings, peace and a strong government, Theodoric's rule ensured
+to her. The theory of his government was this, that the two nations
+should dwell side by side, not fused into one, not subject either to
+the other, but the Romans labouring at the arts of peace, the Goths
+wielding for their defence the sword of war. Over all was to be the
+strong hand of the King of Goths and Romans, repressing the violence
+of the one nation, correcting the chicanery of the other, and from one
+and all exacting the strict observance of that which was the object of
+his daily and nightly cares, CIVILITAS. Of this civilitas--which we
+may sometimes translate 'good order,' sometimes 'civilisation,'
+sometimes 'the character of a law-abiding citizen,' but which no
+English word or phrase fully expresses--the reader of the following
+letters will hear, even to weariness. But though we may be tired of
+the phrase, we ought none the less to remember that the thing was that
+which Italy stood most in need of, that it was secured for her during
+forty years by the labours of Theodoric and Cassiodorus, and that
+happiness, such as she knew not again for many centuries, was the
+result.
+
+[Sidenote: Foresight of Cassiodorus in aiding this policy.]
+
+But the theory of a warrior caste of Goths and a trading and labouring
+caste of Romans was not flattering to the national vanity of a people
+who, though they had lost all relish for fighting, could not forget
+the great deeds of their forefathers. This was no doubt the weak point
+of the new State-system, though one cannot say that it is a weakness
+which need have been fatal if time enough had been given for the
+working out of the great experiment, and for Roman and Goth to become
+in Italy, as they did become in Spain, one people. The grounds upon
+which the praise of far-seeing statesmanship may be claimed for
+Cassiodorus are, that notwithstanding the bitter taste which it must
+have had in his mouth, as in the mouth of every educated Roman, he
+perceived that here was the best medicine for the ills of Italy. All
+attempts to conjure with the great name of the Roman Empire could only
+end in subjection to the really alien rule of Byzantium. All attempts
+to rouse the religious passions of the Catholic against the heretical
+intruders were likely to benefit the Catholic but savage Frank. The
+cruel sufferings of the Italians at the hands of the Heruli of
+Belisarius and from the ravages of the Alamannic Brethren are
+sufficient justification of the soundness of Cassiodorus' view that
+Theodoric's State-system was the one point of hope for Italy.
+
+[Sidenote: His religious tolerance.]
+
+Allusion has been made in the last paragraph to the religious
+differences which divided the Goths from the Italians. It is well
+known that Theodoric was an Arian, but an Arian of the most tolerant
+type, quite unlike the bitter persecutors who reigned at Toulouse and
+at Carthage. During the last few years of his reign, indeed, when his
+mind was perhaps in some degree failing, he was tempted by the
+persecuting policy of the Emperor Justin into retaliatory measures of
+persecution towards his Catholic subjects, but as a rule his policy
+was eminently fair and even-handed towards the professors of the two
+hostile creeds, and even towards the generally proscribed nation of
+the Jews. So conspicuous to all the world was his desire to hold the
+balance perfectly even between the two communions, that it was said of
+him that he beheaded an orthodox deacon who was singularly dear to
+him, because he had professed the Arian faith in order to win his
+favour. But this story, though told by a nearly contemporary
+writer[29], is, it may be hoped, mere Saga.
+
+[Footnote 29: Theodorus Lector (circa 550), Eccl. Hist. ii. 18. Both
+he and some later writers who borrow from him call the King [Greek:
+Theoderichos ho Aphros]; why, it is impossible to say.]
+
+[Sidenote: This did not proceed from indifference.]
+
+The point which we may note is, that this policy of toleration or
+rather of absolute fairness between warring creeds, though not
+initiated by Cassiodorus, seems to have thoroughly commended itself to
+his reason and conscience. It is from his pen that we get those golden
+words which may well atone for many platitudes and some ill-judged
+display of learning: _Religionem imperare non possumus, quia nemo
+cogitur ut credat invitus_[30]. And this tolerant temper of mind is
+the more to be commended, because it did not proceed from any
+indifference on his part to the subjects of religious controversy.
+Cassiodorus was evidently a devout and loyal Catholic. Much the larger
+part of his writings is of a theological character, and the
+thirty-five years of his life which he passed in a monastery were
+evidently
+
+ 'Bound each to each in natural piety'
+
+with the earlier years passed at Court and in the Council-chamber.
+
+[Footnote 30: Var. ii. 27.]
+
+[Sidenote: Date of the commencement of the Variae.]
+
+We cannot trace as we should like to do the precise limits of time by
+which the official career of Cassiodorus was bounded. The 'Various
+Letters' are evidently not arranged in strict chronological order, and
+to but few of them is it possible to affix an exact date. There are
+two or three, however, which require especial notice, because some
+authors have assigned them to a date previous to that at which, as I
+believe, the author entered the service of the Emperor.
+
+[Sidenote: Letter to Anastasius.]
+
+The first letter of the whole series is addressed to the Emperor
+Anastasius. It has been sometimes connected with the embassy of
+Faustus in 493, or with that of Festus in 497, to the Court of
+Constantinople, the latter of which embassies resulted in the
+transmission to Theodoric of 'the ornaments of the palace' (that is
+probably the regal insignia) which Odovacar had surrendered to Zeno.
+But the language of the letter in question, which speaks of 'causas
+iracundiae,' does not harmonise well with either of these dates, since
+there was then, as far as we know, no quarrel between Ravenna and
+Constantinople. On the other hand, it would fit perfectly with the
+state of feeling between the two Courts in 505, after Sabinian the
+general of Anastasius had been defeated by the troops of Theodoric
+under Pitzias at the battle of Horrea Margi; or in 508, when the
+Byzantine ships had made a raid on Apulia and plundered Tarentum. To
+one of these dates it should probably be referred, its place at the
+beginning of the collection being due to the exalted rank of the
+receiver of the letter, not to considerations of chronology.
+
+[Sidenote: Letters to Clovis.]
+
+The fortieth and forty-first letters of the Second Book relate to the
+sending of a harper to Clovis, or, as Cassiodorus calls him, Luduin,
+King of the Franks. In the earlier letter Boethius is directed to
+procure such a harper (citharoedus), and to see that he is a
+first-rate performer. In the later, Theodoric congratulates his royal
+brother-in-law on his victory over the Alamanni, adjures him not to
+pursue the panic-stricken fugitives who have taken refuge within the
+Ostrogothic territory, and sends ambassadors to introduce the harper
+whom Boethius has provided. It used to be thought that these letters
+must be referred to 496, the year of the celebrated victory of Clovis
+over the Alamanni, commonly, but incorrectly, called the battle of
+Tulbiacum. But this was a most improbable theory, for it was difficult
+to understand how a boy of sixteen (and that was the age of Boethius
+in 496) should have attained such eminence as a musical connoisseur as
+to be entrusted with the task of selecting the citharoedus. And in a
+very recent monograph[31] Herr von Schubert has shown, I think
+convincingly, that the last victory of Clovis over the Alamanni, and
+their migration to Raetia within the borders of Theodoric's territory,
+occurred not in 496 but a few years later, probably about 503 or 504.
+It is true that Gregory of Tours (to whom the earlier battle is
+all-important, as being the event which brought about the conversion
+of Clovis) says nothing about this later campaign; but to those who
+know the fragmentary and incomplete character of this part of his
+history, such an omission will not appear an important argument.
+
+[Footnote 31: Die Uterwerfung der Alamannen: Strassburg, 1884.]
+
+[Sidenote: Letters to Gaulish princes.]
+
+The letters written in Theodoric's name to Clovis, to Alaric II, to
+Gundobad of Burgundy, and to other princes, in order to prevent the
+outbreak of a war between the Visigoths and the Franks, have been by
+some authors[32] assigned to a date some years before the war actually
+broke out; but though this cannot, perhaps, be disproved, it seems to
+me much more probable that they were written in the early part of 507
+on the eve of the war between Clovis and Alaric, which they were
+powerless to avert.
+
+[Footnote 32: Especially Binding, Geschichte des
+Burgundisch-Romanischen Koenigreichs, p. 181.]
+
+[Sidenote: Duration of Cassiodorus' office.]
+
+More difficult than the question of the beginning of the Quaestorship
+of Cassiodorus is that of its duration and its close. It was an office
+which was in its nature an annual one. At the commencement of each
+fresh year 'of the Indiction,' that is on the first of September of
+the calendar year, a Quaestor was appointed; but there does not seem
+to have been anything to prevent the previous holder of the office
+from being re-appointed. In the case of Cassiodorus, the Quaestor
+after Theodoric's own heart, his intimate friend and counsellor, this
+may have been done for several years running, or he may have
+apparently retired from office for a year and then resumed it. It is
+clear, that whether in or out of office he had always, as the King's
+friend, a large share in the direction of State affairs. He himself
+says, in a letter supposed to be addressed to himself after the death
+of Theodoric[33]: 'Non enim proprios fines sub te _ulla dignitas_
+custodivit;' and that this was the fact we cannot doubt. Whatever his
+nominal dignity might be, or if for the moment he possessed no
+ostensible office at all, he was still virtually what we should call
+the Prime Minister of the Ostrogothic King[34].
+
+[Footnote 33: ix. 24.]
+
+[Footnote 34: Thorbecke has pointed out (pp. 40-41) that we possess
+letters written by Cassiodorus to four Quaestors before the year 510,
+and that therefore the fact of others holding the nominal office of
+Quaestor did not circumscribe his activity as Secretary to Theodoric.]
+
+[Sidenote: Consulship of Cassiodorus, 514.]
+
+In the year 514 he received an honour which, notwithstanding that it
+was utterly divorced from all real authority, was still one of the
+highest objects of the ambition of every Roman noble: he was hailed as
+Consul Ordinarius, and gave his name to the year. For some reason
+which is not stated, possibly because the City of Constantinople was
+in that year menaced by the insurrection of Vitalian, no colleague in
+the East was nominated to share his dignity; and the entry in the
+Consular Calendars is therefore 'Senatore solo Consule.'
+
+In his own Chronicle, Cassiodorus adds the words,'Me etiam Consule in
+vestrorum laude temporum, adunato clero vel [= et] populo, Romanae
+Ecclesiae rediit optata concordia.' This sentence no doubt relates to
+the dissensions which had agitated the Roman Church ever since the
+contested Papal election of Symmachus and Laurentius in the year 498.
+Victory had been assured to Symmachus by the Synod of 501, but
+evidently the feelings of hatred then aroused had still smouldered on,
+especially perhaps among the Senators and high nobles of Rome, who had
+for the most part adopted the candidature of Laurentius. Now, on the
+death of Symmachus (July 18, 514) the last embers of the controversy
+were extinguished, and the genial influence of Cassiodorus, Senator by
+name and Consul by office, was successfully exerted to induce nobles,
+clergy, and people to unite in electing a new Pope. After eight days
+Hormisdas the Campanian sat in the Chair of St. Peter, an undoubted
+Pontiff.
+
+[Sidenote: Deference to the Roman Senate.]
+
+Not only in maintaining the dignity of the Consulship, but also in
+treating the Roman Senate with every outward show of deference and
+respect, did the Ostrogothic King follow and even improve upon the
+example of the Roman Emperors. The student of the following letters
+will observe the tone of deep respect which is almost always adopted
+towards the Senate; how every nomination of importance to an official
+post is communicated to them, almost as if their suffrages were
+solicited for the new candidate; what a show is made of consulting
+them in reference to peace and war; and what a reality there seems to
+be in the appeals made to their loyalty to the new King after the
+death of Theodoric. In all this, as in the whole relation of the
+Empire to the Senate during the five centuries of their joint
+existence, it is difficult to say where well-acted courtesy ended, and
+where the desire to secure such legal power as yet remained to a
+venerable assembly began. Perhaps when we remember that for many
+glorious centuries the Senate had been the real ruler of the Roman
+State, we may assert that the attitude and the language of the
+successors of Augustus towards the Conscript Fathers were similar to
+those used by a modern House of Commons towards the Crown, only that
+in the one case the individual supplanted the assembly, in the other
+the assembly supplanted the individual. But whatever the exact
+relations between King and Senate may have been, and though
+occasionally the former found it necessary to rebuke the latter pretty
+sharply for conduct unbecoming their high position, there can be no
+doubt that the general intention of Theodoric was to soothe the
+wounded pride and flatter the vanity of the Roman Senators by every
+means in his power: and for this purpose no one could be so well
+fitted as Cassiodorus, Senator by name and by office, descendant of
+many generations of Roman nobles, and master of such exuberant
+rhetoric that it was difficult then, as it is often impossible now, to
+extract any definite meaning from his sonorous periods.
+
+[Sidenote: Cassiodorus Patrician.]
+
+It was possibly upon his laying down the Consulship, that Cassiodorus
+received the dignity of Patrician--a dignity only, for in itself it
+seems to have conferred neither wealth nor power. Yet a title which
+had been borne by Ricimer, Odovacar, and Theodoric himself might well
+excite the ambition of Theodoric's subject. If our conjecture be
+correct that it was conferred upon Cassiodorus in the year 515, he
+received it at an earlier age than his father, to whom only about ten
+or eleven years before he had written the letter announcing his
+elevation to this high dignity.
+
+[Sidenote: The Chronicon.]
+
+Five years after his Consulate, Cassiodorus undertook a little piece
+of literary labour which he does not appear to have held in high
+account himself (since he does not include it in the list of his
+works), and which has certainly added but little to his fame. This was
+his 'Chronicon,' containing an abstract of the history of the world
+from the deluge down to A.D. 519, the year of the Consulship of the
+Emperor Justin, and of Theodoric's son-in-law Eutharic. This
+Chronicle is for the most part founded upon, or rather copied from,
+the well-known works of Eusebius and Prosper, the copying being
+unfortunately not correctly done. More than this, Cassiodorus has
+attempted with little judgment to combine the mode of reckoning by
+Consular years and by years of Emperors. As he is generally two or
+three years out in his reckoning of the former, this proceeding has
+the curious result of persistently throwing some Consulships of the
+reigning Emperor into the reign of his predecessor.[35] Thus Probus is
+Consul for two years under Aurelian, and for one year under Tacitus;
+both the two Consulships of Carus and the first of Diocletian are
+under Probus, while Diocletian's second Consulship is under Carinus
+and Numerianus; and so forth. It is wonderful that so intelligent a
+person as Cassiodorus did not see that combinations of this kind were
+false upon the face of them.
+
+[Footnote 35: It need hardly be explained that, as a matter of
+compliment to the reigning Emperor, the first Consulship that fell
+vacant after his accession to the throne was (I believe invariably)
+filled by him, and that though he might sometimes have held the office
+of Consul before his assumption of the diadem, this was not often the
+case. Certainly, in the instances given above, Probus, Carus, and
+Diocletian held no Consulships till after they had been saluted as
+Emperors.]
+
+When the Chronicle gets nearer to the compiler's own times it becomes
+slightly more interesting, but also slightly less fair. Throughout the
+fourth century a few little remarks are interspersed in the dry list
+of names and dates, the general tendency of which is to praise up the
+Gothic nation or to extenuate their faults and reverses. The battle of
+Pollentia (402[36]) is unhesitatingly claimed as a Gothic victory; the
+clemency of Alaric at the capture of Rome (410) is magnified; the
+valour of the Goths is made the cause of the defeat of Attila in the
+Catalaunian plains (451); the name of Gothic Eutharic is put before
+that of Byzantine Justin in the consular list; and so forth. Upon the
+whole, as has been already said, the work cannot be considered as
+adding to the reputation of its author; nor can it be defended from
+the terrible attack which has been made upon it by that scholar of our
+own day whose opinion upon such a subject stands the highest, Theodor
+Mommsen[37]. Only, when he makes this unfortunate Chronicle reflect
+suspicion on the other works of Cassiodorus, and especially on the
+Gothic History[38], the German scholar seems to me to chastise the
+busy Minister more harshly than he deserves.
+
+[Footnote 36: Clinton's date for this battle, 403, differs from that
+assigned by Cassiodorus, and is, in my judgment, erroneous.]
+
+[Footnote 37: Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der
+Koeniglich Saechsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, iii. 547-696.]
+
+[Footnote 38: 'Dass die ganze Procedur von der uebelsten Art ist und
+den viel gefeierten gothischen Historiker in jeder weise
+compromittirt, bedarf keiner Ausaneindersetzung' (l.c. 564).]
+
+[Sidenote: The Gothic History.]
+
+I have just alluded to the Gothic History of Cassiodorus. It was
+apparently shortly after the composition of his Chronicle[39] that
+this, in some respects his most important work, was compiled and
+arranged according to his accustomed habit in twelve books. His own
+estimate--and it is not a low one--of the value of this performance is
+expressed in a letter which he makes his young Sovereign Athalaric
+address to the Senate on his promotion to the Praefecture[40]: 'He
+extended his labours even to our remote ancestry, learning by his
+reading that which scarcely the hoar memories of our forefathers
+retained. He drew forth from their hiding-place the Kings of the
+Goths, hidden by long forgetfulness. He restored the Amals to their
+proper place with the lustre of his own[41] lineage (?), evidently
+proving that up to the seventeenth generation we have had kings for
+our ancestors. He made the origin of the Goths a part of Roman
+history, collecting as it were into one wreath all the flowery growth
+which had before been scattered through the plains of many books.
+Consider therefore what love he showed to you [the Senate] in praising
+us, he who showed that the nation of your Sovereign had been from
+antiquity a marvellous people; so that ye, who from the days of your
+forefathers have ever been deemed noble, are yet ruled over by the
+ancient progeny of Kings[42].'
+
+[Footnote 39: It could not have been written, at any rate in its
+present shape, before 516, because Athalaric's birth is mentioned in
+it. I prefer Jordanes' date for this event, 516 or 517, to that given
+by Procopius, 518. On the other hand, Usener proves (p. 74), from the
+reference to it in the Anecdoton Holderi, that it could not have been
+written after 521.]
+
+[Footnote 40: Var. ix. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 41: 'Iste Amalos cum generis _sui_ claritate restituit.'
+Perhaps it is better to take 'sui' as equivalent to 'illorum,' and
+translate 'their lineage.']
+
+[Footnote 42: 'Ut sicut fuistis a majoribus vestris semper nobiles
+aestimati, ita vobis rerum antiqua progenies imperaret.' For 'rerum'
+we must surely read 'regum.']
+
+[Sidenote: Its purpose.]
+
+In reading this estimate by Cassiodorus of his own performance, we can
+see at once that it lacked that first of all conditions precedent for
+the attainment of absolute historic truth, complete impartiality[43].
+Like Hume and like Macaulay Cassiodorus wrote his history with a
+purpose. We may describe that purpose as two-fold:
+
+[Footnote 43: My meaning would be better expressed by the useful
+German word 'voraussetzungslosigkeit,' freedom from a foregone
+conclusion.]
+
+(1) To vindicate the claim of the Goths to rank among the historic
+nations of antiquity by bringing them into some sort of connection
+with Greece and Rome ('Originem Gothicam historiam fecit esse
+Romanam'); and (2) among the Goths, to exalt as highly as possible the
+family of the Amals, that family from which Theodoric had sprung, and
+to string as many regal names as possible upon the Amal chain
+('Evidenter ostendens in decimam septimam progeniem stirpem nos habere
+regalem').
+
+I have said that the possession of a purpose like this is unfavourable
+to the attainment of absolute historic truth; but the aim which
+Cassiodorus proposed to himself was a lofty one, being in fact the
+reconciliation of the past and the future of the world by showing to
+the outworn Latin race that the new blood which was being poured into
+it by the northern nations came, like its own, from a noble ancestry:
+and, for us, the labour to which it stimulated him has been full of
+profit, since to it we owe something like one half of our knowledge of
+the Teutonic ancestors of Modern Europe.
+
+[Sidenote: Confusion between Goths and Getae.]
+
+The much-desired object of 'making the origin of Gothic history Roman'
+was effected chiefly by attributing to the Goths all that Cassiodorus
+found written in classic authors concerning the Getae or the
+Scythians. The confusion between Goths and Getae, though modern
+ethnologists are nearly unanimous in pronouncing it to be a confusion
+between two utterly different nations, is not one for which
+Cassiodorus is responsible, since it had been made at least a hundred
+years before his time. When the Emperor Claudius II won his great
+victories over the Goths in the middle of the Third Century, he was
+hailed rightly enough by the surname of _Gothicus_; but when at the
+beginning of the Fifth Century the feeble Emperors Arcadius and
+Honorius wished to celebrate a victory which, as they vainly hoped,
+had effectually broken the power of the Goths, the words which they
+inscribed upon the Arch of Triumph were 'Quod _Getarum_ nationem in
+omne aevum docuere extingui.' In the poems of Claudian, and generally
+in all the contemporary literature of the time, the regular word for
+the countrymen of Alaric is Getae.
+
+[Sidenote: The term Scythian.]
+
+The Greek historians, on the other hand, freely applied the general
+term Scythian--as they had done at any time since the Scythian
+campaign of Darius Hystaspis--to any barbarian nation living beyond
+the Danube and the Cimmerian Bosporus. With these two clues, or
+imaginary clues, in his hand, Cassiodorus could traverse a
+considerable part of the border-land of classical antiquity. The
+battles between the Scythians and the Egyptians, the story of the
+Amazons, Telephus son of Hercules and nephew of Priam, the defeat of
+Cyrus by Tomyris, and the unsuccessful expedition of Darius--all were
+connected with Gothic history by means of that easily stretched word,
+Scythia. Then comes Sitalces, King of Thrace, who makes war on
+Perdiccas of Macedon; and then, 'in the time of Sylla,' a certain wise
+philosopher-king of Dacia, Diceneus by name, in whose character and
+history Cassiodorus perhaps outlined his own ideal of wisdom swaying
+brute force. With these and similar stories culled from classical
+authors Cassiodorus appears to have filled up the interval--which was
+to him of absolutely uncertain duration--between the Gothic migration
+from the Baltic to the Euxine and their appearance as conquerors and
+ravagers in the eastern half of the Roman Empire in the middle of the
+third century of the Christian era. Now, soothing as it may have been
+to the pride of a Roman subject of Theodoric to be informed that his
+master's ancestors had fought at the war of Troy and humbled the pride
+of Perdiccas, to a scientific historian these Scytho-Getic histories
+culled from Herodotus and Trogus are of little or no value, and his
+first step in the process of enquiry is to eliminate them from
+'Gothica historia,' thus making it, as far as he can, _not_ 'Romana.'
+The question then arises whether there was another truly Gothic
+element in the history of Cassiodorus, and if so, what value can be
+attached to it. Thus enquiring we soon find, both before and after
+this intrusive Scytho-Getic element, matter of quite a different kind,
+which has often much of the ring of the true Teutonic _Saga_. It is
+reasonable to believe that here Cassiodorus, whose mission it was to
+reconcile Roman and Goth, and who could not have achieved this end by
+altering the history of the less civilised people out of all
+possibility of recognition by its own chieftains and warriors, has
+really interwoven in his work some part of the songs and Sagas which
+were still current among the older men who had shared the wanderings
+of Theodoric. This legendary portion, which Cassiodorus himself
+perhaps half despised, as being gathered not from books but from the
+lips of rude minstrels, is in fact the only part of his work which has
+any scientific value.
+
+[Sidenote: The Amal pedigree.]
+
+In his glorification of the Amal line, Cassiodorus follows more
+closely these genuine national traditions than in his history of the
+Gothic people. References to Herodotus and Trogus would have been here
+obviously out of place, and he accordingly puts before us a pedigree
+fashioned on the same model as those which we find in the Saxon
+Chronicle, and therefore probably genuine. By genuine of course is
+meant a pedigree which was really current and accepted among the
+people over whom Theodoric ruled. How many of the links which form it
+represent real historical personages is a matter about which we may
+almost be said neither to know nor care. We see that it begins in the
+approved fashion with 'Non puri homines sed semidei id est Anses[44],'
+and that the first of these half-divine ancestors is named _Gaut_,
+evidently the eponymous hero of the Gothic people. Some of the later
+links--Amal, Ostrogotha, Athal--have the same appearance of names
+coined to embody facts of the national consciousness. At the end of
+the genealogy appear the undoubtedly historical names of the immediate
+ancestors of Theodoric. It is noteworthy that several, in fact the
+majority of the names of Kings who figure in early Gothic history, are
+not included in this genealogy. While this fact permits us to doubt
+whether Cassiodorus has not exaggerated the pre-eminence of the Amal
+race in early days, it must be admitted to be also an evidence of the
+good faith with which he preserved the national tradition on these
+points. Had he been merely inventing, it would have been easy to
+include every name of a distinguished Gothic King among the
+progenitors of his Sovereign.
+
+[Footnote 44: Jordanes, De Reb. Get. xiii.]
+
+[Sidenote: Abstract by Jordanes.]
+
+Such then was the general purpose of the Gothic History of
+Cassiodorus. The book itself has perished--a tantalising loss when we
+consider how many treatises from the same pen have been preserved to
+us which we could well have spared. But we can speak, as will be seen
+from the preceding remarks, with considerable confidence as to its
+plan and purpose, because we possess in the well-known treatise of
+Jordanes 'On the Origin of the Goths[45]' an abbreviated copy,
+executed it is true by a very inferior hand, but still manifestly
+preserving some of the features of the original. It will not be
+necessary here to go into the difficult question as to the personality
+of this writer, which has been debated at considerable length and with
+much ingenuity by several German authors[46]. It is enough to say that
+Jordanes, who was, according to his own statement, 'agrammatus,' a man
+of Gothic descent, a notary, and then a monk[47], on the alleged
+request of his friend Castalius, 'compressed the twelve books of
+Senator, _de origine actibusque Getarum_, bringing down the history
+from olden times to our own days by kings and generations, into one
+little pamphlet.' Still, according to his statement, which there can
+be little doubt is here thoroughly false, he had the loan of the
+Gothic History for only three days from the steward of Cassiodorus,
+and wrote chiefly or entirely from his recollection of this hasty
+perusal[48]. He says that he added some suitable passages from the
+Greek and Latin historians, but his own range of historical reading
+was evidently so narrow that we may fairly suspect these additions to
+have been of the slenderest possible dimensions. Upon the whole, there
+can be little doubt that it is a safe rule to attribute everything
+that is good or passable in this little treatise to Cassiodorus, and
+everything that is very bad, childish, and absurd in it to Jordanes.
+
+[Footnote 45: 'De Rebus Geticis,' or 'De Gothorum Origine,' is the
+name by which this little treatise is usually known. It seems to be
+doubtful, however, what title, if any, Jordanes himself prefixed to
+it. Mommsen calls it simply 'Getica.']
+
+[Footnote 46: Especially Schirren, 'De Ratione quae inter Jordanem et
+Cassiodorum intercedat' (Dorpat, 1858); Sybel, 'De Fontibus Libri
+Jordanis' (Berlin, 1838); and Koepke, 'Die Anfaenge des Koenigthums bei
+den Gothen' (Berlin, 1859).]
+
+[Footnote 47: _Possibly_ in the end Bishop of Crotona, or a Defensor
+of the Roman Church, since we find a Jordanes in each of these
+positions; but this is mere guesswork, and to me neither theory seems
+probable.]
+
+[Footnote 48: 'Sed ut non mentiar, ad triduanam lectionem
+dispensatoris ejus beneficio libros ipsos antehac relegi.'
+Notwithstanding the 'ut non mentiar,' most of those who have enquired
+into the subject have come to the opinion which is bluntly expressed
+by Usener (p. 73), 'Die dreitaegige Frist die Jordanes zur Benutzung
+der 12 Buecher gehabt haben will, _ist natuerlich Schwindel_.' Even by
+an expert precis-writer a loan of three months would be much more
+probably needed for the purpose indicated by Jordanes than one of
+three days.]
+
+[Sidenote: Temporary retirement from official life (?).]
+
+The literary labours of Cassiodorus, of which the Gothic History was
+one of the fruits, were probably continued for two or three years
+after its completion[49]. At least there is reason to believe that he
+was not actively engaged in the service of the State during those
+terrible years (524 and 525) in which the failing intellect of
+Theodoric, goaded almost to madness by Justin's persecution of his
+Arian co-religionists, condescended to ignoble measures of
+retaliation, which brought him into collision with Senate and Pope,
+and in the end tarnished his fame by the judicial murder of Boethius
+and Symmachus. It was fortunate indeed for Cassiodorus if he was
+during this time, perhaps because of his unwillingness to help the
+King to his own hurt, enjoying an interval of literary retirement at
+Squillace. His honour must have suffered if he had abetted the
+intolerant policy of Theodoric; his life might have been forfeit if he
+had openly opposed it.
+
+[Footnote 49: This was probably 521 at latest.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cassiodorus as Master of the Offices, 526.]
+
+Whatever may have been the cause of the temporary obscuration of
+Cassiodorus, he was soon again shining in all the splendour of
+official dignity; for when Theodoric died, his old and trusted
+minister was holding--probably not for the first time in his official
+career[50]--the great place of Master of the Offices.
+
+[Footnote 50: The language of Cassiodorus in Var. ix. 24 implies that
+he had held this office for a considerable time before the death of
+Theodoric. Usener thinks that he was made Magister Officiorum for the
+first time about the year 518.]
+
+The _Magister Officiorum_, whose relation to the other members of the
+Cabinet of the Sovereign was somewhat indefinite, and who was in fact
+constantly trying to enlarge the circle of his authority at their
+expense, was at the head of the Civil Service of the Roman Empire, and
+afterwards occupied a similar position in the Ostrogothic State. It
+was said of him by the Byzantine orator Priscus (himself a man who had
+been engaged in important embassies), 'Of all the counsels of the
+Emperor the Magister is a partaker, inasmuch as the messengers and
+interpreters and the soldiers employed on guard at the palace are
+ranged under him.' Quite in harmony with this general statement are
+the more precise indications of the 'Notitia.' There, 'under the
+disposition of the illustrious Magister Officiorum,' we find five
+_Scholae_, which seem to have been composed of household troops[51].
+Then comes the great Schola of the _Agentes in rebus_ and their
+deputies--a mighty army of 'king's messengers,' who swarmed through
+all the Provinces of the Empire, executing the orders of the
+Sovereign, and earning gold and hatred from the helpless Provincials
+among whom their errands lay. In addition to these the four great
+stationary bureaux--the Scrinium Memoriae, Scrinium Dispositionum,
+Scrinium Epistolarum, and Scrinium Libellorum--the offices whose duty
+it was to conduct the correspondence of the Sovereign with foreign
+powers, and to answer the petitions of his own subjects, all owned the
+Master of the Offices as their head. Moreover, the great arsenals (of
+which there were six in Italy at Concordia, Verona, Mantua, Cremona,
+Ticinum, and Lucca) received their orders from the same official. An
+anomalous and too widely dispersed range of functions this seems
+according to our ideas, including something of the Secretaryship for
+Foreign Affairs, something of the Home Secretaryship, and something of
+the War Office and the Horse Guards. Yet, as if this were not enough,
+there was also transferred to him from the office of the Praetorian
+Praefect the superintendence of the Cursus Publicus, that excellent
+institution by which facilities for intercourse were provided between
+the capital and the most distant Provinces, relays of post-horses
+being kept at every town, available for use by those who bore properly
+signed 'letters of evection.' Thus to the multifarious duties of the
+Master of the Offices was added in effect the duty of
+Postmaster-General. It was found however in practice to be an
+inconvenient arrangement for the Master of the Offices to have the
+control of the services of the 'public horses,' while the Praetorian
+Praefect remained responsible for the supply of their food; and the
+charge of the _Cursus Publicus_ was accordingly retransferred--at any
+rate in the Eastern Empire--to the office of the Praefect, though the
+letters of evection still required the counter-signature of the
+Master[52].
+
+[Footnote 51: They are 'Scutariorum prima, secunda et tertia,
+armaturarum seniorum et gentilium seniorum' (Notitia Occidentis, cap.
+ix.).]
+
+[Footnote 52: This is the account of the matter given by Lydus (De
+Magistratibus ii. 10); but as the Notitia (Or. xi.) puts the 'Curiosus
+Cursus Publici Praesentalis' under the disposition of the Magister
+Officiorum, the retransfer had probably not then taken place. It would
+seem also from the Formula of Cassiodorus (Var. vi. 6) that in his
+time the Magister Officiorum still had the charge of the Cursus
+Publicus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Theodoric, Aug. 30, 526.]
+
+Such was the position of Cassiodorus when, on the 30th of August, 526,
+by the death of Theodoric, he lost the master whom he had served so
+long and so faithfully. The difficulties which beset the new reign are
+pretty clearly indicated in the letters which Cassiodorus published in
+the name of the young King Athalaric, Theodoric's grandson, and which
+are to be found in the Eighth Book of the 'Variae.' Athalaric himself
+being only a boy of eight or ten years of age, supreme power was
+vested in his mother Amalasuentha, with what title we are unable to
+say, but apparently not with that of Queen. This Princess, a woman of
+great and varied accomplishments, perhaps once a pupil, certainly a
+friend, of Cassiodorus, ruled entirely in accordance with the maxims
+of his statesmanship, and endeavoured with female impulsiveness to
+carry into effect his darling scheme of Romanising the Goths. During
+the whole of her regency we may doubtless consider Cassiodorus as
+virtually her Prime Minister, and the eight years which it occupied
+were without doubt that portion of his life in which he exercised the
+most direct and unquestioned influence on State affairs.
+
+[Sidenote: Services of Cassiodorus to the Regent Amalasuentha.]
+
+His services at the commencement of the new reign will be best
+described in his own words: 'Nostris quoque principiis[53]' (the
+letter is written in Athalaric's name) 'quanto se labore concessit,
+cum novitas regni multa posceret ordinari? Erat solus ad universa
+sufficiens. Ipsum dictatio publica, ipsum consilia nostra poscebant;
+et labore ejus actum est ne laboraret imperium. _Reperimus eum quidem
+Magistrum sed implevit nobis Quaestoris officium_: et mercedes
+justissima devotione persolvens, cautelam, quam ab auctore nostro
+didicerat, libenter haeredis utilitatibus exhibebat[54].'
+
+[Footnote 53: Variarum ix. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 54: The meaning apparently is: 'The experience which he had
+gained in Theodoric's service was employed for the advantage of his
+grandson.']
+
+[Sidenote: Fears of invasion.]
+
+Cassiodorus then goes on to describe how he laboured for his young
+Sovereign with the sword as well as with the pen. Some hostile
+invasion was dreaded, perhaps from the Franks, or, more probably, from
+the Vandals, whose relations with the Ostrogoths at that time were
+strained, owing to the murder of Theodoric's sister Amalafrida by
+Hilderic the Vandal King. Cassiodorus provided ships and equipped
+soldiers at his own expense, probably for the defence of his beloved
+Province of Bruttii. The alarm of war passed away, but difficulties
+appear to have arisen owing to the sudden cancellation of the
+contracts which had been entered into when hostilities seemed
+imminent; and to these difficulties Cassiodorus tells us that he
+brought his trained experience as an administrator and a judge,
+resolving them so as to give satisfaction to all who were concerned.
+
+[Sidenote: Cassiodorus as Praetorian Praefect, 533.]
+
+Seven years of Amalasuentha's regency thus passed, and now at length,
+at fifty-three years of age, Cassiodorus was promoted (Sept. 1, 533)
+to the most distinguished place which a subject could occupy. He
+received from Amalasuentha the office of Praetorian Praefect. As
+thirty-three years had elapsed since his father was invested with the
+same dignity, we may fairly conjecture that father and son both
+climbed this eminence at the same period of their lives; yet,
+considering the extraordinary credit which the younger Cassiodorus
+enjoyed at Court, we might have expected that he would have been
+clothed with the Praefecture before he attained the fifty-third year
+of his age. And, in fact, he hints in the letter composed by him, in
+which he informs himself of his own elevation[55], that that elevation
+had been somewhat too long delayed, though the reason which he alleges
+for the delay (namely, that the people might greet the new Praefect
+the more heartily[56]) is upon the face of it not the true cause.
+
+[Footnote 55: Var. ix. 24.]
+
+[Footnote 56: 'Diutius quidem differendo pro te cunctorum vota
+lassavimus, ut benevolentiam in te probaremus generalitatis, et
+cunctis desiderabilior advenires.']
+
+[Sidenote: Office of the Praetorian Praefect.]
+
+The majesty of the Praetorian Praefect's office is fully dwelt upon
+and its functions described in a letter in the following
+collection[57], to which the reader is referred. Originally only the
+chief officer of those Praetorian troops in Rome by whom the Emperor
+was guarded, until, as was so often the case, he was in some fit of
+petulance by the same pampered sentinels dethroned, the Praefectus
+Praetorio had gradually become more and more of a judge, less and less
+of a soldier. In the great changes wrought by Constantine the
+Praetorian guards disappeared--somewhat in the same fashion after
+which the Janissaries were removed by Sultan Mahmoud. The Praetorian
+Praefect's dignity, however, survived, and though he lost every shred
+of military command he became or continued to be the first civil
+servant of the Empire. Cassiodorus is fond of comparing him to Joseph
+at the Court of Pharaoh, nor is the comparison an inapt one. In the
+Constantinople of our own day the Grand Vizier holds a position not
+altogether unlike that which the Praefect held in the Court of
+Arcadius and Theodosius. 'The office of this Praefect,' said one who
+had spent his life as one of his subordinates[58],' is like the Ocean,
+encircling all other offices and ministering to all their needs. The
+Consulate is indeed higher in rank than the Praefecture, but less in
+power. The Praefect wears a _mandye_, or woollen cloak, dyed with the
+purple of Cos, and differing from the Emperor's only in the fact that
+it reaches not to the feet but to the knees. Girt with his sword he
+takes his seat as President of the Senate. When that body has
+assembled, the chiefs of the army fall prostrate before the Praefect,
+who raises them and kisses each in turn, in order to express his
+desire to be on good terms with the military power. Nay, even the
+Emperor himself walks (or till lately used to walk) on foot from his
+palace to meet the Praefect as he moves slowly towards him at the head
+of the Senate. The insignia of the Praefect's office are his lofty
+chariot, his golden reed-case [pen-holder], weighing one hundred
+pounds, his massive silver inkstand, and silver bowl on a tripod of
+the same metal to receive the petitions of suitors. Three official
+yachts wait upon his orders, and convey him from the capital to the
+neighbouring Provinces.'
+
+[Footnote 57: Var. vi. 3.]
+
+[Footnote 58: Joannes Lydus, De Dignitatibus ii. 7, 8, 9, 13, 14.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Praetorian Praefect as Judge of Appeal.]
+
+The personage thus highly placed had a share in the government of the
+State, a share which the Master of the Offices was for ever trying to
+diminish, but which, in the hands of one who like Cassiodorus was
+_persona grata_ at the Court, might be made not only important but
+predominant[59]. The chief employment, however, of the ordinary
+Praefectus Praetorio consisted in hearing appeals from the Governors
+of the Provinces. When the magical words 'Provoco ad Caesarem' had
+been uttered, it was in most cases before the Praetorian Praefect that
+the appeal was practically heard; and when the Praetorian Praefect had
+pronounced his decision, no appeal from that was permitted, even to
+the Emperor himself[60].
+
+[Footnote 59: Bethmann Hollweg (pp. 75, 76) enumerates the functions
+of the Praetorian Praefect thus: '(1) _Legislative._ He promulgated
+the Imperial laws, and issued edicts which had almost the force of
+laws. (2) _Financial._ The general tax (indictio, delegatio) ordered
+by the Emperor for the year, was proclaimed by each Praefect for his
+own Praefecture. Through his officials he took part in the levy of the
+tax, and had a special State-chest (arca praetoria) for the proceeds.
+(3) _Administrative._ The Praefect proposed the names of provincial
+governors, handed to them their salaries, had a general oversight of
+them, issued rescripts on the information furnished by them, and could
+as their ordinary Judge inflict punishments upon them, even depose
+them from their offices, and temporarily nominate substitutes to act
+in their places. (4) _Judicial_, as the highest Judge of Appeal.']
+
+[Footnote 60: See authorities quoted by Bethmann Hollweg, pp. 79, 80.]
+
+[Sidenote: Letters written during the Praefecture of Cassiodorus.]
+
+Cassiodorus held the post of Praetorian Praefect, amid various changes
+in the fortunes of the State, from 533 to 538, or perhaps a year or
+two longer. Of his activity in the domain of internal administration,
+the Eleventh and Twelfth Books of the 'Variae' give a vivid and
+interesting picture. Unfortunately, neither those books nor the Tenth
+Book of the same collection, which contains the letters written by him
+during the same time in the names of the successive Gothic Sovereigns,
+give any sufficient information as to the real course of public
+events. Great misfortunes, great crimes, and the movements of great
+armies are covered over in these documents by a veil of unmeaning
+platitudes and hypocritical compliments. In order to enable the
+student to 'read between the lines,' and to pierce through the
+verbiage of these letters to the facts which they were meant to hint
+at or to conceal, it will be necessary briefly to describe the
+political history of the period as we learn it from the narratives of
+Procopius and Jordanes--narratives which may be inaccurate in a few
+minor details but are doubtless correct in their main outlines.
+
+[Sidenote: Opposition to Romanising policy of Amalasuentha.]
+
+The Romanising policy of the cultivated but somewhat self-willed
+Princess Amalasuentha met with considerable opposition on the part of
+her Gothic subjects. Above all, they objected to the bookish education
+which she was giving to her son, the young King. They declared that it
+was entirely contrary to the maxims of Theodoric that a young Goth
+should be trembling before the strap of a pedagogue when he ought to
+be learning to look unfalteringly on spear and sword. These
+representations were so vigorously made, and by speakers of such high
+rank in the State, that Amalasuentha was compelled to listen to them,
+to remove her son from the society of his teachers, and to allow him
+to associate with companions of his own age, who, not being wisely
+chosen, soon initiated him in every kind of vice and dissipation.
+
+[Sidenote: Amalasuentha puts three Gothic nobles to death.]
+
+The Princess, who had not forgiven the leaders of the Gothic party for
+their presumptuously offered counsels, singled out three of the most
+powerful nobles who were at the head of that party and sent them into
+honourable banishment at the opposite ends of Italy. Finding, however,
+that they were still holding communication with one another, she sent
+to the Emperor Justinian to ask if he would give her an asylum in his
+dominions if she required it, and then gave orders for the secret
+assassination of the three noblemen. The _coup d'etat_ succeeded: she
+had no need to flee the country; and the ship bearing the royal
+treasure, which amounted to 40,000 pounds weight of gold, which she
+had sent to Dyrrhachium to await her possible flight, was ordered to
+return home.
+
+[Sidenote: Embassies between Ravenna and Constantinople.]
+
+Athalaric's health was now rapidly failing, owing to his licentious
+excesses, and Amalasuentha, fearing that after his death her own life
+might be in danger, began again secretly to negotiate with Justinian
+for the entire surrender of the kingdom of Italy into his hands, on
+receiving an assurance of shelter and maintenance at the Court of
+Byzantium. These negotiations were masked by others of a more public
+kind, in which Justinian claimed the Sicilian fortress of Lilybaeum,
+which had once belonged to the Vandals; insisted on the surrender of
+some Huns, deserters from the army of Africa; and demanded redress for
+the sack by the Goths of the Moesian city of Gratiana. These claims
+Amalasuentha met publicly with a reply as brave and uncompromising as
+her most patriotic subjects could desire, but in private, as has been
+already said, she was prepared, for an adequate assurance of personal
+safety, to barter away all the rights and liberties of her Italian
+subjects, Roman as well as Gothic, and to allow her father's
+hard-earned kingdom to sink into a mere dependency of Constantinople.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Athalaric, Oct. 2, 534.]
+
+Such was the position of affairs when on the 2nd October 534, little
+more than a year after Cassiodorus had donned the purple of the
+Praefect, Athalaric died, and by his death the whole attitude of the
+parties to the negotiations was changed. The power to rule, and with
+it the very power to make terms of any kind with the Emperor, was in
+danger of slipping from the hands of Amalasuentha. The principle of
+female sovereignty was barely accepted by any Teutonic tribe.
+Evidently the Ostrogoths had not accepted it, or Amalasuentha would
+have ruled as Queen in her own right instead of as Regent for her son.
+In order to strengthen her position, and ensure her acceptance as
+Sovereign by the Gothic warriors, she decided to associate with
+herself, not in matrimony, for he was already married, but in regal
+partnership, her cousin Theodahad, the nearest male heir of Theodoric,
+and to mount the throne together with him. Previously, however, to
+announcing this scheme in public, she sent for Theodahad and exacted
+from him 'tremendous oaths[61]' that if he were chosen King he would
+be satisfied with the mere name of royalty, leaving her as much of the
+actual substance of power as she possessed at that moment.
+
+[Footnote 61: [Greek: horkois deinotatois].]
+
+[Sidenote: Amalasuentha associates Theodahad in the Sovereignty.]
+
+The partnership-royalty and the oath of self-abnegation were the
+desperate expedients of a woman who knew herself to have mighty
+enemies among her subjects, and who felt power slipping from her
+grasp. With one side of her character her new partner could
+sympathise; for Theodahad, though sprung from the loins of Gothic
+warriors, was a man of some literary culture, who preferred poring
+over the 'Republic' of Plato to heading a charge of the Gothic
+cavalry. But his acquaintance with Latin and Greek literature had done
+nothing to ennoble his temper or expand his heart. A cold, hard,
+avaricious soul, he had been entirely bent on adding field to field
+and removing his neighbour's landmark, until the vast possessions
+which he had received from the generosity of Theodoric should embrace
+the whole of the great Tuscan plain. It will be seen by referring to
+two letters in the following collection[62] that Theodoric himself had
+twice employed the pen of Cassiodorus to rebuke the rapacity of his
+nephew; and at a more recent date, since the beginning of Athalaric's
+illness, Amalasuentha had been compelled by the complaints of her
+Tuscan subjects to issue a commission of enquiry, which had found
+Theodahad guilty of the various acts of land-robbery which had been
+charged against him, and had compelled him to make restitution.
+
+[Footnote 62: Variarum iv. 39 and v. 12.]
+
+[Sidenote: Amalasuentha is deposed and imprisoned by Theodahad, April
+30, 535.]
+
+The new Queen persuaded herself, and tried to persuade her cousin,
+that this ignominious sentence had in some way put the subject of it
+straight with the world, and had smoothed his pathway to the throne.
+She trusted to his gratitude and his tremendous oaths for her own
+undisturbed position at the helm of the State, but she found before
+many months of the joint reign had passed that the reed upon which she
+was leaning was about to pierce her hand. Only four letters, it will
+be seen, of the following collection were written by order of
+Amalasuentha after the commencement of the joint reign. Soon Theodahad
+felt himself strong enough to hurl from the throne the woman who had
+dared to compel him to draw back the boundary of his Tuscan
+_latifundium._ The relations of the three noblemen whom Amalasuentha
+had put to death gathered gladly round him, eager to work out the
+blood-feud; and by their help he slew many of the strongest supporters
+of the Queen, and shut her up in prison in a little lonely island upon
+the lake of Vulsinii. This event took place on the 30th of April, 535,
+not quite seven months after the death of Athalaric[63].
+
+[Footnote 63: The dates of the death of Athalaric and deposition of
+Amalasuentha are given by Agnellus in his Liber Pontificalis Ecclesiae
+Ravennatis, p. 322 (in the edition comprised in the Monumenta
+Germaniae Historica).]
+
+[Sidenote: Embassy of Peter.]
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Amalasuentha.]
+
+During all these later months there had been a perpetual flux and
+reflux of diplomatic communications between Ravenna and
+Constantinople. The different stages of the negotiations are marked,
+apparently with clearness, by Procopius; but it is not always easy to
+harmonise them with the letters published by Cassiodorus, who either
+did not write, or shrank from republishing, some of the most important
+letters to the Emperor. This remark applies to the missive which was
+probably taken by the Senators Liberius and Opilio, who were now sent
+by Theodahad to Justinian to apologise for the imprisonment of
+Amalasuentha, and to promise that she should receive no injury.
+Meanwhile Peter, a rhetorician and an ex-Consul, was travelling from
+Constantinople with a commission the character of which was being
+constantly changed by the rapid current of events. He started with
+instructions to complete the transaction with Amalasuentha as to the
+surrender of Italy, and to buy from Theodahad, who was still a private
+individual, his possessions in Tuscany. Soon after his departure he
+met the ambassadors, who told him of the death of Athalaric and the
+accession of Theodahad. On the shores of the Hadriatic he heard of
+Amalasuentha's captivity. He waited for further instructions from his
+master, and on his arrival at Ravenna he found that all was over. The
+letter which he was to have handed to the deposed Queen, assuring her
+of Justinian's protection, was already obsolete. The kinsmen of the
+three nobles had been permitted or encouraged by Theodahad to end the
+blood-feud bloodily. They had repaired to the Lake of Vulsinii and
+murdered Amalasuentha in her bath[64]. The Byzantine ambassador sought
+the presence of the King, boldly denounced his wicked deed, and
+declared on the part of his master a war which would be waged without
+truce or treaty till Amalasuentha was avenged. Thus began the eighteen
+years' war between Justinian and the Ostrogoths.
+
+[Footnote 64: We do not seem to have the precise date of the death of
+Amalasuentha, but apparently it happened about the month of May, 535.]
+
+[Sidenote: Why did Cassiodorus continue in the service of Theodahad?]
+
+It might certainly have been expected that a statesman who had been
+honoured with the intimate friendship of Theodoric and his daughter,
+even if unable to avenge her death, would have refused to serve in the
+Cabinet of her murderer. It is accordingly with a feeling of painful
+surprise that we find Cassiodorus still holding the Secretary's pen,
+and writing letter after letter (they form the majority of the
+documents in the Tenth Book of the 'Variae') in the name of Theodahad
+and his wife Gudelina. Dangers no doubt were thickening round his
+beloved Italy. He may have thought that whoever wore the Gothic crown,
+Duty forbade him to quit the Secretum at Ravenna just when war with
+the Empire was becoming every day more imminent. On the other hand,
+the Praetorian Praefecture, the object of a life's ambition, was now
+his, but had been his only for two years. It was hard to lay aside the
+purple _mandye_ while the first gloss was yet upon it; hard to have to
+fall back into the ranks of the ordinary senators, and no longer to
+receive the reverent salutations of the chiefs of the army when he
+entered the hall of meeting. Whether the public good or the private
+advantage swayed him most who shall say? There are times when
+patriotism calls for the costliest sacrifice which a statesman can
+make--the sacrifice, apparently, of his own honour. The man who has
+made such a sacrifice must be content to be misjudged by his
+fellow-men. Certainly, to us the one stain upon an otherwise pure
+reputation seems to be found in the service, the apparently willing
+service, which in the Tenth Book of his letters Cassiodorus renders to
+Theodahad.
+
+[Sidenote: Vacillation of Theodahad.]
+
+Throughout the latter half of 535, Belisarius in Sicily and Mundus in
+Dalmatia were warring for Justinian against Theodahad. The rhetorician
+Peter, who had boldly rebuked the Gothic King for the murder of his
+benefactress, and had on his master's behalf denounced a truceless war
+against him, still lingered at his Court. Theodahad, who during part
+of the summer and autumn of 535 seems to have been at Rome, not at
+Ravenna, was more than half inclined to resume his old negotiations
+with the Emperor, and either to purchase peace by sinking into the
+condition of a tributary, or to sell his kingdom outright for a
+revenue of L48,000 a year and a high place among the nobles of the
+Empire. Procopius[65] gives us a vivid and detailed narrative of the
+manner in which these negotiations were conducted by Theodahad, who
+was perpetually wavering between arrogance and timidity; trembling at
+the successes of Belisarius, elated by any victory which his generals
+might win in Dalmatia; and who at length, upon receiving the tidings
+of the defeat and death of Mundus, broke off the negotiations
+altogether, and shut up Peter and his colleague Athanasius in prison.
+
+[Footnote 65: De Bello Gotthico, i. 6.]
+
+[Sidenote: Silence of the 'Variae' as to many of the negotiations
+between Theodahad and Justinian.]
+
+Here again, while not doubting the truth of the narrative of
+Procopius, I do not find it possible exactly to fit in the letters
+written by Cassiodorus for Theodahad with the various stages of the
+negotiation as described by him. Especially the striking letter of the
+King to the Emperor--striking by reason of its very abjectness--which
+is quoted by Procopius in the sixth chapter of his First Book, appears
+to be entirely unrepresented in the collection of Cassiodorus.
+Evidently all this part of the 'Variae' has been severely edited by
+its author, who has expunged all that seemed to reflect too great
+discredit on the Sovereign whom he had once served, and has preserved
+only some letters written to Justinian and Theodora by Theodahad and
+his wife, vaguely praising peace, and beseeching the Imperial pair to
+restore it to Italy; letters which, as it seems to me, may be applied
+with about equal fitness to any movement of the busy shuttle of
+diplomacy backwards and forwards between Ravenna and Constantinople.
+
+[Sidenote: Theodahad deposed, Witigis elected, Aug. 536.]
+
+The onward march of Belisarius trampled all the combinations of
+diplomatists into the dust. In the early part of July, 536, he had
+succeeded in capturing the important city of Neapolis, and had begun
+to threaten Rome. The Gothic warriors, disgusted at the incapacity of
+their King, and probably suspecting his disloyalty to the nation, met
+(August, 536) under arms upon the plain of Regeta[66], deposed
+Theodahad, and elected a veteran named Witigis as his successor.
+Witigis at once ordered Theodahad to be put to death, and being
+himself of somewhat obscure lineage, endeavoured to strengthen his
+title to the crown by marrying Matasuentha, the sister of Athalaric
+and the only surviving descendant of Theodoric.
+
+[Footnote 66: The situation of this plain is unknown.]
+
+[Sidenote: Letter on the elevation of Witigis.]
+
+Whether Cassiodorus had any hand in this revolution--which was
+pre-eminently a Gothic movement--we cannot tell; but certainly one of
+the best specimens of his letters is that written in the name of the
+new King[67], in which he makes Witigis thus speak, 'Universis
+Gothis'--not as Theodoric had so often spoken, 'Universis Gothis et
+Romanis:'
+
+[Footnote 67: Var. x. 31.]
+
+'Unde Auctori nostro Christo gratias humillima satisfactione
+referentes, indicamus parentes nostros Gothos inter procinctuales
+gladios, more majorum, scuto supposito, regalem nobis contulisse,
+praestante Deo, dignitatem, ut honorem arma darent, cujus opinionem
+bella pepererant. Non enim in cubilis angustis, sed in campis late
+patentibus electum me esse noveritis: nec inter blandientium delicata
+colloquia, sed tubis concrepantibus sum quaesitus, ut tali fremitu
+concitatus desiderio virtutis ingenitae regem sibi Martium Geticus
+populus inveniret.'
+
+[Sidenote: Letters written in name of Witigis.]
+
+We have only five letters written by Cassiodorus for Witigis (who
+reigned from August, 536, to May[68], 540). One has been already
+described. All the other four are concerned with negotiations for
+peace with Justinian, and may probably be referred to the early part
+of the new reign.
+
+[Footnote 68: We get this date only from Agnellus (loc. cit. p. 522).]
+
+[Sidenote: Share of Cassiodorus in the administration during the war.]
+
+It will be seen that the letters written by Cassiodorus for the
+Sovereign during the five years following the death of Athalaric are
+few and somewhat unsatisfactory. But, on the other hand, it was just
+during these years that he wrote in his own name as Praetorian
+Praefect the letters which are comprised in the Eleventh and Twelfth
+Books of his collection, and which are in some respects the most
+interesting of the whole series. There is a strong probability that he
+was not present at the long siege of Rome (March, 537, to March, 538),
+nor is it likely that he, an elderly civilian, would take much part in
+any of the warlike operations that followed. Upon the whole, it seems
+probable that during the greater part of this time Cassiodorus was, to
+the best of his power, keeping the civil administration together by
+virtue of his own authority as Praetorian Praefect, without that
+constant reference to the wishes of the Sovereign which would have
+been necessary under Theodoric and his daughter. Perhaps, in the
+transitional state of things which then prevailed in Italy, with the
+power of the Gothic sceptre broken but the sway of the Roman Caesar
+not yet firmly established in its stead, men of all parties and both
+nationalities were willing that as much as possible of the routine of
+government should be carried on by a statesman who was Roman by birth
+and culture, but who had been the trusted counsellor of Gothic Kings.
+
+[Sidenote: Dates of later letters.]
+
+I have endeavoured as far as possible to fix the dates of these later
+letters. It will be seen that we have one[69] probably belonging to
+the year 536, five[70] to 537, and one[71] (possibly) to 538. These
+later letters refer chiefly to the terrible famine which followed in
+the train of the war, and of which Cassiodorus strenuously laboured to
+mitigate the severity.
+
+[Footnote 69: Var. xii. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 70: Var. xii. 22, 23, 24, 27, 28.]
+
+[Footnote 71: Var. xii. 25.]
+
+[Sidenote: End of Cassiodorus' official career.]
+
+It is possible that the Praefect may have continued to hold office
+down to the capture of Ravenna in May, 540, which made Witigis a
+prisoner, and seemed to bring the Ostrogothic monarchy to an end. Upon
+the whole, however, it is rather more probable that in the year 538
+or 539 he finally retired from public life. The dates of his letters
+will show that there is nothing in them which forbids us to accept
+this conclusion; and the fact, if it be a fact, that in 540, when
+Belisarius, with his Secretary Procopius in his train, made his
+triumphal entry into Ravenna, the late Praefect was no longer there,
+but in his native Province of Bruttii, a little lessens the difficulty
+of that which still remains most difficult of comprehension, the
+entire omission from Procopius' History of the Gothic War of all
+mention of the name of Cassiodorus.
+
+[Sidenote: The Variae edited.]
+
+The closing years of the veteran statesman's tenure of office were
+years of some literary activity. It was in them that he was
+collecting, and to some extent probably revising, the letters which
+appear in the following collection. His motives for publishing this
+monument of his official life are sufficiently set forth in the two
+prefaces, one prefixed to the First Book and the other to the
+Eleventh. Much emphasis is laid on the entreaties of his friends, the
+regular excuse, in the sixth century as in the nineteenth, for an
+author or a politician doing the very thing which most pleases his own
+vanity. A worthier reason probably existed in the author's natural
+desire to vindicate his own consistency, by showing that the influence
+which for more than thirty years he had wielded in the councils of the
+Gothic Sovereigns had been uniformly exerted on the side of law and
+order and just government, directed equally to the repression of
+Teutonic barbarism and the punishment of Roman venality.
+
+[Sidenote: What alterations were made in the letters.]
+
+The question how far the letters which now appear in the 'Variae'
+really reproduce the actual documents originally issued by Cassiodorus
+is one which has been a good deal discussed by scholars, but with no
+very definite result. It is, after all, a matter of conjecture; and
+every student who peruses the following letters is entitled to form
+his own conjecture--especially as to those marvellous digressions on
+matters of Natural History, Moral Philosophy, and the like--whether
+they were veritably included in the original letters that issued from
+the Royal Secretum, and were carried over Italy by the Cursus
+Publicus. My own conjecture is, that though they may have been a
+little amplified and elaborated, substantially they were to be found
+in those original documents. The age was pedantic and half-educated,
+and had lost both its poetic inspiration and its faculty of humour;
+and I fear that these marvellous letters were read by the officials to
+whom they were addressed with a kind of stolid admiration, provoking
+neither the smile of amusement nor the shrug of impatience which are
+their rightful meed.
+
+[Sidenote: 'Illum atque Illum.']
+
+The reader will observe that in many, in fact most of the letters,
+which were meant to serve as credentials to ambassadors or commissions
+to civil servants, no names are inserted, but we have instead only the
+tantalising formula, 'Illum atque Illum,' which I have generally
+translated, 'A and B.' This circumstance has also been much commented
+upon, but without our arriving at any very definite result. All that
+can be said is, that Cassiodorus must have formed his collection of
+State-papers either from rough drafts in his own possession, or from
+copies preserved in the public archives, and that, from whichsoever
+source he drew, the names in that source had not been preserved: a
+striking comment on the rhetorical unbusinesslike character of the
+Royal and Imperial Chanceries of that day, in which words were deemed
+of more importance than things, and the flowers of speech which were
+showered upon the performer of some piece of public business were
+preserved, while the name of the performer was forgotten.
+
+[Sidenote: Treatise 'De Anima.']
+
+As soon as he had finished the collection of the 'Variae,' the
+Praefect--again in obedience to the entreaties of his
+friends--composed a short philosophic treatise on the Nature of the
+Soul ('De Anima'). As he said, it seems an absurd thing to treat as a
+stranger and an unknown quantity the very centre of our being; to seek
+to understand the height of the air, the extent of the earth, the
+causes of storms and earthquakes, and the nature of the wandering
+winds, and yet to leave the faculty, by which we grasp all this
+knowledge, itself uncomprehended[72]. He therefore sets himself to
+enquire, in twelve chapters:
+
+[Footnote 72: 'Cum jam suscepti operis optato fine gauderem, meque
+duodecim voluminibus jactatum quietis portus exciperet, ubi etsi non
+laudatus, certe liberatus adveneram, amicorum me suave collegium in
+salum rursus cogitationis expressit, postulans ut aliqua quae tam in
+libris sacris, quam in saecularibus abstrusa compereram de animae
+substantia, vel de ejus virtutibus aperirem, cui datum est tam
+ingentium rerum secreta reserare: addens nimis ineptum esse si eam per
+quam plura cognoscimus, quasi a nobis alienam ignorare patiamur, dum
+ad anima sit utile nosse qua sapimus' (De Anima, Praefatio).]
+
+1. Why the Soul is called Anima?
+
+2. What is the definition of the Soul?
+
+3. What is its substantial quality?
+
+4. If it is to be believed to have any shape?
+
+5. What moral virtues it has which contribute to its glory and its
+adornment?
+
+6. What are its natural virtues [or powers], given to enable it to
+hold together the framework of the body?
+
+7. Concerning the origin of the Soul.
+
+8. What is its especial seat, since it appears to be in a certain
+sense diffused over the whole body?
+
+9. Concerning the form and composition of the body itself.
+
+10. Sufficient signs by which we may discern what properties the souls
+of sinners possess.
+
+11. Similar signs by which we may distinguish the souls of righteous
+men, since we cannot see them with our bodily eyes.
+
+12. Concerning the Soul's state after death, and how it will be
+affected by the general resurrection.
+
+The treatise ends with a prayer to Christ to preserve the body in good
+health, that it may be in tune with the harmony of the soul; to give
+reason the ascendancy over the flesh; and to keep the mind in happy
+equipoise, neither so strong as to be puffed up with pride, nor so
+languid as to fail of its proper powers.
+
+[Sidenote: Cassiodorus retires to the cloister.]
+
+The line of thought indicated by the 'De Anima' led, in such a country
+as Italy, at such a time as the Gothic War, to one inevitable end--the
+cloister. It can have surprised none of the friends of Cassiodorus
+when the veteran statesman announced his intention of spending the
+remainder of his days in monastic retirement. He was now sixty years
+of age[73]; his wife, if he had ever married, was probably by this
+time dead; and we hear nothing of any children for whose sake he need
+have remained longer in the world. The Emperor would probably have
+received him gladly into his service, but Cassiodorus had now done
+with politics. The dream of his life had been to build up an
+independent Italian State, strong with the strength of the Goths, and
+wise with the wisdom of the Romans. That dream was now scattered to
+the winds. Providence had made it plain that not by this bridge was
+civilisation to pass over from the Old World to the New. Cassiodorus
+accepted the decision, and consecrated his old age to religious
+meditation and to a work even more important than any of his political
+labours (though one which must be lightly touched on here), the
+preservation by the pens of monastic copyists of the Christian
+Scriptures, and of the great works of classical antiquity.
+
+[Footnote 73: Fifty-eight, if the retirement was in 538.]
+
+[Sidenote: He founds two monasteries at Scyllacium.]
+
+It was to his ancestral Scyllacium that Cassiodorus retired; and here,
+between the mountains of Aspromonte and the sea, he founded his
+monastery, or, more accurately, his two monasteries, one for the
+austere hermit, and the other for the less aspiring coenobite. The
+former was situated among the 'sweet recesses of Mons Castellius[74],'
+the latter among the well-watered gardens which took their name from
+the Vivaria (fish-ponds) that Cassiodorus had constructed among them
+in connection with the river Pellena[75]. Baths, too, especially
+intended for the use of the sick, had been prepared on the banks of
+the stream[76]. Here in monastic simplicity, but not without comfort,
+Cassiodorus ordained that his monks should dwell. The Rule of the
+order--in so far as it had a written Rule--was drawn from the writings
+of Cassian, the great founder of Western Monachism, who had died about
+a century before the Vivarian monastery was founded. In commending the
+writings of Cassian to the study of his monks, Cassiodorus warns them
+against the bias shown in them towards the Semi-Pelagian heresy, and
+desires them to choose the good in those treatises and to refuse the
+evil. Whatever the reason may have been, it seems clear that
+Cassiodorus did not make the Rule of Benedict the law of his new
+monastery; and indeed, strange as the omission may appear, there is, I
+believe, no allusion to that great contemporary Saint, the 'Father of
+Monks,' in the whole of his writings.
+
+[Footnote 74: 'Nam si vos in monasterio Vivariensi divina gratia
+suffragante coenobiorum consuetudo competenter erudiat, et aliquid
+sublimius defaecatis animis optare contingat, habetis mentis Castelli
+secreta suavia, ubi velut anachoritae (praestante Domino) feliciter
+esse possitis' (De Inst. Div. Litt. xxix.).]
+
+[Footnote 75: 'Invitat vos locus Vivariensis monasterii ... quando
+habetis hortos irriguos, et piscosi amnis Pellenae fluenta vicina, qui
+nec magnitudine undarum suspectus habetur, nec exiguitate temnibilis.
+Influit vobis arte moderatus, ubicunque necessarius judicatur et
+hortis vestris sufficiens et molendinis.... Maria quoque vobis ita
+subjacent, ut piscationibus variis pateant; et captus piscis, cum
+libuerit, vivariis possit includi. Fecimus enim illic (juvante Deo)
+grata receptacula ubi sub claustro fideli vagetur piscium multitudo;
+ita consentanea montium speluncis, ut nullatenus se sentiat captum,
+cui libertas eat escas sumere, et per solitas se cavernas
+abscondere.']
+
+[Footnote 76: 'Balnea quoque congruenter aegris praeparata corporibus
+jussimus aedificari, ubi fontium perspicuitas decenter illabitur, quae
+et potui gratissima cognoscitur et lavacris.']
+
+[Sidenote: Probably never Abbot.]
+
+Though the founder and patron of these two monasteries, it seems
+probable that Cassiodorus never formally assumed the office of Abbot
+in either of them[77]. He had probably still some duties to perform as
+a large landholder in Bruttii; but besides these he had also work to
+do for 'his monks' (as he affectionately called them)--work of a
+literary and educational kind--which perhaps made it undesirable that
+he should be burdened with the petty daily routine of an Abbot's
+duties. Some years before, he had endeavoured to induce Pope
+Agapetus[78] to found a School of Theology and Christian Literature at
+Rome, in imitation of the schools of Alexandria and Nisibis[79]. The
+clash of arms consequent on the invasion of Italy by Belisarius had
+prevented the fulfilment of this scheme; but the aged statesman now
+determined to devote the remainder of his days to the accomplishment
+of the same purpose in connection with the Vivarian convent.
+
+[Footnote 77: But the words of Trithemius (quoted by Migne, Patrologia
+lxix. 498), 'Hic post aliquot conversionis suae annos abbas electus
+est, et monasterio multo tempore utiliter praefuit,' _may_ preserve a
+genuine and accurate tradition. Cassiodorus' mention of the two
+Abbots, Chalcedonius and Geruntius (De Inst. Div. Litt. cap. xxxii.)
+shows that at any rate in the infancy of his monasteries he was not
+Abbot of either of them.]
+
+[Footnote 78: Agapetus was Pope in 535 and 536.]
+
+[Footnote 79: 'Nisus sum ergo cum beatissimo Agapeto papa urbis Romae,
+ut sicut apud Alexandriam multo tempore fuisse traditur institutum,
+nunc etiam in Nisibi civitate Syrorum ab Hebraeis sedulo fertur
+exponi, collatis expensis in urbe Romana professos doctores scholae
+potius acciperent Christianae, unde et anima susciperet aeternam
+salutem, et casto atque purissimo eloquio fidelium lingua comeretur'
+(De Inst. Praefatio).]
+
+In the earliest days of Monasticism men like the hermits of the
+Thebaid had thought of little else but mortifying the flesh by vigils
+and fastings, and withdrawing from all human voices to enjoy an
+ecstatic communion with their Maker. The life in common of monks like
+those of Nitria and Lerinum had chastened some of the extravagances of
+these lonely enthusiasts while still keeping their main ends in view.
+St. Jerome, in his cell at Bethlehem, had shown what great results
+might be obtained for the Church of all ages from the patient literary
+toil of one religious recluse. And finally St. Benedict, in that Rule
+of his which was to be the code of monastic Christendom for centuries,
+had sanctified Work as one of the most effectual preservatives of the
+bodily and spiritual health of the ascetic, bringing together
+_Laborare_ and _Orare_ in friendly union, and proclaiming anew for the
+monk as for the untonsured citizen the primal ordinance, 'In the sweat
+of thy brow thou shalt eat bread.'
+
+[Sidenote: The father of literary Monasticism.]
+
+The great merit of Cassiodorus, that which shows his deep insight into
+the needs of his age and entitles him to the eternal gratitude of
+Europe, was his determination to utilise the vast leisure of the
+convent for the preservation of Divine and human learning and for its
+transmission to after ages. In the miserable circumstances of the
+times Theology was in danger of becoming brutified and ignorant; the
+great treasures of Pagan literature were no longer being perpetuated
+by the slaves who had once acted as _librarii_ to the Greek or Roman
+noble; and with every movement of the Ostrogothic armies, or of the
+yet more savage hordes who served under the Imperial standard, with
+every sacked city and with every ravaged villa, some Codex, it may be
+such as we should now deem priceless and irreplaceable, was perishing.
+This being the state of Italy, Cassiodorus resolved to make of his
+monastery not merely a place for pious meditation, but a theological
+school and a manufactory for the multiplication of copies, not only of
+the Scriptures, not only of the Fathers and the commentators on
+Scripture, but also of the great writers of pagan antiquity. In the
+chapter[80] which he devotes to the description of the _scriptorium_
+of his monastery he describes, with an enthusiasm which must have been
+contagious, the noble work done there by the _antiquarius_: 'He may
+fill his mind with the Scriptures while copying the sayings of the
+Lord. With his fingers he gives life to men and arms them against the
+wiles of the devil. So many wounds does Satan receive as the
+_antiquarius_ copies words of Christ. What he writes in his cell will
+be scattered far and wide over distant Provinces. Man multiplies the
+heavenly words, and by a striking figure--if I may dare so to
+speak--the three fingers of his hand express the utterances of the
+Holy Trinity. The fast-travelling reed writes down the holy words, and
+thus avenges the malice of the Wicked One, who caused a reed to be
+used to smite the head of the Saviour.'
+
+[Footnote 80: The 30th of the De Institutione Div. Litt.]
+
+It is true that the passage here quoted refers only to the work of the
+copyist of the Christian Scriptures, but it could easily be shown from
+other passages[81] that the literary activity of the monastery was not
+confined to these, but was also employed on secular literature.
+
+[Footnote 81: For instance, in cap. xv., after cautioning his copyists
+against rash corrections of apparent faults in the sacred MSS., he
+says: 'Ubicunque paragrammata in disertis hominibus [i.e. in classical
+authors] reperta fuerint, intrepidus vitiosa recorrigat.' And the
+greater part of cap. xxviii. is an argument against 'respuere
+saecularium litterarum studia.']
+
+[Sidenote: Bookbinding.]
+
+[Sidenote: Mechanical appliances for the convent.]
+
+Cassiodorus then goes on to describe the care which he has taken for
+the binding of the sacred Codices in covers worthy of the beauty of
+their contents, following the example of the householder in the
+parable, who provided wedding garments for all who came to the supper
+of his son. One pattern volume had been prepared, containing samples
+of various sorts of binding, that the amanuensis might choose that
+which pleased him best. He had moreover provided, to help the nightly
+toil of the _scriptorium_, mechanical lamps of some wonderful
+construction, which appears to have made them self-trimming, and to
+have ensured their having always a sufficient supply of oil[82].
+Sun-dials also for bright days, and water-clocks for cloudy days and
+the night-season, regulated their labour, and admonished them when it
+was time to unclose the three fingers, to lay down the reed, and to
+assemble with their brethren in the chapel of the convent for psalmody
+and prayer.
+
+[Footnote 82: Paravimus etiam nocturnis vigiliis mechanicas lucernas,
+conservatrices illuminantium flammarum, ipsas sibi nutrientes
+incendium, quae humano ministerio cessante, prolixe custodiant
+uberrimi luminis abundantissimam claritatem; ubi olei pinguedo non
+deficit, quamvis flammis ardentibus jugitor torreatur.]
+
+[Sidenote: Relation to the Benedictine Rule.]
+
+Upon the whole, though the idea of using the convent as a place of
+literary toil and theological training was not absolutely new,
+Cassiodorus seems certainly entitled to the praise of having first
+realised it systematically and on an extensive scale. It was entirely
+in harmony with the spirit of the Rule of St. Benedict, if it was not
+formally ordained in that document. At a very early date in the
+history of their order, the Benedictines, influenced probably by the
+example of the monastery of Vivaria, commenced that long series of
+services to the cause of literature which they have never wholly
+intermitted. Thus, instead of accepting the obsolete formula for which
+some scholars in the last age contended, 'Cassiodorus was a
+Benedictine,' we should perhaps be rather justified in maintaining
+that Benedict, or at least his immediate followers, were
+Cassiodorians.
+
+[Sidenote: Cassiodorus as a transcriber of the Scriptures.]
+
+In order to set an example of literary diligence to his monks, and to
+be able to sympathise with the difficulties of an amanuensis,
+Cassiodorus himself transcribed the Psalter, the Prophets, and the
+Epistles[83], no doubt from the translation of Jerome. This is not the
+place for enlarging on the merits of Cassiodorus as a custodian and
+transmitter of the sacred text. They were no doubt considerable; and
+the rules which he gives to his monks, to guide them in the work of
+transcription, show that he belonged to the Conservative school of
+critics, and was anxious to guard against hasty emendations of the
+text, however plausible. Practically, however, his MSS. of the Latin
+Scriptures, showing the Itala and the Vulgate in parallel columns,
+seem to have been answerable for some of that confusion between the
+two versions which to some extent spoiled the text of Jerome, without
+preserving to us in its purity the interesting translation of the
+earlier Church.
+
+[Footnote 83: 'In Psalterio et Prophetis et Epistolis apostolorum
+studium maximum laboris impendi.... Quos ego cunctos novem codices
+auctoritatis divinae (ut senex potui) sub collatione priscorum codicum
+amicis ante me legentibus, sedula lectione transivi' (De Inst.
+Praefatio). We should have expected 'tres' rather than 'novem,' as the
+Psalter, the Prophets, and the Epistles each formed one codex.]
+
+Besides his labours as a transcriber, Cassiodorus, both as an original
+author and a compiler, used his pen for the instruction of his
+fellow-inmates at Vivarium.
+
+[Sidenote: Commentary on the Psalms.]
+
+(1) He began and slowly completed a Commentary on the Psalms. This
+very diffuse performance (which occupies more than five hundred
+closely printed pages in Migne's edition) displays, in the opinion of
+those who have carefully studied it[84], a large amount of
+acquaintance with the writings of the Fathers, and was probably looked
+upon as a marvel of the human intellect by the Vivarian monks, for
+whose benefit it was composed, and to whom it revealed, in the Psalms
+which they were daily and nightly intoning, refutations of all the
+heresies that had ever racked the Church, and the rudiments of all the
+sciences that flourished in the world. It is impossible now for this
+or any future age to do aught but lament over so much wasted
+ingenuity, when we find the author maintaining that the whole of the
+one hundred and fifty Psalms were written by King David, and that
+Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun have only a mystical meaning; that the
+first seventy represent the Old Testament, and the last eighty the
+New, because we celebrate the Resurrection of Christ on the eighth
+day of the week, and so forth. A closer study of the book might
+perhaps discover in it some genuine additions to the sum of human
+knowledge; but it is difficult to repress a murmur at the misdirected
+industry which has preserved to us the whole of this ponderous
+futility, while it has allowed the History of the Goths to perish.
+
+[Footnote 84: I take my account of this treatise chiefly from Franz
+(pp. 93-100).]
+
+[Sidenote: Commentary on the Epistles.]
+
+(2) The 'Complexiones in Epistolas Apostolorum' (first published by
+Maffei in 1721, from a MS. discovered by him at Verona) have at least
+the merit of being far shorter than the Commentary on the Psalms.
+Perhaps the only points of interest in them, even for theological
+scholars, are that Cassiodorus evidently attributes the Epistle to the
+Hebrews without hesitation to the Apostle Paul, and that he notices
+the celebrated passage concerning the Three Heavenly Witnesses (1 John
+v. 7) in a way which seems to imply that he found that passage in the
+text of the Vulgate, though on examination his language is seen to be
+consistent with the theory that these words are a gloss added by the
+commentator himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Historia Tripartita.]
+
+(3) In order to supply the want of any full Church History in the
+Latin tongue, a want which was probably felt not only by his own monks
+but throughout the Churches of the West, Cassiodorus induced his
+friend Epiphanius to translate from the Greek the ecclesiastical
+histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, and then himself fused
+these three narratives into one, the well-known 'Historia Tripartita,'
+which contains the story of the Church's fortunes from the accession
+of Constantine to the thirty-second year of the reign of Theodosius II
+(306-439). The fact that the numerous mistranslations of Epiphanius
+have passed uncorrected, probably indicates that Cassiodorus' own
+knowledge of Greek was but slight, and that he depended on his
+coadjutor entirely for this part of the work. The 'Historia
+Tripartita' has probably had a larger circulation than any other of
+its author's works; but Cassiodorus himself thought so little of his
+share in it, that he does not include it in the list of his writings
+prefixed to the treatise 'De Orthographia.' And, in fact, the
+inartistic way in which the three narratives are soldered together,
+rather than recast into one symmetrical and harmonious whole, obliges
+us to admit that Cassiodorus' work at this book was little more than
+mechanical, and entitles him to scarcely any other praise than that of
+industry.
+
+[Sidenote: Institutiones Divinarum et Humanarum Lectionum.]
+
+(4) Of a different quality, though still partaking somewhat of the
+nature of a compilation, was his chief educational treatise, the
+'Institutiones Divinarum et Humanarum Lectionum[85].' About the year
+543, some three or four years after his retirement from public life,
+while he was slowly ploughing his way through the Commentary on the
+Psalms, twenty of which he had already interpreted, he seems to have
+laid it aside for a time in order to devote himself to this work,
+which aimed more at instruction than at religious edification. In the
+outset of this book he describes that unsuccessful attempt of his, to
+which allusion has already been made, for the establishment of a
+theological school in Rome, and continues that, 'as the rage of war
+and the turbulence of strife in the Italian realm[86] had prevented
+the fulfilment of this desire, he felt himself constrained by Divine
+charity to write for his monks' behoof these _libri introductorii_, in
+which, after the manner of a teacher, he would open to them the
+series of the books of Holy Scripture, and would give them a
+compendious acquaintance with secular literature.' As the book is not
+written for the learned, he undertakes to abstain from 'affectata
+eloquentia,' and he does in the main keep his promise. The simple,
+straightforward style of the book, which occasionally rises into real
+and 'unaffected eloquence' where the subject inspires him to make an
+appeal to the hearts of his readers, presents a striking and
+favourable contrast to the obscure and turgid phraseology in which the
+perverted taste of the times caused him generally to shroud his
+meaning[87].
+
+[Footnote 85: Printed hitherto as two works, De Institutione Divinarum
+Litterarum, and De Artibus ac Disciplinis Liberalium Litterarum. But,
+as Ebert has shown (i. 477), the Preface to the Orthographia makes it
+probable that these two really formed one book, with a title like that
+given above.]
+
+[Footnote 86: 'In Italico regno.' These words seem to favour the
+conjecture that Theodoric may have called himself King of Italy.]
+
+[Footnote 87: As a specimen of this better style of Cassiodorus, I may
+refer to his praises of the life of the literary monk, and his
+exhortation to him who is of duller brain to practise gardening:
+'Quapropter toto nisu, toto labore, totis desideriis exquiramus ut ad
+tale tantumque munus, Domino largiente, pervenire mereamur. Hoc enim
+nobis est salutare, proficuum, gloriosum, perpetuum, quod nulla mors,
+nulla mobilitas, nulla possit separare oblivio; sed in illa suavitate
+patriae, cum Domino faciet aeterna exsultatione gaudere. Quod si
+alicui fratrum, ut meminit Virgilius,
+
+ "Frigidus obstiterit circum praecordia sanguis,"
+
+ut nec humanis nec divinis litteris perfecte possit erudiri, aliqua
+tamen scientiae mediocritate suffultus, eligat certe quod sequitur,
+
+ "Rura mihi et rigui placeant in vallibus amnes."
+
+Quia nec ipsum est a monachis alienum hortos colere, agros exercere,
+et pomorum fecunditate gratulari; legitur enim in Psalmo centesimo
+vigesimo septimo, "Labores manuum tuarum manducabis; beatus es et bene
+tibi erit."']
+
+In the first part of this treatise (commonly called the 'De
+Institutione Divinarum Litterarum') Cassiodorus briefly describes the
+contents of the nine Codices[88] which made up the Scripture of the
+Old and New Testaments, and mentions the names of the chief
+commentators upon each. After some important cautions as to the
+preservation of the purity of the sacred text and abstinence from
+plausible emendations, the author proceeds to enumerate the Christian
+historians--Eusebius, Orosius, Marcellinus, Prosper, and others[89];
+and he then slightly sketches the characters of some of the principal
+Fathers--Hilary, Cyprian, Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine. This part of
+the work contains an interesting allusion to 'Dionysius Monachus,
+Scytha natione, sed moribus omnino Romanus,' of whom Cassiodorus
+speaks as a colleague in his literary enterprises. This is the
+so-called Dionysius Exiguus, who fixed (erroneously, as it now
+appears) the era of the birth of Christ, and whose system of
+chronology founded on this event has been accepted by all the nations
+of Christendom. At the conclusion of this the first part of the
+treatise we find some general remarks on the nature of the monastic
+life, and some pictures of Vivarium and its neighbourhood, to which we
+are indebted for some of the information contained in the preceding
+pages. The book ends with a prayer, and contains thirty-three
+chapters, the same number, remarks Cassiodorus (who is addicted to
+this kind of moralising on numbers) that was reached by the years of
+the life of Christ on earth.
+
+[Footnote 88: 1. Octateuchus (Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth).
+
+2. Kings (Samuel and Kings, Chronicles).
+
+3. Prophets (Four Major, including Daniel, and Twelve Minor).
+
+4. Psalms.
+
+5. Solomon (Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom,
+Ecclesiasticus).
+
+6. Hagiographa (Tobias, Esther, Judith, Maccabees, Esdras).
+
+7. Gospels.
+
+8. Epistles of the Apostles (including that to the Hebrews).
+
+9. Acts of the Apostles and Apocalypse.]
+
+[Footnote 89: The remarks on Marcellinus Comes and Prosper are worth
+transcribing: 'Hunc [Eusebium] subsecutus est suprascriptus
+Marcellinus Illyricianus, qui adhuc patricii Justiniani fertur egisse
+cancellos; sed meliore conditione devotus, a tempore Theodosii
+principis usque ad finem imperii triumphalis Augusti Justiniani opus
+suum, Domino juvante, perduxit; ut qui ante fuit in obsequio suscepto
+gratus, postea ipsius imperio copiose amantissimus appareret.' [The
+allusion to 'finem imperii Justiniani' was probably added in a later
+revision of the Institutiones.] 'Sanctus quoque Prosper Chronica ab
+Adam ad Genserici tempora et urbis Romae depraedationem usque
+perduxit.']
+
+The second part of the treatise, commonly called 'De Artibus ac
+Disciplinis Liberalium Litterarum,' contains so much as the author
+thought that every monk should be acquainted with concerning the four
+liberal arts--Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic, Mathematics--the last of
+which is divided into the four 'disciplines' of Arithmetic, Geometry,
+Music, and Astronomy. As illustrating the relative importance of these
+sciences (as we call them) as apprehended by Cassiodorus, it is
+curious to observe that while Geometry and Astronomy occupy only about
+one page, and Arithmetic and Music two pages each, Logic takes up
+eighteen pages, Grammar two, and Rhetoric six.
+
+[Sidenote: De Orthographia.]
+
+(5) Some other works, chiefly of a grammatical kind[90], which have
+now perished, together with the exegetical treatises already named,
+occupied the leisure hours of the old age of Cassiodorus. At length,
+in the ninety-third year of his age, the veteran statesman, nobleman,
+and judge crowned his life of useful service by writing for his
+beloved monks his still extant treatise 'De Orthographia[91].' He
+tells us that the monks suddenly exclaimed, 'What doth it profit us to
+study either those works which the ancients have composed or those
+which your Wisdom has caused to be added to the list, if we are
+altogether ignorant how we ought to write these things, and on the
+other hand cannot understand and accurately represent in speech the
+words which we find written?' In other words, 'Give us a treatise on
+spelling.' The venerable teacher gladly complied with the request, and
+compiled from twelve grammarians[92] various rules, the observance of
+which would prevent the student from committing the usual faults in
+spelling. It is no doubt true[93] that this work is a mere collection
+of excerpts from other authors, not arranged on any systematic
+principle. Still, even as such a collection, it does great credit to
+the industry of a nonagenarian; and it seems to me that there is much
+in it which a person who was studying the transition of Latin into the
+Lingua Volgare might peruse with profit. To an epigraphist especially
+it must be interesting to see what were the mistakes which an
+imperfectly educated Italian in that age was most likely to commit.
+The confusion between _b_ and _v_ was evidently a great source of
+error, and their nice discrimination, to which Cassiodorus devotes
+four chapters, a very _crux_ of accurate scholarship. We see also from
+a passage in the 'De Institutione Divinarum Litterarum[94]' that the
+practice of assimilating the last letter of the prefix in compound
+words, like i_l_luminatio, i_r_risio, i_m_probus, though it had been
+introduced, was as yet hardly universal; and similarly that the monks
+required to be instructed to write qui_c_quam for euphony, instead of
+qui_d_quam.
+
+[Footnote 90: They were a compilation from the 'Artes' of Donatus,
+from a book on Etymologies (perhaps also by Donatus), and from a
+treatise by Sacerdos on Schemata; and a short Table of Contents of the
+Books of Scripture, prepared in such a form as to be easily committed
+to memory.]
+
+[Footnote 91: Ad amantissimos orthographos discutiendos anno aetatis
+meae nonagesimo tertio (Domino adjuvante) perveni.]
+
+[Footnote 92: They were Donatus, Cn. Cornutus, Velius Longus, Curtius
+Valerianus, Papirianus, Adamantius Martyrius, Eutiches, Caesellius,
+Lucius Caecilius, and 'Priscianus grammaticus, qui nostro tempore
+Constantinopoli doctor fuit.' Two names seem to be omitted by
+Cassiodorus.]
+
+[Footnote 93: As stated by Ebert (p. 481).]
+
+[Footnote 94: Cap. xv.]
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Cassiodorus, 575 (?).]
+
+The treatise 'De Orthographia' was the last product, as far as we
+know, of the industrious brain of Cassiodorus. Two years after its
+composition the aged statesman and scholar, in the ninety-sixth year
+of his age, entered into his well-earned rest[95]. The death of
+Cassiodorus occurred (as I believe) in the year 575, three years
+before the death of the Emperor Justin II, nephew and successor of
+Justinian. The period covered by his life had been one of vast
+changes. Born when the Kingdom of Odovacar was only four years old,
+he had as a young man seen that Kingdom overthrown by the arms of
+Theodoric; he had sat by the cradle of the Ostrogothic monarchy, and
+mourned over its grave; had seen the eunuch Narses supreme vicegerent
+of the Emperor; had heard the avalanche of the Lombard invasion
+thunder over Italy, and had outlived even the Lombard invader Alboin.
+Pope Leo, the tamer of Attila and the hero of Chalcedon, had not been
+dead twenty years when Cassiodorus was born. Pope Gregory the Great,
+the converter of England, was within fifteen years of his accession to
+the Pontificate when Cassiodorus died. The first great schism between
+the Eastern and Western Churches was begun in his boyhood and ended
+before he had reached old age. He saw the irretrievable ruin of Rome,
+such as Augustus and Trajan had known her; the extinction of the Roman
+Senate; the practical abolition of the Consulate; the close of the
+schools of philosophy at Athens.
+
+[Footnote 95: In assigning the death of Cassiodorus to the
+ninety-sixth year of his age I rest upon the authority of Trittheim
+(as quoted in the earlier part of this chapter), who appears to me to
+have preserved the chronology which was generally accepted, before the
+question became entangled by the confusion between Cassiodorus and his
+father.]
+
+Reverting to the line of thought with which this chapter opened, if
+one were asked to specify any single life which more than another was
+in contact both with the Ancient World and the Modern, none could be
+more suitably named than the life of Cassiodorus.
+
+
+NOTE ON THE TOPOGRAPHY OF SQUILLACE.
+
+The chief conclusions which Mr. Evans came to after his two days'
+study of the country about Squillace are these:--
+
+[Sidenote: Position of Scylacium.]
+
+I. The Scylacium or Scolacium of Roman times, the city of Cassiodorus,
+is not to be looked for at the modern Squillace, but at the place
+called Roccella in the Italian military map, which Lenormant and Evans
+know as _La Roccelletta del Vescovo di Squillace_.
+
+[Illustration: [map] _Oxford University Press_]
+
+This place, which is about ten kilometres north-east of modern
+Squillace, is on a little hill immediately overhanging the sea, while
+Squillace is on a spur of the Apennines three or four miles distant
+from the sea. Mr. Evans' chief reasons for identifying Roccella with
+Scylacium are (1) its position, 'hanging like a cluster of grapes on
+hills not so high as to make the ascent of them a weariness, but high
+enough to command a delightful prospect over land and sea.' This
+description by Cassiodorus exactly suits Roccella, but does not suit
+Squillace, which is at the top of a conical hill, and is reached only
+by a very toilsome ascent. 'With its gradual southern and eastern
+slope and its freedom from overlooking heights (different in this
+respect from Squillace),' says Mr. Evans, 'Roccella was emphatically,
+as Cassiodorus describes it, "a city of the sun."'
+
+(2) Its ruins. While no remains of a pre-mediaeval time have been
+discovered at Squillace, there is still standing at Roccella the shell
+of a splendid basilica, of which Mr. Evans has taken some plans and
+sketches, but which seems to have strangely escaped the notice of most
+preceding travellers. The total length of this building is 94 paces,
+the width of the nave 30, the extreme width of the transept 54. It has
+three fine apses at the eastern end, and is built in the form of a
+Latin cross. On either side of the nave was an exterior arcade, which
+apparently consisted originally of eleven window arches, six of them
+not being for the transmission of light. 'Altogether,' says Mr. Evans,
+'this church, even in its dilapidated state, is one of the finest
+monuments of the kind anywhere existing. We should have to go to
+Rome, to Ravenna, or to Thessalonica, to find its parallel; but I
+doubt whether, even at any of those places, there is to be seen a
+basilica with such fine exterior arcading. It is a great tribute to
+the strength of the original fabric that so much should have survived
+the repeated shocks of earthquake that have desolated Calabria, and
+scarcely left one stone upon another of her ancient cities.'
+
+After a careful examination of the architectural peculiarities of this
+basilica, Mr. Evans is disposed to fix its erection somewhere about
+the time of the Emperor Justinian.
+
+In addition to this fine building there are at Roccella the ruins of
+two smaller late Roman churches, mausolea, and endless foundations of
+buildings which must have formed very extensive suburbs.
+
+More important than all, the massive walls of a considerable city can
+still be traced for nearly a mile in two parallel lines, with the
+transverse wall which unites them. Certainly all these indications
+seem to point to the existence at this spot of a great provincial city
+of the Empire, and to make Mr. Evans' conjecture more probable than
+that of M. Lenormant, who identified the ruins at Roccella with those
+of Castra Hannibalis, the seaport of Scylacium. It would seem
+probable, if Mr. Evans' theory be correct, that the city may have been
+removed to its present site in the early middle ages, in order to
+guard it against the incursions of the Saracens.
+
+[Sidenote: The Vivarian Monastery.]
+
+II. As to the situation of the _Vivarian Monastery_ Mr. Evans comes to
+nearly the same conclusion as M. Lenormant. Both place it on the
+promontory of Squillace (eastward of Staletti), and, as Mr. Evans
+observes, 'only such a position can be reconciled, on the one hand,
+with the presence of an abundant stream and rich Campagna, on the
+other with the neighbourhood of caves and grottoes on the sea-shore.'
+But while M. Lenormant places it at a place called Coscia, almost
+immediately to the north of and under Staletti, Mr. Evans pleads for
+the site now occupied by the Church of S. Maria del Mare, on the cliff
+top, very near the sea, and about three kilometres south of Staletti.
+This church is itself of later date than Cassiodorus, and probably
+formed part of the work of restoration undertaken by Nicephorus Phocas
+in the Tenth Century; but there are signs of its having formerly
+joined on to a monastery, and some of the work about it looks as if
+materials taken from the Cassiodorian edifice had been used in the
+work of reconstruction.
+
+[Sidenote: The Fons Arethusae.]
+
+III. The _Fountain of Arethusa_ may possibly, according to Mr. Evans,
+be identified with the Fontana della Panaghia, a small fountain by the
+sea-shore at the south end of a little bay under the promontory of S.
+Gregorio. The so-called Fontana di Cassiodoro, near Coscia, has
+received its name and its present appearance in modern times, and is
+much too far from the sea to be the Fountain of Arethusa.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+THE ANECDOTON HOLDERI.
+
+
+A few pages must be devoted to the MS. bearing the somewhat uncouth
+title of 'Anecdoton Holderi,' because it is the most recently opened
+source of information as to the life and works of Cassiodorus, and one
+which, if genuine, settles some questions which have been long and
+vigorously debated among scholars.
+
+My information on the subject is derived from a pamphlet of 79 pages
+by Hermann Usener, printed at Bonn in 1877, and bearing the title
+'Anecdoton Holderi: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte Roms in Ostgothischer
+Zeit.' I am indebted to Mr. Bywater, of Exeter College, Oxford, for my
+introduction to this pamphlet, which, while strikingly confirming some
+conclusions which I had come to from my own independent study of the
+'Variae,' has been of the greatest possible service to me in studying
+the lives of Cassiodorus and Boethius.
+
+[Sidenote: Description of the MS.]
+
+The 'Anecdoton' (which loses its right to that name by Usener's
+publication of it) was discovered by Alfred Holder in a MS. known as
+Codex Augiensis, No. CVL, which came from the Monastery of Reichenau
+and is now in the Grand-Ducal Library at Carlsruhe. The monks of the
+fertile island of Reichenau (Augia Dives), in the Lake of Constance,
+were celebrated in the ninth and tenth centuries for their zeal in the
+collection and transcription of manuscripts. The well-known Codex
+Augiensis (an uncial MS. of the Greek text of the New Testament, with
+the Vulgate version in parallel columns) is referred by
+palaeographers to the ninth century[96]. The Codex Augiensis with
+which we are now concerned, and which is a copy of the 'Institutiones
+Humanarum Rerum' of Cassiodorus, is believed to have been written in
+the next succeeding century. On the last page of this MS. Holder
+discovered the fragment--not properly belonging to the
+'Institutiones'--to which he has given his name, and which is as
+follows[97]:--
+
+[Footnote 96: See Scrivener, Plain Introduction to the Criticism of
+the New Testament, pp. 133-4.]
+
+[Footnote 97: I have adopted the emendations--most of them the
+corrections of obvious mistakes--which are suggested by Usener.]
+
+[Sidenote: Contents of the Anecdoton Holderi.]
+
+ 'Excerpta ex libello Cassiodori Senatoris monachi servi Dei,
+ ex-Patricio, ex-Consule Ordinario Quaestore et Magistro
+ Officiorum, quem scripsit ad Rufum Petronium Nicomachum
+ ex-Consule Ordinario Patricium et Magistrum Officiorum. Ordo
+ generis Cassiodororum[98]: qui scriptores exstiterint ex
+ eorum progenie vel ex civibus[99] eruditis.
+
+[Footnote 98: In the original, 'Casiodoru.']
+
+[Footnote 99: In the original, 'ex quibus.']
+
+ 'Symmachus Patricius et Consul Ordinarius, vir philosophus,
+ qui antiqui Catonis fuit novellus imitator, sed virtutes
+ veterum sanctissima religione transcendit. Dixit sententiam
+ pro allecticiis in Senatu, parentesque suos imitatus
+ historiam quoque Romanam septem libris edidit.
+
+ 'Boethius dignitatibus summis excelluit. Utraque lingua
+ peritissimus orator fuit. Qui regem Theodorichum in Senatu
+ pro Consulatu filiorum luculenta oratione laudavit. Scripsit
+ librum de Sancta Trinitate et capita quaedam dogmatica et
+ librum contra Nestorium. Condidit et carmen bucolicum. Sed
+ in opere artis logicae, id est dialecticae, transferendo ac
+ mathematicis disciplinis talis fuit ut antiquos auctores aut
+ aequiperaret aut vinceret.
+
+ 'Cassiodorus Senator, vir eruditissimus et multis
+ dignitatibus pollens. Juvenis adeo, dum patris Cassiodori
+ Patricii et Praefecti Praetorii Consiliarius fieret et
+ laudes Theodorichi regis Gothorum facundissime recitasset,
+ ab eo Quaestor est factus. Patricius et Consul Ordinarius,
+ postmodum dehinc Magister Officiorum [et praefuisset
+ formulas dictionum, quas in duodecim libris ordinavit et
+ Variarum titulum superposuit] scripsit praecipiente
+ Theodoricho rege historiam Gothicam, originem eorum et loca
+ moresque XII libris annuntians.'
+
+This memorandum, for it is hardly more, is a vestige, and the only
+vestige now remaining, of a short tract by Cassiodorus on the literary
+history of his family and kinsmen. The 'Excerpta' have been made by
+some later hand--perhaps that of a monk in the Vivarian convent. To
+him undoubtedly we owe the words 'monachi servi Dei' as a description
+of Cassiodorus; probably also the 'ex-Patricio,' which is perhaps an
+incorrect designation. 'Vir eruditissimus,' in the last paragraph, is
+probably due to the same hand, as, with all his willingness to do
+justice to his own good qualities, Cassiodorus would hardly have
+spoken thus of himself in a work avowedly proceeding from his own pen.
+The clause which is placed in brackets [et ... superposuit] is
+probably also due to the copyist, anxious to supply what he deemed the
+imperfections of his memorandum. In short, it must be admitted that
+the fragment cannot consist of the very words of Cassiodorus in
+however abbreviated a form. Still it contains so much that is
+valuable, and that could hardly have been invented by any writer of a
+post-Cassiodorian age, that it is well worthy of the careful and, so
+to speak, microscopical examination to which it has been subjected by
+Usener.
+
+[Sidenote: Date of the fragment.]
+
+[Sidenote: Persons to whom addressed.]
+
+The work from which these 'Excerpta' are taken was composed, according
+to Usener, in the year 522. This is proved by the facts that the
+receiver of the letter is spoken of as Magister Officiorum, a post
+which he apparently held from Sept. 1, 521, to Sept. 1, 522; and that
+the Consulship of the two sons of Boethius, which began on Jan. 1,
+522, is also referred to. The name of the person to whom the letter is
+addressed is given as Rufius Petronius Nicomachus. Usener, however,
+shows good reason for thinking that his final name, the name by which
+he was known in the consular lists, is omitted, and that his full
+designation was Rufius Petronius Nicomachus Cethegus, Consul in 504,
+Magister Officiorum (as above stated) in 521-522, and Patrician. He
+was probably the same Cethegus whom Procopius mentions[100] as
+Princeps Senatus, and as withdrawing from Rome to Centumcellae in the
+year 545 because he was accused of treachery to the Imperial
+cause[101].
+
+[Footnote 100: De Bello Gotthico iii. 13 (p. 328, ed. Bonn).]
+
+[Footnote 101: If Usener be right (and he has worked up this point
+with great care), we can trace the following links in the pedigree of
+Cethegus (see pp. 6 and 11):
+
+ Rufius Petronius _Placidus_, Consul 481.
+ |
+ Rufius Petronius Anicius _Probinus_, Consul 489.
+ |
+Rufius Petronius Nicomachus _Cethegus_, Consul 504, correspondent of
+ Cassiodorus.
+
+Probinus and Cethegus are referred to by Ennodius in his letter to
+Ambrosius and Beatus, otherwise called his Paraenesis (p. 409, ed.
+Hartel).]
+
+[Sidenote: Its object.]
+
+The object of the little treatise referred to evidently was to give an
+account of those members of the family to which Cassiodorus belonged
+who had distinguished themselves in literature. The words 'Ex genere
+Cassiodororum' are perhaps a gloss of the transcribers. At least it
+does not appear that they would correctly describe the descent of
+Symmachus and Boethius, though they were relations of Cassiodorus,
+being descended from or allied to the great house of the Aurelii from
+which he also sprang. Probably several other names may have been
+noticed in the original treatise, but the only three as to which the
+'Anecdoton' informs us are the three as to whom information is most
+acceptable--Symmachus, Boethius, and Cassiodorus himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Information as to life of Symmachus.]
+
+I. The name of Q. Aurelius Memmius _Symmachus_ was already known to us
+as that of the friend, guardian, and father-in-law of Boethius, and
+his fellow-sufferer from the outburst of suspicious rage which
+disgraced the last years of Theodoric. That he was Consul in 485
+(under the dominion of Odovacar), and that he had at the time of his
+fall attained the honoured position of Father of the Senate[102], we
+also know from the 'Consular Fasti' and the 'Anonymus Valesii.' This
+extract tells us that he had attained the rank of Patricius, which may
+perhaps have been bestowed upon him when he laid down the Consulship.
+He was 'a philosopher, and a modern imitator of the ancient Cato; but
+surpassed the virtues of the men of old by [his devotion to] our most
+holy religion.' This sentence quite accords with all that we hear of
+the character of Symmachus from our other authorities--the 'Anonymus
+Valesii,' Procopius, and Boethius. The blending of old Roman gravity
+and Christian piety in such a man's disposition is happily indicated
+in the words before us. It would be an interesting commentary upon
+them if we were to contrast the career of the Christian Symmachus, who
+suffered in some sense as a martyr for the Nicene Creed under
+Theodoric, with that of his ancestor the Pagan Symmachus, who, 143
+years before, incurred the anger of Gratian by his protests against
+the removal of the Altar of Victory from the Senate House, and the
+curtailment of the grant to the Vestal Virgins.
+
+[Footnote 102: Caput Senati. This, not Caput Senatus, is the form
+which we find in Anon. Valesii. Usener suggests (p. 32) that Symmachus
+probably became Caput Senati on the death of Festus, who had held that
+position from 501 to 506.]
+
+The Symmachus with whom we are now concerned was also an orator; and
+we learn from this extract that he delivered a speech, evidently of
+some importance, in the Senate, 'pro allecticiis.' There seems much
+probability in Usener's contention that these 'allecticii' were men
+who had been 'allecti,' or admitted by co-optation into the Senate
+during the reign of Odovacar, and whom, on the downfall of that ruler,
+it had been proposed to strip of their recently acquired dignity--a
+proposal which seems to have been successfully resisted by Symmachus
+and his friends.
+
+Lastly, we learn that Symmachus, 'in imitation of his ancestors,' put
+forth a Roman History in seven books. The expression for ancestors
+(parentes) here used is thought by Usener to refer chiefly to Virius
+Nicomachus Flavianus (Consul in 394[103]), whose granddaughter married
+Q. Fabius Memmius Symmachus, and was the grandmother of our Symmachus.
+This Flavianus, who was in his time one of the chief leaders of the
+heathen party in the Senate, is spoken of in one inscription as
+'historicus disertissimus;' and in another, mention is made of the
+fact that he dedicated his annals to Theodosius.
+
+[Footnote 103: See Usener, p. 29. The Consules Ordinarii for that year
+were Arcadius and Honorius.]
+
+Whether the elder Symmachus, the Pagan champion, was a historian as
+well as an orator is a matter about which there is a good deal of
+doubt. Jordanes twice quotes 'The History of Symmachus,' once as to
+the elevation of the Emperor Maximin, and once as to his death[104].
+Usener thinks that the 'Anecdoton Holderi' authorises us henceforward
+to assign these quotations without doubt to the younger, Christian
+Symmachus, not to his Pagan ancestor. To me the allusion to
+_parentes_ (in the plural), whose industry as historians the Symmachus
+there spoken of imitated, seems to make it at least as probable that
+the earlier, not the later member of the family composed the history
+which is here quoted by Jordanes.
+
+[Footnote 104: Jordanes, Getica xv.: 'Nam, ut dicit Symmachus in
+quinto suae historiae libro, Maximinus ... ab exercitus effectus est
+imperator.' 'Occisus Aquileia a Puppione regnum reliquit Philippo;
+quod nos huic nostro opusculo de Symmachi hystoria [sic] mutuavimus.']
+
+[Sidenote: Information as to life of Boethius.]
+
+II. We now pass on to consider the information furnished by this
+fragment as to the illustrious son-in-law of Symmachus, Anicius
+Manlius Severinus _Boethius_. Of the facts of his life we had already
+pretty full information, from the autobiographical sections of the
+'Consolation of Philosophy' and other sources. He does not indeed
+mention the exact year of his birth, but the allusion to 'untimely
+gray hairs' which he makes in that work, written in 523 or 524,
+together with other indications[105] as to his age, entitle us to fix
+it at about 480, certainly not earlier than that year. The death of
+his father (who was Consul in 487) occurred while he was still a
+child. Symmachus, as has been already said, was the guardian of his
+youth and the friend of his manhood, and gave him his daughter
+Rusticiana to wife. That he received the honour of the Consulship in
+510 we know from the 'Fasti Consulares;' but it is perplexing to find
+him even before that year spoken of[106] as Patricius, since this
+honour was generally bestowed only on those who had already sat in the
+curule chair of the Consul[107]. The high consideration in which he
+was held at the Court of Theodoric, and the value placed upon his
+scientific attainments, are sufficiently proved by the letters in the
+following collection, especially by those in which he is consulted
+about the frauds committed by the officers of the Mint, about the
+water-clock which is to be sent to Gundobad King of the Burgundians,
+and the harper who is to be provided for the King of the Franks[108].
+In the year 522 his two sons, Symmachus and Boethius, though they had
+but just attained to man's estate, received the honour of the
+Consulship, upon which occasion the proud and happy father pronounced
+a panegyric upon Theodoric before the assembled Senate. Some of these
+facts in the life of Boethius are referred to in the extract before
+us, which, as was before said, appears to be taken from a treatise
+composed in this same year 522, the year of the Consulship of the
+young Boethii. Of their father's investiture with the office of
+_Magister Officiorum_ on September 1, 522, of his sudden fall from the
+royal favour, of the charge of treason which was preferred against him
+before the end of that year, of his imprisonment during 523 and
+execution (probably in the early part of 524), we have of course no
+trace in this extract; and the fact that we have none is a strong
+argument for the genuineness and contemporary character of the
+treatise from which it is taken.
+
+[Footnote 105: Chiefly derived from the Paraenesis of Ennodius (Opusc.
+vi.).]
+
+[Footnote 106: In the Paraenesis.]
+
+[Footnote 107: Usener's suggestion (pp. 38, 39) that he obtained this
+honour in consequence of having filled the place of _Comes Sacrarum
+Largitionum_ seems to me only to land us in the further difficulty
+caused by the entire omission of all allusion to this fact both in the
+Paraenesis and in the Anecdoton Holderi.]
+
+[Footnote 108: See Var. i. 10 and 45; ii. 40.]
+
+[Sidenote: His theological treatises.]
+
+So far, then, we have in the 'Anecdoton Holderi' only a somewhat
+meagre reiteration of facts already known to us. But when we come to
+the statement of the literary labours of Boethius the case is entirely
+altered. It is well known that in the Middle Ages certain treatises on
+disputed points of Christian theology were attributed to him as their
+author. They are:--
+
+1. A treatise 'De Sancta Trinitate.'
+
+2. 'Ad Johannem Diaconum: Utrum Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus de
+Divinitate substantialiter praedicentur.'
+
+3. 'Ad eundem: Quomodo substantiae in eo quod sint bonae sint cum non
+sint substantialia bona.'
+
+4. 'De Fide Catholica.'
+
+5. 'Contra Eutychen et Nestorium.'
+
+It may be said at once that in the earlier MSS. the fourth treatise is
+not attributed to Boethius. It seems to have been included with the
+others by some mistake, and I shall therefore in the following remarks
+assume that it is not his, and shall confine my attention to the first
+three and the fifth.
+
+[Sidenote: Difficulty as to religious position of Boethius.]
+
+Even as to these, notwithstanding the nearly unanimous voice of the
+early Middle Ages (as represented by MSS. of the Ninth, Tenth, and
+Eleventh Centuries) assigning them to Boethius as their author,
+scholars, especially recent scholars, have felt the gravest possible
+doubts of their being really his, doubts which have of late ripened
+into an almost complete certainty that he was not their author. The
+difficulty does not arise from anything in the diction or in the
+theology which points to a later age as the time of their composition,
+but from the startling contrast which they present to the religious
+atmosphere of the 'Consolation of Philosophy.' Here, in these
+theological treatises, we have the author entering cheerfully into the
+most abstruse points of the controversy concerning the Nature of
+Christ, without apparently one wavering thought as to the Deity of the
+Son of Mary. There, in the 'Consolation,' a book written in prison and
+in disgrace, with death at the executioner's hands impending over
+him--a book in which above all others we should have expected a man
+possessing the Christian faith to dwell upon the promises of
+Christianity--the name of Christ is never once mentioned, the tone,
+though religious and reverential, is that of a Theist only; and from
+beginning to end, except one or two sentences in which an obscure
+allusion may possibly be detected to the Christian revelation, there
+is nothing which might not have been written by a Greek philosopher
+ignorant of the very name of Christianity. Of the various attempts
+which have been made to solve this riddle perhaps the most ingenious
+is that of M. Charles Jourdain, who, in a monograph devoted to the
+subject[109], seeks to prove that the author of the theological
+treatises referred to was a certain Boethus, an African Bishop of the
+Byzacene Province, who was banished to Sardinia about the year 504 by
+the Vandal King Thrasamond.
+
+[Footnote 109: De l'Origine des Traditions sur le Christianisme de
+Boece (Paris, 1861.)]
+
+Not thus, however, as it now appears, is the knot to be cut. And after
+all, M. Jourdain, in arguing, as he seems disposed to argue, against
+any external profession of Christianity on the part of Boethius,
+introduces contradictions greater than any that his theory would
+remove. To any person acquainted with the thoughts and words of the
+little coterie of Roman nobles to which Boethius belonged, it will
+seem absolutely impossible that the son-in-law of Symmachus, the
+receiver of the praises of Ennodius and Cassiodorus, should have been
+a professed votary of the old Paganism. It is not the theological
+treatises coming from a man in his position which are hard to account
+for; it is the apparently non-Christian tone of the 'Consolation.'
+
+The fragment now before us shows that the old-fashioned belief in
+Boethius as a theologian was well founded. 'He wrote a book concerning
+the Holy Trinity, and certain dogmatic chapters, and a book against
+Nestorius.' That is a sufficiently accurate _resume_ of the four
+theological treatises enumerated above. Here Usener also observes--and
+I am inclined to agree with him--that there is a certain resemblance
+between the style of thought of these treatises and that of the
+'Consolation' itself. They are, after all, philosophical rather than
+religious; one of the earliest samples of that kind of logical
+discussion of theological dogmas which the Schoolmen of the Middle
+Ages so delighted to indulge in. The young philosopher, hearing at his
+father-in-law's table the discussions between Chalcedonian and
+Monophysite with which all Rome resounded, on account of the prolonged
+strife with the Church of Constantinople, set himself down to discuss
+the same topics which they were wrangling over by the light--to him so
+clear and precious--of the Greek philosophy. There was perhaps in this
+employment neither reverence nor irreverence. He had not St.
+Augustine's intense and almost passionate conviction of the truth of
+Christianity; but he was quite willing to accept it and to discourse
+upon it, as he discoursed on Arithmetic, Music, and Geometry.
+
+But when premature old age, solitude, and the loss of liberty befell
+him, it was not to the highly elaborated Christian theology of the
+Sixth Century that he turned for support and consolation. Probably
+enough the very fact that he knew some of the pitfalls in the way
+deterred him from that dangerous journey, where the slightest
+deviation on either side landed him in some detested heresy, the
+heresy of Nestorius or of Eutyches. 'On revient toujours a ses
+premiers amours;' and even so Boethius, though undoubtedly professing
+himself a Christian, and about to die in full communion with the
+Catholic Church, turned for comfort in his dungeon to the
+philosophical studies of his youth, especially to the ethical writings
+of Plato and Aristotle.
+
+After all, the title of the treatise is '_Philosophiae_ Consolatio;'
+and however vigorous a literature of philosophy may in the course of
+centuries have grown up in the Christian domain, in the sixth century
+the remembrance of the old opposition between Christianity and
+Philosophy was perhaps still too strong for a writer to do anything
+more than stand neutral as to the distinctive claims of Christianity,
+when he had for the time donned the cloak of the philosopher.
+
+[Sidenote: The Bucolic Poem of Boethius.]
+
+We learn from the fragment before us that Boethius also wrote a
+'Bucolic Poem.' This is an interesting fact, and helps to explain the
+facility with which he breaks into song in the midst of the
+'Consolation.' It may have been to this effort of the imagination that
+he alluded when he said at the beginning of that work--
+
+ 'Carmina qui quondam studio florente peregi
+ Flebilis, heu, moestos cogor inire modos.'
+
+We would gladly know something more of this 'Bucolic Poem' indited by
+the universal genius, Boethius.
+
+[Sidenote: Cassiodorus.]
+
+III. As for _Cassiodorus_ himself, the additional information
+furnished by this fragment has been already discussed in the foregoing
+chapter. That he was _Consilarius_ to his father during his
+Praefecture, and that in that capacity he recited an eloquent
+panegyric on Theodoric, which was rewarded by his promotion to the
+high office of the Quaestorship, are facts which we learn from this
+fragment only; and they are of high importance, not only for the life
+of Cassiodorus but for the history of Europe at the beginning of the
+Sixth Century, because they make it impossible to assign to any letter
+in the 'Variae' an earlier date than 500.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+THE GRADATIONS OF OFFICIAL RANK IN THE LATER EMPIRE.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Official Hierarchy introduced by Diocletian.]
+
+It is well known that Diocletian introduced and Constantine perfected
+an elaborate system of administration under which the titles,
+functions, order of precedence, and number of attendants of the
+various officers of the Civil Service as well as of the Imperial army
+were minutely and punctiliously regulated. This system, which, as
+forming the pattern upon which the nobility of mediaeval Europe was to
+a great extent modelled, perhaps deserves even more careful study than
+it has yet received, is admirably illustrated by the letters of
+Cassiodorus. The _Notitia Utriusque Imperii_, our copies of which must
+have been compiled in the early years of the Fifth Century, furnishes
+us with a picture of official life which, after we have made allowance
+for the fact that the Empire of the West has shrunk into the
+Ostrogothic Kingdom of Italy (with the addition of Dalmatia and some
+other portions of Illyricum), is almost precisely reproduced in the
+pages of the 'Various Letters.' In order that the student may
+understand the full significance of many passages in those letters,
+and especially of the superscriptions by which each letter is
+prefaced, it will be well to give a brief outline of the system which
+existed alike under Theodosius and Theodoric.
+
+[Sidenote: Nobilissimi.]
+
+In the first place, then, we come to what is rather a family than a
+class, the persons bearing the title _Nobilissimus_[110]. These were
+the nearest relatives of the reigning Emperor; his brothers, sisters,
+sons, and daughters. The title therefore is not unlike that of Royal
+or Imperial Highness in modern monarchies. I am not sure whether any
+trace can be found of the survival of this title in the Ostrogothic
+Court. Theodahad, nephew of Theodoric, is addressed simply as 'Vir
+Senator[111],' and he is spoken of as 'praecelsus et amplissimus
+vir[112].' It is not so, however, in respect of the three great
+official classes which follow--the Illustres, Spectabiles, and
+Clarissimi--whose titles were rendered as punctiliously in the Italy
+of Theodoric as ever they were in the Italy of Diocletian and
+Constantine.
+
+[Footnote 110: The existence of this title is proved not only by the
+language of Arcadius in the Theodosian Code x. 25. 1, concerning
+'Nobilissimae puellae, filiae meae,' but also by Zosimus (ii. 39), who
+says that Constantine bestowed the dignity of Nobilissimus on his
+brother Constantius and his nephew Hannibalianus ([Greek: tes tou
+legomenou nobelissimou par' autou Konstantinou tuchontes axias aidoi
+tes syngeneias]); and by Marcellinus Comes, s. a. 527, who says:
+'Justinus Imperator Justinianum ex sorore sua nepotem, jamdudum a se
+Nobilissimum designatum, participem quoque regni ani, successoremque
+creavit.' It is evident that the title did not come by right of birth,
+but that some sort of declaration of it was necessary.]
+
+[Footnote 111: Var. iii. 15.]
+
+[Footnote 112: Var. viii. 23.]
+
+[Sidenote: Illustres.]
+
+I. The _Illustres_ were a small and select circle of men, the chief
+depositaries of power after the Sovereign, and they may with some
+truth be compared to the Cabinet Ministers of our own political
+system. The 'Notitia' mentions thirteen of them as bearing rule in the
+Western Empire. They are:
+
+1. The Praetorian Praefect of Italy.
+
+2. The Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls.
+
+3. The Praefect of the City of Rome.
+
+4. The Master of the Foot Guards (Magister Peditum in Praesenti).
+
+5. The Master of the Horse Guards (Magister Equitum in Praesenti).
+
+6. The Master of the Horse for the Gauls (per Gallias).
+
+7. The Grand Chamberlain (Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi).
+
+8. The Master of the Offices.
+
+9. The Quaestor.
+
+10. The Count of Sacred Largesses.
+
+11. The Count of the Private Domains (Comes Rerum Privatarum).
+
+12. The Count of the Household Cavalry (Comes Domesticorum Equitum).
+
+13. The Count of the Household Infantry (Comes Domesticorum Peditum).
+
+Substantially these same titles were borne by the Illustres to whom
+Cassiodorus (himself one of them) addressed his 'Various Letters.' The
+second and the sixth (the Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls, and the
+Master of the Horse for the Gauls) may possibly have disappeared; and
+yet, in view of the fact that Theodoric was during the greater part of
+his reign ruler of a portion of Gaul, it is not necessary to assume
+even this change. Into the question of the military officers I will
+not enter, as I confess that I do not understand the relations
+(whether co-ordinate or subordinated one to another) of the two pairs
+of officers, Nos. 4 and 5 and Nos. 12 and 13.
+
+The rank and duties of the Praetorian Praefect of Italy, the Master of
+the Offices, and the Quaestor have already been described in the first
+chapter. It will be well to say a few words as to the four remaining
+civil dignitaries, the Praefect of the City, the Grand Chamberlain,
+the Count of Sacred Largesses, and the Count of the Private Domains.
+
+[Sidenote: Praefect of the City.]
+
+(_a_) The _Praefectus Urbis Romae_ was by virtue of his office head of
+the Senate. He had the care of the Annona or corn-largesses to the
+people, the command of the City-watch, and the duty of keeping the
+aqueducts in proper repair. The shores and channel of the Tiber, the
+vast _cloacae_ which carried off the refuse of the City, the quays and
+warehouses of Portus at the river's mouth were also under his
+authority. The officer who was charged with taking the census, the
+officers charged with levying the duties on wine, the masters of the
+markets, the superintendents of the granaries, the curators of the
+statues, baths, theatres, and the other public buildings with which
+the City was adorned, all owned the supreme control of the Urban
+Praefect. At the beginning of the Fifth Century the _Vicarius Urbis_
+(whom it is difficult not to think of as in some sort subject to the
+_Praefectus Urbis_), had jurisdiction over all central and southern
+Italy and Sicily. But if this was the arrangement then, it must have
+been altered before the time of Cassiodorus, who certainly appears as
+Praetorian Praefect to have wielded authority over the greater part of
+Italy. He states, however[113], that the Urban Praefect had, by an
+ancient law, jurisdiction, not only over Rome itself, but over all the
+district within 100 miles of the capital.
+
+[Footnote 113: Var. vi. 4.]
+
+[Sidenote: Grand Chamberlain.]
+
+(_b_) The _Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi_ had under his orders the large
+staff of Grooms of the Bedchamber, at whose head stood the
+_Primicerius Cubiculariorum_, an officer of 'respectable' rank. The
+_Castrensis_, Butler or Seneschal, with his army of lacqueys and pages
+who attended to the spreading and serving of the royal table; the
+_Comes Sacrae Vestis_, who with similar assistance took charge of the
+royal wardrobe; the _Comes Domorum_, who perhaps superintended the
+needful repairs of the royal palace, all took their orders in the last
+resort from the Grand Chamberlain. So, too, did the three Decurions,
+officers with a splendid career of advancement before them, who
+marshalled the thirty brilliantly armed Silentiarii, that paced
+backwards and forwards before the purple veil guarding the slumbers of
+the Sovereign.
+
+[Sidenote: Count of Sacred Largesses.]
+
+(_c_) The _Comes Sacrarum Largitionum_, theoretically only the Grand
+Almoner of the Sovereign, discharged in practice many of the duties of
+Chancellor of the Exchequer. The mines, the mint, the Imperial linen
+factories, the receipt of the tribute of the Provinces, and many other
+departments of the public revenue were originally under the care of
+this functionary, whose office however, as we are expressly told by
+Cassiodorus, had lost part of its lustre, probably by a transfer of
+some of these duties to the Count of the Private Domains.
+
+[Sidenote: Count of Private Domains.]
+
+(_d_) This Minister, the _Comes Rerum Privatarum_, had the
+superintendence of the Imperial estates in Italy and the Provinces.
+Confiscations and the absorption by the State of the properties of
+defaulting tax-payers were probably always tending to increase the
+extent of these estates, and to make the office of Count of the Domain
+more important. The collection of the land-tax, far the most important
+item of the Imperial revenue, was also made subject to his authority.
+Finally, in order, as Cassiodorus quaintly observes[114], that his
+jurisdiction should not be exercised only over slaves (the cultivators
+of the State domains), some authority was given to him within the
+City, and by a curious division of labour all charges of incestuous
+crime, or of the spoliation of graves, were brought before the
+tribunal of the Comes Privatarum.
+
+[Footnote 114: Var. vi. 8.]
+
+Besides the thirteen persons who, as acting Ministers of the highest
+class, were entitled to the designation of Illustris, there were also
+those whom we may call honorary members of the class: the persons who
+had received the dignity of the Patriciate--a dignity which was
+frequently bestowed on those who had filled the office of Consul, and
+which, unlike the others of which we have been speaking, was held for
+life.
+
+It is a question on which I think we need further information, whether
+a person who had once filled an Illustrious office lost the right to
+be so addressed on vacating it. I am not sure that we have any clear
+case in the following collection of an ex-official holding this
+courtesy-rank; but it seems probable that such would be the case.
+
+Considering also the great show of honour with which the Consulate,
+though now destitute of all real power, was still greeted, it seems
+probable that the Consuls for the year would rank as Illustres; but
+here, too, we seem to require fuller details.
+
+[Sidenote: Spectabiles.]
+
+II. We now come to the Second Class, the _Spectabiles_, which consists
+chiefly of the lieutenants and deputies of the Illustres.
+
+For instance, every Praetorian Praefect had immediately under him a
+certain number of _Vicarii_, each of whom was a Spectabilis. The
+Praefecture included an extent of territory equivalent to two or three
+countries of Modern Europe (for instance, the Praefecture of the Gauls
+embraced Britain, Gaul, a considerable slice of Germany, Spain, and
+Morocco). This was divided into Dioceses (in the instance above
+referred to Britain formed one Diocese, Gaul another, and Spain with
+its attendant portion of Africa a third), and the Diocese was again
+divided into Provinces. The title of the ruler of the Diocese, who in
+his restricted but still ample domain wielded a similar authority to
+that of the Illustrious Praefect, was _Spectabilis Vicarius_.
+
+But the Praefect and the Vicar controlled only the civil government of
+the territories over which they respectively bore sway. The military
+command of the Diocese was vested in a _Spectabilis Comes_, who was
+under the orders of the Illustrious Magister Militum. Subordinate in
+some way to the Comes was the _Dux_, who was also a Spectabilis, but
+whose precise relation to his superior the Comes is, to me at least,
+not yet clear[115].
+
+[Footnote 115: I think the usual account of the matter is that which I
+have given elsewhere (Italy and her Invaders, i. 227), that the Comes
+had military command in the Diocese and the Dux in the Province. But
+on closer examination I cannot find that the Notitia altogether bears
+out this view. It gives us for the Western Empire eight Comites and
+twelve Duces. The former pretty nearly correspond to the Dioceses, but
+the latter are far too few for the Provinces, which number forty-two,
+excluding all the Provinces of Italy. Besides, in some cases the
+jurisdiction appears to be the same. Thus we have both a Dux and a
+Comes Britanniarum, and the Dux Mauritaniae Caesariensis must, one
+would think, have held command in a region as large or larger than the
+Comes Tingitaniae. Again, we have a Comes Argentoratensis and a Dux
+Moguntiacensis, two officers whose power, one would think, was pretty
+nearly equal. The same may perhaps be said of the Comes Litoris
+Saxonici in Britain and the Dux Tractus Armoricani et Nervicani in
+Gaul. While recognising a _general_ inferiority of the Dux to the
+Comes, I do not think we can, with the Notitia before us, assert that
+the Provincial Duces were regularly subordinated to the Diocesan
+Comes, as the Provincial Consulares were to the Diocesan Vicarius. And
+the fact that both Comes and Dux were addressed as Spectabilis rather
+confirms this view.]
+
+Besides these three classes of dignitaries, the _Castrensis_, who was
+a kind of head steward in the Imperial household, and most of the
+Heads of Departments in the great administrative offices, such as the
+_Primicerius Notariorum_ and the _Magistri Scriniorum_[116], bore the
+title of Spectabilis. We have perhaps hardly sufficient data for an
+exact calculation, but I conjecture that there would be as many as
+fifty or sixty Spectabiles in the Kingdom of Theodoric.
+
+[Footnote 116: Probably, from the order in which they are mentioned by
+the Notitia.]
+
+It appears to me that the epithet _Sublimis_ (which is almost unknown
+to the Theodosian Code), when it occurs in the 'Variae' is used as
+synonymous with Spectabilis[117].
+
+[Footnote 117: Sublimis occurs in the superscription of the following
+letters: i. 2; iv. 17; v. 25, 30, and 36; ix. 11 and 14; xii. 5.]
+
+[Sidenote: Clarissimi.]
+
+III. The _Clarissimi_ were the third rank in the official hierarchy.
+To our minds it may appear strange that the 'most renowned' should
+come below 'the respectable,' but such was the Imperial pleasure. The
+title 'Clarissimus' had moreover its own value, for from the time of
+Constantine onwards it was conferred on all the members of the Senate,
+and was in fact identical with Senator[118]; and this was doubtless,
+as Usener points out[119], the reason why the letters Cl. were still
+appended to a Roman nobleman's name after he had risen higher in the
+official scale and was entitled to be called Spectabilis or
+Illustris. The _Consulares_ or _Correctores_, who administered the
+Provinces under the Vicarii, were called Clarissimi; and we shall
+observe in the collection before us many other cases in which the
+title is given to men in high, but not the highest, positions in the
+Civil Service of the State.
+
+[Footnote 118: See Emil Kuehn's Verfassung des Roemischen Reichs i. 182,
+and the passages quoted there.]
+
+[Footnote 119: p. 31.]
+
+Besides the three classes above enumerated there were also:--
+
+[Sidenote: Perfectissimi.]
+
+IV. The _Perfectissimi_, to which some of the smaller provincial
+governors belonged, as well as some of the clerks in the Revenue
+Offices (Numerarii) who had seen long service, and even some veteran
+Decurions.
+
+Below these again were:--
+
+[Sidenote: Egregii.]
+
+V. The _Egregii_, who were also Decurions who had earned a right to
+promotion, or even what we should call veteran non-commissioned
+officers in the army (Primipilares).
+
+But of these two classes slight mention is made in the Theodosian
+Code, and none at all (I believe) in the 'Notitia' or the 'Letters of
+Cassiodorus.'
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+ON THE OFFICIUM OF THE PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO[120].
+
+[Footnote 120: To illustrate the Eleventh Book of the Variae, Letters
+18 to 35.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Military character of the Roman Civil Service.]
+
+The official staff that served under the Roman governors of high rank
+was an elaborately organised body, with a carefully arranged system of
+promotion, and liberal superannuation allowances for those of its
+members who had attained a certain position in the office.
+
+Although, in consequence of the changes introduced by Diocletian and
+Constantine, the civil and military functions had been for the most
+part divided from one another, and it was now unusual to see the same
+magistrate riding at the head of armies and hearing causes in the
+Praetorium, in theory the officers of the Courts of Justice were still
+military officers. Their service was spoken of as a _militia_; the
+type of their office was the _cingulum_, or military belt; and one of
+the leading officers of the court, as we shall see, was styled
+_Cornicularius_, or trumpeter.
+
+The Praetorian Praefect, whose office had been at first a purely
+military one, had now for centuries been chiefly concerned in civil
+administration, and as Judge over the highest court of appeal in the
+Empire. His _Officium_ (or staff of subordinates) was, at any rate in
+the Fifth Century, still the most complete and highly developed that
+served under any great functionary; and probably the career which it
+offered to its members was more brilliant than any that they could
+look for elsewhere. Accordingly, in studying the composition of this
+body we shall familiarise ourselves with the type to which all the
+other _officia_ throughout the Empire more or less closely
+approximated.
+
+NOTITIA. CASSIODORUS LYDUS
+ (xi.). (iii. 3 and ii. 18.).
+
+Princeps.
+Cornicularius. Cornicularius. Cornicularius.
+Adjutor. Primiscrinius. II Primiscrinii.
+Commentariensis. Scriniarius Actorum.
+Ab Actis. Cura Epistolarum.
+IV Numerarii. Scriniarius Curae Militaris.
+Subadjuva. Primicerius Exceptorum.
+Cura Epistolarum. Sextus Scholarius.
+Regerendarius. Praerogativarius.
+Exceptores. Commentariensis. II Commentarisii.
+Adjutores. Regendarius. II Regendarii.
+Singularii. Primicerius Deputatorum. II Curae Epistolarum Ponticae.
+ Primicerius Augustalium.
+ Primicerius Singulariorum. Singularii.
+
+Lydus calls all the officers down to the Curae Ep. Ponticae [Greek:
+Hai Logikai Leitourgiai] (Officium Litteratum).
+
+[Sidenote: Sources of information as to the Officium.]
+
+Our chief information as to this elaborate official hierarchy is
+derived from three sources[121]:--
+
+[Footnote 121: See Table, p. 94.]
+
+(1) The _Notitia Dignitatum_, the great Official Gazetteer of the
+Empire[122], which in its existing shape appears to date from the
+reign of Arcadius and Honorius, early in the Fifth Century.
+
+[Footnote 122: To use a modern illustration, we might perhaps say that
+the Notitia Dignitatum = Whitaker's Almanac + the Army List.]
+
+(2) The _De Magistratibus_ of Joannes Lydus, composed by a civil
+servant of the Eastern Empire in the middle of the Sixth Century.
+
+(3) The _Variae Epistolae_ of Cassiodorus, the composition of which
+ranges from about 504 to 540.
+
+The first of these authorities relates to the Eastern and Western
+Empires, the second to the Eastern alone, the third to the Western
+Empire as represented by the Ostrogothic Kingdom founded by Theodoric.
+
+Much light is also thrown on the subject by the Codes of Theodosius
+and Justinian.
+
+Godefroy's Commentary on the Theodosian Code, and Bethmann Hollweg's
+'Gerichtsverfassung des sinkenden Roemischen Reichs,' are the chief
+modern works which have treated of the subject.
+
+[Sidenote: The Officium as described in the Notitia.]
+
+We will follow the order in which the various offices are arranged by
+the 'Notitia,' which is most likely to correspond with that of
+official precedence.
+
+In the second chapter of the 'Notitia Orientis,' after an enumeration
+of the five Dioceses and forty-six Provinces which are 'sub
+dispositione viri illustris Praefecti Praetorio per Orientem,' we have
+this list, 'Officium viri illustris Praefecti Praetorio Orientis:'
+
+ Princeps.
+ Cornicularius.
+ Adjutor.
+ Commentariensis.
+ Ab actis.
+ Numerarii.
+ Subadjuvae.
+ Cura Epistolarum.
+ Regerendarius.
+ Exceptores.
+ Adjutores.
+ Singularii.
+
+The lists of the officia of all the other Praetorian Praefects in the
+'Notitia' are exactly the same as this, except that under the head
+'Praefectus Praetorio per Illyricum' we have, instead of the simple
+entry 'Numerarii,'
+
+ 'Numerarii quatuor: in his auri unus, operum alter;'
+
+and the 'Praefectus Urbis Romae' had under his Numerarii, a
+
+ 'Primiscrinius,'
+
+and between the 'Adjutores' and 'Singularii,'
+
+ Censuales and
+ Nomenculatores.
+
+We will go through the offices enumerated above in order:
+
+[Sidenote: Princeps.]
+
+(1) The PRINCEPS was the head of the whole official staff. In the case
+of the officium of the Praetorian Praefect, however, this officer
+seems, after the compilation of the 'Notitia,' to have disappeared,
+and his rights and privileges became vested in the Cornicularius. It
+will be observed that in the letters of Cassiodorus to the members of
+his staff there is none addressed to the Princeps; and similarly there
+is no mention of a Princeps as serving under the Praetorian Praefect
+in the treatise of Lydus. This elimination of the Princeps, however,
+was not universally applicable to all the officia. Cassiodorus (xi.
+35) mentions a _Princeps Augustorum_, who was, perhaps, Princeps of
+the _Agentes in Rebus_; and Lydus more distinctly ('De Mag.' iii. 24)
+speaks of a bargain made between the Cornicularius of the Praetorian
+Praefect and the [Greek: Prinkips ton magistrianon], who must be
+supposed to be Princeps in the officium of the _Magister Officiorum_,
+though no such officer appears in the 'Notitia[123].'
+
+[Footnote 123: See also Var. vii. 24 and 28.]
+
+Speaking generally, however, we may perhaps say that the greater part
+of what we are about to hear concerning the rights and endowments of
+the Cornicularius in the Praefect's office might be truly asserted of
+the Princeps at the time when the 'Notitia' was compiled, before the
+two offices had been amalgamated.
+
+[Sidenote: Cornicularius.]
+
+(2) The _Cornicularius_. As to this officer we have a good many
+details in the pages of Joannes Lydus. The antiquarian and
+etymological part of his information must generally be received with
+caution; but as to the actual privileges of the office in the days of
+Justinian we may very safely speak after him, since it was an office
+which he himself held, and whose curtailed gains and privileges caused
+him bitter disappointment.
+
+'The foremost in rank,' says he[124], 'of the Emperor's assistants
+(Adjutores) is even to this day called _Cornicularius_, that is to say
+_horned_ ([Greek: keraites]), or _fighting in the front rank_. For the
+place of the monarch or the Caesar was in the middle of the army,
+where he alone might direct the stress of battle. This being the
+Emperor's place, according to Frontinus, on the left wing was posted
+the Praefect or Master of the Horse, and on the right the Praetors or
+Legati, the latter being the officers left in charge of the army when
+their year of office was drawing to a close, to hold the command till
+the new Consul should come out to take it from them.
+
+[Footnote 124: De Mag. iii. 3, 4.]
+
+'Of the whole Legion then, amounting to 6,000 men, exclusive of
+cavalry and auxiliaries, as I before said, the _Cornicularius_ took
+the foremost place; and for that reason he still presides over the
+whole [civil] service, now that the Praefect, for reasons before
+stated, no longer goes forth to battle.
+
+'Since, then, all the rest of the staff are called assistants
+(_Adjutores_), the Praefect gives an intimation under his own hand to
+him who is entering the service in what department ([Greek:
+katalogos]) he is ordered to take up his station[125]. And the
+following are the names of all the departments of the service. First
+the _Cornicularius_, resplendent in all the dignity of a so-called
+Count ([Greek: komes]; comes; companion), but having not yet laid
+aside his belt of office, nor received the honour of admission to the
+palace, or what they call brevet-rank (_codicilli vacantes_), which
+honour at the end of his term of service is given to him, and to none
+of the other chiefs of departments[126].
+
+[Footnote 125: Lydus here gives the Formula for the admission of
+assistants, 'et colloca eum in legione prima adjutrice nostra,' which
+he proceeds to translate into Greek for the benefit of his readers
+([Greek: kai taxeias auton en to proto tagmati to boethounti hemin]).]
+
+[Footnote 126: I have slightly expanded a sentence here, but this is
+evidently the author's meaning.]
+
+'And after the Cornicularius follow:--
+
+ '2 Primiscrinii,
+ '2 Commentarisii,
+ '2 Regendarii,
+ '2 Curae Epistolarum,
+ '15 Scholae of Exceptores,
+
+and then the "unlearned service" of the Singularii[127].'
+
+[Footnote 127: Condensed from Lydus, De Mag. iii. 4-7.]
+
+Again, further on[128], Lydus, who delights to 'magnify his office,'
+gives us this further information as to the rank and functions of the
+Cornicularius:
+
+[Footnote 128: Ib. iii. 22-24.]
+
+'Now that, if I am not mistaken, we have described all the various
+official grades, it is meet to set forth the history of the
+Cornicularius, the venerable head of the Civil Service, the man who,
+as beginning and ending, sums up in himself the complete history of
+the whole official order. The mere antiquity of his office is
+sufficient to establish his credit, seeing that he was the leader of
+his troop for 1,300 years, and made his appearance in the world at the
+same time with the sacred City of Rome itself: for the Cornicularius
+was, from the first, attendant on the Master of the Horse, and the
+Master of the Horse on the King, and thus the Cornicularius, if he
+retained nothing of his office but the name, would still be connected
+with the very beginnings of the Roman State.
+
+'But from the time when Domitian appointed Fuscus to the office of
+Praefect of the Praetorians (an office which had been instituted by
+Augustus), and abolished the rank of Master of the Horse, taking upon
+himself the command of the army[129], everything was changed.
+Henceforward, therefore, all affairs that were transacted in the
+office of the Praefect were arranged by the Cornicularius alone, and
+he received the revenues arising from them for his own refreshment.
+This usage, which prevailed from the days of Domitian to our own
+Theodosius, was then changed, on account of the usurpation of Rufinus.
+For the Emperor Arcadius, fearing the overgrown power of the
+Praefectoral office, passed a law that the Princeps of the Magister
+[Officiorum]'s staff[130] ... should appear in the highest courts, and
+should busy himself with part of the Praefect's duties, and especially
+should enquire into the principle upon which orders for the Imperial
+post-horses ([Greek: synthemata]; _evectiones_) were granted[131]....
+This order of Arcadius was inscribed in the earlier editions of the
+Theodosian Code, but has been omitted in the later as superfluous.
+
+[Footnote 129: This seems to be the meaning of Lydus, but it is not
+clearly expressed.]
+
+[Footnote 130: There is something wanting in the text here.]
+
+[Footnote 131: See Cod. Theod. vi. 29. 8, which looks rather like the
+law alluded to by Lydus, notwithstanding his remark about its
+omission.]
+
+'Thus, then, the Princeps of the Magistriani, being introduced into
+the highest courts, but possessing nothing there beyond his mere empty
+dignity, made a bargain with the Cornicularius of the day, the object
+of which was to open up to him some portion of the business; and,
+having come to terms, the Princeps agreed to hand over to the
+Cornicularius one pound's weight of gold [L40] monthly, and to give
+instant gratuities to all his subordinates according to their rank in
+the service. In consequence of this compact the Cornicularius then in
+office, after receiving his 12 lbs. weight of gold without any
+abatement, with every show of honour conceded to his superior[132] (?)
+the preferential right of introducing "one-membered" cases ([Greek:
+ten ton monomeron entuchion eisagogen]), having reserved to himself,
+beside the fees paid for promotion in the office[133], and other
+sources of gain, especially the sole right of subscribing the _Acta_
+of the court, and thus provided for himself a yearly revenue of not
+less than 1,000 aurei [L600].'
+
+[Footnote 132: [Greek: to kreittoni].]
+
+[Footnote 133: [Greek: ek tou bathmou].]
+
+I have endeavoured to translate as clearly as possible the obscure
+words of Lydus as to this bargain between the two court-officers. The
+complaint of Lydus appears to be that the Cornicularius of the day, by
+taking the money of the Princeps Magistrianorum, and conceding to him
+in return the preferential claim to manage 'one-membered' cases (or
+unopposed business), made a purse for himself, but prepared the way
+for the ruin of his successors. The monthly payment was, I think, to
+be made for twelve months only, and thus the whole amount which the
+Cornicularius received from this source was only L480, but from other
+sources--chiefly the sums paid for promotion by the subordinate
+members of the _officium_, and the fees charged by him for affixing
+his subscription to the _acta_ of the court--he still remained in
+receipt of a yearly revenue of L600.
+
+[Sidenote: Jealousy between the Officia of the Praefect and the
+Magister.]
+
+The jealousy between the Officia of the Praetorian Praefect and the
+Magister Officiorum was intense. Almost every line in the treatise of
+Lydus testifies to it, and shows that the former office, in which he
+had the misfortune to serve, was being roughly shouldered out of the
+way by its younger and more unscrupulous competitor.
+
+Lydus continues[134]: 'Now, what followed, like the Peleus of
+Euripides, I can never describe without tears. For on account of all
+these sources of revenue having been dried up, I myself have had to
+bear my part in the general misery of our time, since, though I have
+reached the highest grade of promotion in the service, I have derived
+nothing from it but the bare name. I do not blush to call Justice
+herself as a witness to the truth of what I say, when I affirm that I
+am not conscious of having received one obol from the Princeps, nor
+from the Letters Patent for promotions in the office[135]. For indeed
+whence should I have derived it, since it was the ancient custom that
+those who in any way appeared in the highest courts should pay to the
+_officium_ seven and thirty _aurei_ [L22] for a "one-membered" suit;
+but ever after this bargain was made there has been given only a very
+moderate sum of copper--not gold--in a beggarly way, as if one were
+buying a flask of oil, and that not regularly? Or how compel the
+Princeps to pay the ancient covenanted sum to the Cornicularius of the
+day, when he now scarcely remembered the bare name of that officer, as
+he never condescended to be present in the court when promotions were
+made from a lower grade to a higher? Bitterly do I regret that I was
+so late in coming to perceive for what a paltry price I was rendering
+my long services as assistant in the courts, receiving in fact nothing
+therefrom as my own _solatium_. It serves me right, however, for
+having chosen that line of employment, as I will explain, if the
+reader will allow me to recount to him my career from its commencement
+to the present time.'
+
+[Footnote 134: De Mag. iii. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 135: [Greek: apo ton legomenon kompleusimon], apparently the
+same source of revenue as the promotion-money ([Greek: ten ek tou
+bathmou pronomian]).]
+
+Lydus then goes on to describe his arrival at Constantinople (A.D.
+511), his intention to enter the _Scrinium Memoriae_ (in which he
+would have served under the Magister Officiorum), and his abandonment
+of this intention upon the pressing entreaties of his countryman
+Zoticus, who was at the time Praefectus Praetorio. This step Lydus
+looks upon as the fatal mistake of his life, though the consequences
+of it to him were in some degree mitigated by the marriage which
+Zoticus enabled him to make with a lady possessed of a fortune of 100
+pounds' weight of gold (L4,000). Her property, her virtues (for 'she
+was superior to all women who have ever been admired for their moral
+excellence'), and the consolations of Philosophy and Literature, did
+much to soothe the disappointment of Lydus, who nevertheless felt,
+when he retired to his books after forty years of service, in which he
+had reached the unrewarded post of Cornicularius, that his official
+life had been a failure.
+
+It has seemed worth while to give this sketch of the actual career of
+a Byzantine official, as it may illustrate in some points the lives of
+the functionaries to whom so many of the letters of Cassiodorus are
+addressed; though I know not whether we have any indications of such a
+rivalry at Ravenna as that which prevailed at Constantinople between
+the _officium_ of the Praefect and that of the Magister. We now pass
+on to
+
+[Sidenote: Adjutor.]
+
+[Sidenote: Primiscrinius.]
+
+(3) The _Adjutor_. Some of the uses of this term are very perplexing.
+It seems clear (from Lydus, 'De Mag.' iii. 3) that all the members of
+the officium were known by the generic name _Adjutores_. Here however
+we may perhaps safely assume that Adjutor means simply an assistant to
+the officer next above him, as we find, lower down in the list of the
+'Notitia,' the Exceptores followed by their Adjutores. We may find a
+parallel to Adjutor in the word Lieutenant, which, for the same reason
+is applied to officers of such different rank as the Lord Lieutenant
+of Ireland, a Lieutenant-General, a Lieutenant-Colonel, and a simple
+Lieutenant in the Army or Navy. In the lists of Cassiodorus and Lydus
+we find no mention of an officer bearing the special name of Adjutor,
+but we meet instead with a _Primiscrinius_, of whom, according to
+Lydus, there were two. He says[136], 'After the Cornicularius are two
+Primiscrinii, whom the Greeks call first of the service[137].' And
+later on[138], when he is describing the course of business in the
+_secretum_ of the Praefect, as it used to be in the good old days, he
+informs us that after judgment had been given, and the Secretarii had
+read to the litigant the decree prepared by the Assessors and
+carefully copied by one of the Cancellarii, and after an accurate
+digest of the case had been prepared in the Latin language by a
+Secretarius, in order to guard against future error or
+misrepresentation, the successful litigant passed on with the decree
+in his hand _to the Primiscrinii, who appointed an officer to execute
+the judgment of the Court_[139]. These men then put the decree into
+its final shape by means of the persons appointed to assist them[140]
+(men who could puzzle even the professors themselves in logical
+discussions), and endorsed it on the litigant's petition in characters
+which at once struck awe into the reader, and which seemed actually
+swollen with official importance[141]. The name and titles of the
+'completing' officer were then subscribed.
+
+[Footnote 136: De Mag. iii. 4.]
+
+[Footnote 137: [Greek: meta de ton kornikoularion primiskrinioi duo,
+ous Hellenes protous tes taxeos kalousi].]
+
+[Footnote 138: De Mag. iii. 11.]
+
+[Footnote 139: [Greek: pareei pros tous primiskrinious taxantas
+ekbibasten tois apopephasmenois]. Probably we should read [Greek:
+taxontas] for [Greek: taxantas].]
+
+[Footnote 140: [Greek: epleroun dia ton boethein autois tetagmenon] (?
+Adjutores).]
+
+[Footnote 141: [Greek: epi tou notou tes entuchias grammasin aidous
+autothen apases kai exousias onko sesobemenois].]
+
+If the suggestion that the Primiscrinii were considered as in some
+sense substitutes (Adjutores) for the Cornicularius be correct, we may
+perhaps account for there being two of them in the days of Lydus by
+the disappearance of the Princeps. The office of Cornicularius had
+swallowed up that of Princeps, and accordingly the single Adjutor, who
+was sufficient at the compilation of the 'Notitia,' had to be
+multiplied by two.
+
+[Sidenote: Commentariensis, or Commentarisius.]
+
+(4) The _Commentariensis_. Here we come again to an officer who is
+mentioned by all our three authorities, though in Cassiodorus he seems
+to be degraded some steps below his proper rank (but this may only be
+from an accidental transposition of the order of the letters), and
+though Lydus again gives us two of the name instead of one. The
+last-named authority inserts next after the Primiscrinii 'two
+Commentarisii--so the law calls those who are appointed to attend to
+the drawing up of indictments[142].'
+
+[Footnote 142: [Greek: kommentarisioi duo (houto de tous epi ton
+hypomnematon graphe tattomenous ho nomos kalei)] (iii. 4). I accept
+the necessary emendation of the text proposed in the Bonn edition.]
+
+The Commentariensis (or Commentarisius, as Lydus calls him[143]) was
+evidently the chief assistant of the Judge in all matters of criminal
+jurisdiction[144]. We have a remarkably full, and in the main clear
+account of his functions in the pages of Lydus (iii. 16-18), from
+which it appears that he was promoted from the ranks of the
+_Exceptores_ (shorthand writers), and had six of his former colleagues
+serving under him as Adjutores[145]. Great was the power, and high the
+position in the Civil Service, of the Commentariensis. The whole tribe
+of process-servers, gaolers, lictors[146]--all that we now understand
+by the police force--waited subserviently on his nod. It rested with
+him, says Lydus, to establish the authority of the Court of Justice
+by means of the wholesome fear inspired by iron chains and scourges
+and the whole apparatus of torture[147]. Nay, not only did the
+subordinate magistrates execute their sentences by his agency, he had
+even the honour of being chosen by the Emperor himself to be the
+minister of vengeance against the persons who had incurred his anger
+or his suspicion. 'I myself remember,' says Lydus, 'when I was serving
+as Chartularius in the office of the Commentariensis, under the
+praefecture of Leontius (a man of the highest legal eminence), and
+when the wrath of Anastasius was kindled against Apion, a person of
+the most exalted rank, and one who had assisted in his elevation to
+the throne[148], at the same time when Kobad, King of Persia, blazed
+out into fury[149], that then all the confiscations and banishments
+which were ordered by the enraged Emperor were entrusted to no one
+else but to the Commentarienses serving under the Praefect. In this
+service they acquitted themselves so well, with such vigour, such
+harmonious energy, such entire clean-handedness and absence of all
+dishonest gain, as to move the admiration of the Emperor, who made use
+of them on all similar occasions that presented themselves in the
+remainder of his reign. They had even the honour of being employed
+against Macedonius, Patriarch of Constantinople, when that prelate had
+provoked the Emperor by suspending all intercourse with him as a
+heretic; and that, although Celer, one of the most intimate friends of
+Anastasius, was at that very time holding the rank of Magister
+Officiorum.'
+
+[Footnote 143: To avoid confusion I will use the term
+'Commentariensis' throughout.]
+
+[Footnote 144: So Bethmann Hollweg (p. 179), 'Diess ist der Gehuelfe
+des Magistrats bei Verwaltung der Criminaljustiz.' I compare him in
+the following translation of Cassiodorus to a 'magistrate's clerk.']
+
+[Footnote 145: See iii. 9 (p. 203, ed. Bonn), and combine with iii.
+16. The _Augustales_ referred to in the latter passage were a higher
+class of Exceptores.]
+
+[Footnote 146: Applicitarii, Clavicularii, Lictores.]
+
+[Footnote 147: [Greek: sidereois desmois kai poinaion organon kai
+plektron poikilia saleuonton to phobo to dikasterion] (iii. 16).]
+
+[Footnote 148: [Greek: kai koinonesantos auto tes basileias].]
+
+[Footnote 149: [Greek: hote Koades ho Perses ephlegmaine]. The whole
+passage is mysterious, but we seem to have here an allusion to the
+outbreak of the Persian War (A.D. 502).]
+
+An officer who was thus privileged to lay hands on Patriarch and
+Patrician in the name of Augustus was looked up to with awful
+reverence by all the lower members of the official hierarchy; and
+Lydus, with one graphic touch, brings before us the glow of gratified
+self-love with which, when he was a subordinate _Scriniarius_, he
+found himself honoured by the familiar conversation of so great a
+person as the Commentariensis[150]: 'I too am struck with somewhat of
+my old awe, recurring in memory to those who were then holders of the
+office. I remember what fear of the Commentarisii fell upon all who at
+all took the lead in the _Officium_, but especially on the Scriniarii;
+and how greatly he who was favoured with a chat with a Commentarisius
+passing by valued himself on the honour.' Lydus also describes to us
+how the Commentariensis, instructed by the Praefect, or perhaps even
+by the Emperor himself, would take with him one of his faithful
+servants, the Chartularii, would visit the abode of the suspected
+person (who might, as we have seen, be one of the very highest
+officers of the State), and would then in his presence dictate in
+solemn Latin words the indictment which was to be laid against him,
+the mere hearing of which sometimes brought the criminal to confess
+his guilt and throw himself on the mercy of the Emperor.
+
+[Footnote 150: iii. 17 (p. 210).]
+
+It was from this _commentum_, the equivalent of a French _acte
+d'accusation_, that the Commentariensis derived his title.
+
+[Sidenote: Ab Actis (Scriniarius Actorum?).]
+
+(5) The _Ab Actis_. The officer who bore this title (which is perhaps
+the same as the Scriniarius Actorum of Cassiodorus[151]) seems to have
+been exclusively concerned with civil cases, and perhaps held the same
+place in reference to them that the Commentarienses held in criminal
+matters[152]. Practically, his office appears to have been very much
+what we understand by that of _Chief Registrar_ of the Court. He (or
+they, for in Lydus' time there were two _Ab Actis_ as well as two
+Commentarienses[153]) was chosen from the select body of shorthand
+writers who were known as Augustales, and was assisted by six men of
+the same class, 'men of high character and intelligence and still in
+the vigour of their years[154].' His chief business--and in this he
+was served by the _Nomenclatores_, who shouted out in a loud voice the
+names of the litigants--was to introduce the plaintiff and defendant
+into the Court, or to make a brief statement of the nature of the case
+to the presiding magistrate. He then had to watch the course of the
+pleadings and listen to the Judge's decision, so as to be able to
+prepare a full statement of the case for the Registers or
+Journals[155] of the Court. These Registers--at least in the
+flourishing days of Roman jurisprudence--were most fully and
+accurately kept. Even the _Dies Nefasti_ were marked upon them, and
+the reason for their being observed as legal holidays duly noted.
+Elaborate indices, prepared by the Chartularii, made search an easy
+matter to those who wished to ascertain what was the decision of the
+law upon every point; and the marginal notes, or _personalia_,
+prepared in Latin[156] by the Ab Actis or his assistants, were so
+excellent and so full that sometimes when the original entry in the
+Registers had been lost the whole case could be sufficiently
+reconstructed from them alone.
+
+[Footnote 151: Var. xi. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 152: This seems to be Bethmann Hollweg's view (p. 181).]
+
+[Footnote 153: This we learn from iii. 20. They are not mentioned in
+iii. 4, where we should have expected to find them.]
+
+[Footnote 154: [Greek: hex andres erastoi kai nounechestatoi kai
+sphrigontes eti] (Lydus iii. 20).]
+
+[Footnote 155: [Greek: rhegeston e kottidianon (anti tou ephemeron)].]
+
+[Footnote 156: [Greek: Italisti]. Of course the emphasis laid on this
+point proceeds from the Greek nationality of our present authority.]
+
+The question was already mooted at Constantinople in the sixth century
+whence the Ab Actis derived his somewhat elliptical name; and our
+archaeology-loving scribe was able to inform his readers that as the
+officer of the household who was called _A Pigmentis_ had the care of
+the aromatic ointments of the Court; as the _A Sabanis_[157] had
+charge of the bathing towels of the baths; as the _A Secretis_ (who
+was called Ad Secretis by vulgar Byzantines, ignorant of the niceties
+of Latin grammar) was concerned in keeping the secret counsels of his
+Sovereign: so the _Ab Actis_ derived his title from the Acts of the
+Court which it was his duty to keep duly posted up and properly
+indexed.
+
+[Footnote 157: [Greek: sabanon] = a towel.]
+
+[Sidenote: Numerarii.]
+
+(6) The _Numerarii_ (whose exact number is not stated in the
+'Notitia'[158]) were the cashiers of the Praefect's office. Though
+frequently mentioned in the Theodosian Code, and though persons
+exercising this function must always have existed in a great Court of
+Justice like the Praefect's, we hear but little of them from
+Cassiodorus[159]; and Lydus' notices of the [Greek: diapsephistai],
+who seem to correspond to the Numerarii[160], are scanty and
+imperfect. Our German commentator has collected the passages of the
+Theodosian Code which relate to this class of officers, and has shown
+that on account of their rapacity and extortion their office was
+subjected to a continual process of degradation. All the Numerarii,
+except those of the two highest classes of judges[161], were degraded
+into _Tabularii_, a name which had previously indicated the cashiers
+of a municipality as distinguished from those in the Imperial service;
+and the Numerarii, even of the Praetorian Praefect himself, were made
+subject to examination by torture. This was not only to be dreaded on
+account of the bodily suffering which it inflicted, but was also a
+mark of the humble condition of those to whom it was applied.
+
+[Footnote 158: Except, as before stated, those in the office of the
+Praetorian Praefect for Illyricum. These were four in number, and one
+of them had charge of 'gold,' another of '[public] works.' Further
+information is requisite to enable us to explain these entries.]
+
+[Footnote 159: They are alluded to in Var. xii. 13. The Canonicarii
+(Tax-collectors) had plundered the Churches of Bruttii and Lucania in
+the name of 'sedis nostrae Numerarii;' but the Numerarii with holy
+horror declared that they had received no part of the spoils.]
+
+[Footnote 160: See Bethmann Hollweg, 184.]
+
+[Footnote 161: Illustres and Spectabiles.]
+
+[Sidenote: Scriniarius Curae Militaris.]
+
+We may perhaps see in the _Scriniarius Curae Militaris_ of
+Cassiodorus[162] one of these Numerarii detailed for service as
+paymaster to the soldiers who waited upon the orders of the Praefect.
+
+[Footnote 162: xi. 24.]
+
+[Sidenote: Subadjuvae.]
+
+(7) The _Subadjuvae_. This is probably a somewhat vague term, like
+Adjutores, and indicates a second and lower class of cashiers who
+acted as deputies for the regular Numerarii.
+
+[Sidenote: Cura Epistolarum.]
+
+(8) _Cura Epistolarum._ The officer who bore this title appears to
+have had the duty of copying out all letters relating to fiscal
+matters[163]. This theory as to his office is confirmed by the words
+of Cassiodorus (Var. xi. 23): 'Let Constantinian on his promotion
+receive the care of the letters relating to the land-tax' (Hic itaque
+epistolarum _canonicarum_ curam provectus accipiat).
+
+[Footnote 163: This is Bethmann Hollweg's interpretation of the words
+of Lydus, [Greek: hoi tas men epi tois demosiois phoitosas psephous
+graphousi monon, to loipon kataphronoumenoi] (iii. 21). In another
+passage (iii. 4, 5) Lydus appears to assign a reason for the fact that
+the Praefectus Urbis Constantinopolitanae, the Magister Militum, and
+the Magister Officiorum had no _Cura Epistolarum_ on their staff; but
+the paragraph is to me hopelessly obscure. Curiously enough, too,
+while he avers that every department of the State (perhaps every
+diocese) had, as a rule, its own Curae Epistolarum, he limits the two
+in the Praetorian Praefect's office to the diocese of Pontica ([Greek:
+koura epistolaroum Pontikes duo]).]
+
+[Sidenote: Regerendarius, or Regendarius.]
+
+(9) _Regerendarius_, or _Regendarius_[164]. This officer had the
+charge of all contracts relating to the very important department of
+the _Cursus Publicus_, or Imperial Mail Service. At the time of the
+compilation of the 'Notitia' only one person appears to have acted in
+this capacity under each Praefect. When Lydus wrote, there were two
+Regendarii in each Praefecture, but, owing to the increasing influence
+of the Magister Officiorum over the Cursus Publicus[165], their office
+had become apparently little more than an ill-paid sinecure. As we
+hear nothing of similar changes in the West, the Cursus Publicus was
+probably a part of the public service which was directly under the
+control of Cassiodorus when Praetorian Praefect, and was administered
+at his bidding by one or more Regendarii.
+
+[Footnote 164: The first form of the name is found in the Notitia, the
+second in Lydus and Cassiodorus.]
+
+[Footnote 165: It is not easy to make out exactly what Lydus wishes us
+to understand about the Cursus Publicus; but I think his statements
+amount to this, that it was taken by Arcadius from the Praetorian
+Praefect and given to the Magister Officiorum, was afterwards restored
+to the Praefect, and finally was in effect destroyed by the corrupt
+administration of John of Cappadocia. (See ii. 10; iii. 21, 61.)]
+
+[Sidenote: Exceptores.]
+
+(10) We now come to the _Exceptores_, or shorthand writers[166], a
+large and fluctuating body who stood on the lowest step of the
+official ladder[167] and formed the raw material out of which all its
+higher functionaries were fashioned in the regular order of promotion.
+
+[Footnote 166: The [Greek: tachygraphoi] of Lydus.]
+
+[Footnote 167: In making this statement I consider the Adjutores to be
+virtually another class of Exceptores, and I purposely omit the
+Singularii as not belonging to the _Militia Litterata_, which alone I
+am now considering.]
+
+[Sidenote: Augustales.]
+
+[Sidenote: Deputati.]
+
+We are informed by Lydus[168], that in his time the Exceptores in the
+Eastern Empire were divided into two corps, the higher one called
+_Augustales_, who were limited in number to thirty, and the lower, of
+indefinite number and composing the rank and file of the profession.
+The Augustales only could aspire to the rank of Cornicularius; but in
+order that some prizes might still be left of possible attainment by
+the larger class, the rank of Primiscrinius was tenable by those who
+remained 'on the rolls of the Exceptores.' The reason for this change
+was that the unchecked application of the principle of seniority to so
+large a body of public servants was throwing all the more important
+offices in the Courts of Justice into the hands of old men. The
+principle of 'seniority tempered by selection' was therefore
+introduced, and the ablest and most learned members of the class of
+Exceptores were drafted off into this favoured section of Augustales,
+fifteen of the most experienced of whom were appropriated to the
+special service of the Emperor, while the other fifteen filled the
+higher offices (with the exception of the Primiscriniate) in the
+Praefectoral Courts[169]. The first fifteen were called
+_Deputati_[170], the others were apparently known simply as
+Augustales.
+
+[Footnote 168: iii. 6, 9.]
+
+[Footnote 169: I think this is a fair summary of Lydus iii. 9 and 10,
+but these paragraphs are very difficult and obscure.]
+
+[Footnote 170: We should certainly have expected that the Augustales
+would be those writers who were specially appropriated to the
+Emperor's service, but the other conclusion necessarily follows from
+the language of Lydus (iii. 10): [Greek: hoste kai pentekaideka ex
+auton ton pepanoteron peira te kai to chrono kreittonon pros
+hypographen tois basileusin aphoristhenai, ous eti kai nun depoutatous
+kalousin, hoi tou tagmatos ton Augoustalion proteuousin].]
+
+The change thus described by Lydus appears to have been made in the
+West as well as in the East, since we hear in the 'Variae' of
+Cassiodorus (xi. 30) of the appointment of a certain Ursus to be
+Primicerius of the Deputati, and of Beatus to take the same place
+among the Augustales[171].
+
+[Footnote 171: The form of the word must I think prevent us from
+applying the Princeps _Augustorum_ of xi. 35 to the same class of
+officers.]
+
+[Sidenote: Adjutores.]
+
+(11) The _Adjutores_ of the 'Notitia' were probably a lower class of
+Exceptores, who may very likely have disappeared when the Augustales
+were formed out of them by the process of differentiation which has
+been described above.
+
+We have now gone through the whole of what was termed the 'Learned
+Service[172]' mentioned in the 'Notitia,' with one exception--the
+title of an officer, in himself humble and obscure, who has given his
+name to the highest functionaries of mediaeval and modern Europe.
+
+[Footnote 172: [Greek: tous epi tais logikais tetagmenous
+leitourgiais] (Lydus iii. 7). [Greek: Peras men hode ton logikon tes
+taxeos systematon] (iii. 21). The 'Learned Service' may be taken as
+corresponding to 'a post fit for a gentleman,' in modern phraseology.
+In our present Official Directories the members of the [Greek: logike
+taxis] appear to be all dignified with the title 'Esq.;' the others
+have only 'Mr.']
+
+[Sidenote: Cancellarius.]
+
+(12) The _Cancellarius_ appears in the 'Notitia' only once[173], and
+then in connection not with the Praetorian Praefect, but with the
+Master of the Offices. At the very end of the Officium of this
+dignitary, after the six _Scholae_ and four _Scrinia_ of his
+subordinates, and after the _Admissionales_, whom we must look upon as
+the Ushers of the Court, comes the entry,
+
+ Cancellarii:
+
+their very number not stated, the office being too obscure to make a
+few less or more a matter of importance.
+
+[Footnote 173: Occidentis ix. 15.]
+
+After the compilation of the 'Notitia' the office of Cancellarius
+apparently rose somewhat in importance, and was introduced into other
+departments besides that of the Master of the Offices.
+
+One Cancellarius appears attached to the Court of Cassiodorus as
+Praetorian Praefect, and from the admonitions addressed to him by his
+master[174], we see that he had it in his power considerably to aid
+the administration of justice by his integrity, or to hinder it by
+showing himself accessible to bribes.
+
+[Footnote 174: In Var. xi. 6, which see.]
+
+In describing the Cancellarius, as in almost every other part of his
+treatise, Lydus has to tell a dismal story of ruin and decay[175]:
+
+[Footnote 175: iii. 36, 37.]
+
+'Now the Scriniarii [subordinates of the Magister Officiorum] are made
+Cancellarii and Logothetes and purveyors of the Imperial table,
+whereas in old time the Cancellarius was chosen only from the ranks of
+Augustales and Exceptores who had served with credit. In those days
+the Judgment Hall [of the Praefect] recognised only two Cancellarii,
+who received an _aureus_ apiece[176] per day from the Treasury. There
+was aforetime in the Court of Justice a fence separating the
+Magistrate from his subordinates, and this fence, being made of long
+splinters of wood placed diagonally, was called _cancellus_, from its
+likeness to network, the regular Latin word for a net being casses,
+and the diminutive cancellus[177]. At this latticed barrier then stood
+two _Cancellarii_, by whom, since no one was allowed to approach the
+judgment-seat, paper was brought to the members of the staff and
+needful messages were delivered. But now that the office owing to the
+number of its holders[178] has fallen into disrepute, and that the
+Treasury no longer makes a special provision for their maintenance,
+almost all the hangers-on of the Courts of Law call themselves
+Cancellarii; and, not only in the capital but in the Provinces, they
+give themselves this title in order that they may be able more
+effectually to plunder the wealthy.'
+
+[Footnote 176: About twelve shillings.]
+
+[Footnote 177: This derivation from casses is, of course, absurd.]
+
+[Footnote 178: Can this be the meaning of [Greek: eis plethos]?]
+
+This description by Lydus, while it aptly illustrates Cassiodorus'
+exhortations to his Cancellarii to keep their hands clean from bribes,
+shows how lowly their office was still considered; and indeed, but for
+his statement that it used to be filled by veteran Augustales, we
+might almost have doubted whether it is rightly classed among the
+'Learned Services' at all.
+
+[Sidenote: End of the Militia Literata.]
+
+Now at any rate we leave the ranks of the gentlemen of the Civil
+Service behind us, and come to the 'Militia Illiterata,' of whom the
+'Notitia' enumerates only
+
+[Sidenote: Militia Illiterata: Singularii.]
+
+(13) The _Singularii_, a class of men of whose useful services Lydus
+speaks in terms of high praise, contrasting their modest efficiency
+with the pompous verbosity[179] of the Magistriani (servants of the
+Master of the Offices) by whom they were being generally superseded in
+his day. They travelled through the Provinces, carrying the Praefect's
+orders, and riding in a post-chaise drawn by a single horse (veredus),
+from which circumstance, according to Lydus, they derived their name
+Singularii[180].
+
+[Footnote 179: [Greek: Kompophakellorremosyne] =
+Pomp-bundle-wordiness, an Aristophanic word.]
+
+[Footnote 180: De Dignitatibus iii. 7.]
+
+We observe that the letter of Cassiodorus[181] addressed to the
+retiring chief (Primicerius) of the Singularii informs him that he is
+promoted to a place among the King's Body-guard (Domestici et
+Protectores), a suitable reward for one who had not been a member of
+the 'Learned Services.'
+
+[Footnote 181: Var. xi. 31.]
+
+After the Singularii Lydus mentions the _Mancipes_, the men who were
+either actually slaves or were at any rate engaged in servile
+occupations; as, for instance, the bakers at the public bakeries, the
+_Rationalii_, who distributed the rations to the receivers of the
+annona[182], the _Applicitarii_ (officers of arrest), and
+_Clavicularii_ (gaolers), who, as we before heard, obeyed the mandate
+of the Commentariensis. The Lictors, I think, are not mentioned by
+him. A corresponding class of men would probably be the _Apparitores_,
+who in the 'Notitia' appear almost exclusively attached to the service
+of the great Ministers of War[183].
+
+[Footnote 182: This seems a probable explanation of a rather obscure
+passage.]
+
+[Footnote 183: See the following sections of the Notitia: Magister
+Militum Praesentatis (Oriens v. 74, vi. 77; Occidens v. 281, vi. 93);
+M.M. per Orientem (Or. vii. 67); M.M. per Thracias (Or. viii. 61);
+M.M. per Illyricum (Or. ix. 56); Magister Equitum per Gallias (Occ.
+vii. 117). The only civil officer who has Apparitores is the Proconsul
+Achaiae (Oriens xxi. 14).]
+
+Thus, it will be seen, from the well-paid and often highly-connected
+Princeps, who, no doubt, discussed the business of the court with the
+Praetorian Praefect on terms of friendly though respectful
+familiarity, down to the gaoler and the lictor and the lowest of the
+half-servile _mancipes_, there was a regular gradation of rank, which
+still preserved, in the staff of the highest court of justice in the
+land, all the traditions of subordination and discipline which had
+once characterised the military organisation out of which it
+originally sprang.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Editiones Principes.]
+
+The Ecclesiastical History ('Historia Tripartita') seems to have been
+the first of the works of Cassiodorus to attract the notice of
+printers at the revival of learning. The Editio Princeps of this book
+(folio) was printed by Johann Schuszler, at Augsburg, in 1472[184].
+
+[Footnote 184: This edition is described by Dibdin (Bibliotheca
+Spenceriana iii. 244-5).]
+
+The Editio Princeps of the 'Chronicon' is contained in a collection of
+Chronicles published at Basel in 1529 by Joannes Sichardus (printer,
+Henricus Petrus). The contribution of Cassiodorus is prefaced by an
+appropriate Epistle Dedicatory to Sir Thos. More, in which a parallel
+is suggested between the lives of these two literary statesmen.
+
+Next followed the Editio Princeps of the 'Variae,' published at
+Augsburg in 1533, by Mariangelus Accurtius.
+
+In 1553, Joannes Cuspinianus, a counsellor of the Emperor Maximilian,
+published at Basel a series of Chronicles with which he interwove the
+Chronicle of Cassiodorus, and to which he prefixed a short life of our
+author.
+
+[Sidenote: Edition of Nivellius.]
+
+The Editio Princeps of the collected works of Cassiodorus was
+published at Paris in 1579 by Sebastianus Nivellius; and other
+editions by the same publisher followed in 1584 and 1589. This edition
+does not contain the Tripartite History, the Exposition of the
+Psalter, or the 'Complexiones' on the Epistles. Some notes, not
+without merit, are added, which were compiled in 1578 by 'Gulielmus
+Fornerius, Parisiensis, Regius apud Aurelianenses Consiliarius et
+Antecessor.' The annotator says[185] that these notes had gradually
+accumulated on the margin of his copy of Cassiodorus, an author who
+had been a favourite of his from youth, and whom he had often quoted
+in his forensic speeches.
+
+[Footnote 185: p. 492.]
+
+The edition of Nivellius, which is evidently prepared with a view to
+aid the historical rather than the theological study of the writings
+of Cassiodorus, contains also the Gothic history of Jordanus (sic),
+the 'Edictum Theoderici,' the letter of Sidonius describing the Court
+of Theodoric II _the Visigoth_ (453-466), and the Panegyric of
+Ennodius on Theodoric the Great. The letter of Sidonius is evidently
+inserted owing to a confusion between the two Theodorics; and this
+error has led many later commentators astray. But the reprint of the
+'Edictum Theoderici' is of great interest and value, because the MS.
+from which it was taken has since disappeared, and none other is known
+to be in existence. A letter is prefixed to the 'Edictum,' written by
+Pierre Pithou to Edouard Mole, Dec. 31, 1578, and describing his
+reasons for sending this document to the publisher who was printing
+the works of Cassiodorus. At the same time, 'that the West might not
+have cause to envy the East,' he sent a MS. of the 'Leges
+Wisigothorum,' with illustrative extracts from Isidore and Procopius,
+which is printed at the end of Nivellius' edition.
+
+I express no opinion about the text of this edition; but it possesses
+the advantage of an Index to the 'Variae' only, which will be found at
+the end of the Panegyric of Ennodius. Garet's Index, which is in
+itself not so full, has the additional disadvantage of being muddled
+up with the utterly alien matter of the Tripartite History.
+
+In 1588 appeared an edition in 4to. of the works of Cassiodorus (still
+excluding the Tripartite History and the Biblical Commentaries),
+published at Paris by Marc Orry. This was republished in 1600 in two
+volumes 12mo.
+
+The 'Variae' and 'Chronicon' only, in 12mo. were published at Lyons by
+Jacques Chouet in 1595, and again by Pierre and Jacques Chouet at
+Geneva in 1609, and by their successors in 1650. These editions
+contain the notes of Pierre Brosse, Jurisconsult, as well as those of
+Fornerius.
+
+[Sidenote: Edition of Garet.]
+
+In 1679 appeared, in two volumes folio, the great Rouen edition by
+Francois Jean Garet (of the Congregation of S. Maur), which has ever
+since been the standard edition of the works of Cassiodorus. Garet
+speaks of collating several MSS. of various ages for the text of this
+edition, especially mentioning 'Codex S. Audoeni' (deficient for Books
+5, 6, and 7 of the 'Variae'), 'et antiquissimae membranae S. Remigii
+Remensis' (containing only the first four books of the same
+collection). A codex which once belonged to the jurist Cujacius, and
+which had been collated with Accurtius' text in 1575 by a certain
+Claude Grulart, seems to have given Garet some valuable readings by
+means of Grulart's notes, though the codex itself had disappeared.
+Garet's edition was re-issued at Venice in 1729, and more recently in
+Migne's 'Patrologia' (Paris, 1865), of which it forms vols. 69 and 70.
+
+[Sidenote: Forthcoming Edition by Meyer.]
+
+There can be little doubt, however, that all these editions will be
+rendered obsolete by the new edition which is expected to appear as a
+volume of the 'Auctores Antiquissimi' in the _Monumenta Germaniae
+Historica_. The editor is Professor Wilhelm Meyer, of Munich. The work
+has been for some years announced as near completion, but I have not
+been able to ascertain how soon it may be expected to appear.
+
+[Sidenote: Supposed fragment of orations.]
+
+Finally, I must not omit to notice the fragments of an oration
+published by Baudi de Vesme in the Transactions of the Royal Academy
+of Sciences at Turin (1846). Those fragments, which were found in a
+palimpsest MS. of the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, were first
+published in 1822 by Angelo Mai, who was then disposed to attribute
+them to Symmachus (the elder), and to assign them to the early part of
+the fifth century. On reflection, however, he came to the conclusion
+that they were probably the work of Cassiodorus, and formed part of a
+panegyric addressed to Theodoric. This theory appears now to meet with
+general approval. The style is certainly very similar to that of
+Cassiodorus; but, as will be inferred from the doubt as to their
+origin, there is little or nothing in these scanty fragments which
+adds anything to our knowledge of the history of Theodoric.
+
+[Sidenote: Life by Garet.]
+
+To the literature relating to Cassiodorus the most important
+contribution till recent times was the life by Garet prefixed to his
+edition of 1679. I cannot speak of this from a very minute
+investigation, but it seems to be a creditable performance, the work
+of one who had carefully studied the 'Variae,' but unfortunately quite
+misleading as to the whole framework of the life of Cassiodorus, from
+the confusion which it makes between him and his father, an error
+which Garet has probably done more than any other author to
+perpetuate.
+
+[Sidenote: Life by St. Marthe.]
+
+The life by Garet was paraphrased in French by Denys de _Ste. Marthe_
+('Vie de Cassiodore,' Paris, 1695), whose work has enjoyed a
+reputation to which it was not entitled on the ground either of
+originality or accuracy, but which was probably due to the fact that
+the handy octavo volume written in French was accessible to a wider
+circle of readers than Garet's unwieldy folio in Latin. A more
+original performance was that of _Count Buat_ (in the 'Abhandlungen
+der Kurfuerstlichen Bairischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,' Munich,
+1763); but this author, though he pointed out the cardinal error of
+Garet, his confusion between Senator and his father, introduced some
+further gratuitous entanglements of his own into the family history of
+the Cassiodori.
+
+[Sidenote: Modern monographs.]
+
+All these works, however, are rendered entirely obsolete by three
+excellent monographs which have recently been published in Germany on
+the life and writings of Cassiodorus. These are--
+
+[Sidenote: Thorbecke.]
+
+August _Thorbecke's_ 'Cassiodorus Senator' (Heidelberg, 1867);
+
+[Sidenote: Franz.]
+
+Adolph _Franz's_ 'M. Aurelius Cassiodorius Senator' (Breslau, 1872);
+and
+
+[Sidenote: Usener.]
+
+Hermann _Usener's_ 'Anecdoton Holderi' (Bonn, 1877), described in the
+second chapter of this introduction.
+
+Thorbecke discusses the political, and Franz the religious and
+literary aspects of the life of their common hero, and between them
+they leave no point of importance in obscurity. Usener, as we have
+already seen, brings an important contribution to our knowledge of the
+subject in presenting us with Holder's fragment; and his Commentary
+(of eighty pages) on this fragment is a model of patient and
+exhaustive research. It seems probable that these three authors have
+really said pretty nearly the last word about the life and writings of
+Cassiodorus. In addition to these authors many writers of historical
+works in Germany have of late years incidentally contributed to a more
+accurate understanding of the life and times of Cassiodorus.
+
+_Dahn_, in the third section of his 'Koenige der Germanen' (Wuerzburg,
+1866), has written a treatise on the political system of the
+Ostrogoths which is almost a continuous commentary on the 'Variae,'
+and from which I have derived the greatest possible assistance.
+
+_Koepke_, in his 'Anfaenge des Koenigthums bei den Gothen' (Berlin,
+1859), has condensed into a small compass a large amount of useful
+disquisition on Cassiodorus and his copyist Jordanes. The relation
+between these two writers was also elaborately discussed by _von
+Sybel_ in his thesis 'De Fontibus Libri Jordanis' (Berlin, 1838), and
+by _Schirren_, in his monograph 'De Ratione quae inter Jordanem et
+Cassiodorum intercedat' (Dorpat, 1885). The latter, though upon the
+whole a creditable performance, is disfigured by one or two strange
+blunders, and not improved by some displays of irrelevant learning.
+
+_Von Schubert_, in his 'Unterwerfung der Alamannen unter die Franken'
+(Strassburg, 1884), throws some useful light on the question of the
+date of the early letters in the 'Variae;' and _Binding_, in his
+'Geschichte des Burgundisch-Romanischen Koenigreichs' (Leipzig, 1868),
+discusses the relations between Theodoric and the Sovereigns of Gaul,
+as disclosed by the same collection of letters, in a manner which I
+must admit to be forcible, though I do not accept all his conclusions.
+
+_Mommsen_, in his paper 'Die Chronik des Cassiodorus Senator' (Vol.
+viii. of the 'Abhandlungen der Koeniglich Saechsischen Gesellschaft der
+Wissenschaften;' Leipzig, 1861), has said all that is to be said
+concerning the unfortunate 'Chronicon' of Cassiodorus, which he
+handles with merciless severity.
+
+To say that _Ebert_, in his 'Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des
+Mittelalters im Abendlande' (Leipzig, 1874), and _Wattenbach_, in his
+'Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter,' tell us with fullness
+and accuracy just what the student ought to wish to know concerning
+Cassiodorus as an author, is only to say that they are Ebert and
+Wattenbach. Every one who has had occasion to refer to these two books
+knows their merits.
+
+Passing from German literature, I regret that I am prevented by
+ignorance of the Dutch language from forming an opinion as to the work
+of _Thijm_ ('Iets over M.A. Cassiodorus en zijne eeuw;' Amsterdam,
+1857), which is frequently quoted by my German authorities.
+
+_Gibbon_ of course quotes from the 'Variae,' and though he did not
+know them intimately, he has with his usual sagacity apprehended the
+true character of the book and of its author. But the best account of
+the 'Various Letters' in English, as far as I know, is unfortunately
+entombed in the pages of a periodical, being an article by Dean
+_Church_, contributed in July, 1880, to the 'Church Quarterly Review.'
+There is also a very good though necessarily brief notice of
+Cassiodorus in _Ugo Balzani's_ little volume on the 'Early Chroniclers
+of Italy,' published by the Christian Knowledge Society in 1883.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+CHRONOLOGY.
+
+
+In the following chronological table of the life of Cassiodorus I
+have, for convenience sake, assumed 480 as the year of his birth, and
+575 as that of his death. It is now, I think, sufficiently proved that
+if these dates are not absolutely correct, they cannot be more than a
+year or two wrong in one direction or the other.
+
+[Sidenote: Consular Fasti.]
+
+As dates were still reckoned by Consulships, at any rate through the
+greater part of the life of Cassiodorus, I have inserted the Consular
+Fasti for the period in question. It will be seen that several names
+of correspondents of Cassiodorus figure in this list. As a general
+though not universal practice, one of the two Consuls at this time was
+chosen from out of the Senate of Rome and the other from that of
+Constantinople. We can almost always tell whether a chronicler belongs
+to the Eastern or Western Empire by observing whether he puts the
+Eastern or Western Consul first. Thus, for A.D. 501, Marcellinus
+Comes, who was an official of the Eastern Empire, gives us 'Pompeius
+et Avienus, Coss.;' while Cassiodorus, in his 'Chronicon,' assigns the
+year to 'Avienus et Pompeius.' Pompeius was a nobleman of
+Constantinople, nephew of the Emperor Anastasius; while Avienus was a
+Roman Senator[186]. Again, in A.D. 490, Marcellinus gives the names of
+Longinus and Faustus, which Cassiodorus quotes as Faustus and
+Longinus. Longinus was a brother of the Emperor Zeno, and Faustus was
+for many years Praetorian Praefect under Theodoric, and was the
+receiver of many letters in the following collection.
+
+[Footnote 186: See Usener, p. 32.]
+
+I have endeavoured to give the priority always to the _Western_ Consul
+in the list before us, except in those cases where an Emperor (who was
+of course an Eastern) condescended to assume the Consular _trabea_.
+
+[Sidenote: Indictions.]
+
+Another mode of reckoning the dates which the reader will continually
+meet with in the following pages is by _Indictions_. The Indiction, as
+is well known, was a cycle of fifteen years, during which, as we have
+reason to believe, the assessment for the taxes remained undisturbed,
+a fresh valuation being made all round when the cycle was ended.
+Traces of this quindecennial period may be found in the third century,
+but the formal adoption of the Indiction is generally assigned to the
+Emperor Constantine, and to the year 312[187]. The Indiction itself,
+and every one of the years composing it, began on the 1st of September
+of the calendar year. The reason for this period being chosen probably
+was that the harvests of the year being then gathered in, the
+collection of the tithes of the produce, which formed an important
+part of the Imperial revenue, could be at once proceeded with. What
+gives an especial importance to this method of dating by Indictions,
+for the reader of the following letters is, that most of the great
+offices of State changed hands at the beginning of the year of the
+Indiction (Sept. 1), not at the beginning of the Calendar year.
+
+[Footnote 187: Compare Marquardt (Roemische Staatsverwaltung ii. 237).
+He remarks that the Indiction seems to have been first adopted in
+Egypt, and did not come into universal use all over the Empire till
+the end of the Fourth Century.]
+
+To make such a mode of dating the year at all satisfactory, it would
+seem to us necessary that the number of the cycle itself, as well as
+of the year in the cycle, should be given; for instance, that A.D. 313
+should be called the first year of the first Indiction, and A.D. 351
+the ninth year of the third Indiction. This practice, however, was not
+adopted till far on into the Middle Ages[188]. At the time we are
+speaking of, the word Indiction seems generally to have been given
+not to the cycle itself, but to the year in the cycle. Thus, 313 was
+the first Indiction, 314 the second Indiction, 315 the third
+Indiction, and so on. And thus we find a year, which from other
+sources we know to be 313, called the first Indiction, 351 the ninth
+Indiction, 537 the fifteenth Indiction, without any clue being given
+to guide us to the important point in what cycles these years held
+respectively the first, the ninth, and the fifteenth places.
+
+[Footnote 188: The Twelfth Century, according to Marquardt.]
+
+As the Indiction began on the 1st of September a question arises
+whether the calendar year is to be named after the number of the
+Indiction which belongs to its beginning or its end; whether, to go
+back to the beginning, A.D. 312 or A.D. 313 is to be accounted the
+first Indiction. The practice of the chroniclers and of most writers
+on chronology appears to be in favour of the latter method, which is
+natural, inasmuch as nine months of the Indiction belong to the later
+date and only three to the earlier. Thus, for instance, Marcellinus
+Comes calls the year of the Consulship of Belisarius, which was
+undoubtedly 535, 'Indictio XIII:' the thirteenth Indiction of that
+cycle having begun Sept. 1, 534, and ended August 31, 535. But it is
+well that the student should be warned that our greatest English
+authority, Mr. Fynes Clinton, adopts the other method. In the very
+useful table of comparative chronology which he gives in his Fasti
+Romani[189] he assigns the Indiction to that year of the Christian era
+in which it had its beginning, and accordingly 534, not 535, is
+identified with the thirteenth Indiction.
+
+[Footnote 189: Vol. ii. pp. 214-216. See his remarks, p. 210: 'The
+Indictions in Marcellinus and in the Tables of Du Fresnoy are compared
+with the Consulship and the Julian year in which they end. In the
+following Table they are compared with the year in which they begin,
+because the years of the Christian era are here made the measure of
+the rest, and contain the beginnings of all the other epochs.']
+
+In order to translate years of Indiction into years of the Christian
+era it is necessary first to add some multiple of 15 (_what_ multiple
+our knowledge of history must inform us) to 312. On the 1st of
+September of the year so obtained the Indiction cycle began; and for
+any other year of the same cycle we must of course add its own number
+minus one. Thus, when we find Cassiodorus as Praetorian Praefect
+writing a letter[190] informing Joannes of his appointment to the
+office of Cancellarius 'for the _twelfth_ Indiction,' as we know
+within a little what date is wanted, we first of all add 14 x 15 (=
+210) to 312, and so obtain 522. The first Indiction in that cycle ran
+from September 1, 522, to August 31, 523. The twelfth Indiction was
+therefore from September 1, 533, to August 31, 534, and that is the
+date we require.
+
+[Footnote 190: Var. xi. 6.]
+
+On the other hand, when we find a letter written by Cassiodorus as
+Praetorian Praefect to the Provincials of Istria[191] as to the
+payment of tribute for the _first_ Indiction, we know that we must now
+have entered upon a new cycle. We therefore add 15 x 15 (= 225) to
+312, and get 537. As it happens to be the _first_ Indiction that we
+require, our calculation ends here: September 1, 537, to August 31,
+538, is the answer required.
+
+[Footnote 191: Var. xii. 22.]
+
+If anyone objects that such a system of chronology is cumbrous,
+uncertain, and utterly unscientific, I can only say that I entirely
+agree with him, and that the system is worthy of the perverted
+ingenuity which produced the Nones and Ides of the Roman Calendar.
+
+In the following tables I have not attempted to mark the years of the
+Indiction, on account of the confusion caused by the fact that two
+calendar years require the same number. But I have denoted by the
+abbreviation 'Ind.' the years in which each cycle of the Indictions
+_began_. These years are 492, 507, 522, 537, 552, and 567.
+
+
+_Chronological Tables._
+
+ Private Public Rulers of
+A.D. Consuls. Events. Events. Italy. Popes. Emperors.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 480 Basilius Magnus Assassination ODOVACAR SIMPLICIUS ZENO
+ Junior. Aurelius of Nepos, (from 476). (from 468). (from 474).
+ Cassiodorus formerly
+ Senator, Emperor of
+ born at the West.
+ Scyllacium
+ (?).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 481 Placidus. Odovacar
+ avenges the
+ murder of
+ Nepos. Death
+ of
+ Theodoricus
+ Triarii.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 482 Trocondus Accession of
+ and Clovis.
+ Severinus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 483 Faustus. Zeno issues FELIX II
+ the Henoticon. (or III).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 484 Theodoricus Illus revolts
+ and against Zeno.
+ Venantius. Schism between
+ Eastern and
+ Western
+ Churches.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 485 Q. Aurelius
+ Memmius
+ Symmachus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 486 Decius and
+ Longinus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 487 Boethius War between
+ (_Father of Odovacar and
+ the great the Rugians.
+ Boethius_).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 488 Dyanamius Theodoric
+ and starts for
+ Sifidius. Italy. Death
+ of Illus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 489 Anicius Theodoric
+ Probinus descends into
+ and Italy. Battles
+ Eusebius. of the Isonzo
+ and Verona.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 490 Flavius Battle of the
+ Faustus Adda.
+ Junior and
+ Longinus (II).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 491 Olybrius Battle of ANASTASIUS.
+ Junior. Ravenna.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 492 Flavius GELASIUS.
+(Ind.) ANASTASIUS
+ Augustus and
+ Rufus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 493 Eusebius Surrender of THEODORIC.
+ (II) and Ravenna.
+ Albinus. Death of
+ Odovacar.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 494 Turcius
+ Rufus
+ Apronianus
+ Asterius and
+ Praesidius.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 495 Flavius
+ Viator.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 496 Paulus. Clovis ANASTASIUS.
+ defeats the
+ Alamanni. His
+ conversion.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 497 Flavius SYMMACHUS
+ ANASTASIUS (Antipope
+ Aug. (II). Laurentius).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 498 Paulinus
+ and Joannes
+ Scytha.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 499 Joannes
+ Gibbus.
+
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 500 Patricius Cassiodorus War between
+ and Senior, Gundobad and
+ Hypatius. Patrician, Clovis.
+ Praefect. Theodoric's
+ His son visit to
+ becomes his Rome.
+ _Consili- Conspiracy of
+ arius_. Odoin.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 501 Rufius About this Synodus
+ Magnus time Palmaris at
+ Faustus Cassiodorus Rome.
+ Avienus pronounces Symmachus
+ and his confirmed in
+ Flavius panegyric the
+ Pompeius. on Pontificate.
+ Theodoric,
+ and is
+ rewarded by
+ being
+ appointed
+ Quaestor.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 502 Flavius
+ Avienus
+ Junior and
+ Probus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 503 Dexicrates
+ and
+ Volusianus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 504 Cethegus. War of Sirmium.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 505 Theodorus War between
+ and Theodoric and
+ Sabinianus. Anastasius
+ (affair of
+ Mundo).
+ Battle of
+ Horrea Margi.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 506 Messala and
+ Areobinda.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 507 Flavius Clovis
+(Ind.) ANASTASIUS defeats
+ Aug. (III) Alaric II at
+ and Campus
+ Venantius. Vogladensis.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 508 Venantius Tulum
+ and Celer. endeavours to
+ raise siege
+ of Arles.
+ Byzantine
+ raid on
+ Apulia.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 509 Importunus. Mammo invades
+ Burgundy.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 510 Anicius Ibbus defeats
+ Manlius Franks and
+ Severinus Burgundians.
+ Boethius
+ (_Author
+ of the
+ 'Consolation'_).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 511 Felix and Death of
+ Secundinus. Clovis.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 512 Paulus and
+ Muschianus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 513 Probus and
+ Clementinus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 514 Senator, Cassiodorus HORMISDAS.
+ _solus as Consul
+ Consul_ restores
+ (Cassio- harmony
+ dorus). between
+ clergy and
+ people of
+ Rome.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 515 Florentius Cassiodorus Marriage of
+ and receives Eutharic and
+ Anthemius. the Amalasuentha.
+ Patriciate
+ (?).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 516 Petrus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 517 Agapitus
+ and Flavius
+ Anastasius
+ (_nephew
+ of the
+ Emperor_).
+
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 518 Magnus. JUSTIN I.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 519 JUSTINUS Composition End of schism
+ Augustus of the between
+ and 'Chroni- Eastern and
+ Eutharicus con,' Western
+ Cillica. dedicated Churches.
+ to
+ Eutharic.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 520 Rusticus Composition
+ and of the
+ Vitalianus. Gothic
+ History
+ (?).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 521 Valerius
+ and Flavius
+ Justinianus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 522 Symmachus
+(Ind.) and Boethius
+ (_sons of
+ the great
+ Boethius_).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 523 Flavius Franks invade JOHN I.
+ Anicius Burgundy.
+ Maximus. Imprisonment
+ of Boethius.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 524 Flavius Death of
+ JUSTINUS Boethius.
+ Aug. (II)
+ and Opilio.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 525 Anicius Death of
+ Probus Symmachus.
+ Junior and Pope John's
+ Flavius Mission to
+ Theodorus Constantinople.
+ Philoxenus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 526 Olybrius. Cassiodorus Pope John ATHALARIC. FELIX III
+ Master of dies in (or IV).
+ the prison (May
+ Offices. 25). Death of
+ Theodoric
+ (Aug. 30).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 527 Vettius Death of JUSTINIAN.
+ Agorius Amalafrida,
+ Basilius Queen-dowager
+ Mavortius. of the Vandals.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 528 Flavius
+ JUSTINIANUS
+ Aug. (II).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 529 Decius BONIFACE II.
+ Junior.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 530 Flavius
+ Lampadius
+ and
+ Orestes.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 531 _Post
+ Consulatum
+ Lampadii et
+ Orestis._
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 532 _Post Final invasion
+ Consulatum of Burgundy by
+ Lampadii et the Franks.
+ Orestis.
+ Anno II._
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 533 Flavius Cassiodorus The Vandal War JOHN III.
+ JUSTINIANUS Praetorian of Justinian
+ Aug. (III). Praefect (June, 533-
+ (Sept. 1), March, 534).
+ which
+ office he
+ holds till
+ he retires
+ from public
+ life.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 534 Flavius Death of AMALASUENTHA.
+ JUSTINIANUS Athalaric THEODAHAD.
+ Aug. (IV) (Oct. 2).
+ and Flavius Association of
+ Theodorus Theodahad with
+ Paulinus Amalasuentha.
+ Junior.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 535 Flavius Death of AGAPETUS.
+ Belisarius. Amalasuentha.
+ The Gothic War
+ begins.
+
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 536 _Post Belisarius WITIGIS. SILVERIUS.
+ Consulatum takes Naples
+ Fl. and enters
+ Belisarii._ Rome.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 537 _Post Siege of Rome VIGILIUS.
+(Ind.) Consulatum by Witigis.
+ Fl.
+ Belisarii
+ Anno II._
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 538 Flavius Collection Siege of Rome
+ Johannes of the raised.
+ (John of 'Variae.'
+ Cappa- Composition
+ docia). of the 'De
+ Anima.'
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 539 Flavius Cassiodorus Mediolanum
+ Appion. about this taken by the
+ time lays Goths.
+ down his Belisarius
+ office and takes
+ retires to Auximum.
+ his
+ birthplace
+ (Scyllacium),
+ where he
+ founds the
+ Monastery
+ of
+ Vivaria.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 540 Flavius Ravenna ILDIBAD.
+ Justinus surrendered
+ Junior. to
+ Belisarius.
+ Captivity of
+ Witigis.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 541 Flavius He writes ERARIC.
+ Basilius Commentary BADUILA
+ Junior. on the (TOTILA).
+ Psalms as
+ far as
+ Psalm 20.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 542 Years " Totila twice
+ reckoned defeats the
+ Post Imperial
+ Consulatum generals, and
+ Basilii. retrieves the
+ fortune of the
+ Ostrogoths.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 543 " Composition
+ of the
+ 'Institutiones
+ Divinarum et
+ Humanarum
+ Litterarum.'
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 544 " Belisarius
+ returns to
+ Italy.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 545 " Rome taken by
+ Totila.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 546 " Continues
+ and
+ completes
+ his
+ Commentary
+ on the
+ Psalms.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 547 " " Rome
+ re-occupied by
+ Belisarius.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 548 " " Death of
+ Empress
+ Theodora.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 549 " " Rome again
+ taken by
+ Totila.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 550 " " Death of
+ Germanus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 551 " Narses
+ Commander of
+ Italian
+ Expedition.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 552 " Writes the Narses TEIAS.
+(Ind.) 'Complexi- defeats
+ ones in Totila
+ Epistolas near
+ Apostolo- Tadinum.
+ rum,' and
+ compiles
+ the
+ 'Historia
+ Tripartita'
+ (the
+ precise
+ date of
+ these
+ works
+ unknown).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 553 " " Teias NARSES,
+ defeated and Governor of
+ slain near Italy under
+ Mons the Emperor.
+ Lactarius.
+ The Ostrogoths
+ leave Italy.
+ Invasion of
+ the Alamannic
+ brethren.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 554 " "
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 555 " " PELAGIUS.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 556 " "
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 557 " "
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 558 " "
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 559 " " Belisarius
+ defeats the
+ Huns under
+ Zabergan.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 560 " " JOHN III.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 561 "
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 562 " Disgrace of
+ Belisarius.
+ Belisarius
+ restored to
+ favour.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 563 "
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 564 "
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 565 Post JUSTIN II.
+ Consulatum
+ Basilii
+ XXIV.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 566 Flavius Death of
+ JUSTINUS Belisarius
+ Augustus. and of
+ Justinian.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 567 Years Narses LONGINUS,
+(Ind.) reckoned recalled by Exarch.
+ Post Justin.
+ Consulatum Alleged
+ Justini. invitation to
+ the Lombards.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 568 " The Lombards ALBOIN,
+ under Alboin King of the
+ enter Italy. Lombards.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 569 " Milan taken
+ by the
+ Lombards.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 570 "
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 571 " Ticinum
+ taken
+ by the
+ Lombards.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 572 "
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 573 " Composition Assassination CLEPH, Death of
+ of treatise of Alboin. King of the John III.
+ 'De Lombards.
+ Orthographia'
+ in 93rd
+ year of
+ Cassiodorus.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 574 " Death of BENEDICT I.
+ Cleph.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ 575 " Cassiodorus
+ dies in
+ his 95th
+ year (?).
+-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+
+
+
+
+THE
+
+LETTERS OF CASSIODORUS.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE[192].
+
+[Footnote 192: Translated in full.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Reason for publication: entreaties of friends.]
+
+Learned men, who had become my friends through conversations which we
+had had together, or benefits which I had bestowed upon them, sought
+to persuade me to draw together into one work the various utterances
+which it had been my duty to make, during my tenure of office, for the
+explanation of different affairs. They desired me to do this, in order
+that future generations might recognise the painful labours which I
+had undergone for the public good, and the workings of my own unbribed
+conscience. I then replied that their very kindness for me might turn
+out to my disadvantage, since the letters which their good-will found
+acceptable might to future readers seem insipid. I reminded them also
+of the words of Horace, warning us of the dangers of hasty
+publication.
+
+[Sidenote: Difficulty of writing.]
+
+'You see,' said I, 'that all require from me a speedy reply to their
+petitions; and do you think that I couch those replies in words which
+leave me nothing to regret hereafter? Our diction must be somewhat
+rude when there is no sufficient delay to enable the speaker to choose
+words which shall rightly express the precise shade of his meaning.
+Speech is the common gift of all mankind: it is embellishment
+(ornatus) alone which distinguishes between the learned and unlearned.
+The author is told to keep his writings by him for nine years for
+reflection; but I have not as many hours, hardly as many moments. As
+soon as I begin the petitioner worries me with his clamours, and
+hurries me too much to prevent my finishing cautiously, even if I have
+so begun my task. One vexes me past endurance by his interruptions and
+innuendoes; another torments me with the doleful tale of his miseries;
+others surround me with the mad shouts of their seditious
+contentions[193]. In such circumstances how can you expect elegance of
+language, when we have scarcely opportunity to put words together in
+any fashion? Even at night indescribable cares are flitting round our
+couch[194], while we are harassed with fear lest the cities should
+lack their supplies of food--food which the common people insist upon
+more than anything else, caring more for their bellies than for the
+gratification of their ears by eloquence. This thought obliges us to
+wander in imagination through all the Provinces, and ever to enquire
+after the execution of our orders, since it is not enough to tell our
+staff what has to be done, but the diligent administrator must see
+that it is done[195]. Therefore, I pray you, spare us your harmful
+love. I must decline this persuasion of yours, which will bring me
+more of danger than of glory.'
+
+[Footnote 193: 'Alii furiosa contentionum seditione circumdant.' This
+is probably meant to describe turbulent Goths.]
+
+[Footnote 194: [Greek: ou chre pannuchion eudein boulephoron andra]
+(Il. ii. 24).]
+
+[Footnote 195: Quia non sufficit agenda militibus imperare, nisi haec
+Judicis assiduitas videatur exigere.]
+
+So I pleaded; but they plied me all the more with such arguments as
+these:
+
+[Sidenote: The Praefecture.]
+
+'All men have known you as Praefect of the Praetorian throne, a
+dignity which all other public employments wait upon like lacqueys.
+For from this high office, ways and means for the army are demanded;
+from this, without any regard for the difficulty of the times, the
+food of the people is required; on this, a weight of judicial
+responsibility is thrown, which would be by itself a heavy burden. Now
+the law, which has thrown this immense load on the Praefect's office,
+has, on the other hand, honoured him by putting almost all things
+under his control. In truth, what interval of leisure could you snatch
+from your public labours, when into your single breast flowed every
+claim which could be made on behalf of the common good of all?
+
+[Sidenote: The Quaestorship.]
+
+'We must add, moreover, that when you were on frequent occasions
+charged with the office of the Quaestorship, the leisure which you
+might have enjoyed was taken from you by your own constant
+thoughtfulness for the public good; and when you were thus bearing the
+weight of an honour which was not the highest, your Sovereigns used to
+lay upon you those duties, properly belonging to other offices, which
+their own holders were unable to discharge[196]. All these duties you
+discharged with absolute freedom from corruption, following your
+father's example in receiving, from those who hoped for your favour,
+nothing but the obligation to serve them, and bestowing on petitioners
+all that they had a right to ask for without traffic or reward.
+
+[Footnote 196: 'Addimus etiam quod frequenter Quaesturae vicibus
+ingravato otii tempus adimit crebra cogitatio, et velut mediocribus
+fascibus insudanti, illa tibi de aliis honoribus principes videntur
+imponere, quae proprii Judices nequeunt explicare.' This is probably
+the clearest account that is anywhere given of the peculiar and
+somewhat undefined position held by Cassiodorus during the greater
+part of the reign of Theodoric.]
+
+[Sidenote: Intimacy with Theodoric.]
+
+'Moreover, men know that the conversations which you were honoured by
+holding with the King occupied a large portion of your days, greatly
+to the public welfare[197], so that men of leisure have no right to
+expect that their requirements shall be met by you, whose day was thus
+occupied with continuous toil[198]. But in truth this will redound yet
+more to your glory, if amid so many and such severe labours you
+succeed in writing that which is worthy to be read. Besides, your work
+can without wounding their self-love instruct unlettered persons who
+are not prepared by any consciousness of eloquence for the service of
+the Republic[199]; and the experience which you have gained by being
+tossed to and fro on the waves of stormy altercation, they in their
+more tranquil lot may more fortunately make their own. Again (and here
+we make an appeal which your loyalty cannot resist), if you allow
+posterity to be ignorant of the numerous benefits conferred by your
+King, it is in vain that with benevolent eagerness he so often granted
+your requests. Do not, we pray, draw back once more into silence and
+obscurity those who, while you were sounding their eulogies, seemed
+worthy to receive illustrious dignities. For you then professed to
+describe them with true praises, and to paint their characters with
+the colours of history[200]. Now if you leave it to posterity to write
+the panegyric on these men, you take away as it were from those who
+die an honourable death the funeral oration to which, by the customs
+of our ancestors, they are entitled. Besides, in these letters you
+correct immorality with a ruler's authority; you break the insolence
+of the transgressor; you restore to the laws their reverence. Do you
+still hesitate about publishing that which, as you know, satisfies so
+many needs? Will you conceal, if we may say so, the mirror of your own
+mind, in which all ages to come may behold your likeness? Often does
+it happen that a man begets a son unlike himself, but his writings are
+hardly ever found unequal to his character[201]. The progeny of his
+own will is his truest child; what is born in the secret recesses of
+his own heart is that by which posterity will know him best.
+
+[Footnote 197: 'Regum quinetiam gloriosa colloquia pro magna diei
+parte in bonum publicum te occupare noverunt.' It is difficult to
+translate the expressive term, 'gloriosa colloquia.']
+
+[Footnote 198: 'Ut fastidium sit otiosis exspectare quae tu continuo
+labore cognosceris sustinere.' I cannot translate this literally.]
+
+[Footnote 199: 'Rudes viros et ad Rempublicam conscia facundia
+praeparatos.' Surely some negative has dropped out of the latter
+clause.]
+
+[Footnote 200: 'Tu enim illos assumpsisti vera laude describere, et
+quodammodo historico colore depingere.']
+
+[Footnote 201: 'Contingit enim dissimilem filium plerumque generari,
+oratio dispar moribus vix potest inveniri.']
+
+[Sidenote: Gothic History.]
+
+'You have often, amid universal acclamation, pronounced the praises of
+kings and queens. In twelve books you have compiled the History of the
+Goths, culling the story of their triumphs[202]. Since these works
+have had such favourable fortunes, and since you have thus served your
+first campaign in literature, why hesitate to give these productions
+of yours also to the public?'
+
+[Footnote 202: 'Duodecim libris Gothorum historiam _defloratis
+prosperitatibus_ condidisti.' By an extraordinary error this sentence
+has been interpreted to mean that Cassiodorus wrote his history of the
+Goths after their prosperity had faded; and some writers have
+accordingly laboured, quite hopelessly, to bring down the composition
+of the Gothic History to a late period in the reign of Athalaric. It
+is perfectly clear from many passages that Cassiodorus uses
+'deflorare' in the sense of 'picking flowers,' 'culling a nosegay.'
+See Historia Tripartita, Preface (twice); De Instit. Divin.
+Litterarum, cap. xxx; and De Orthographia, cap. ii (title). I doubt
+not that careful search would discover many more instances. It is only
+strange to me that Cassiodorus should, by the words 'defloratis
+_prosperitatibus_,' so naively confess the one-sided character of his
+history.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cassiodorus consents to publish.]
+
+So pleaded my friends, and to my shame I must own that I was
+conquered, and could no longer resist so many prayers; especially when
+I saw myself accused of want of affection. I have now only to crave my
+readers' pardon; and if they find rashness and presumption in my
+attempt, to blame my advisers rather than me, since my own judgment
+agrees with that of my severest critic.
+
+All the letters, therefore, which I have been able to find in various
+public archives that had been dictated by me as Quaestor, as Magister
+[Officiorum], or as Praefect, are here collected and arranged in
+twelve books. By the variety of subjects touched upon, the attention
+of the reader will be aroused, and it will be maintained by the
+feeling that he is rapidly approaching the conclusion of the letter.
+
+I have also wished to preserve others from those unpolished and hasty
+forms of speech into which I am conscious that I have often fallen in
+announcing the bestowal of dignities, a kind of document which is
+often asked for in such haste that there seems scarce time for the
+mere manual labour of writing it. I have therefore included in my
+Sixth and Seventh Books _Formulae_ for the granting of all the
+dignities of the State, hoping thus to be of some service to myself,
+though at a late period of my career, and to help my successors who
+may be hard pressed for time. What I have thus written concerning the
+past will serve equally well for the future, since I have said nothing
+about the qualities of the individual office-holder, but have made
+such explanations as seemed suitable concerning the office.
+
+[Sidenote: Reason of the title Variarum.]
+
+As for the title of all twelve books, the index of the work, the
+herald of its meaning, the expression in briefest compass of the whole
+performance, I have for this chosen the name VARIAE. And this, because
+it was necessary for me not always to use the same style, since I had
+undertaken to address various kinds of persons. One must speak in one
+way to men jaded with much reading; in another to those who skim
+lightly over the surface, tasting here and there; in another (if one
+would persuade them), to persons who are devoid of a taste for
+letters, since it is sometimes a proof of skill to avoid the very
+things which please the learned. In short, the definition given by our
+ancestors is a good one: 'To speak fitly is to persuade the hearers to
+accept your wishes for their own.' Nor was it at random that the
+prudence of Antiquity thus defined the three modes of speaking:--
+
+[Sidenote: The three styles of composition.]
+
+(1) The _humble_ style, which seems to creep along the ground in the
+very expression of its thought.
+
+(2) The _middle_ style, which is neither swollen with self-importance
+nor shrunk into littleness; but being placed between the two, and
+enriched by a peculiar elegance, is contained within its own true
+boundaries.
+
+(3) The _supreme_ style, which by exquisite phraseology is raised to
+the very highest pitch of oratory.
+
+The object of this distinction is that the various sorts and
+conditions of men may each receive their appropriate address, and that
+the thoughts which proceed from the same breast may nevertheless flow
+in divers channels. No man is entitled to the name of eloquent who is
+not prepared to do his duty manfully with the triple strength of these
+three styles, as one cause after another may arise. It must be added
+hereto that we have sometimes to speak to Kings, sometimes to the
+Officers of the Court, sometimes to the very humblest of the people.
+To the last we may allowably pour out our words with some degree of
+haste, but the other addresses should be deeply pondered before they
+are delivered. Deservedly therefore is a work entitled VARIAE, which
+is subject to so much diversity in its composition.
+
+Would that, as we have received these maxims from those who have gone
+before us, so our own compositions could claim the praise of having
+reduced them into practice. In sooth we do with shamefacedness
+promise that the Humble style shall be found in us; we think we may
+without dishonesty covenant for the Middle style; but the Supreme
+style, which on account of its nobility is the fitting language of a
+royal Edict[203], we cannot hope that we have attained unto.
+
+[Footnote 203: The editors waver between 'quod est in edicto' and
+'quod est in edito (constitutum).']
+
+But since we are to be read, let us abstain from further unlawful
+canvassing for the votes of our readers. It is an incongruous thing
+for us to be thus piling up our own discourses about ourselves: we
+ought rather to wait for your judgment on our work.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK I.
+
+CONTAINING FORTY-SIX LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF
+THEODORIC.
+
+
+1. KING THEODORIC TO EMPEROR ANASTASIUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Persuasives to peace between Italy and Constantinople.]
+
+'It behoves us, most clement Emperor, to seek for peace, since there
+are no causes for anger between us.
+
+'Peace by which the nations profit; Peace the fair mother of all
+liberal arts, the softener of manners, the replenisher of the
+generations of mankind. Peace ought certainly to be an object of
+desire to every kingdom.
+
+'Therefore, most pious of princes, it accords with your power and your
+glory that we who have already profited by your affection [personally]
+should seek concord with your Empire. You are the fairest ornament of
+all realms; you are the healthful defence of the whole world, to which
+all other rulers rightfully look up with reverence[204], because they
+know that there is in you something which is unlike all others[205]:
+we above all, who by Divine help learned in your Republic the art of
+governing Romans with equity. Our royalty is an imitation of yours,
+modelled on your good purpose, a copy of the only Empire; and in so
+far as we follow you do we excel all other nations.
+
+[Footnote 204: 'Vos totius orbis salutare praesidium, quod caeteri
+dominantes jure suspiciunt quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse
+cognoscunt.' 'Suspiciunt' seems to give a better sense than the other
+reading, 'suscipiunt.']
+
+[Footnote 205: 'Quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse cognoscunt.']
+
+'Often have you exhorted me to love the Senate, to accept cordially
+the laws of past Emperors, to join together in one all the members of
+Italy. How can you separate from your august alliance one whose
+character you thus try to make conformable to your own? There is
+moreover that noble sentiment, love for the City of Rome, from which
+two princes, both of whom govern in her name, should never be
+disjoined.
+
+'We have thought fit therefore to send A and B[206] as ambassadors to
+your most serene Piety, that Peace, which has been broken, through a
+variety of causes, may, by the removal of all matters of dispute, be
+firmly restored between us. For we think you will not suffer that any
+discord should remain between two Republics, which are declared to
+have ever formed one body under their ancient princes[207], and which
+ought not to be joined by a mere sentiment of love, but actively to
+aid one another with all their powers. Let there be always one will,
+one purpose in the Roman Kingdom. Therefore, while greeting you with
+our respectful salutations, we humbly beg that you will not remove
+from us the high honour of your Mildness's affection[208], which we
+have a right to hope for if it were never granted to any others.
+
+[Footnote 206: 'Illum atque illum.' I shall always render this phrase
+(which shows that Cassiodorus had not preserved the names of the
+ambassadors) as above.]
+
+[Footnote 207: 'Quia pati vos non credimus, inter utrasque
+Respublicas, quarum semper unum corpus sub antiquis principibus fuisse
+declaratur, aliquid discordiae permanere.']
+
+[Footnote 208: 'Poma meute deposcimus ne suspendatis a nobis
+mansuetudinis vestrae gloriosissimam caritatem.']
+
+'The rest of their commission will be verbally conveyed to your Piety
+by the bearers of these letters[209].'
+
+[Footnote 209: For some remarks on the date of this letter, see
+Introduction, p. 23. The mention of interrupted peace, which evidently
+requires not mere estrangement but an actual state of war, points to
+the year 505, when Sabinian, the general of Anastasius, was defeated
+by the Ostrogoths and their allies at Horrea Margi; or to 508, when
+the Imperial fleet made a raid on the coast of Apulia, as probable
+dates for the composition of the letter. Its place at the beginning of
+the Variae does not at all imply priority in date to the letters which
+follow it. It was evidently Cassiodorus' method to put in the
+forefront of every book in his collection a letter to an Emperor or
+King, or other great personage.
+
+As for the tone of the letter, and the exact character of the relation
+between the Courts of Ravenna and Constantinople which is indicated by
+it, there is room for a wide divergence of opinion. To me it does not
+seem to bear out Justinian's contention (recorded by Procopius, De
+Bello Gotthico ii. 6) that Theodoric ruled Italy as the Emperor's
+lieutenant. Under all the apparent deference and affectation of
+humility the language seems to me to be substantially that of one
+equal addressing another, older and with a somewhat more assured
+position, but still an equal.]
+
+
+2. KING THEODORIC TO THEON, VIR SUBLIMIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Manufacture of purple dye.]
+
+'We are informed by Count Stephen that the work of preparing the
+purple for the sacred (_i.e._ royal) robes, which was put under your
+charge, has been interrupted through reprehensible negligence on your
+part. There must be neglect somewhere, or else the wool with its
+milk-white hairs would long before now have imbibed the precious
+quality of the adorable _murex_. If the diver in the waters of
+Hydruntum[210] had sought for these murex-shells at the proper season,
+that Neptunian harvest, mixed with an abundant supply of water, would
+already have generated the flame-bright liquid which dyes the robes
+that adorn the throne. The colour of that dye is gay[211] with too
+great beauty; 'tis a blushing obscurity, an ensanguined blackness,
+which distinguishes the wearer from all others, and makes it
+impossible for the human race not to know who is the king. It is
+marvellous that that substance after death should for so long a time
+exude an amount of gore which one would hardly find flowing from the
+wounds of a living creature. For even six months after they have been
+separated from the delights of the sea, these shell-fish are not
+offensive to the keenest nostrils, as if on purpose that that noble
+blood might inspire no disgust. Once this dye is imparted to the
+cloth, it remains there for ever; the tissue may be destroyed sooner
+than part with it. If the murex has not changed its quality, if the
+press (torcular) is still there to receive its one vintage, it must be
+the fault of the labourers that the dye is not forthcoming. What are
+they doing, all those crowds of sailors, those families of rustics?
+And you who bear the name of Count, and were exalted high over your
+fellow-citizens on purpose that you might attend to this very thing,
+what sacrilegious negligence is this which you are manifesting in
+reference to the sacred vesture? If you have any care for your own
+safety come at once with the purple[212], which you have hitherto been
+accustomed to render up every year. If not, if you think to mock us by
+delay, we shall send you not a constrainer but an avenger.
+
+[Footnote 210: Otranto.]
+
+[Footnote 211: Vernans.]
+
+[Footnote 212: Blatta.]
+
+'How easy was the discovery of this great branch of manufacture! A
+dog, keen with hunger, bounding along the Tyrian shore, crunched the
+shells which were cast up there. The purple gore dyed his jaws with a
+marvellous colour; and the men who saw it, after the sudden fashion of
+inventors, conceived the idea of making therewith a noble adornment
+for their kings. What Tyre is for the East, Hydron[213] is for
+Italy--the great cloth-factory of Courts, not keeping its old art
+(merely), but ever transmitting new improvements.'
+
+[Footnote 213: I presume the same as Hydruntum (Otranto).]
+
+
+3. KING THEODORIC TO CASSIODORUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN[214].
+
+[Footnote 214: Father of the Author.]
+
+[Sidenote: Praises of the father of Cassiodorus.]
+
+Extols in high-flown language the merits of the minister who in the
+early and troublous days of Theodoric's reign conciliated the wavering
+affections of the suspicious Sicilians[215], governed them so justly
+that not even they (addicted as they are, according to Cicero, to
+grumbling) could complain; then displayed equal rectitude in the
+government of his own native Province of Bruttii and Lucania (hard as
+it is to be perfectly just in the government of one's own native
+place); then administered the Praefecture in such a way as to earn the
+thanks of all Italy, even the taxes not being felt to be burdensome
+under his rule, because so justly levied; and now, finally, as a
+reward for all these services, is raised to the distinguished honour
+of the Patriciate.
+
+[Footnote 215: 'In ipso quippe imperii nostri devotus exordio, cum
+adhuc fluctuantibus rebus provinciarum corda vagarentur, et negligi
+rudem dominum novitas ipsa pateretur.']
+
+
+4. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Introducing Cassiodorus (Senior) on his accession to the honours of
+the Patriciate.]
+
+[Sidenote: Great deeds of the ancestors of Cassiodorus for three
+generations.]
+
+Compliments to the Senate, of which Theodoric wishes to increase the
+dignity by bestowing honours on its most eminent members.
+
+Recital of the services and good qualities of Cassiodorus[216]:
+
+[Footnote 216: Father of Cassiodorus Senator.]
+
+(_a_) as 'Comes Privatarum;'
+
+(_b_) as 'Comes Sacrarum Largitionum;'
+
+(_c_) as Governor of Provinces.
+
+(General reflections on the importance of a governor being himself a
+virtuous man).
+
+'Having been trained thus to official life under the preceding King
+[Odovacar] he came with well-earned praises to our palace.'
+
+(_d_) His eminent career as Praetorian Praefect and modest demeanour
+therein.
+
+Services of previous members of his family. Fame seems to be always at
+home among the Cassiodori. They are of noble birth, equally celebrated
+among orators and warriors, healthy of body, and very tall.
+
+His father, _Cassiodorus_[217], was 'Tribunus et Notarius' under
+Valentinian III. This last was a great honour, for only men of
+spotless life were associated with the Imperial 'Secretum.' A
+friendship, founded on likeness, drew him to the side of Aetius, whose
+labours for the State he shared.
+
+[Footnote 217: Grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator.]
+
+_Embassy to Attila._ 'With the son of this Aetius, named Carpilio, he
+was sent on no vain embassy to Attila, the mighty in arms. He looked
+undaunted on the man before whom the Empire quailed. Calm in conscious
+strength, he despised all those terrible wrathful faces that scowled
+around him. He did not hesitate to meet the full force of the
+invectives of the madman who fancied himself about to grasp the Empire
+of the world. He found the King insolent; he left him pacified; and so
+ably did he argue down all his slanderous pretexts for dispute that
+though the Hun's interest was to quarrel with the richest Empire in
+the world, he nevertheless condescended to seek its favour. The
+firmness of the orator roused the fainting courage of his countrymen,
+and men felt that Rome could not be pronounced defenceless while she
+was armed with such ambassadors. Thus did he bring back the peace
+which men had despaired of; and as earnestly as they had prayed for
+his success, so thankfully did they welcome his return.'
+
+He was offered honours and revenues, but preferred to seek the
+pleasant retirement of Bruttii in the land which his exertions had
+freed from the terror of the stranger.
+
+His father, Cassiodorus[218], an 'Illustris,' defended the coasts of
+Sicily and Bruttii from the Vandals, thus averting from those regions
+the ruin which afterwards fell upon Rome from the same quarter.
+
+[Footnote 218: Great-grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator.]
+
+In the East, Heliodorus, a cousin of the Cassiodori, has brilliantly
+discharged the office of Praefect for eighteen years, as Theodoric
+himself can testify. Thus the family, conspicuous both in the Eastern
+and Western World, has two eyes with which it shines with equal
+brilliancy in each Senate.
+
+Cassiodorus is so wealthy that his herds of horses surpass those of
+the King, to whom he makes presents of some of them in order to avoid
+envy. 'Hence it arises that our present candidate [for patrician
+honours] mounts the armies of the Goths; and having even improved upon
+his education, generously administers the wealth which he received
+from his parents.
+
+'Now, Conscript Fathers, welcome and honour the new Patrician, who is
+so well worthy of a high place among you.'
+
+
+5. KING THEODORIC TO FLORIANUS, VIR SPECTABILIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Interest reipublicae ut sit finis litium.]
+
+'Lawsuits must not be dragged on for ever. There must be some
+possibility of reaching a quiet haven. Wherefore, if the petitioners
+have rightly informed us that the controversy as to the farm at
+Mazenes has been decided in due course of law by Count Annas, and
+there is no reasonable ground for appeal[219], let that sentence be
+held final and irreversible. We must sometimes save a litigious man
+from himself, as a good doctor will not allow a patient to take that
+which is injurious to him.'
+
+[Footnote 219: 'Nec aliqua probatur appellatione suspensa.']
+
+
+6. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS.
+
+[One of the MSS. reads _Pontifici_, but this is clearly wrong. The
+language is not at all suitable to be addressed to a Pope, and there
+was no Pope Agapetus till 535, nine years after the death of
+Theodoric.]
+
+[Sidenote: Mosaics ordered for Ravenna.]
+
+'I am going to build a great Basilica of Hercules at Ravenna, for I
+wish my age to match preceding ones in the beauty of its buildings,
+as it does in the happiness of the lives of my subjects.
+
+'Send me therefore skilful workers in Mosaic' [of which kind of work
+we have a very good description as follows].
+
+_(Cassiodorus on Mosaic)._
+
+'Send us from your city some of your most skilful marble-workers, who
+may join together those pieces which have been exquisitely divided,
+and, connecting together their different veins of colour, may
+admirably represent the natural appearance[220]. From Art proceeds
+this gift, which conquers Nature. And thus the discoloured surface of
+the marble is woven into the loveliest variety of pictures; the value
+of the work, now as always, being increased by the minute labour which
+has to be expended on the production of the Beautiful.'
+
+[Footnote 220: 'Et venis colludentibus illigata naturalem faciem
+laudabiliter mentiantur.']
+
+
+7. KING THEODORIC TO FELIX, VIR CLARISSIMUS.
+
+This letter will be best understood by a reference to the following
+pedigree:
+
+ N.
+ |
+ __________________________________________
+ | | |
+FELIX = A daughter. NEOTHERIUS PLUTIANUS
+ [a spendthrift]. [a minor, whose
+ guardian is
+ Venantius].
+
+[Sidenote: The inheritance of Plutianus.]
+
+Apparently Felix is accused by Venantius, the guardian of his young
+brother-in-law Plutianus, of having, on behalf of his wife, made an
+unfair division of the family property (which had been originally
+given to the father of these lads by Theodoric, as a reward for his
+services). In doing this he has availed himself of the spendthrift
+character of Neotherius, the elder brother, who was probably already
+of age.
+
+Felix is severely blamed, and ordered to hand over what he has
+fraudulently appropriated to the official, who is charged with the
+execution of this mandate.
+
+Both are summoned to the 'Comitatus' of the King, that a fair division
+may there be made between them.
+
+
+8. KING THEODORIC TO AMABILIS, THE COLLECTOR (EXSECUTOR).
+
+[Sidenote: The prodigality of Neotherius.]
+
+In reference to this same matter of the wasted property of Plutianus.
+It appears from this letter that Neotherius has been not merely a
+spendthrift, but has been actuated by motives of passionate hatred to
+his younger brother[221]. The King enlarges on his obligation to
+protect the weak, and orders the officer to see that justice is done
+according to the representations of Venantius, unless the other side
+have any counter plea to allege, in which case 'ad nostrum venire
+deproperet comitatum.'
+
+[Footnote 221: 'Neotherium fratrem suum, affectum germanitatis
+oblitum, _bona parvuli hostili furore lacerasse_.']
+
+
+9. KING THEODORIC TO EUSTORGIUS, BISHOP OF MILAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Offences charged against Ecclesiastics.]
+
+'You will be glad to hear that we are satisfied that the Bishop of
+Augusta [Turin or Aosta] has been falsely accused of betrayal of his
+country. He is therefore to be restored to his previous rank. His
+accusers, as they are themselves of the clerical order, are not
+punished by us, but sent to your Holiness to be dealt with according
+to the ecclesiastical tradition.'
+
+[The reflections in this letter about the impropriety of believing
+readily accusations against a Bishop[222], and the course adopted of
+handing over the clerical false accusers to be dealt with by their
+Bishop, have an obvious bearing on the great Hildebrandic
+controversy. But as Dahn ('Koenige der Germanen' iii. 191) points out,
+there is no abandonment by the King of the ultimate right to punish an
+ecclesiastic.]
+
+[Footnote 222: 'Nihil enim in tali honore temeraria cogitatione
+praesumendum est, ubi si proposito creditur, etiam tacitus ab
+excessibus excusatur. Manifesta proinde crimina in talibus vix capiunt
+fidem. Quidquid autem ex invidia dicitur, veritas non putatur.']
+
+
+10. KING THEODORIC TO BOETIUS[223], VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
+
+[Footnote 223: If the MSS. are correctly represented in the printed
+editions, the name of the author of the Consolation of Philosophy was
+spelt Boetius in the Variae. There can be little doubt however that
+Boethius is the more correct form, and this is the form given us in
+the Anecdoton Holderi.]
+
+[Sidenote: Frauds of the moneyers.]
+
+The Horse and Foot Guards[224] seem to have complained that after
+their severe labours they were not paid in solidi of full weight by
+the 'Arcarius Praefectorum.'
+
+[Footnote 224: Why are these called 'Domestici patres equitum et
+peditum?']
+
+Cassiodorus gives--
+
+(1) Some sublime reflections in the true Cassiodorian vein on the
+nature of Arithmetic, by which earth and the heavens are ruled.
+
+(2) Some excellent practical remarks on the wickedness of clipping and
+depreciating the currency.
+
+The most interesting but most puzzling sentence in this letter is that
+in which he says that 'the ancients wished that the _solidus_ should
+consist of 6,000 _denarii_, in order that the golden coin like a
+golden sun might represent the 6,000 years which are the appointed age
+of the world.' But how can we reconcile this with any known solidus or
+any known denarius? The solidus of Constantine (72 to the lb.) was
+worth about twelve shillings. The reduced denarius of Diocletian was
+probably worth one penny. At the very lowest (and most improbable)
+computation it was worth at least a farthing, and even thus one would
+only get 576 to a solidus. The earlier denarius, worth about
+eightpence, clearly will not do; and the matter is made more difficult
+by the fact that Cassiodorus is talking about the ancients (veteres),
+whereas the solidus was a comparatively modern coin. It seems that
+either Cassiodorus has some entirely wrong information as to the early
+currency of Rome, or else that we have not yet got the clue to his
+meaning.
+
+This passage is quoted by Finlay ('Greece under the Romans,' p. 536,
+ed. 1857), but the difficulty is not removed by his remarks.
+
+
+11. KING THEODORIC TO SERVATUS, DUKE OF THE RAETIAS.
+
+[Sidenote: Violence of the Breones.]
+
+'It is your duty to repress all violence and injustice in the
+Provinces over which you preside. Maniarius complains that his slaves
+(mancipia) have been without any cause taken away from him by the
+_Breones_ [a Raetian tribe dwelling near the pass of the Brenner], who
+are continuing in peace the habits and maxims of war.
+
+'If this proves to be a true complaint, see that justice is done, and
+speedily.'
+
+
+12. KING THEODORIC TO EUGENIUS (OR EUGENITES)[225], VIR ILLUSTRIS,
+MAGISTER OFFICIORUM.
+
+[Footnote 225: Perhaps the name really was Eugenes, -etis. See Var.
+viii. 19, and Ennodii, Epist. iv. 26.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bestowal of dignity of Magister Officiorum.]
+
+'It is the glory of our reign to confer office on those who deserve
+it.
+
+'You are a learned man, and arrived long ago at the dignity of the
+Quaestorship as a reward for your creditable exertions as an Advocate.
+
+'One office leads to another: the tree of the fasces puts forth fresh
+fasces; and we therefore have great pleasure in calling you now to the
+dignity of Magister, bestowing upon you all the privileges which have
+belonged to your predecessors in that office. Justify our choice by
+your actions. You know, as one of our counsellors, what our standard
+of righteousness is. A sort of religious holiness is required from
+those who hold office under a righteous king[226].'
+
+[Footnote 226: 'Pio principi sub quodam sacerdotio serviatur.' Cf.
+Claudian, 'Nunquam libertas gratior exstat quam _sub rege pio_.']
+
+
+13. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
+
+Announces the elevation of Eugenius (or Eugenites) to the post of
+Master of the Offices, and recapitulates his past services and
+character in nearly the same terms as the preceding letter. He is to
+go from one office to another, 'even as the sun having shone one day,
+rises in order to shine again on another. Even horses are stimulated
+to greater speed by the shouts of men. But man is an animal peculiarly
+fond of approbation. Do you therefore stimulate the new Master to all
+noble deeds.'
+
+[Notice this sentence about the Senate: 'Whatever is the flower of the
+human race, the Senate ought to possess it: and as the citadel is the
+crown of the city, so should your order be the ornament of all other
+ranks.']
+
+
+14. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Collection of 'Tertiae.']
+
+'We have no objection to grant the petition of the inhabitants of
+Cathalia (?), that their "Tertiae" shall be collected at the same time
+as the ordinary tribute. What does it matter under what name the
+"possessor" pays his contribution, so long as he pays it without
+deduction? Thus they will get rid of the suspected name of "Tertiae,"
+and our mildness will not be worried by their importunity.'
+
+[See Dahn ('Koenige der Germanen' iii. 143), who decides that the
+'Tertiae' was the pecuniary equivalent paid by the Roman possessor for
+that portion of the _Sors Barbarica_ (the Gothic third of the lands
+of Italy) which, for convenience sake, was left in the actual
+occupation of Romans.]
+
+
+15. KING THEODORIC TO FESTUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Looking after the interests of the absent.]
+
+'We are glad to see that our good opinion of you is shared by your
+neighbours, and that the Patrician Agnellus, going to Africa on our
+business, has chosen you to defend his interests in his absence. No
+one can give a higher proof of confidence than this. Look well after
+the trust committed to you. There seems to be a peculiar temptation to
+neglect the interests of the absent.'
+
+
+16. KING THEODORIC TO JULIANUS, COMES PATRIMONII [probably 508].
+
+[Sidenote: Remission of taxes. Hostile incursions.]
+
+'It is an excellent investment to do a generous thing to our subjects.
+The Apulian "Conductores" [farmers of the Royal domain] have
+represented to us with tears that their crops have been burned by
+hostile invaders [Byzantines?]. We therefore authorise you to deduct
+at the next Indiction what shall seem the right proportion for these
+losses from the amount due to us[227]. See, however, that our revenue
+sustains no unnecessary loss. We are touched by the losses of the
+suppliants, but we ought on the other hand to share their profits.'
+
+[Footnote 227: 'Ut quantum eos minus vendidisse constiterit, de
+reliquis primae indictionis habita moderatione detrahatis.']
+
+
+17. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHIC AND ROMAN INHABITANTS OF DERTONA
+(TORTONA).
+
+[Sidenote: Fortification of camp near Dertona.]
+
+'We have decided that the camp near you shall at once be fortified. It
+is expedient to execute works of this kind in peace rather than in
+war.
+
+'The true meaning of _expeditio_ shows that the leader of a military
+expedition should have an unencumbered mind.
+
+'Do you therefore second our efforts by building good private houses,
+in which you will be sheltered, while the enemy (whenever he comes)
+will be in the worst possible quarters[228], and exposed to all the
+severity of the weather.'
+
+[Footnote 228: 'Durissimae mansiones.']
+
+
+18. KING THEODORIC TO DOMITIANUS AND WILIAS.
+
+[Sidenote: Statute of Limitations.]
+
+'It is right that you, who are administering justice to the nations,
+should learn and practise it yourselves. We therefore hasten to reply
+to the question which you have asked [concerning the length of time
+that is required to bestow a title by prescription]. If any Barbarian
+usurper have taken possession of a Roman farm since the time when we,
+through God's grace, crossed the streams of the Isonzo, when first the
+Empire of Italy received us[229], and if he have no documents of title
+[sine delegatoris cujusquam pyctacio] to show that he is the rightful
+holder, then let him without delay restore the property to its former
+owner. But if he shall be found to have entered upon the property
+before the aforesaid time, since the principle of the thirty years'
+prescription comes in, we order that the petition of the plaintiff
+shall be dropped.
+
+[Footnote 229: 'Ex quo, Deo propitio, Sonti fluenta transmisimus ubi
+primum Italiae nos suscepit imperium.']
+
+[Sidenote: Crimes of violence.]
+
+'The assailant, as well as the murderer, of his brother, is to be
+driven forth from the kingdom, that the serenity of our Commonwealth
+may not be troubled with any such dark spots.'
+
+[Theodoric crossed the Isonzo, August, 489, and as I understand this
+letter, it was written somewhere about 518, and he therefore lays down
+a convenient practical rule: 'No dispossession which occurred before
+I crossed the Isonzo shall be enquired into; any which have happened
+since, may.' But the letter is a very difficult one, and I am bound to
+say that Dahn's interpretation ('Koenige der Germanen' iii. 11, 12)
+does not agree with mine.]
+
+
+19. KING THEODORIC TO SATURNINUS AND VERBUSIUS, VIRI SUBLIMES.
+
+[Sidenote: The rights of the Fiscus.]
+
+'The _Fiscus_ is to have its rights, but we do not wish to oppress our
+people. Let moderation be observed in all things.
+
+'When you receive the petition of the Curiales of Adriana, if anyone
+who is able to pay, stubbornly and impudently refuses to contribute to
+the _Fiscus Gothorum_, you are to compel him to do so. But let off the
+really poor man who is unable to contribute.'
+
+
+20. KING THEODORIC TO ALBINUS AND ALBIENUS, VIRI ILLUSTRES AND
+PATRICIANS.
+
+[Sidenote: Circus quarrels. Patronage of the Greens. Rivalry between
+Helladius and Theodorus.]
+
+'Notwithstanding our greater cares for the Republic, we are willing to
+provide also for the amusement of our subjects. For it is the
+strongest possible proof of the success of our labours that the
+multitude knows itself to be again at leisure[230].
+
+[Footnote 230: 'Illud enim, propitiante Deo, labores nostros asserit
+quod se _otiosam_ generalitas esse cognoscit.']
+
+'The petition of the Green party in the circus informs us that they
+are oppressed, and that the factions of the circus are fatal to public
+tranquillity. We therefore order you to assume the patronage of the
+Green party, which our father of glorious memory paid for[231]. So
+let the spectators be assembled, and let them choose between Helladius
+and Theodorus which is fittest to be Pantomimist of the Greens, whose
+salary we will pay.'
+
+[Footnote 231: 'Quapropter illustris magnitudo vestra praesenti
+jussione commonita, patrocinium partis Prasini, quod gloriosae
+recordationis pater noster impendit, dignanter assumat.' This passage
+probably alludes to Theodoric's adoption by Zeno. But one reading is
+'pater _vester_.']
+
+Then follows a digression on pantomimes.
+
+
+21. KING THEODORIC TO MAXIMIAN, VIR ILLUSTRIS; AND ANDREAS, VIR
+SPECTABILIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Embellishment of Rome.]
+
+'If the people of Rome will beautify their City we will help them.
+
+'Institute a strict audit (of which no one need be ashamed) of the
+money given by us to the different workmen for the beautification of
+the City. See that we are receiving money's worth for the money spent.
+If there is embezzlement anywhere, cause the funds so embezzled to be
+disgorged. We expect the Romans to help from their own resources in
+this patriotic work, and certainly not to intercept our contributions
+for the purpose.
+
+'The wandering birds love their own nests; the beasts haste to their
+own lodgings in the brake; the voluptuous fish, roaming the fields of
+ocean, returns to its own well-known cavern. How much more should Rome
+be loved by her children!'
+
+
+22. KING THEODORIC TO MARCELLUS, VIR SPECTABILIS, ADVOCATUS FISCI.
+
+[Sidenote: Promotion of Marcellus.]
+
+After some rather vapid praise of the eloquence and good qualities of
+Marcellus, Theodoric promotes him from the rank of a Private Advocate
+to that of an _Advocatus Fisci_, and gives him some excellent counsels
+about not pressing the claims of the Crown too far. 'We shall not
+enquire how many causes you have gained, but how you have gained them.
+Let there sometimes be a bad cause for the Fiscus, that the Sovereign
+may be seen to be good.'
+
+
+23. KING THEODORIC TO COELIANUS AND AGAPITUS, VIRI ILLUSTRES AND
+PATRICIANS.
+
+[Sidenote: Litigation between Senators.]
+
+'The concord and harmony of subjects redound to the praise of their
+prince.
+
+'We desire that Festus and Symmachus (Patricians and Magnifici) should
+prosecute the causes for action which they say they have against
+Paulinus (Illustris and Patrician) in your Court. Let Paulinus bring
+before you any counter-claim which he may assert himself to possess.
+Let justice be rendered speedily. Show yourselves worthy of this high
+trust. It is a matter of great moment to end lawsuits between men of
+such eminence in the State as these.'
+
+
+24. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHS.
+
+[Sidenote: A call to arms for the invasion of Gaul.]
+
+'To the Goths a hint of war rather than persuasion to the strife is
+needed, since a warlike race such as ours delights to prove its
+courage. In truth, he shuns no labour who hungers for the renown of
+valour. Therefore with the help of God, whose blessing alone brings
+prosperity, we design to send our army to the Gauls for the common
+benefit of all, that you may have an opportunity of promotion, and we
+the power of testing your merits; for in time of peace the courage
+which we admire lies hidden, and when men have no chance of showing
+what is in them, their relative merits are concealed. We have
+therefore given our Sajo[232], Nandius, instructions to warn you that,
+on the eighth day before the kalends of next July, you move forward to
+the campaign in the name of God, sufficiently equipped, according to
+your old custom, with horses, arms, and every requisite for war. Thus
+will ye at the same time show that the old valour of your sires yet
+dwells in your hearts, and also successfully perform your King's
+command. Bring forth your young men for the discipline of Mars. Let
+them see you do deeds which they may love to tell of to their
+children. For an art not learned in youth is an art missing in our
+riper years. The very hawk, whose food is plunder, thrusts her still
+weak and tender young ones out of the nest, that they may not become
+accustomed to soft repose. She strikes the lingerers with her wings;
+she forces her callow young to fly, that they may prove to be such in
+the future as her maternal fondness can be proud of. Do you therefore,
+lofty by nature, and stimulated yet more by the love of fame, study to
+leave such sons behind you as your fathers have left in leaving you.'
+
+[Footnote 232: See for the office of the Sajo, note on ii. 13.]
+
+[We can hardly be wrong in referring this stirring proclamation to the
+year 508, when Theodoric sent troops into Gaul to save the remnants of
+the Visigothic Monarchy from the grasp of Clovis. The first sentence
+recalls the expression 'certaminis gaudia,' which Jordanes no doubt
+borrowed from Cassiodorus. For the simile at the end of the letter,
+cf. Deuteronomy xxxii. 11, 'As an eagle stirreth up her nest'.]
+
+
+25. KING THEODORIC TO SABINIANUS, VIR SPECTABILIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Repair of the walls of Rome.]
+
+'It is important to preserve as well as to create. We are earnestly
+anxious to keep the walls of Rome in good repair, and have therefore
+ordered the Lucrine port[233] to furnish 25,000 tiles annually for
+this purpose. See that this is done, that the cavities which have been
+formed by the fall of stones may be roofed over with tiles, and so
+preserved, and that thus we may deserve the thanks of ancient kings,
+to whose works we have given immortal youth.'
+
+[Footnote 233: I presume that 'portum Lucini' is an error for the
+Lucrine harbour; but there is an allusion which I do not understand in
+the following passage: 'Simul etiam portubus junctis, qui ad illa loca
+antiquitus pertinebant, et nunc diversorum usurpatione suggeruntur
+invasi?']
+
+
+26. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Immunity of Church property from taxation.]
+
+In the time of Cassiodorus the Patrician (a man of tried integrity and
+pure fidelity[234]), a grant of freedom from taxation[235] was made to
+the Church of Vercelli. Since that time other property has been
+conveyed to the same Church, apparently by a soldier. An attempt is
+made to represent this after-acquired property as also tax-free. 'No,'
+says the King. 'It would be very wrong in us to recall our gift; but
+it is equally wrong in you to try to stretch it to something which it
+never included. Private persons must not make grants to the injury of
+our treasury. Tribute belongs to the purple, not to the military
+cloak[236]. Your newly acquired possessions must pay taxes along with
+those of other owners.'
+
+[Footnote 234: This is evidently the writer's father.]
+
+[Footnote 235: 'Onera indictorum titulorum.']
+
+[Footnote 236: 'Tributa sunt purpurae, non lacernae.']
+
+
+27. KING THEODORIC TO SPECIOSUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Circus quarrels.]
+
+'If we are moderating under our laws the character of foreign nations,
+if the Roman law is supreme over all that is in alliance with Italy,
+how much more doth it become the Senate of the seat of civilisation
+itself to have a surpassing reverence for law, that by the example of
+their moderation the beauty of their dignities may shine forth more
+eminently. For where shall we look for moderation, if violence stains
+Patricians? The Green party complain that they have been truculently
+assaulted by the Patrician Theodoric and the "Illustris and Consul
+Importunus," and that one life has been lost in the fray. We wish the
+matter to be at once brought before the Illustres Coelianus and
+Agapitus and examined into by them[237].
+
+[Footnote 237: See i. 23, from which it appears that these two men had
+special jurisdiction in cases affecting Patricians.]
+
+'As to their counter-complaints of rudeness against the mob, you must
+distinguish between deliberate insolence and the licence of the
+theatre. Who expects seriousness of character at the spectacles? It is
+not exactly a congregation of Catos that comes together at the circus.
+The place excuses some excesses. And besides, it is the _beaten_ party
+which vents its rage in insulting cries. Do not let the Patricians
+complain of clamour that is really the result of a victory for their
+own side, which they greatly desired.'
+
+[The mention of 'the Patrician Theodoric' is a difficulty, as we know
+of no namesake of the King among the Roman nobility. Perhaps we ought
+to read (with the Remensian MS.) 'Theodoro,' as we know from 'Anon.
+Valesii' 68 that there was a Theodorus, son of Basilius, who perhaps
+succeeded Liberius, Praef. Praetorio.]
+
+
+28. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHS AND ROMANS.
+
+[Sidenote: The walls of Rome.]
+
+'Most worthy of Royal attention is the rebuilding of ancient cities,
+an adornment in time of peace, a precaution for time of war.
+
+'Therefore, if anyone have in his fields stones suitable for the
+building of the walls, let him cheerfully and promptly produce them.
+Even though he should be paid at a low rate, he will have his reward
+as a member of the community, which will benefit thereby.'
+
+
+29. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE LUCRISTANI (LUSTRIANI?) ON THE RIVER
+SONTIUS (ISONZO).
+
+[Sidenote: The Postal Service.]
+
+'The post (_Cursus Publicus_) is evidently an institution of great
+public utility, tending to the rapid promulgation of our decrees.
+
+'Care must therefore be taken that the horses are not allowed to get
+out of condition, lest they break down under their work, and lest the
+journey, which should be rapid, become tediously slow.
+
+'Also any lands formerly appropriated to the _mutationes_ [places for
+changing horses] which have fallen into private hands must be
+reclaimed for the public service, the owners being sufficiently
+indemnified for their loss.'
+
+
+30. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: On the injury to public peace arising from the Circus
+rivalries.]
+
+The Senators are exhorted not to allow their menials to embroil
+themselves with the populace, and thus bring their good name into
+disgrace. Any slave accused of the murder of a free-born citizen is to
+be at once given up, under penalty of a fine of 10 lbs. of gold
+(L400), and the King's severe displeasure for the master who disobeys
+this command.
+
+'And do not you, oh Senators, be too severe in marking every idle word
+which the mob may utter amidst the general rejoicing. If there is any
+insult which requires notice, bring it before the "Praefectus
+Urbis"--a far better and safer course than taking the law into your
+own hands.'
+
+[This letter, a very interesting and sensible one, is somewhat spoilt
+by a characteristic Cassiodorian sentence at the end:--
+
+'Men in old time used always to fight with their fists, whence the
+word _pugna_, "a pugnis." Afterwards iron was introduced by King
+Belus, and hence came _bellum_, "a Belo."']
+
+
+31. KING THEODORIC TO THE ROMAN PEOPLE.
+
+[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
+
+Gives similar good advice to that contained in the previous letter to
+the Senate.
+
+'The Circus, in which the King spends so much money, is meant to be
+for public delight, not for stirring up wrath. Instead of uttering
+howls and insults like other nations [the populace of Byzantium?],
+whom they have despised for doing so, let them tune their voices, so
+that their applause shall sound like the notes of some vast organ,
+and even the brute creation delight to hear it.
+
+'Anyone uttering outrageous reproaches against any Senator will be
+dealt with by the Praefectus Urbis.'
+
+
+32. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS.
+
+[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
+
+'The ruler of the city ought to keep the peace, and justify my choice
+of him. Your highest praise is a quiet people.
+
+'We have issued our "oracles" to the "amplissimus ordo" (Senate) and
+to the people, that the custom of insulting persons in the Circus is
+to be put under some restraint; on the other hand, any Senator who
+shall be provoked to kill a free-born person shall pay a fine. The
+games are meant to make people happy, not to stir them up to deadly
+rage. Helladius[238] is to come forth into the midst and afford the
+people pleasure [as a pantomimist], and he is to receive his monthly
+allowance (menstruum) with the other actors of the Green Faction. His
+partisans are to be allowed to sit where they please.'
+
+[Footnote 238: See Letter i. 20.]
+
+[Was there not some division in the Green Faction itself concerning
+the merits of Helladius and his rival Theodorus?]
+
+
+33. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Arrangements for the Pantomime.]
+
+'Our Serenity is not going to change the arrangements which we have
+once made for the public good. We told Albinus and Albienus[239] to
+choose the most fitting person they could find as Pantomimist of the
+Greens. They have done so [choosing probably Helladius]. He shall have
+his monthly allowance, and let there be peace.'
+
+[Footnote 239: Ibid.]
+
+
+34. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Only the surplus of corn to be exported.]
+
+'It should be only the surplus of the crops of any Province, beyond
+what is needed for the supply of its own wants, that should be
+exported. Station persons in the harbours to see that foreign ships do
+not take away produce to foreign shores until the Public
+Providers[240] have got all that they require.'
+
+[Footnote 240: 'Expensae publicae' perhaps = curatores annonae.]
+
+
+35. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Unreasonable delays. The sucking-fish and torpedo.]
+
+'This extraordinarily dry season having ruined the hopes of our
+harvest, it is more than ever necessary that the produce should be
+brought forward promptly. We are therefore exceedingly annoyed at
+finding that the crops which are generally sent forward by your
+Chancellor from the coasts of Calabria and Apulia in summer have not
+yet arrived, though it is near autumn and the time is at hand when the
+sun, entering the southern signs (which are all named from showers),
+will send us storm and tempest.
+
+'What are you waiting for? Why are your ships not spreading their
+sails to the breeze? With a favourable wind and with bending oarsmen,
+are you perhaps delayed by the _echeneis_ (Remora, or sucking-fish)?
+or by the shell-fish of the Indian Ocean? or by the torpedo, whose
+touch paralyses the hand? No; the echeneis in this case is entangling
+venality; the bites of the shell-fish, insatiable avarice; the
+torpedo, fraudulent pretence.
+
+'The merchants are making delays in order that they may seem to have
+fallen on adverse weather.
+
+'Let your Magnitude put all this to rights promptly, otherwise our
+famine will be imputed, not to bad seasons, but to negligence[241].'
+
+[Footnote 241: For a fuller translation of this marvellous letter, see
+Introd. p. 18.]
+
+
+36. KING THEODORIC TO THERIOLUS, VIR SPECTABILIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Guardianship of children of Benedictus.]
+
+'We wish you to take the place of the late Benedictus in the city of
+Pedon.
+
+'As we never forget the services of the dead, we wish you to undertake
+officially the guardianship of the sons of the said Benedictus.
+
+'We always pay back to our faithful servants more than we have
+received from them, and thus we do not go on the principle "equality
+is equity," because we think it just to make them _more_ than an equal
+recompence.'
+
+
+37. KING THEODORIC TO CRISPIANUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Justifiable homicide.]
+
+'Murder is abominable, but it is right to take into account the
+circumstances which may have provoked to homicide. If the slain man
+was trying to violate the rights of wedlock, his blood be on his own
+head. For even brute beasts vindicate their conjugal rights by force:
+how much more man, who is so deeply dishonoured by the adulterer!
+
+'Therefore, if it be true that the man whom you slew had wronged you
+as a husband, we do not agree to the punishment of exile which has
+been inflicted upon you. Nor will we uphold the action of the
+_Vicarius_ or of his _Officium_, who, as you say, have impounded the
+money paid by your _fidei-jussor_ (guarantor) Agnellus. Also, we will
+protect you against the hostile assaults of Candax [next of kin to the
+murdered man?] in future. But your allegation as to the provocation
+must be fully established by legal process.'
+
+[It may be remarked that Candac, King of the Alani in Moesia, is
+mentioned in the pedigree of Jordanes ('Getica,' cap. 4).]
+
+
+38. KING THEODORIC TO BAION, A SENATOR[242].
+
+[Footnote 242: See remarks on this letter in Dahn, Koenige der Germanen
+iv. 147-8. Some MSS. read Coion or Goinon, as the name of the Senator
+to whom it is addressed.]
+
+[Sidenote: The young Hilarius to be allowed to enter on possession of
+his property.]
+
+'We are told that you are keeping in your own hands the administration
+of the property of your young nephew [or grandson] Hilarius against
+his will, and not for his good, but yours. Restore it at once. Let him
+dispose of it as he likes. He seems to be quite able to enter upon the
+lordship of his own. The eagle feeds her callow young with food which
+she has procured for them, till their wings grow. Then, when their
+flight is strong and their nails sharp, she trains them to strike
+their own prey. So with our young Goths: when they are fit for
+soldiership we cannot bear that they should be deemed incapable of
+managing their own concerns. "To the Goths valour makes full age. And
+he who is strong enough to stab his enemy to the heart should be
+allowed to vindicate himself from every accusation of incapacity."'
+
+[Notwithstanding his Roman name, Hilarius is evidently a Goth.]
+
+
+39. KING THEODORIC TO FESTUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: The nephews of Filagrius to be detained in Rome.]
+
+'We are always delighted to grant just requests.
+
+'Filagrius (Vir Spectabilis), who has been long absent from his home
+on our business, seeks to return to Syracuse, but at the same time
+asks that his brother's sons may be kept for their education's sake at
+Rome. Do you attend to this petition, and do not let the lads go till
+we send you a second order to that effect. No one ought to murmur at
+being detained in Rome, which is everyone's country, the fruitful
+mother of eloquence, the wide temple of all virtues. Ulysses would
+very likely never have become famous if he had lingered on at home;
+but Homer's noble poem most chiefly proclaims his wisdom in this fact,
+that he roamed among many cities and nations.'
+
+
+40. KING THEODORIC TO ASSUIN (OR ASSIUS), VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES.
+
+[Sidenote: The inhabitants of Salona to be drilled.]
+
+'War needs rehearsal and preparation. Therefore let your Illustrious
+Sublimity provide the inhabitants of Salona with arms, and let them
+practise themselves in the use of them; for the surest safeguard of
+the Republic is an armed defender.'
+
+The necessity of drill and practice is shown by the early combats of
+bullocks, the play-huntings of puppies, the necessity of first
+kindling a fire with very little sticks, and so forth.
+
+
+41. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Enquiries into character of the younger Faustus.]
+
+'The dignity of the Senate makes it necessary to be unusually careful
+who is admitted into that body. Let other orders receive middling men:
+the Senate must receive none but those who are of proved excellence.
+
+'Therefore let your Illustrious Magnificence cause those enquiries to
+be made concerning Faustus, the grown-up son of the Illustrious
+Faustus, which the Senate hath ordered to be made concerning all
+persons who are to be enrolled in its council[243]. In thus confirming
+and ratifying the proceedings of the Senate we are in no degree
+trenching on the accustomed authority of that sacred order.'
+
+[Footnote 243: 'Quae circa referendos curiae priscus ordo
+designavit.']
+
+
+42. KING THEODORIC TO ARTEMIDORUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN [509 OR
+524].
+
+[Sidenote: Artemidorus to be Praefect of the City.]
+
+'We are especially bound to reward merit. Everyone who does us a
+service makes a very good investment. You have long had what was
+formerly considered more precious than great dignity--near access to
+our person. Much as we loved you, we somewhat retarded your advance in
+order that you might be the more richly adorned with all virtues when
+you came to honour. Your birthplace, your lineage, your merit, all
+declare you worthy of the promotion which we now bestow upon you,
+declaring you for this third Indiction[244] _Praefectus Urbis_. You
+will thus have the function of presiding over the Senate, a far higher
+office than that of ruling the Palace or arranging private houses. The
+value of the object committed to a person's care increases the dignity
+of the post. It is much more honourable to be caretaker of a diadem
+than of a wine-cellar. Judge of our esteem for you by the preciousness
+of the body over which we are thus calling you to preside.'
+
+[Footnote 244: Either 509-510 or 524-525; more probably the former.]
+
+
+43. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Promotion of Artemidorus.]
+
+[Announcing the elevation of Artemidorus to the post of Praefectus
+Urbis.]
+
+'Artemidorus, though entitled from his relationship to the Emperor
+Zeno to expect great promotion at the Court of Constantinople, has
+preferred to share the fortunes and attach himself to the person of
+Theodoric, who has often been refreshed after the cares of State by an
+hour of his charming converse. Though he might have aspired to the
+highest dignities of the Court, he has hitherto been satisfied with
+the comparatively humble post of Superintendent of the Public
+Spectacles [as Tribunus Voluptatum?]. Now, as Praefectus Urbis, he is
+to preside over and become a member of your body. Welcome him.'
+
+
+44. KING THEODORIC TO THE PEOPLE OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
+
+[On the same subject as 42 and 43, the elevation of Artemidorus to the
+Urban Praefecture.]
+
+Rebukes the commonalty sharply for their recent disturbances, which
+defile with illicit seditions the blessings of peace, earned under
+God's blessing by their Prince. The newly-appointed Praefectus
+Urbanus, Artemidorus, long devoted to the service of Theodoric, will
+attest the innocence of the good, and sharply punish the errors of the
+bad, both by his own inherent prerogative and by a special commission
+entrusted to him for that purpose by the King.
+
+
+45. KING THEODORIC TO BOETIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: The water-clock and sundial destined for the Burgundian
+King.]
+
+'It is important to oblige our royal neighbours even in trifles, for
+none can tell what great matters may be aided thereby. Often what arms
+cannot obtain the offices of kindness bring to pass. Thus let even our
+unbending be for the benefit of the Republic. For our object in
+seeking pleasure is that we may thereby discharge the serious duties
+of life.
+
+'The Lord of the Burgundians has earnestly requested that we would
+send him a clock which is regulated by water flowing under a modulus,
+and one which is marked by embracing the illumination of the immense
+sun[245].'
+
+[Footnote 245: An unintelligible translation doubtless, but is the
+original clearer? 'Burgundionum dominus a nobis magnopere postulavit
+ut horologium quod aquis sub modulo fluentibus temperatur et quod
+solis immensi comprehensa illuminatione distinguitur ... ei
+transmittere deberemus.' It is pretty clear that the first request of
+the Burgundian King was for a clepsydra of some kind. The second must
+be for some kind of sundial, but the description is very obscure.]
+
+[I transcribe, and do not attempt to translate, the further
+description of the two machines, the order of which is now changed.]
+
+'_Primum_ sit, ubi stylus diei index, per umbram exiguam horas
+consuevit ostendere. Radius itaque immobilis, et parvus, peragens quod
+tam miranda magnitudo solis discurrit, et fugam solis aequiparat quod
+modum semper ignorat. [This must be the sundial.] Inviderent talibus,
+si astra sentirent: et meatum suum fortasse deflecterent, ne tali
+ludibrio subjacerent. Ubi est illud horarum de lumine venientium
+singulare miraculum, si has et umbra demonstrat? Ubi praedicabilis
+indefecta roratio, si hoc et metalla peragunt, quae situ perpetuo
+continentur? O artis inaestimabilis virtus quae dum se dicit ludere,
+naturae praevalet secreta vulgare.
+
+'_Secundum_ sit [the clepsydra] ubi praeter solis radios hora
+dignoscitur, noctes in partes dividens: quod ut nihil deberet astris,
+rationem coeli ad aquarum potius fluenta convertit, quorum motibus
+ostendit, quod coelum volvitur; et audaci praesumptione concepta, ars
+elementis confert quod originis conditio denegavit.'
+
+'It will be a great gain to us that the Burgundians should daily look
+upon something sent by us which will appear to them little short of
+miraculous. Exert yourself therefore, oh Boetius, to get this thing
+put in hand. You have thoroughly imbued yourself with Greek
+philosophy[246]. You have translated Pythagoras the musician, Ptolemy
+the astronomer, Nicomachus the arithmetician, Euclid the geometer,
+Plato the theologian, Aristotle the logician, and have given back the
+mechanician Archimedes to his own Sicilian countrymen (who now speak
+Latin). You know the whole science of Mathematics, and the marvels
+wrought thereby. A machine [perhaps something like a modern orrery]
+has been made to exhibit the courses of the planets and the causes of
+eclipses. What a wonderful art is Mechanics! The mechanician, if we
+may say so, is almost Nature's comrade, opening her secrets, changing
+her manifestations, sporting with miracles, feigning so beautifully,
+that what we know to be an illusion is accepted by us as truth.'
+
+[Footnote 246: Evidently 'sic enim Atheniensium scholas longe positus
+introisti' does not mean that Boethius actually visited Athens, but
+that he became thoroughly at home in the works of Athenian
+philosophers.]
+
+
+46. KING THEODORIC TO GUNDIBAD [SIC], KING OF THE BURGUNDIANS.
+
+[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
+
+Sends the two clocks, or rather perhaps the celestial globe and the
+water-clock.
+
+'Have therefore in your country what you have often seen in Rome. It
+is right that we should send you presents, because you are connected
+with us by affinity. It is said that under you "Burgundia" looks into
+the most subtle things, and praises the discoveries of the ancients.
+Through you she lays aside her "Gentile" (barbarous) nature, and
+imitating the prudence of her King, rightly desires to possess the
+inventions of sages. Let her arrange her daily actions by the
+movements of God's great lights; let her nicely adjust the moments of
+each hour. In mere confusion passes the order of life when this
+accurate division of time is unknown. Men are like the beasts, if they
+only know the passage of the hours by the pangs of hunger, and have no
+greater certainty as to the flight of time than such as is afforded
+them by their bellies. For certainty is undoubtedly meant to be
+entwined in human actions.'
+
+
+
+
+BOOK II.
+
+CONTAINING FORTY-ONE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF
+THEODORIC.
+
+
+I. KING THEODORIC TO ANASTASIUS, MOST PIOUS EMPEROR. A.D. 511.
+
+[Sidenote: Consulship of Felix.]
+
+'By excellent ordinance of the ancients the year is named from the
+Consul. Let the happy year take its title from our new Consul, _Felix_
+[Consul with Secundinus, A.D. 511[247]].
+
+[Footnote 247: 'Portamque dierum tali nomine dicatus annus, tempos
+introeat.' The figure here used seems borrowed from Claudian, In
+Primum Cons. Stilichonis ii. 425-476.]
+
+'It is most suitable that Rome should gather back her children to her
+bosom, and in her venerable Senate should enrol a son of Gaul.
+
+'Felix showed his excellent disposition first in this, that while
+still a young man he hastened to "the native land of all the virtues"
+[Rome]. Success followed his choice; we promoted him as he deserved.
+While still a young man, deprived of his father's care, he showed the
+rare gift of continence; he subdued avarice, the enemy of wisdom; he
+despised the blandishments of vice; he trampled under foot the
+vanities of pride.
+
+'We have now determined to reward him with the Consulship. Do you who
+can with indiscriminate pleasure rejoice in both the blessings of the
+Republic [in the Consuls of the East and West] join your favouring
+vote. He who is worthy of so high an office as the Consulship may
+well be chosen by the judgment of both' [Emperor and King].
+
+[An important letter, as showing the extent to which concurrent choice
+of Consuls was vested in Rome, or rather Ravenna, and Constantinople.]
+
+
+2. KING THEODORIC TO FELIX, VIR ILLUSTRIS, CONSUL ORDINARIUS, A.D. 511
+(4TH OF THE INDICTION).
+
+[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
+
+An address on his elevation to the Consulship, touching on nearly the
+same topics as the preceding.
+
+Theodoric delights in bestowing larger favours on those whom he has
+once honoured [a favourite topic with Cassiodorus].
+
+Felix has come back from Gaul to the old fatherland[248]. Thus the
+Consulship has returned to a Transalpine family, and green laurels are
+seen on a brown stock.
+
+[Footnote 248: 'Cum soli genitalis fortuna relicta, velut quodam
+postliminio in antiquam patriam commeasses.']
+
+Felix has shown an early maturity of character. He has made a wise use
+of his father's wealth. The honour which other men often acquire by
+prodigality he has acquired by saving. Cassiodorus evidently has a
+little fear that the new Consul may carry his parsimony too far, and
+tells him that this office of the Consulship is one in which
+liberality, almost extravagance, earns praise[249]; in which it is a
+kind of virtue not to love one's own possessions; and in which one
+gains in good opinion all that one loses in wealth.
+
+[Footnote 249: 'Ubi praeconium meretur effusio.']
+
+'See the sacred City all white with your _vota_ (?). See yourself
+borne upon the shoulders of all, and your name flitting through their
+mouths, and manifest yourself such that you may be deemed worthy of
+your race, worthy of the City, worthy of our choice, worthy of the
+Consular _trabea_.'
+
+[The letter makes one suspect a certain narrowness and coldness of
+heart in the subject of its praise.]
+
+
+3. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE. A.D. 511.
+
+[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
+
+Recommends Felix for the Consulship, going over again the topics
+mentioned in the two last letters. It appears that it was the father
+of Felix who emerged, after a temporary eclipse of the family
+fortunes, and then showed himself 'the Cato of our times, abstaining
+from vice himself, and forming the characters of others; imbued also
+with all Greek philosophy, he glutted himself with the honey of the
+Cecropian doctrine.'
+
+Mention is made of the Consulship of an earlier Felix, A.D. 428, the
+happy renown of which still lingered in the memories of men.
+
+The young Felix is praised for the qualities described in the two
+previous letters, and also for his power of conciliating the
+friendship of older men, especially the excellent Patrician Paulinus.
+
+
+4. KING THEODORIC TO ECDICIUS (OR BENEDICTUS), VIR HONESTUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Collection of Siliquaticum.]
+
+'We wish always to observe long-established rules in fiscal matters,
+the best guarantee against extortion. Therefore, whatever dues in the
+way of _Siliquaticum_ appertained to Antiochus are now transferred to
+you by the present authority, and the Sajo is charged to support your
+claims herein; only the contention must not be mixed up with any
+private matters of your own.'
+
+[The _Siliquaticum_ was a tax of one twenty-fourth--the _siliqua_
+being the twenty-fourth of a _solidus_--payable on all sales in market
+overt by buyer and seller together.]
+
+
+5. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Soldiers' arrears.]
+
+'We are always generous, and sometimes out of clemency we bestow our
+gifts on persons who have no claim upon us. How much more fitting is
+it then that the servants of the State should receive our gifts
+promptly! Wherefore, pray let your Magnificence see to it that the
+sixty soldiers who are keeping guard in the fastnesses of Aosta
+receive their _annonae_ without delay. Think what a life of hardship
+the soldier leads in those frontier forts for the general peace, thus,
+as at the gate of the Province, shutting out the entry of the
+barbarous nations. He must be ever on the alert who seeks to keep out
+the Barbarians. For fear alone checks these men, whom honour will not
+keep back.'
+
+[A singular letter to write in the name of one who was himself a
+Barbarian invader.]
+
+
+6. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Embassy to Constantinople.]
+
+'We have decided to send you on an embassy to the East
+(Constantinople). Every embassy requires a prudent man, but here there
+is need of especial prudence, because you will have to dispute against
+the most subtle persons--artificers of words, who think they can
+foresee every possible answer to their arguments. Do your best
+therefore to justify the opinion which I formed of you before full
+trial of your powers.'
+
+
+7. KING THEODORIC TO SURA (OR SUNA), ILLUSTRIS AND COMES.
+
+[Sidenote: Embellishment of the City.]
+
+'Let nothing lie useless which may redound to the beauty of the City.
+Let your Illustrious Magnificence therefore cause the blocks of marble
+which are everywhere lying about in ruins to be wrought up into the
+walls by the hands of the workmen whom I send herewith. Only take care
+to use only those stones which have really fallen from public
+buildings, as we do not wish to appropriate private property, even for
+the glorification of the City.'
+
+
+8. KING THEODORIC TO BISHOP SEVERUS, VIR VENERABILIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Compensation for damage done by troops on march.]
+
+'None is more suitable than a member of the Priesthood to perform acts
+of justice towards his flock.
+
+'We therefore send your Holiness, by Montanarius, 1,500 solidi (L900),
+for distribution among the Provincials, according to the amount of
+damage which each one has sustained this year by the passage of our
+army. See that the distribution is made systematically--not at
+random--so that it may reach the right persons.'
+
+
+9. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Allowance to a retired charioteer.]
+
+'We always enjoy being generous. Compassion is the one virtue to which
+all other virtues may honourably give way. Long ago we made the
+charioteer Sabinus a monthly allowance of a solidus [twelve
+shillings]. Now, as we learn from Histrius [or Historius] that this
+former servant of the public pleasures is afflicted with the most
+melancholy poverty, we have pleasure in adding _another_ solidus to
+his monthly allowance. We are never so well pleased as when the
+accounts of our expenditure show these items of charitable
+disbursement.'
+
+
+10. KING THEODORIC TO SPECIOSUS, VIR DEVOTUS, COMITIACUS [OFFICER OF
+THE COURT].
+
+[Sidenote: The abduction of Agapita.]
+
+'The laws guarding the sanctity of the marriage bed[250] must be
+carefully upheld.
+
+[Footnote 250: 'Illud Humani generis procreabile Sacramentum.']
+
+'Agapita[251] has explained to us that she was tempted away from her
+husband by seducers, who promised to procure his death. From the time
+of her leaving his company let all revenues which came to her under
+the marriage contract (invalidated by her unfaithfulness) be given up
+by her wrongful detainers[252] without any delay. It is too absurd
+that men who ought to be severely punished for their wrong-doing
+should even seek to make a profit out of it.'
+
+[Footnote 251: 'Foemina spectabilis.']
+
+[Footnote 252: 'Retentatores.' So the Gepid Prince is called the
+Retentator of Sirmium (Ennodius, Panegyric. Theod. 178. Ed. Migne).]
+
+
+11. KING THEODORIC TO PROVINUS (PROBINUS?), ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Gift obtained from Agapita under undue influence.]
+
+[Refers to the same business of Agapita, who seems to have been a
+woman of feeble intellect as well as an unfaithful wife.] The petition
+of her husband Basilius (vir Spectabilis) sets forth that, influenced
+by seducers, and from the levity so natural to woman, she for no good
+reason quitted her own home. Her own petition confirms this; and she
+states that, while taking refuge within the precincts of the Church,
+she by deed of gift bestowed on Provinus the 'Casa Areciretina,' a
+most preposterous gift from a poor woman to a rich man; from one whose
+reputation was gone to a chaste man; from a half-crazy creature to one
+who knew fully what he was about. This gift Agapita [and Basilius] now
+seek to annul. Provinus is exhorted at once to throw up a possession
+which cannot possibly bring him any credit, and the loss of which has
+brought the poor woman to destitution. Alienation of property should
+be the act of a person having 'solidum judicium,' which this poor
+creature evidently had not, or she would not have left her husband
+causelessly.
+
+'This is the second time of writing. Let there be no further delay in
+complying.'
+
+[Probably, therefore, Probinus really is one of the 'Retentatores'
+referred to in Letter 10, though this letter does not distinctly
+identify him with them.]
+
+
+12. KING THEODORIC TO THE COUNT OF THE SILIQUATARII (CUSTOMS
+OFFICERS), AND TO HIM WHO HAS THE CARE OF THE HARBOUR (OF PORTUS?).
+
+[Sidenote: Prohibition of export of lard.]
+
+'Italy ought to enjoy her own products, and it is monstrous that
+anything which she produces should be wanting to her own children.
+
+'Therefore let no lard be exported to foreign parts, but let it by
+God's grace be all kept for consumption at home.
+
+'Now take care not to incur the slightest blame in this matter. It is
+a very serious fault even in trifles to disobey orders. Sin consists
+in quality, not in quantity; and injustice cannot be measured. A
+command, if it be despised in one part, is violated in the whole.'
+
+
+13. KING THEODORIC TO THE SAJO[253] FRUINARITH.
+
+[Footnote 253: The Sajo was an officer, not of very high rank,
+apparently always of Gothic nationality, who was charged with
+executing the King's mandates. Perhaps our word 'henchman' would be
+the best translation of his title. His conventional attribute was
+'devotio.' See Dahn, 'Koenige der Germanen' iii. 181-186, and my 'Italy
+and her Invaders' iii. 282-284.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dishonest conduct of Venantius.]
+
+'We are always especially touched by the prayers of petitioners who
+complain that they are forced to pay unjustly. Ulpianus in his
+lamentable petition informs us that on the request of Venantius he
+bound himself as a guarantor (fidei jussionis vinculo) to pay over to
+the public Treasury at the time of his administration 400 solidi
+(L240). With the presumption of a truculent rustic Venantius despised
+his own promise, and Ulpianus has therefore been burdened with payment
+of the money. We therefore order that Venantius, who has been accused
+of many other crimes besides this, shall be summoned before you, and
+if found to be legally liable, shall be at once, and sharply,
+compelled to fulfil his promise.'
+
+
+14. KING THEODORIC TO SYMMACHUS, PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Romulus the parricide.]
+
+'Parricide is the most terrible and unnatural of crimes. Even the cubs
+of wild beasts follow their sires; the offshoot of the vine serves the
+parent stem: shall man war against him who gave him being? It is for
+our little ones that we lay up wealth. Shall we not earn the love of
+those for whom we would willingly incur death itself? The young stork,
+that harbinger of spring, gives a signal example of filial piety,
+warming and feeding its aged parents in the moulting season till they
+have recovered their strength, and thus repaying the good offices
+received in its earlier years. So too, when the partridge, which is
+wont to hatch the young of other birds, takes her adopted brood forth
+into the fields, if these hear the cry of their genuine mother they
+run to her, leaving the partridge forsaken.
+
+'Wherefore, if Romulus[254] have fouled the Roman name by laying
+violent hands on his father Martinus, we look to your justice (we
+chose you because we knew you would not spare the cruel) to inflict on
+him legitimate revenge.'
+
+[Footnote 254: Quaere if named from the last Emperor.]
+
+
+15. KING THEODORIC TO VENANTIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Promotion of Venantius to Comitiva Domesticorum Vacans.]
+
+'We always like to promote to office the sons of distinguished
+fathers. We therefore bestow on you the honour of Comes Domesticorum
+(Comitiva Vacans), in memory of your glorious father. He held at the
+same time the Praefecture [of Italy] and the command of the army, so
+that neither the Provinces lacked his ordering, nor did his wise care
+for the army fail. All was mastered by his skilled and indefatigable
+prudence; he inclined the manners of the Barbarians to peace, and
+governed so that all were satisfied with our rule.
+
+'You are a zealous student of literature, illustrious by birth and
+eloquent by education. Go on as you have begun, and show yourself
+worthy of our choice.'
+
+
+16. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
+
+This letter adds a little to the information contained in the
+preceding one, as to the career of Liberius, father of Venantius.
+
+[Sidenote: Praises of Liberius.]
+
+Liberius was a faithful servant of Odovacar, who adhered to his master
+to the last. 'He awaited incorruptly the Divine judgments, nor did he
+allow himself to seek a new King till he had first lost his old one.
+On the overthrow of his lord he was bowed by no terror; he bore
+unmoved the ruin of his Prince; nor did the revolution, at which even
+the proud hearts of the Barbarians trembled[255], avail to move him
+from his calm.
+
+[Footnote 255: 'Quam etiam ferocitas gentilis expavit.']
+
+'Prudently did he follow the common fortunes, in order that while
+fixedly bearing the Divine judgments he might with the more
+approbation find the Divine favour. We approved the faith of the man;
+he came over in sadness to our allegiance as one who being overcome
+changes his mind, not like one who has contrived [treacherously] that
+he should be conquered. We made him Praefectus Praetorio. He
+administered the finances admirably. By his economical management we
+felt the increased returns, while you knew nothing of added tributes.
+
+[Sidenote: Apportionment of Tertiae.]
+
+'We especially like to remember how in the assignment of the [Gothic]
+Thirds (in Tertiarum deputatione) he joined both the possessions and
+the hearts of Goths and Romans alike. For whereas men are wont to come
+into collision on account of their being neighbours, with these men
+the common holding of their farms proved in practice a reason for
+concord. Thus it has happened that while the two nations have been
+living in common they have concurred in the same desires. Lo! a new
+fact, and one wholly laudable. The friendship of the lords has been
+joined with the division of the soil; amity has grown out of the loss
+of the Provincials, and by the land a defender has been gained whose
+occupation of part guarantees the quiet enjoyment of the whole. One
+law includes them: one equal administration rules them: for it is
+necessary that sweet affection should grow between those who always
+keep the boundaries which have been allotted them.
+
+'All this the Roman Republic owes to Liberius, who to two such
+illustrious nations has imparted sentiments of mutual affection. See
+to it, Conscript Fathers, that his offspring does not go unrewarded.'
+
+
+17. TO THE POSSESSORS, DEFENSORS, AND CURIALS[256] OF THE CITY OF
+TRIDENTUM (TRIENT).
+
+[Footnote 256: Cf. iii. 9 for a similar heading.]
+
+[Sidenote: Immunity from Tertiae enjoyed by lands granted by the
+King.]
+
+'We do not wish to be generous at the expense of others, and we
+therefore declare that the _Sors_ which in our generosity we have
+bestowed on Butilianus the Presbyter, is not to be reckoned in to the
+tax calculations; but as many solidi as are comprehended in that gift,
+so many are you to be relieved from, in the contribution of
+"Tertiae."'
+
+[That is to say, the land given by the Gothic King to Butilian was to
+be itself, as a matter of course, free from Tertiae; but, in order
+that this might not throw a heavier burden on the other owners in the
+district, they were to be allowed to deduct the solidi of that portion
+from the gross amount payable by them on behalf of the whole district.
+Butilian's own immunity from Tertiae seems to be taken for granted as
+a result of the King's gift to him. (See Dahn, 'Koenige der Germanen'
+iii. 145.)]
+
+
+18. KING THEODORIC TO BISHOP GUDILA.
+
+[Sidenote: Ecclesiastics as Curiales.]
+
+An interesting but rather obscure letter on the condition of
+_Curiales_.
+
+Apparently some ecclesiastics were claiming as slaves some men whom
+the Curia of Sarsena (?) asserted to be fellow-curials of their own,
+whom they therefore wanted to assist them in performing curial
+obligations.
+
+Cassiodorus argues that as the 'Sors nascendi' prevented the Curialis
+from rising to the higher honours of the State, it certainly ought
+also to prevent him from sinking into slavery[257]. 'Therefore we
+advise you to look well to your facts, and see whether these men are
+not justly claimed as Curials, in which case the Church should give
+them up before the matter comes to trial. It does not look well for
+the Bishop, who should be known as a lover of justice, to be publicly
+vanquished in a suit of this kind.'
+
+[Footnote 257: 'Quod si eos vel ad honores transire jura vetuerunt,
+quam videtur esse contrarium, Curialem Reipublicae, amissa turpiter
+libertate, servire? et usque ad conditionem pervenisse postremam quem
+vocavit antiquitas _Minorem Senatum_.']
+
+[Did the alleged Curials, in such a case, wish to have their curiality
+or their quasi-ecclesiastical character established? Who can say?]
+
+
+19. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHS AND ROMANS, AND THOSE WHO KEEP THE
+HARBOURS AND MOUNTAIN-FORTRESSES (CLUSURAS).
+
+[Sidenote: Domestic treachery and murder.]
+
+'We hate all crime, but domestic bloodshed and treachery most of all.
+Therefore we command you to act with the utmost severity of the law
+against the servants of Stephanus, who have killed their master and
+left him unburied. They might have learned pity even from birds. Even
+the vulture, who lives on the corpses of other creatures, protects
+little birds from the attacks of the hawk. Yet men are found cruel
+enough to slay him who has fed them. To the gallows with them! Let
+_him_ become the food of the pious vulture, who has cruelly contrived
+the death of his provider. That is the fitting sepulchre for the man
+who has left his lord unburied.'
+
+
+20. KING THEODORIC TO THE SAJO UNIGILIS (OR WILIGIS).
+
+[Sidenote: Provision-ships to follow movements of Theodoric's Court.]
+
+'Let any provision-ships [_sulcatoriae?_] which may be now lying at
+Ravenna be ordered round to Liguria (which in ordinary times supplies
+the needs of Ravenna herself).
+
+'Our presence and that of our Court (Comitatus) attracts many
+spectators and petitioners to those parts, for whose maintenance an
+extra effort must be made.' [See Dahn, 'Koenige der Germanen' iii.
+282.]
+
+
+21. KING THEODORIC TO JOANNES THE APPARITOR.
+
+[Sidenote: A concession too timidly acted upon.]
+
+'The King has conceded to the Spectabiles Spes and Domitius a certain
+tract of land which was laid waste by wide and muddy streams, and
+which neither showed a pure expanse of water nor had preserved the
+comeliness of solid earth, for them to reclaim and cultivate.
+
+'The petition of the _Actores_ of Spes sets forth that the operation
+is put in jeopardy by the ill-timed parsimony of Domitius, which
+throws back the labourers to the point from which they set out at
+first[258]. Therefore let Domitius be stirred up to finish his part of
+the work, or if he thinks that too expensive, let him throw up his
+share of the concession and allow his partner to work it out.'
+
+[Footnote 258: 'Cum jam in soli faciem paulatim mollities siccata
+duresceret, celatamque longa voracitate tellurem sol insuetus
+afflaret.' I cannot understand these words. I suppose there was a hard
+cake of clay left when the water was drained off, which was baked by
+the sun, and that there should have been further digging to work
+through this stratum and get at the good soil beneath; but the wording
+is not very clear.]
+
+[We find in this letter a good motto for Theodoric's reign: 'Nos
+quibus cordi est in melius cuncta mutare.']
+
+
+22. KING THEODORIC TO FESTUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Ecdicius to be buried by his sons.]
+
+'The sons of Ecdicius, whom at first we had ordered to reside in the
+city, are to be allowed to return to their own country in order to
+bury their father. That grief is insatiable which feels that it has
+been debarred from rendering the last offices to the dead. Think at
+what risk of his life Priam implored the raging Achilles to give him
+back the body of his son.'
+
+[Apparently the sons of Ecdicius, not Ecdicius himself, had fallen
+into disgrace with Theodoric, or incurred some suspicion of
+disloyalty, which led to the rigorous order for their detention in
+Rome. See Dahn iii. 279-280.]
+
+
+23. KING THEODORIC TO AMPELIUS, DESPOTIUS, AND THEODULUS, SENATORS.
+
+[Sidenote: Protection for owners of potteries.]
+
+'It befits the discipline of our time that those who are serving the
+public interests shall not be loaded with superfluous burdens. Labour
+therefore diligently at the potteries (figulinae) which our Royal
+authority has conceded to you. Protection is hereby promised against
+the wiles of wicked men.' [What was the nature of the artifices to
+which they were exposed is not very clear.]
+
+
+24. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Arrears of taxation due from Senators.]
+
+'We hear with sorrow, by the report of the Provincial Judges, that you
+the Fathers of the State, who ought to set an example to your sons
+(the ordinary citizens), have been so remiss in the payment of taxes
+that on this first collection[259] nothing, or next to nothing, has
+been brought in from any Senatorial house. Thus a crushing weight has
+fallen on the lower orders (_tenues_, _curiales_), who have had to
+make good your deficiencies and have been distraught by the violence
+of the tax-gatherers.
+
+[Footnote 259: 'Primae transmissionis tempus.']
+
+'Now then, oh Conscript Fathers, who owe as much duty to the Republic
+as we do, pay the taxes for which each one of you is liable, to the
+Procurators appointed in each Province, by three instalments (trina
+illatione). Or, if you prefer to do so--and it used to be accounted a
+privilege--pay all at once into the chest of the Vicarius. And let
+this following edict be published, that all the Provincials may know
+that they are not to be imposed upon and that they are invited to
+state their grievances[260].'
+
+[Footnote 260: See Dahn, 'Koenige der Germanen' iii. 153 and 112, n.
+5.]
+
+
+25. AN EDICT OF KING THEODORIC.
+
+[Referred to in the preceding letter.]
+
+[Sidenote: Evasion of taxes by the rich.]
+
+The King detests the oppression of the unfortunate, and encourages
+them to make their complaints to him. He has heard that the powerful
+houses are failing to pay their share of the taxes, and that a larger
+sum in consequence is being exacted from the _tenues_[261].
+
+[Footnote 261: Here follows a sentence which I am unable to translate:
+'Superbia deinde conductorum canonicos solidos non ordine traditos,
+sed sub iniquo pondere imminentibus fuisse projectos nec universam
+siliquam quam reddere consueverant solemniter intulisse.' I think the
+meaning is, that the stewards of the Senators (conductores) arrogantly
+refused to allow the money paid to the tax-collectors (canonici
+solidi) to be tested, as in ordinary course it should have been, to
+see if it was of full weight. The 'imminentes' are, I think, the
+tax-collectors. I cannot at all understand the clause about 'universam
+siliquam.']
+
+To 'amputate' such wickedness for the future, the letter last
+preceding has been addressed to the Senate; and the 'Possessores sive
+curiales' are now invited to state their grievances fully and
+frankly, or else ever after hold their peace and cultivate a habit of
+patience.
+
+
+26. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Regulations for corn-traffic of Southern Italy.]
+
+A difficult letter about the corn-merchants of Apulia and Calabria.
+
+1. The corn which they have collected by public sale is not to be
+demanded over again from them under the title of 'interpretium'
+[difference of price].
+
+2. Similarly as to the Sextarius which the merchant of each Province
+imports. No one is to dare insolently to exact the prices which have
+been always condemned.
+
+3. Fines of L1,200 on the Praefect himself, and L400 on his _officium_
+(subordinates), are to be levied if this order is disobeyed.
+
+4. If the 'Siliquatarius' thinks right to withhold the monopoly (of
+corn) from any merchant, he must not also exact the monopoly payment
+from him.
+
+5. As to the Aurarii [persons liable to payment of the _lustralis auri
+collatio_[262]], let the old order be observed, and those only be
+classed under this function whom the authority of antiquity chose to
+serve thereunder.
+
+[Footnote 262: This appears to have been a tax levied on all traders,
+otherwise known as the Chrysargyron. See Cod. Theod. xiii. 1. Aurarii
+is therefore equivalent to Licensed Traders.]
+
+
+27. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE JEWS LIVING IN GENOA.
+
+[Sidenote: Rebuilding of Jewish Synagogue.]
+
+The Jews are permitted to roof in the old walls of their synagogue,
+but they are not to enlarge it beyond its old borders, nor to add any
+kind of ornament, under pain of the King's sharp displeasure; and this
+leave is granted on the understanding that it does not conflict with
+the thirty years' 'Statute of Limitations.'
+
+'Why do ye desire what ye ought to shun? In truth we give the
+permission which you craved, but we suitably blame the desire of your
+wandering minds. _We cannot order a religion, because no one is forced
+to believe against his will._'
+
+
+28. KING THEODORIC TO STEPHANUS, 'SENATOR, COMES PRIMI ORDINIS, AND
+EX-PRINCEPS OF OUR OFFICIUM[263].'
+
+[Footnote 263: Are we to understand by this expression the Officium of
+the Praetorian Praefect?]
+
+[Sidenote: Honours conferred on Stephanus on his retirement from the
+Civil Service.]
+
+Praises him for all the good qualities which have been recognised by
+successive Judges under whom he has served--his secrecy, efficiency,
+and incorruptibility.
+
+He is therefore, on his retirement from active service, raised to the
+honour of a 'Spectabilis,' and rewarded with the rank of 'Comitiva
+Primi Ordinis.' As a substantial recompence he is to have all the
+privileges which by 'divalia constituta' belong to the 'ex-principes'
+of his Schola, and is guaranteed against all damage and 'sordid
+burdens[264],' with a hope of further employment in other
+capacities[265].
+
+[Footnote 264: Curial obligations.]
+
+[Footnote 265: 'Fixum tenuisti _militiae probatae_ vestigium.
+Spectabilitatis honorem, quem _militiae sudore_ detersis justa
+deputavit antiquitas praesenti tibi auctoritate conferimus ut laboris
+tui tandem finitas _excubias_ ... intelligas ... Tibique utpote
+_militiae_ munere persoluto.' The term 'militia' is employed here, as
+in the Codes, of 'service in a bureau.']
+
+
+29. KING THEODORIC TO ADILA, SENATOR AND COMES.
+
+[Sidenote: Protection to dependents of the Church.]
+
+[Notice the Senatorial rank borne by a man with a Gothic name.]
+
+'We wish to protect all our subjects[266], but especially the Church,
+because by so doing we earn the favour of Heaven. Therefore, in
+accordance with the petition of the blessed Eustorgius[267], Bishop of
+Milan, we desire you to accord all necessary protection to the men
+and farms belonging to the Milanese Church in Sicily: always
+understanding, however, that they are not to refuse to plead in answer
+to any public or private suit that may be brought against them. They
+are to be protected from wrong, but are not themselves to deviate from
+the path of justice.'
+
+[Footnote 266: 'Quia Regnantes est gloria, subjectorum otiosa
+tranquillitas.']
+
+[Footnote 267: For Eustorgius, cf. Letter i. 9.]
+
+
+30. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sequel to last letter.]
+
+[Sidenote: Freedom from taxation granted to Church of Milan.]
+
+'Our generosity to an individual does not harm the public, and there
+is no reason for putting any bounds to its exercise.
+
+'The Defensores of the Holy Church of Milan want to be enabled to buy
+as cheap as possible the things which they need for the relief of the
+poor; and they say that we have bestowed this favour on the Church of
+Ravenna.
+
+'Your Magnificence will therefore allow them to single out some one
+merchant who shall buy for them in the market, without being subject
+to monopoly, siliquaticum, or the payment of gold-fee[268].'
+
+[Footnote 268: Auraria pensio. See note on ii. 26.]
+
+[It is easy to see how liable to abuse such an exception was. Who was
+to decide when this merchant was buying for the Church and when for
+himself; when the Church was buying for the poor and when for her own
+enrichment?]
+
+
+31. KING THEODORIC TO THE DROMONARII [ROWERS IN EXPRESS-BOATS].
+
+[Sidenote: State Galleys on the Po.]
+
+'Those who claim the title of "militia" ought to serve the public
+advantage. We have therefore told the Count of Sacred Largesses that
+you are to assemble at Hostilia [on the Padus, about fifteen miles
+east of Mantua], there to receive pay from our Treasury, and then to
+relieve the land postal-service (veredarii) by excursions up and down
+the channel of the Padus. There is no fear of _your_ limping; you walk
+with your hands. No fear of _your_ carriages wearing out; they travel
+over liquid roads, and suffer no wear and tear because they are borne
+along upon the wave which itself runs with them.'
+
+
+32. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Drainage of marshes of Decennonium.]
+
+'We always enjoy rewarding public spirit. Decius, Magnificus and
+Patrician, has most nobly volunteered to drain the marsh of
+Decennonium, where the sea-like swamp, accustomed to impunity through
+long licence, rushes in and spoils all the surrounding lands.
+
+'We, in consideration of so great an undertaking, determine to secure
+to him the fruits of his labour, and we therefore wish that you,
+Conscript Fathers, should appoint a commission of two to visit the
+spot and mark out the ground, which is at present wasted by the
+inundations, that this land may be secured to Decius as a permanent
+possession when he has drained it.'
+
+[The Palus Decennonii is undoubtedly connected with the Decennovial
+Canal mentioned by Procopius ('De Bello Gotth.' i. 11), and so called
+because it flowed for nineteen miles alongside the Appian Way. In the
+Piazza at Terracina there is a very interesting inscription, recording
+the fact that Theodoric had ordered that nineteen miles of the Appian
+Way should be cleared of the waters which had accumulated round it,
+and had committed the work to Caecina Maurus Basilius Decius, 'Vir
+Clarissimus et Illustris, Ex-Praefectus Urbi, Ex-Praefectus Praetori,
+Ex-Consul Ordinarius et Patricius.' See 'Italy and her Invaders' iii.
+348.]
+
+
+33. KING THEODORIC TO DECIUS, ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+The complement of the foregoing letter, about the drainage of the
+marshes of Decennonium, which are hereby granted to him, apparently
+'sine fisco,' tax-free.
+
+[But the meaning may be, 'the marshes which you drain _sine
+fisco_'--without help from the Treasury.]
+
+The chief point of difference between this and the previous letter is
+that here Decius is allowed and encouraged to associate partners with
+him in the drainage-scheme, whom he is to reward according to their
+share of the work. Thus will he be less likely to sink under the
+enterprise, and he will also lessen men's envy of his success.
+
+
+34. KING THEODORIC TO ARTEMIDORUS, PRAEFECT OF THE CITY.
+
+[Sidenote: Embezzlement of City building funds.]
+
+'The persons to whom money was entrusted for the rebuilding of the
+walls of Rome have been embezzling it, as was proved by your
+examination of their accounts (discussio). We are very glad that you
+have not hidden their misconduct from us (inclined as a generous mind
+is to cover up offences), since you would thereby have made yourself
+partaker of their evil deeds. They must restore that which they have
+dishonestly appropriated, but we shall not (as we might fairly do)
+inflict upon them any further fine. We are naturally inclined to
+clemency, and they will groan at having to give up plunder which they
+had already calculated upon as their own.'
+
+
+35. KING THEODORIC TO TANCILA, SENATOR.
+
+[We have here another Senator with a Gothic name].
+
+[Sidenote: Theft of brazen statue at Como.]
+
+'We are much displeased at hearing that a brazen statue has been
+stolen from the City of Como. It is vexatious that while we are
+labouring to increase the ornaments of our cities, those which
+Antiquity has bequeathed to us should by such deeds be diminished.
+Offer a reward of 100 aurei (L60) to anyone who will reveal the author
+of this crime; promise pardon [to an accomplice], and if this does not
+suffice, call all the workmen together "post diem venerabilem" [Does
+this mean on the day after Sunday?], and enquire of them "sub terrore"
+[by torture?] by whose help this has been done. For such a piece of
+work as moving this statue could only have been undertaken by some
+handicraftsman.'
+
+
+36. EDICT ABOUT THE STATUE AT COMO.
+
+[Refers to previous letter.]
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'Though impunity for the crime should be sufficient reward, we promise
+100 aurei, as well as forgiveness for his share in the offence, to
+anyone who will reveal the author of the theft of the statue at Como.
+A golden reward for a brazen theft. Anyone not accepting this offer
+and afterwards convicted will suffer the extreme penalty of the law.'
+
+
+37. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Largesse to citizens of Spoleto.]
+
+'As our Kingdom and revenues prosper, we wish to increase our
+liberality. Let your Magnificence therefore give to the citizens of
+Spoletium another "millena" for extraordinary gratuitous admissions to
+the baths[269]. We wish to pay freely for anything that tends to the
+health of our citizens, because the praise of our times is the
+celebration of the joys of the people.'
+
+[Footnote 269: 'Ad exhibitionem thermarum supra consuetudinem.']
+
+[The 'millena' probably means 1,000 solidi, or L600.]
+
+
+38. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Immunity from taxation. Hostile ravages.]
+
+'We have no pleasure in gains which are acquired by the misery of our
+subjects. We are informed that the merchants of the city of Sipontum
+[in Apulia] have been grievously despoiled by hostile incursions
+[probably by the Byzantine fleet in 508]. Let your Magnificence
+therefore see to it that they are for two years not vexed by any
+claims for purveyance (coemptio) on the part of our Treasury. But
+their other creditors must give them the same indulgence.'
+
+
+39. KING THEODORIC TO ALOISIUS THE ARCHITECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Hot springs of Aponum.]
+
+'The fountain of Aponus--so called originally in the Greek language as
+being the remover of pain[270]--has many marvellous and beneficial
+properties, for the sake of which the buildings round it ought to be
+kept in good repair. One may see it welling up from the bowels of the
+earth in spherical form, under a canopy of steam. From this parent
+spring the waters, glassy-clear and having lost their first
+impetuosity, flow by various channels into chambers prepared for them
+by nature but made longer by art. In the first, when the boiling
+element dashes against the rock, it is hot enough to make a natural
+sudatorium; then it cools sufficiently for the tepidarium; and at
+last, quite cold, flows out into a fish-pond like that of Nero.
+Marvellous provision of Nature, whereby the opposing elements, fire
+and water, are joined in harmonious union and made to soothe the pain
+and remove the sickness of man! Yet more wonderful is the moral purity
+of this fountain. Should a woman descend into the bath when men are
+using it, it suddenly grows hotter, as if with indignation that out of
+its abundant supply of waters separate bathing-places should not be
+constructed for the two sexes, if they wish to enjoy its bounty[271].
+Moreover, those secret caves, the bowels of the mountains from whence
+it springs, have power even to judge contentious business. For if any
+sheep-stealer presumes to bring to it the fleece of his prey, however
+often he may dip it in the seething wave, he will have to boil it
+before he succeeds in cleansing it.
+
+[Footnote 270: [Greek: aponos].]
+
+[Footnote 271: I think this is Cassiodorus' meaning, but his language
+is obscure.]
+
+'This fountain then, as we before said, deserves a worthy habitation.
+If there be anything to repair in the _thermae_ themselves or in the
+passages (cuniculi), let this be done out of the money which we now
+send you. Let the thorns and briers which have grown up around it be
+rooted up. Let the palace, shaken with extreme old age, be
+strengthened by careful restoration. Let the space which intervenes
+between the public building and the source of the hot-spring be
+cleared of its woodland roughness, and the turf around rejoice in the
+green beauty which it derives from the heated waters.'
+
+[The hot-springs of Abano, the ancient Aponum, are situated near the
+Euganean Hills, and are about six miles from Padua. The heat of the
+water varies from 77 deg. to 185 deg. (Fahr.). The chief chemical ingredients
+are, as stated by Cassiodorus, salt and sulphur. Some of the minute
+description of Cassiodorus (greatly condensed in the above abstract)
+seems to be still applicable; but he does not mention the mud-baths
+which now take a prominent place in the cure. On the other hand, the
+wonderful moral qualities of the spring are not mentioned by modern
+travellers.]
+
+
+40. KING THEODORIC TO BOETIUS THE PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Boetius to choose a harper for the King of the Franks.]
+
+'The King of the Franks [Clovis] has asked us to send him a harper. We
+felt that in you lay our best chance of complying with his request,
+because you, being such a lover of music yourself, will be able to
+introduce us to the right man.'
+
+Reflections on the nature of music. She is the Queen of the senses;
+when she comes forth from her secret abiding place all other thoughts
+are cast out. Her curative influence on the soul.
+
+The five tones: the Dorian[272], influencing to modesty and purity;
+the Phrygian to fierce combat; the Aeolian to tranquillity and
+slumber; the Ionian (Jastius), which sharpens the intellect of the
+dull and kindles the desire of heavenly things; the Lydian, which
+soothes the soul oppressed with too many cares.
+
+[Footnote 272: Cf. Milton:
+
+ 'To the Dorian mood
+ Of flutes and soft recorders; such as rais'd
+ To highth of noblest temper heroes old
+ Arming to battle, and instead of rage
+ Deliberate valour breath'd, firm and unmov'd
+ With dread of death to flight or foul retreat.']
+
+We distinguish the highest, middle, and lowest in each tone, obtaining
+thus in all fifteen tones of artificial music.
+
+The diapason is collected from all, and unites all their virtues.
+
+Classical instances of music:
+
+ Orpheus.
+ Amphion.
+ Musaeus.
+
+The human voice as an instrument of music. Oratory and Poesy as
+branches of the art.
+
+The power of song: Ulysses and the Sirens.
+
+David the author of the Psalter, who by his melody three (?) times
+drove away the evil spirit from Saul.
+
+The lyre is called 'chorda,' because it so easily moves the hearts
+(corda) of men.
+
+As the diadem dazzles by the variegated lustre of its gems, so the
+lyre with its divers sounds.
+
+The lyre, the loom of the Muses.
+
+Mercury, the inventor of the lyre, is said to have derived the idea of
+it from the harmony of the spheres. This astral music, apprehended by
+reason alone, is said to form one of the delights of heaven. 'If
+philosophers had placed that enjoyment not in sweet sounds but in the
+contemplation of the Creator, they would have spoken fitly; for there
+is truly joy without end, eternity abiding for ever without weariness,
+and the mere contemplation of the Divinity produces such happiness
+that nothing can surpass it. This Being furnishes the true
+immortality; this heaps delight upon delight; and as outside of Him no
+creature can exist, so without Him changeless happiness cannot
+be[273].
+
+[Footnote 273: 'Bene quidem arbitrati, si causam celestis beatitudinis
+non in sonis sed in Creatore possuissent; ubi veraciter sine fine
+gaudium est, sine aliquo taedio manens semper aeternitas: et inspectio
+sola Divinitatis efficit, ut beatius esse nil possit. Haec veraciter
+perennitatem praestat: haec jucunditates accumulat; et sicut praeter
+ipsam creatura non extat, ita sine ipsa incommutabilem laetitiam
+habere non praevalet.']
+
+'We have indulged ourselves in a pleasant digression, because it is
+always agreeable to talk of learning with the learned; but be sure to
+get us that _Citharoedus_, who will go forth like another Orpheus to
+charm the beast-like hearts of the Barbarians. You will thus both obey
+us and render yourself famous.'
+
+
+41. KING THEODORIC TO LUDUIN [CLOVIS], KING OF THE FRANKS.
+
+[Sidenote: Victories of Clovis over the Alamanni.]
+
+Congratulates him on his recent victories over the Alamanni. Refers to
+the ties of affinity between them (Theodoric having married the sister
+of Clovis). Clovis has stirred up the nation of the Franks, 'prisca
+aetate residem,' to new and successful encounters. 'It is a memorable
+triumph that the impetuous Alaman should be struck with such terror as
+even to beg for his life. Let it suffice that that King with all the
+pride of his race should have fallen: let it suffice that an
+innumerable people should have been doomed either to the sword or to
+slavery.'
+
+He recommends (almost orders) Clovis not to touch the panic-stricken
+refugees who have fled to the territory of Theodoric. Theodoric
+himself has always found that those wars were prosperously waged which
+were ended moderately.
+
+Theodoric sends 'illum et illum' as ambassadors, to take certain
+verbal counsels from himself, to bring this letter and carry back the
+reply, and also to introduce the Citharoedus of whom we heard in the
+preceding letter[274].
+
+[Footnote 274: There are two allusions to the relationship between the
+Kings: 'vestrae virtutis affinitate' (line 1), and 'ad parentum
+vestrorum defensionem confugisse' (line 10).]
+
+[The campaign of Clovis against the Alamanni, referred to in this
+letter, is not mentioned by Gregory of Tours. Ennodius, however, in
+his Panegyric on Theodoric, and Agathias in his History, make distinct
+allusions to this event, and to Theodoric's reception of the
+vanquished Alamanni in his own dominions, probably in the valleys of
+Raetia.
+
+This letter is very fully discussed by Von Schubert, at pp. 32-43 of
+his 'Unterwerfung der Alamannen' (Strassburg, 1884). I may also refer
+to 'Italy and her Invaders' iii. 390-91.
+
+The date of the letter is probably about 504.]
+
+
+
+
+BOOK III.
+
+CONTAINING FIFTY-THREE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF
+THEODORIC.
+
+
+1. KING THEODORIC TO ALARIC, KING OF THE VISIGOTHS.
+
+[Sidenote: Dissuades Alaric the Visigoth from war with the Franks.]
+
+'Surrounded as you are by an innumerable multitude of subjects, and
+strong in the remembrance of their having turned back Attila[275],
+still do not fight with Clovis. War is a terrible thing, and a
+terrible risk. The long peace may have softened the hearts of your
+people, and your soldiers from want of practice may have lost the
+habit of working together on the battlefield. Ere yet blood is shed,
+draw back if possible. We are sending ambassadors to the King of the
+Franks to try to prevent this war between our relatives; and the
+ambassadors whom we are sending to you will go on to Gundibad, King of
+the Burgundians, to get him to interpose on behalf of peace. Your
+enemy will be mine also.'
+
+[Footnote 275: 'Quamvis Attilam potentem reminiscamini Visigothorum
+viribus inclinatum.']
+
+[The battle of Vougle in which Alaric was overthrown by Clovis, was
+fought in 507; but the date of this letter is probably 506 (Dahn's
+date) rather than 507, as there were no doubt some premonitory
+symptoms before the war broke out.
+
+Binding i. 181 (_n._ 608), and Pallmann ii. 55 _n._ 1, and 135 _n._ 2,
+incline to a date somewhat earlier even than 506, thinking that there
+may have been earlier threatenings of war, which Theodoric succeeded
+for the time in averting.
+
+The earlier the date the better will it suit the allusion to Clovis
+(and Alaric) as 'Regii _Juvenes_' in the following letter. Clovis was
+born in 466, and was therefore 41 years of age at the battle of
+Vougle.]
+
+
+2. KING THEODORIC TO GUNDIBAD, KING OF THE BURGUNDIANS.
+
+[Sidenote: Dissuades Gundibad from war.]
+
+Repeats the arguments in iii. 1 about the ill effects of war on the
+fortunes of all, and says that it is Theodoric's part to moderate the
+angry impulses of 'regii juvenes.' It becomes them to reverence
+'senes,' such as Theodoric and Gundibad, although they are themselves
+in the balmy vigour of the flower of their age.
+
+Sends two ambassadors ('illum atque illum') with letters and a verbal
+message, hoping that the wisdom of Gundibad may reflect upon what they
+say to him [perhaps too delicate a matter to be committed to writing],
+and find some way of preserving peace.
+
+[It is remarkable that in this letter Theodoric, who was probably only
+52, if the date of it be 506, and who may have been a year or two
+younger, speaks of himself along with Gundibad as a _senex_, and of
+Clovis, who could hardly be more than twelve years his junior, as
+_regius juvenis_. Perhaps this is partly due to the fact that
+Cassiodorus speaks from his own point of view. To him, now about 26
+years of age, Theodoric might seem to be fitly described as 'senex.'
+
+See Binding i. 181-183 on this letter and the reasons why it produced
+no effect on Gundibad. See also Dahn ii. 144.]
+
+
+3. KING THEODORIC TO THE KINGS OF THE HERULI, WARNI (GUARNI), AND
+THURINGIANS.
+
+[Sidenote: Attempt to form a Teutonic coalition on behalf of Alaric.]
+
+[On the same subject.] If Clovis succeeds in his unprovoked aggression
+on Alaric, none of his neighbours will be safe. 'I will tell you just
+what I think: he who inclines to act without law is prepared to shake
+the kingdoms of all of us[276].'
+
+[Footnote 276: Compare the state of Europe during the wars of the
+French Revolution, as expressed by Tennyson:
+
+ 'Again their ravening eagle rose,
+ In anger, wheel'd on Europe-shadowing wings,
+ And barking for the thrones of kings.']
+
+'Remember how often Alaric's father Euric gave you presents and staved
+off war from your borders. Repay to the son the kindness of the
+father. I send you two ambassadors, and I want you to join your
+representations to mine and Gundibad's, calling on Clovis to desist
+from his attacks on Alaric and seek redress from the law of
+nations[277], or else expect the combined attack of all of us, for
+this quarrel is really the quarrel of us all.'
+
+[Footnote 277: 'Et leges gentium quaerat.' But how was the law of
+nations to be enforced?]
+
+[The turn of the Thuringians to be swallowed up by the Frankish
+Monarchy came in 531.
+
+See on this letter Dahn, 'Koenige der Germanen' ii. 144 and 8 _n._ 2;
+Pallmann ii. 55.]
+
+
+4. KING THEODORIC TO LUDUIN (LUDWIG, OR CLOVIS), KING OF THE FRANKS.
+
+[Sidenote: Desires Clovis to desist from war on Alaric.]
+
+[On the same subject.] 'The affinities of kings ought to keep their
+subjects from the plague of war. We are grieved to hear of the paltry
+causes which are giving rise to rumours of war between you and our son
+Alaric, rumours which gladden the hearts of the enemies of both of
+you. Let me say with all frankness, but with all affection, just what
+I think: "It is the act of a passionate man to get his troops ready
+for action at the first embassy which he sends." Instead of that refer
+the matter to our arbitration. It would be a delight to me to choose
+men capable of mediating between you. What would you yourselves think
+of me if I could hear unmoved of your murderous intentions towards one
+another? Away with this conflict, in which one of you will probably be
+utterly destroyed. Throw away the sword which you wield for _my_
+humiliation. By what right do I thus threaten you? By the right of a
+father and a friend. He who shall despise this advice of ours will
+have to reckon us and our friends as his adversaries.
+
+'I send two ambassadors to you, as I have to my son Alaric, and hope
+that they may be able so to arrange matters that no alien malignity
+may sow the seeds of dissension between you, and that your nations,
+which under your fathers have long enjoyed the blessings of peace, may
+not now be laid waste by sudden collision. You ought to believe him
+who, as you know, has rejoiced in your prosperity. No true friend is
+he who launches his associates, unwarned, into the headlong dangers of
+war.'
+
+
+5. KING THEODORIC TO IMPORTUNUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Importunus promoted to the Patriciate.]
+
+[Importunus was Consul in 509. This letter therefore probably belongs
+to the early part of 510.]
+
+'Noble birth and noble deeds meet in you, and we are therefore
+bestowing on you an honour to which by age you are scarcely yet
+entitled. Your father and uncle were especially noteworthy, the glory
+of the Senate, men who adorned modern ages[278] with the antique
+virtues, men who were prosperous without being hated. The Senate felt
+their courage, the multitude their wisdom.
+
+[Footnote 278: Notice the use of the word _modernus_ here, a
+post-classical word, which apparently occurs first in Cassiodorus.]
+
+'Therefore, being descended from such ancestors, and yourself
+possessing such virtues, on laying down the Consular fasces, assume
+the insignia of the Patriciate. Bind those fillets, which are
+generally reserved for the hoary head, round your young locks, and by
+your future actions justify my choice of you.'
+
+
+6. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE ON IMPORTUNUS' ACCESSION TO THE
+PATRICIATE.
+
+[See preceding letter.]
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'We delight to introduce new men to the Senate, but we delight still
+more when we can bring back to that venerable body, crowned with fresh
+honours, her own offspring[279]. And such is now my fortune in
+presenting to you Importunus, crowned with the honours of the
+Patriciate; Importunus, who is descended from the great stock of the
+Decii, a stock illustrated by noble names in every generation, by the
+favour of the Senate and the choice of the people. Even as a boy he
+had a countenance of serene beauty, and to the gifts of Nature he
+added the endowments of the mind. From his parents in household lays
+he learned the great deeds of the old Decii. Once, at a great
+spectacle, the whole school at the recitation of the Lay of the Decii
+turned their eyes on Importunus, discerning that he would one day
+rival his ancestors. Thus his widowed mother brought him up, him and
+all his troop of brothers, and gave to the Curia as many Consulars as
+she had sons[280]. All these private virtues I have discerned in him,
+and now seal them with promotion to the Patriciate. At this act I call
+on you specially to rejoice.'
+
+[Footnote 279: 'Origo ipsa jam gloria est: laus nobilitati
+connascitur. Idem vobis est dignitatis, quod vitae principium. Senatus
+enim honor amplissimus vobiscum gignitur, ad quem vix maturis
+aetatibus pervenitur.']
+
+[Footnote 280: 'Et quot edidit familiae juvenes, tot reddidit curiae
+consulares.']
+
+
+7. KING THEODORIC TO THE VENERABLE JANUARIUS, BISHOP OF SALONA.
+
+[Sidenote: Extortion by the Bishop of Salona.]
+
+'The lamentable petition of John says that you have taken sixty tuns
+of oil from him, and never paid him for them. It is especially
+important that preachers of righteousness should be righteous
+themselves. We cannot suppose that God is ignorant whence come the
+offerings which we make before Him [and He must therefore hate robbery
+for a burnt offering]. Pray enquire into this matter, and if the
+complaint be well founded remedy it promptly. You who preach to us our
+duty in great things should not be caught tripping in little ones.'
+
+
+8. KING THEODORIC TO VENANTIUS, SENATOR, CORRECTOR OF LUCANIA AND
+BRUTTII.
+
+[Sidenote: Remissness of Venantius in collection of public revenue.]
+
+[Venantius, son of Liberius, was, with many high commendations, made
+Comes Domesticorum in Letters ii. 15 and 16. See further as to his
+fall in iii. 36, also iii. 46.]
+
+'Remissness in the collection of the public taxes is a great fault,
+and no kindness in the end to the taxpayer. For want of a timely
+caution you probably have to end by selling him up.
+
+'The Count of Sacred Largesses tells us that you were long ago
+commissioned to get in the _Bina_ and _Terna_ [and have not done so].
+Be quick about it, that the collection may be completed according to
+the registers of the Treasury. If you are not quick, and the Treasury
+suffers loss, you will have to make it good out of your private
+property. You have not shown proper respect to our orders, nor a due
+sense of the obligation of your own promise.'
+
+[These 'Bina' and 'Terna' are a mystery; but Dahn[281] thinks they are
+not a specially Gothic tax, but an inheritance from the fiscal
+administration of Rome, having probably nothing to do with the
+Tertiae.]
+
+[Footnote 281: iii. 145, _n._ 4.]
+
+
+9. KING THEODORIC TO THE POSSESSORES, DEFENSORES, AND CURIALES[282]
+DWELLING AT AESTUNAE[283].
+
+[Footnote 282: Note these three classes; as also in ii. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 283: I have not been able to identify this place.]
+
+[Sidenote: Marbles for Ravenna.]
+
+'We wish to build new edifices without despoiling the old[284]. But we
+are informed that in your municipality there are blocks of masonry and
+columns formerly belonging to some building now lying absolutely
+useless and unhonoured. If it be so, send these slabs of marble[285]
+and columns[286] by all means to Ravenna, that they may be again made
+beautiful and take their place in a building there.'
+
+[Footnote 284: 'Moderna sine priorum imminutione desideramus
+erigere.']
+
+[Footnote 285: 'Platonias.' This, which is the spelling found in
+Nivellius' edition, seems to be a more correct form than the
+'platomas' of Garet. Ducange, who has a long article on the subject,
+refers the word to the Greek [Greek: platunion].]
+
+[Footnote 286: Possibly the columns in S. Apollinare Deutro may have
+been some of those here mentioned.]
+
+
+10. KING THEODORIC TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS FESTUS, PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+A similar order, for the transport of marbles from the Pincian Hill to
+Ravenna, by Catabulenses[287]. 'We have ordered a "subvectus"
+[assistance from the public postal-service?], that the labourers may
+set to work at once.'
+
+[Footnote 287: 'Catabulenses,' or 'Catabolenses'--freighters,
+contractors, who effected the transport of heavy goods by means of
+draught-horses and mules.]
+
+
+11. KING THEODORIC TO ARGOLICUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS [A.D. 510].
+
+[Sidenote: Argolicus appointed Praefect of the City.]
+
+Announces to this young man his nomination to the Praefecture of the
+City (for the 4th Indiction). Enlarges on the dignity of the office,
+especially as involving the Presidency of the Senate, and calls upon
+him by a righteous and sober life to show himself worthy of the
+choice.
+
+Argolicus is a great student [perhaps a literary friend of
+Cassiodorus], and he is exhorted to keep himself in the right path by
+musing on the great examples of antiquity.
+
+[There is a sort of tone of apology for the appointment of Argolicus,
+which is perhaps accounted for by the fact, which comes out in the
+next letter, that his father was a comparatively poor man.
+
+See a sharp rebuke of Argolicus for venal procrastination, iv. 29.]
+
+
+12. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+Rehearses the usual sentiments about the dignity of the Senate and
+Theodoric's care in the choice of officials.
+
+'It is easier, if one may say so, for Nature herself to err, than that
+a Sovereign should make a State unlike to himself.'
+
+Recounts the ancestry of Argolicus. The older Senators will remember
+his eloquent and purely-living grandfather, a man of perfectly
+orthodox reputation, who filled the offices of Comes Sacrarum
+Largitionum and Magister Officiorum. His father never stained the
+dignity of 'Comes Privatarum' by cruelty, and was free from ill-gotten
+gains in an age when avarice was not accounted a crime[288].
+
+[Footnote 288: Tillemont understands this of the times of Odovacar,
+vi. 438.]
+
+'We may hope that the son will follow the example of such
+distinguished ancestors.'
+
+
+13. KING THEODORIC TO SUNHIVAD, SENATOR.
+
+[Sidenote: Sunhivad, Governor of Samnium.]
+
+[Notice again the Roman title and Gothic name.]
+
+'You who have ruled your own life in a long career so well should make
+a good governor of others. I therefore send you to Samnium as
+Governor, in reply to the complaints which reach me from that
+Province. Settle according to the law of justice the disputes which
+have arisen there between the Romans and the Goths.'
+
+
+14. KING THEODORIC TO THE VENERABLE BISHOP AURIGENES.
+
+[Sidenote: Accusations against the servants of a Bishop.]
+
+'You as a Bishop will be especially grieved to hear of any offences
+against the sanctity of the married state. Julianus complains that his
+wife has been outraged and his goods wasted by some of your servants
+[probably slaves].
+
+'Do you enquire into the matter, and if the complaint appears to be
+just, deal promptly and severely with the offenders.'
+
+[Cf. Dahn, 'Koenige der Germanen' iii. 193, on this letter. He shows
+that it has been improperly appealed to as proving the immunity of all
+ecclesiastical persons from a secular tribunal. What Theodoric really
+intended was to give the Bishop a chance of settling the affair
+himself, and so to prevent the scandal of its appearing in the secular
+Courts, which it assuredly would do if the Bishop were apathetic. But
+one sees how easily this would glide into something like immunity from
+secular tribunals.]
+
+
+15. KING THEODORIC TO THEODAHAD, SENATOR[289].
+
+[Footnote 289: This is no doubt the nephew of Theodoric.]
+
+[Sidenote: A contumacious person handed over to Theodahad.]
+
+'It is the extreme of insolence in anyone not to execute our "sacred
+orders." A certain person whom we commanded to attend before the
+judgment-seat of the Illustrious Sona, has with inveterate cunning
+withdrawn himself therefrom. We therefore hand him over to you, that
+your fame may grow by your skilful management of a difficult case like
+this.'
+
+
+16. KING THEODORIC TO GEMELLUS, SENATOR (509-510).
+
+[Sidenote: Appointment of Gemellus as Governor of Gaul.]
+
+'Having proved your worth by experience we are now going to send you
+to govern the Provinces of Gaul newly wrested [from Clovis], as Vicar
+of the Praefects[290].
+
+[Footnote 290: 'Vicarius Praefectorum.' Vicar of what Praefects? Why
+the plural number? Had Theodoric a titular Praefect _of the Gauls_, to
+whom this Vicarius was theoretically subject while practically obeying
+the Praefect of Italy? Or, to prevent bickerings, did he give the
+'Praefectus Italiae' and the 'Praefectus Urbis' conjoint authority
+over the new conquests? There is some mystery here which would be
+worth explaining.]
+
+'Think what a high opinion we must have formed of you to delegate to
+you the government of these Provinces, the conquest of which has added
+so much to our glory, and the good opinion of whose inhabitants we so
+particularly wish to acquire. Abhor turbulence; do not think of
+avarice; show yourself in all things such a Governor as "Romanus
+Princeps" ought to send, and let the Province feel such an improvement
+in her lot that she may "rejoice to have been conquered."'
+
+[This is so like the words put by Sidonius into the mouth of Lyons,
+after Majorian's conquest of her, that I believe it to be
+intentionally imitated.]
+
+
+17. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GAULISH PROVINCES (510).
+
+[Sidenote: Proclamation to the new Gaulish subjects.]
+
+'Obey the Roman customs. You are now by God's blessing restored to
+your ancient freedom; put off the barbarian; clothe yourselves with
+the morals of the toga; unlearn cruelty, that you may not be unworthy
+to be our subjects. We are sending you Spectabilis Gemellus as
+Vicarius Praefectorum, a man of tried worth, who we trust will be
+guilty of no crime, because he knows he would thereby seriously
+displease us. Obey his commands therefore. Do not dislike the reign of
+Law because it is new to you, after the aimless seethings of Barbarism
+(Gentilitas).
+
+'You may now bring out your long-hidden treasures; the rich and the
+noble will again have a chance of suitable promotion. You may now
+enjoy what till now you have only heard of--the triumph of Public
+Right, the most certain solace of human life, the help of the weak,
+the curb of the strong. You may now understand that men are exalted
+not by their bodily strength, but by reason.'
+
+[Some of these reflections on the past misgovernment of _Gentilitas_
+hit the Visigoths, Theodoric's friends, harder than the Franks. If the
+Gaulish nobles of the south-eastern Provinces (and these were all that
+Theodoric had conquered) had _long_ been obliged to hide the treasures
+of their fathers, that surely was the fault rather of Euric and Alaric
+II than of Clovis.
+
+Cf. Dahn, 'Koenige der Germanen' iii. 261-2, on all this
+correspondence.]
+
+
+18. KING THEODORIC TO GEMELLUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Magnus to be restored to his possessions.]
+
+[Probably during his government of Gaul].
+
+'We wish that all who have elected to live under our Clemency should
+be the better for it.
+
+'The Spectabilis Magnus, spurning the conversation of our enemies
+[Franks?], and remembering his own origin, has sought re-patriation in
+the Roman Empire; but during his absence his property has suffered
+loss. Let him therefore be restored to, and henceforward have
+unquestioned possession of, all that he can prove to be his own in the
+way of lands, urban or rural slaves.'
+
+
+19. KING THEODORIC TO DANIEL [A 'COMMONITORIUM'].
+
+[Sidenote: Monopoly of supply of marble sarcophagi.]
+
+'We wish the servants of our palace to have proper reward for their
+labours, though we might call on them to render them gratuitously.
+Therefore, being much pleased with your skill in preparing and
+ornamenting marbles, we concede to you the [sole] right of furnishing
+the marble chests in which the citizens of Ravenna bury their dead.
+
+'They thus keep them above ground--no small consolation to the
+survivors, since the souls alone depart from this world's
+conversation; but they do not altogether lose the bodies which once
+were dear to them.
+
+'Do not, however, impose upon their sadness; do not let a relative be
+forced to the alternative of wasting his substance in funeral
+expenses, or else throwing the body of his dear one into some well. Be
+moderate in your charges.'
+
+[Odovacar was buried [Greek: en lithine larnaki] (Joann. Ant. fr.
+214). The great stone coffins of Honorius and Valentinian will be
+remembered by every visitor to Ravenna.]
+
+
+20. KING THEODORIC TO THE SAJO GRIMODA AND TO THE APPARITOR
+FERROCINCTUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Oppression of Castorius by Faustus.]
+
+[Cf. Dahn, 'Koenige der Germanen' iii. 86 and 113.]
+
+'We are determined to assist the humble, and to repress the violence
+of the proud.
+
+'The lamentable petition of Castorius sets forth that he has been
+unjustly deprived of his property by the magnificent Praetorian
+Praefect Faustus. [The same, no doubt, to whom are addressed iii. 55,
+i. 35, and the immediately succeeding letter (iii. 21).]
+
+'If it be so, let the invader (pervasor) restore to Castorius his
+property, and hand over, besides, another property of equal value.
+
+'If Faustus have employed any intermediate person in the act of
+violence, let him be brought to us in chains; and if that well-known
+author of ill [Faustus] tries any further to injure Castorius, he
+shall pay L2,000, besides having the misery of seeing his would-be
+victim unharmed.
+
+'No Powers of any kind, be they Praetorian Praefects or what they may,
+shall be permitted to trample on the lowly.'
+
+
+21. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Disgrace and temporary exile of Faustus.]
+
+'As all men require change, Faustus is allowed to absent himself from
+the sacred walls of Rome for four months, which he may spend at his
+own Penates. The King expects, however, that he will then return to
+the most famous (opinatissima) City, from which no Roman Senator can
+long be absent without grief.'
+
+[Coupling this letter with its immediate predecessor it is difficult
+not to believe that Faustus is sent away in disgrace--notwithstanding
+the smooth words here used--for the act of injustice therein
+mentioned.
+
+But why is he only addressed as Vir Illustris, and not also as
+Praefectus? Perhaps his term of office was expired; perhaps he was
+even dismissed from it.]
+
+
+22. KING THEODORIC TO ARTEMIDORUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS.
+
+[Sidenote: An earnest invitation to the King's friend, Artemidorus.]
+
+'We hereby [by these oracles] invite your Greatness to behold us,
+which we know will be most agreeable to you, in order that you who
+have now spent a large portion of your life with us may be satisfied
+by the sweetness of our presence. He who is permitted to share our
+converse deems it a Divine boon. We believe that you will come gladly,
+as we shall entertain you with alacrity.'
+
+[Cf. Dahn iii. 283-4. The ending of the letter (Venire te gaudentem
+credimus, quem alacriter sustinemus) is the common form, and
+'sustineo' is a technical word for the King's reception of his
+subjects: see iii. 28, ad finem.]
+
+
+23. KING THEODORIC TO COLOSSAEUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES (CIR. A.D.
+505).
+
+[Sidenote: Appointment of Colossaeus as Governor of Pannonia.]
+
+'We delight to entrust our mandates to persons of approved character.
+
+'We are sending you "with the dignity of the illustrious belt" to
+Pannonia Sirmiensis, an old habitation of the Goths. Let that Province
+be induced to welcome her old defenders, even as she used gladly to
+obey our ancestors. Show forth the justice of the Goths, a nation
+happily situated for praise, since it is theirs to unite the
+forethought of the Romans and the virtue of the Barbarians. Remove all
+ill-planted customs[291], and impress upon all your subordinates that
+we would rather that our Treasury lost a suit than that it gained one
+wrongfully, rather that we lost money than the taxpayer was driven to
+suicide.'
+
+[Footnote 291: 'Consuetudines abominanter inolitas.' Fornerius thinks
+this means 'all extortionate taxes.' Compare the English use of the
+word 'customs.']
+
+[Cf. Muchar, 'Geschichte der Steiermark' iv. 131.]
+
+
+24. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE BARBARIANS AND ROMANS SETTLED IN
+PANNONIA.
+
+[Cf. Muchar, iv. 132.]
+
+[Sidenote: To the Pannonians, on the appointment of Colossaeus.]
+
+'Intent on the welfare of our subjects we are sending you Colossaeus
+for Governor. His name means a mighty man; and a mighty man he is, who
+has given many proofs of his virtue. Now we exhort you with patience
+and constancy to submit yourselves to his authority. Do not excite
+that wrath before which our enemies tremble. Acquiesce in the rule of
+justice in which the whole world rejoices. Why should you, who have
+now an upright Judge[292], settle your grievances by single combat?
+What has man got a tongue for, if the armed hand is to settle all
+differences? or where can peace be looked for, if there is fighting in
+a civilised State like ours[293]? Imitate then our Goths, who have
+learned to practise war abroad, to show peaceable dispositions at
+home. We want you so to live as you see that our subjects (parentes)
+have lived and flourished under the Divine blessing.'
+
+[Footnote 292: 'Cur ad monomachiam recurritis, qui venalem judicem non
+habetis?']
+
+[Footnote 293: 'Aut unde pax quaeritur si sub civilitate pugnetur.']
+
+
+25. KING THEODORIC TO SIMEON, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES.
+
+[Sidenote: Tax-collecting and iron-mining in Dalmatia.]
+
+'We entrust to you the duty of collecting throughout the Province of
+Dalmatia the arrears of Siliquaticum for the first, second, and third
+Indictions [Sept. 1, 506, to Aug. 31, 509]. We do this not only for
+the sake of gain to our Treasury, but to prevent the demoralisation of
+our subjects.
+
+'Also by careful mining (cuniculo veritatis) seek out the iron veins
+in Dalmatia, where the softness of earth is pregnant with the rigour
+of iron, which is cooked by fire that it may become hard.
+
+'Iron enables us to defend our country, is serviceable for agriculture
+and for countless arts of human life: yea, iron is master of gold,
+compelling the rich man, weaponless, to obey the poor man who wields a
+blade of steel.'
+
+
+26. KING THEODORIC TO OSUN, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COUNT.
+
+[Sidenote: Simeon's journey to Dalmatia.]
+
+Commands him to provide all the necessaries for the journey of
+'Clarissimus' Simeon, setting off for Dalmatia on the aforesaid
+mission to collect Siliquaticum and develop the iron mines.
+
+[Why is Simeon not called Illustris, as in the previous letter? This
+seems to show that the titles 'Clarissimus' and 'Illustris' were not
+always used with technical exactness, as they would have been under
+Diocletian.]
+
+
+27. KING THEODORIC TO JOANNES, SENATOR, CONSULAR OF CAMPANIA.
+
+[Sidenote: Promises protection against the Praetorian Praefect.]
+
+'You have not complained to us in vain that the Praetorian Praefect
+[perhaps again Faustus] is venting a private grudge against you under
+colour of the discharge of his public duty. We will wall you round
+with our protection. Go now and discharge the duties of Consular of
+Campania with the like devotion as your predecessors, and with this
+reflection: "If the King prevents my superior the Praetorian Praefect
+from doing me harm, with what unfailing rigour will he visit me if I
+do wrong."'
+
+
+28. KING THEODORIC TO CASSIODORUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN[294].
+
+[Footnote 294: Father of the writer.]
+
+[Sidenote: An invitation to Cassiodorus Senior to come to Court.]
+
+'For your glorious services, and your incorruptible administration,
+which has given deep peace to the nation, we reward you by summoning
+you to Court.
+
+'Having endeavoured to check _another_ [probably alluding to the
+disgrace of Faustus], we have bestowed our praises on you, as all the
+Palace knows. Come then, come eagerly, as he should do whom his
+Sovereign is going to entertain[295].'
+
+[Footnote 295: There is an obscure sentence in this letter: 'Hinc
+omnibus factus notior, quia multi te positum in potestate nesciunt.'
+Possibly the meaning is that the elder Cassiodorus used his power so
+little for his own private aggrandisement, that many people did not
+even know that he possessed it.]
+
+
+29. KING THEODORIC TO ARGOLICUS, ILLUSTRIS AND PRAEFECT OF THE CITY.
+
+[Sidenote: Permission to Paulinus to repair certain granaries at
+Rome.]
+
+'The King should sow his gifts broadcast, as the sower his seeds--not
+put them all into one hole.
+
+'The Patrician Paulinus represents to us that such and such granaries
+are falling into ruin and are of no use to anyone, and asks to be
+allowed to repair them and transmit them to his heirs. We consent to
+this, if you are of opinion that they are not wanted for the public,
+and if there is no corn in them belonging to our Treasury.
+
+'It is especially fitting that all ruined buildings should be repaired
+in Rome. In Rome, praised beyond all other cities by the world's
+mouth, there should be nothing sordid or mediocre[296].'
+
+[Footnote 296: This letter is well illustrated by an inscription of
+the time of Severus Alexander, found at Great Chesters in
+Northumberland, and recording the repair of 'horreum vetustate
+conlabsum.' The words of Cassiodorus are 'horrea longi temporis
+vetustate destructa.']
+
+
+30. KING THEODORIC TO ARGOLICUS, ILLUSTRIS AND PRAEFECTUS URBIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Repair of the Cloacae of Rome.]
+
+'We are ever vigilant for the repair and beautification of Rome.
+
+'Let your Sublimity know that we have directed John to repair the
+Cloacae of the City, those splendid works which strike astonishment
+into the hearts of all beholders. There you see rivers as it were shut
+in by concave mountains, flowing down through mighty rafters[297] (?).
+There you see men steering their ships with the utmost possible care,
+lest they should suffer shipwreck. Hence may the greatness of Rome be
+inferred. What other city can compare with her in her heights when
+even her depths are so incomparable?
+
+[Footnote 297: 'Per ingentia ligna decurrere.' Fornerius proposes to
+read 'stagna.']
+
+'See therefore, O Praefect, that John as a public officer receives his
+proper salary.'
+
+
+31. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Commission issued to John to check ruin of aqueducts and
+temples in Rome.]
+
+'Our care is for the whole Republic, "in which, by the favour of God,
+we are striving to bring back all things to their former state;" but
+especially for the City of Rome. We hear that great depredations are
+being committed on public property there.
+
+'(1) It is said that the water of the aqueducts (formae) is being
+diverted to turn mills and water gardens--a thing which would not be
+suffered even in the country districts. Even in redressing this wrong
+we must be observant of law; and therefore if it should be found that
+those who are doing this can plead thirty years' prescription, they
+must be bought off, but the misuser must cease. If the diversion is of
+less ancient date[298], it must of course be at once stopped without
+compensation.
+
+[Footnote 298: 'Si vero aliquid moderna praesumptione tentatum est.'
+(Again 'modernus.')]
+
+'(2) Slaves assigned by the forethought of previous rulers to the
+service of the formae have passed under the sway of private masters.
+
+'(3) Great weights of brass and lead (the latter very easy to steal,
+from its softness) have been stripped off from the public buildings.
+Now Ionos, King of Thessaly, is said to have first discovered lead,
+and Midas, King of Phrygia, brass. How grievous that we should be
+handed down to posterity as neglecting two metals which they were
+immortalised by discovering!
+
+'(4) Temples and other public buildings, which at the request of many
+we have repaired, are handed over without a thought to spoliation and
+ruin.
+
+'We have appointed the Spectabilis John to enquire into and set
+straight all these matters. _You_ ought to have brought the matter
+before us yourselves: at least, now, support him with the necessary
+"solatia."'
+
+[See preceding letter as to the commission entrusted to John,
+Theodoric's Clerk of the Works in Rome.]
+
+
+32. KING THEODORIC TO GEMELLUS, SENATOR. A.D. 511.
+
+[Appointed Governor of the Gaulish Province in Letter iii. 16.]
+
+[Sidenote: Remission of taxes to citizens of Arles.]
+
+'The men of Arles, who were reduced to penury in the glorious siege
+which they endured on our behalf, are freed from the obligation of
+taxes for the fourth Indiction [Sept. 1, 510, to Aug. 31, 511]. We ask
+for these payments from men at peace, not from men besieged. How can
+one claim taxes from the lord of a field when one knows he has not
+been able to cultivate it? They have already rendered a most precious
+tribute in their fidelity to us. After this year, however, the taxes
+will be collected as usual.'
+
+
+33. KING THEODORIC TO ARGOLICUS, ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECT OF THE CITY.
+
+[Sidenote: Promotion of Armentarius and Superbus to post of Referendi
+Curiae.]
+
+Armentarius (Clarissimus) and his son Superbus are to receive the
+privilege of _Referendi Curiae_[299]. Thus will the profession of the
+law be, as is most fitting, adorned with the honours of the Senate.
+
+[Footnote 299: Possibly Referendi is the same as Referendarii. See
+Var. vi. 17.]
+
+Praises of Rhetoric. The man who has swayed the judges by his
+eloquence is sure to have a favouring audience in the Senate.
+
+
+34. KING THEODORIC TO THE INHABITANTS OF MASSILIA.
+
+[Sidenote: Count Marabad Governor of Marseilles.]
+
+'In accordance with our usual policy of sending persons of tried
+ability and moderation to govern the Provinces, we are sending Count
+Marabad [a Gothic name?] to act as your Governor, to bring solace to
+the lowly and repress the insolent, and to force all into the path of
+justice, which is the secret of the prosperity of our Empire. As
+befits your long-tried loyalty, welcome and obey him.'
+
+
+35. KING THEODORIC TO ROMULUS.
+
+[It is surely possible that this is the dethroned Emperor. The name
+Romulus, which, as we know, he derived from his maternal grandfather,
+was not a very common one in Rome (it must be admitted there is
+another Romulus, ii. 14). And is there not something rather peculiar
+in the entire absence of all titles of honour, the superscription
+being simply 'Romulo Theodoricus Rex,' as if neither King nor scribe
+quite knew how to address an ex-Emperor?]
+
+[Sidenote: Gifts to Romulus shall not be revoked.]
+
+'The liberality of the Prince must be kept firm and unshaken by the
+arts of malignant men. Therefore any gift which shall be proved to
+have been given according to our orders by the Patrician Liberius, to
+you _or to your mother_, by written instrument (pictacium or
+pittacium), shall remain in full force, and you need not fear its
+being questioned.'
+
+[For Liberius, see ii. 16. A man of that eminence, who was employed to
+arrange disputes between the Goths and Romans at the first settlement
+of the former in Italy, was the very man to be also employed to
+arrange terms with Augustulus. There is some reason to think that the
+mother of the deposed Emperor was named Barbaria, and that she is
+mentioned in the history of the translation of the relics of St.
+Severinus. See 'Italy and her Invaders' iii. 190.]
+
+
+36. KING THEODORIC TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS COUNT ARIGERN.
+
+[Sidenote: Complaints against Venantius.]
+
+'Firminus alleges that he has some cause of complaint against the
+Magnificent Venantius [son of Liberius, mentioned in the previous
+letter, and strongly commended in ii. 15], and that Venantius treats
+his claims with contempt. There is always a danger of justice being
+wrested in the interests of the great. We therefore desire you with
+all due reverence to address the aforesaid Magnificent person and
+desire him to appoint a representative, with proper credentials, to
+plead in our Court in answer to the claims of Firminus, who will be
+punished for his audacity if he have brought a false charge against so
+illustrious a person.'
+
+[This and the preceding letter look as if the fortunes of the house of
+Liberius (so greatly extolled in ii. 15 and 16) were passing under a
+cloud. See also iii. 8, as to the disgrace of Venantius. This may have
+made the ex-Emperor anxious as to the validity of the settlement made
+through him.]
+
+
+37. KING THEODORIC TO BISHOP PETER.
+
+[Sidenote: Alleged injustice of a Bishop.]
+
+[See the full explanation of this letter in Dahn, 'Koenige der
+Germanen' iii. 193-4. Cf. also Var. iii. 14. Observe how the marginal
+note (in the edition of the Benedictine, Garet) strains the doctrine
+of this letter in favour of the clergy[300].]
+
+[Footnote 300: 'Causae sacerdotum a sacerdotibus debent terminari.']
+
+'Germanus, in his "flebilis allegatio," informs us that you detain
+from him a part of the property of his father Thomas. As it is proper
+that causes which concern you should first be remitted to you (so
+often employed as judges to settle the disputes of others), we call
+upon you to enquire into this claim, and if it be a just one to
+satisfy it. Know that if you fail to do justice yourself to the
+petitioner, his cause will be carried through to our own
+audience-chamber.'
+
+
+38. KING THEODORIC TO WANDIL [VUANDIL[301]].
+
+[Footnote 301: Probably a Gothic officer.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Gothic troops at Avignon to abstain from molesting the
+citizens.]
+
+'Our Piety wishes that there should be order and good government
+everywhere in our dominions, but especially in Gaul, that our new
+subjects there may form a good opinion of the ruler under whom they
+have come. Therefore by this authority we charge you to see that no
+violence happen in Avignon where you reside. Let our army live
+"civiliter" with the Romans, and let the latter feel that our troops
+are come for their defence, not for their annoyance.'
+
+
+39. KING THEODORIC TO FELIX, ILLUSTRIS AND CONSUL (A.D. 511).
+
+[Sidenote: Largesse to charioteers of Milan.]
+
+'Those who minister to the pleasures of the public should be liberally
+treated, and the Consul must not belie the expectations of his
+generosity which have been formed when he was Senator. Therefore let
+your Sublimity enquire into the petition for largesse presented by the
+charioteers of Milan; and if their statements are correct, let them
+have whatever it has been customary for them to receive. In matters
+of this kind custom creates a kind of debt.'
+
+
+40. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE PROVINCIALS SETTLED IN GAUL.
+
+[Sidenote: Immunity from taxes for districts ravaged by war.]
+
+'We wish promptly to relieve all the distresses of our subjects, and
+we therefore at once announce to you that the districts ravaged by the
+incursions of the enemy will not be called upon to pay tribute at the
+fourth Indiction [Sept. 510, to Aug. 511]. For we have no pleasure in
+receiving what is paid by a heavy-hearted contributor. The part of the
+country, however, which has been untouched by the enemy will have to
+contribute to the expense of our army. But a hungry defender is a weak
+defender.'
+
+
+41. KING THEODORIC TO GEMELLUS, SENATOR [Governor of Gothic
+Gaul[302]].
+
+[Footnote 302: See Letters iii. 16 and 32.]
+
+[Sidenote: Corn for the garrisons on the Durance.]
+
+'A burden borne in common is lightened, since only the edge as it were
+of the whole rests on the shoulders of each individual. We have
+ordered the corn for the army to be carried from the granaries of
+Marseilles to the forts upon the Durance. Let all unite in this toil.
+The willing labour of many brings a speedy end to the work.'
+
+[This letter, as showing that at least one if not both banks of the
+Durance were included in the Ostrogothic Monarchy in 511, has an
+important bearing on the geographical extent of the Burgundian
+Kingdom. See Exkurs vi. to Binding's 'Burgundisch-Romanische
+Koenigreich.' He makes the northern bank of the Durance belong to
+Burgundy, the southern to the Ostrogoths.]
+
+
+42. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE PROVINCIALS IN GAUL.
+
+[Sidenote: No part of Gaul to be called on for military
+contributions.]
+
+'Because the generosity of the Prince should even outrun the petitions
+of his subjects we repeal that part of a previous letter [iii. 40]
+which says that the unravaged portion of the Province of Gaul must pay
+the expenses of our soldiers. We will transmit to the Duces and
+Praepositi sufficient money to provide "alimonia nostris Gothis."'
+
+['Praebendae,' near the end of this letter, seems to be used in a
+technical sense, almost equivalent to stipendia or annonae.]
+
+
+43. KING THEODORIC TO UNIGIS, THE SWORD-BEARER [SPATARIUS].
+
+[No doubt a high officer in the Royal household.]
+
+[Sidenote: Runaway slaves to be restored to their owners.]
+
+'We delight to live after the law of the Romans, whom we seek to
+defend with our arms; and we are as much interested in the maintenance
+of morality as we can possibly be in war. For what profit is there in
+having removed the turmoil of the Barbarians, unless we live according
+to law? Certain slaves, on our army's entry into Gaul, have run away
+from their old masters and betaken themselves to new ones. Let them be
+restored to their rightful owners. Rights must not be confounded under
+the rule of justice, nor ought the defender of liberty to favour
+recreant slaves. [Probably an allusion to the office of the _Assertor
+Libertatis_ in the _Liberalis Causa_, as set forth in the Theodosian
+Code iv. 8.] Let other kings desire the glory of battles won, of
+cities taken, of ruins made; our purpose is, God helping us, so to
+rule that our subjects shall grieve that they did not earlier acquire
+the blessing of our dominion.'
+
+
+44. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE LANDOWNERS [POSSESSORES] OF ARLES.
+
+[Sidenote: Repair of walls of Arles, and supply of corn.]
+
+'We wish to refresh men, but to repair cities also, that the renewed
+fortune of the citizens may be displayed by the splendour of their
+buildings.
+
+'We have therefore directed that a certain sum of money be sent for
+the repair of the walls and old towers of Arles. But we are also going
+to send you, as soon as the time is favourable for navigation,
+provisions to supply the waste caused by the war. Be of good cheer,
+therefore! Grain for which our word is pledged is as good as grain
+already in your granaries.'
+
+
+45. KING THEODORIC TO ARIGERN, ILLUSTRIS AND COUNT.
+
+[Sidenote: Site disputed between Roman Church and Samaritans.]
+
+'It is represented to us by the Defensors of the "sacrosanct" Roman
+Church that Pope Simplicius, of blessed memory, bought a house at
+Rome[303] of Eufrasius the Acolyte, with all proper formalities, and
+that now the people of the Samaritan superstition, hardened in
+effrontery, allege that a synagogue of theirs was built on that site,
+and claim it accordingly; whereas the very style of building, say
+their opponents, shows that this was meant as a private house and not
+as a synagogue. Enquire into this matter, and do justice accordingly.
+If we will not tolerate chicanery [calumniae] against men, much less
+will we against the Divinity Himself.'
+
+[Footnote 303: 'In sacratissima urbe.']
+
+
+46. KING THEODORIC TO ADEODATUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Further charges of misgovernment against Venantius.]
+
+'The crimes of subjects are an occasion for manifesting the virtues of
+princes. You have addressed to us your petition, alleging that you
+were compelled by the Spectabilis Venantius, Governor of Lucania and
+Bruttii, to confess yourself guilty of the rape of the maiden
+Valeriana.
+
+[Sidenote: Illogical decision in the case of Adeodatus.]
+
+'Overcome, you say, by the severity of your imprisonment and the
+tortures inflicted upon you, and longing for death as a release from
+agony; being moreover refused the assistance of Advocates, while the
+utmost resources of rhetoric were at the disposal of your opponents,
+you confessed a crime which you had never committed.
+
+'Such is your statement. The Governor of Bruttii sends his _relatio_
+in opposition, saying that we must not give credence to a petitioner
+who is deceitfully seeking to upset a sentence which was given in the
+interests of public morality.
+
+'Our decision is that we will by our clemency mitigate the severity of
+your punishment. From the date of this decree you shall be banished
+for six months; and on your return no note of infamy of any kind shall
+be attached to you; since it is competent for the Prince to wipe off
+all the blots on a damaged reputation. Anyone who offends against this
+decree [by casting your old offence in your teeth] shall be fined L120
+(3 lbs. of gold). And all who are accused of the same offence in any
+place or time, but who offended through ignorance, are to be freed
+from all fear of punishment.'
+
+[A most illogical and unjust conclusion, by which the judgment of
+Venantius is in fact neither upheld nor reversed. And what the meaning
+of the concluding sentence may be it is impossible to conjecture. See
+Dahn, 'Koenige der Germanen' iii. 107, on this absurd decision.
+
+On the subject of the misgovernment and disgrace of Venantius, cf.
+Letters ii. 15, 16; iii. 8, 36. Cf. also Procopius, 'De Bello
+Gotthico' iii. 18 and 22, as to his son Tullianus. In connection with
+the alleged misgovernment of Bruttii and Lucania by Venantius,
+remember the close connection of Cassiodorus himself with those
+Provinces.]
+
+
+47. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Jovinus, for killing a fellow Curial, is banished to the
+islands of Lipari, the volcanoes of which are described.]
+
+'Jovinus the Curialis, according to the report of the Corrector of
+Lucania and Bruttii, had an angry altercation with a fellow Curial
+(collega), and in his rage slew him.
+
+'He then took refuge within the precincts of a church, and refused to
+surrender himself to justice. We decide that the capital punishment
+shall be remitted out of reverence for his place of refuge, but he
+shall be banished to the Vulcanian [Lipari] Islands, there to live
+away from the paternal hearth, but ever in the midst of burning, like
+a salamander, which is a small and subtile beast, of kin to the
+slippery worm, clothed with a yellow colour.
+
+'The substance of volcanoes, which is perpetually destroyed, is by the
+inextricable power of Nature perpetually renewed.
+
+'The Vulcanian Islands are named from Vulcan, the god of fire, and
+burst into eruption on the day when Hannibal took poison at the Court
+of Prusias. It is especially wonderful that a mountain kindling into
+such a multitude of flames, should yet be half hidden by the waves of
+the sea.'
+
+
+48. KING THEODORIC TO ALL GOTHS AND ROMANS LIVING NEAR THE FORT OF
+VERRUCA[304].
+
+[Footnote 304: The double 'r' seems to be the correct spelling, though
+the MSS. of the Variarum apparently have the single 'r.']
+
+[Sidenote: Fortification of Verruca in the Tyrol.]
+
+'It is the duty and the glory of a ruler to provide with wise
+forethought for the safety of his subjects. We have therefore ordered
+the Sajo Leodifrid that under his superintendence you should build
+yourselves houses in the fort Verruca, which from its position
+receives its most suitable name[305].
+
+[Footnote 305: 'Milites ad Verrucam illum--_sic enim M. Cato locum
+editum asperumque appellat_--ire jubeas' (Gell. 3. 7. 6). Verruca
+therefore means primarily a steep cliff, and only secondarily a wart.
+See White and Biddell, s.v.]
+
+'For it is in the midst of the plains a hill of stone roundly arising,
+which with its tall sides, being bare of woods, is all one great
+mountain fortress. Its lower parts are slenderer (graciliora) than its
+summit, and like some softest fungus the top broadens out, while it is
+thin at bottom. It is a mound not made by soldiers[306], a stronghold
+made safe by Nature[307], where the besieged can try no _coup-de-main_
+and the besieged need feel no panic. Past this fort swirls the Adige,
+that prince of rivers, with the pleasant gurgle of his clear waters,
+affording a defence and an adornment in one. It is a fort almost
+unequalled in the whole world, "a key that unlocks a kingdom[308];"
+and all the more important because it bars the invasion of wild and
+savage nations. This admirable defence what inhabitant would not wish
+to share, since even foreigners delight to visit it? and though by
+God's blessing we trust that the Province [of Raetia] is in our times
+secure, yet it is the part of prudence to guard against evils, though
+we may think they will not arise.'
+
+[Footnote 306: 'Agger sine pugna.']
+
+[Footnote 307: 'Obsessio secura.']
+
+[Footnote 308: 'Tenens claustra provinciae.']
+
+Examples of gulls, who fly inland when they foresee a storm; of
+dolphins, which seek the shallower waters; of the edible sea-urchin,
+'that honey of flesh, that dainty of the deep,' who anchors himself to
+a little pebble to prevent being dashed about by the waves; of birds,
+who change their dwellings when winter draws nigh; of beasts, who
+adapt their lair to the time of year. And shall man alone be
+improvident? Shall he not imitate that higher Providence by which the
+world is governed?
+
+[The fortress of Verruca does not seem to be mentioned in the
+'Notitia,' in the Antonine 'Itinerary,' or by the geographer of
+Ravenna.
+
+Maffei ('Verona Illustrata,' Book ix. Vol. 2, pp. 391-2 in ed. 1825)
+comments on this passage, and argues that _Verruca = Dos Trento_, a
+cliff about a mile from Trient, and this identification seems to have
+been accepted, for Ball ('Alpine Guide, Eastern Alps,' p. 404) says:
+'In the centre of the valley, close to the city, rises a remarkable
+rock known as _Dos Trento, and also called La Verruca_, formerly
+frequented for the sake of the beautiful view which it commands. Since
+1857 it has been strongly fortified, and permission to ascend to the
+summit is not easily obtained.'
+
+Maffei says that the French bombarded Trient from this rock in 1703.
+He speaks of another 'Verruca, or Rocca,' on the other side of
+Aquileia, and thinks that the modern word 'rocca' (rock) may perhaps
+have been derived herefrom (?).
+
+It is remarkable that there is a place called _Verrua_ near the Po in
+Piedmont (about 20 miles east of Turin). 'Situated upon an abrupt and
+insulated hill, in a most defensible position, it opposed an obstinate
+resistance to the Emperor Frederick II. In more recent times (1704),
+the Duc de Vendome attacked it without success' (Murray's 'Guide to
+Northern Italy,' p. 51). No doubt this was also originally called
+_Verruca_.]
+
+
+49. KING THEODORIC TO THE HONOURED POSSESSORES, DEFENSORES, AND
+CURIALES OF THE CITY OF CATANA.
+
+[Sidenote: Repair of amphitheatre of Catana.]
+
+'It is a great delight to the Ruler when his subjects of their own
+accord suggest that which is for the good of the State. You have
+called our attention to the ruinous state of your walls, and ask leave
+to use for its repair the stones of the amphitheatre, which have
+fallen down from age and are now of no ornament to your town, in fact
+only show disgraceful ruins. You have not only our permission to do
+this, but our hearty approval. Let the stones, which can be of no use
+while they lie there, rise again into the fabric of the walls; and
+your improved defence will be our boast and confidence.'
+
+[Some remains of the amphitheatre are still visible at Catania; not,
+however, so important as those of the theatre.]
+
+
+50. KING THEODORIC TO THE PROVINCIALS OF NORICUM.
+
+[Sidenote: The Alamanni and Noricans to exchange their cattle.]
+
+'It is an admirable arrangement when a favour can be conferred by
+which giver and receiver are alike benefited.
+
+'We therefore decree that you should exchange your oxen for those of
+the Alamanni.
+
+'Theirs is the finer and larger breed of cattle, but they are worn out
+by the long journey. Thus will they get fresh beasts capable of doing
+the work which is required of them, and you will permanently improve
+your breed of cattle, and so be able to till your fields better. Thus,
+what does not often happen, the same transaction will equally benefit
+both parties to it.'
+
+[Cf. ii. 41 as to these Alamannic exiles. Possibly this letter as well
+as that refers to their expulsion by Clovis (cir. 504); but it seems
+more probable, as von Schubert suggests (pp. 52-54), that we have here
+to do with a removal of some of the Alamannic subjects of Theodoric
+from Raetia to Noricum, in order to guard the north-east frontier of
+the kingdom.]
+
+
+51. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Stipend of Thomas the Charioteer. Description of the
+Circus.]
+
+'Constancy in actors is not a very common virtue, therefore with all
+the more pleasure do we record the faithful allegiance of Thomas the
+Charioteer, who came long ago from the East hither, and who, having
+become champion charioteer, has chosen to attach himself to "the seat
+of our Empire[309];" and we therefore decide that he shall be rewarded
+by a monthly allowance. He embraced what was then the losing side in
+the chariot races and carried it to victory--victory which he won so
+often that envious rivals declared that he conquered by means of
+witchcraft.
+
+[Footnote 309: 'Nostri sedes delegit fovere _Imperii_.']
+
+'The sight of a chariot-race (spectaculum) drives out morality and
+invites the most trifling contentions; it is the emptier of honourable
+conduct, the ever-flowing spring of squabbles: a thing which Antiquity
+commenced as a matter of religion, but which a quarrelsome posterity
+has turned into a sport.
+
+'For Aenomaus is said first to have exhibited this sport at Elis, a
+city of Asia (?), and afterwards Romulus, at the time of the rape of
+the Sabines, displayed it in rural fashion to Italy, no buildings for
+the purpose being yet founded. Long after, Augustus, the lord of the
+world, raising his works to the same high level as his power, built a
+fabric marvellous even to Romans, which stretched far into the Vallis
+Murcia. This immense mass, firmly girt round with hills, enclosed a
+space which was fitted to be the theatre of great events.
+
+'Twelve _Ostia_ at the entrance represent the twelve signs of the
+Zodiac. These are suddenly and equally opened by ropes let down by the
+_Hermulae_ (little pilasters)[310]. The four colours worn by the four
+parties of charioteers denote the seasons: green for verdant spring,
+blue for cloudy winter, red for flaming summer, white for frosty
+autumn. Thus, throughout the spectacle we see a determination to
+represent the works of Nature. The _Biga_ is made in imitation of the
+moon, the _Quadriga_ of the sun. The circus horses (_Equi
+desultorii_), by means of which the servants of the Circus announce
+the heats (_Missos_) that are to be run, imitate the herald-swiftness
+of the morning star. Thus it came to pass that while they deemed they
+were worshipping the stars, they profaned their religion by parodying
+it in their games.
+
+[Footnote 310: The Ostia are denoted by A and the Hermulae by H in
+the accompanying plan. (See page 230.)]
+
+'A white line is drawn not far from the ostia to each _Podium_
+(balcony), that the contest may begin when the quadrigae pass it, lest
+they should interrupt the view of the spectators by their attempts to
+get each before the other[311]. There are always seven circuits round
+the goals (_Metae_) to one heat, in analogy with the days of the week.
+The goals themselves have, like the decani[312] of the Zodiac, each
+three pinnacles, round which the swift quadrigae circle like the sun.
+The wheels indicate the boundaries of East and West. The channel
+(_Euripus_) which surrounds the Circus presents us with an image of
+the glassy sea, whence come the dolphins which swim hither through the
+waters[313] (?). The lofty obelisks lift their height towards heaven;
+but the upper one is dedicated to the sun, the lower one to the moon:
+and upon them the sacred rites of the ancients are indicated with
+Chaldee signs for letters[314].
+
+[Footnote 311: 'Ut quadrigis progredientibus, inde certamen oriretur:
+ne dum semper propere conantur elidere, spectandi voluptatem
+viderentur populis abrogare.' In fact, to compel the charioteers to
+start fair.]
+
+[Footnote 312: Each sign of the Zodiac was considered to have three
+decani, occurring at intervals of ten days.]
+
+[Footnote 313: 'Unde illuc delphini aequorei aquas interfluunt.' The
+sentence is very obscure, but the allusion must be to the dolphins,
+the figures of which were placed upon the spina.]
+
+[Footnote 314: 'Obeliscorum quoque prolixitates ad coeli altitudinem
+sublevantur: sed potior soli, inferior lunae dicatus est: ubi sacra
+priscorum Chaldaicis signis, quasi litteris indicantur.']
+
+'The _Spina_ (central wall, or backbone) represents the lot of the
+unhappy captives, inasmuch as the generals of the Romans, marching
+over the backs of their enemies, reaped that joy which was the reward
+of their labours. The _Mappa_ (napkin), which is still seen to give
+the signal at the games, came into fashion on this wise. Once when
+Nero was loitering over his dinner, and the populace, as usual, was
+impatient for the spectacle to begin, he ordered the napkin which he
+had used for wiping his fingers to be thrown out of window, as a
+signal that he gave the required permission. Hence it became a custom
+that the display of a napkin gave a certain promise of future
+_circenses_.
+
+'The _Circus_ is so called from "circuitus:" _circenses_ is, as it
+were, _circu-enses_, because in the rude ages of antiquity, before an
+elaborate building had been prepared for the purpose, the races were
+exhibited on the green grass, and the multitude were protected by the
+river on one side and the swords (_enses_) of the soldiers on the
+other[315].
+
+[Footnote 315: I can extract no other meaning than the above from this
+extraordinary sentence: 'Circenses, quasi circu-enses: propterea quod
+apud antiquitatem rudem, quae necdum spectacula in ornatum deduxerat
+fabricarum, inter _enses_ et flumina locis virentibus agerentur.']
+
+'We observe, too, that the rule of this contest is that it be decided
+in twenty-four heats[316], an equal number to that of the hours of day
+and night. Nor let it be accounted meaningless that the number of
+circuits round the goals is expressed by the putting up of
+_eggs_[317], since that emblem, pregnant as it is with many
+superstitions[318], indicates that something is about to be born from
+thence. And in truth we may well understand that the most fickle and
+inconstant characters, well typified by the birds who have laid those
+eggs, will spring from attendance on these spectacles[319]. It were
+long to describe in detail all the other points of the Roman Circus,
+since each appears to arise from some special cause. This only will we
+remark upon as pre-eminently strange, that in these beyond all other
+spectacles men's minds are hurried into excitement without any regard
+to a fitting sobriety of character. The Green charioteer flashes by:
+part of the people is in despair. The Blue gets a lead: a larger part
+of the City is in misery. They cheer frantically when they have gained
+nothing; they are cut to the heart when they have received no loss;
+and they plunge with as much eagerness into these empty contests as if
+the whole welfare of the imperilled fatherland were at stake.
+
+[Footnote 316: _Missibus._ In a previous sentence Cassiodorus makes
+the acc. plural _missos_.]
+
+[Footnote 317: The number of times that the charioteers had rounded
+the goal was indicated by large wooden _eggs_, which were posted up in
+a conspicuous place on the spina. It seems that in a corresponding
+place near the other end of the spina figures of _dolphins_ were used
+for the same purpose. Upon the Cilurnum gem (figured on page 231) we
+can perceive four eggs near one end of the spina, and four creatures
+which may be dolphins near the other, indicating that four circuits
+out of the seven which constitute a missus have been accomplished by
+the quadrigae.]
+
+[Footnote 318: Alluding probably to the story of Castor and Pollux.]
+
+[Footnote 319: 'Et ideo datur intelligi, volitantes atque
+inconstantissimos inde mores nasci, quos avium matribus aptaverunt.'
+_Ovium_ would seem to give a better sense than _avium_.]
+
+'No wonder that such a departure from all sensible dispositions should
+be attributed to a superstitious origin. We are compelled to support
+this institution by the necessity of humouring the majority of the
+people, who are passionately fond of it; for it is always the few who
+are led by reason, while the many crave excitement and oblivion of
+their cares. Therefore, as we too must sometimes share the folly of
+our people, we will freely provide for the expenses of the Circus,
+however little our judgment approves of this institution.'
+
+[Notwithstanding some absurdities, the above description of the Circus
+Maximus (which I have attempted to translate in full) is of great
+value, being, after that given by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, our
+chief authority on the subject. The accompanying plan (taken, with
+some slight variations, from Smith's 'Dictionary of Antiquities'),
+will, I trust, render it intelligible.
+
+[Illustration: Plan of Ancient Circus.]
+
+It is well illustrated by the recently excavated 'Stadium of
+Augustus,' on the Palatine; but perhaps even better by a beautifully
+executed gem lately found at Chesters in Northumberland, on the site
+of the Roman station at Cilurnum. By the kindness of the owner, Mr.
+Clayton, I am able to give an enlarged copy of this gem, which is
+described in the 'Archaeologia Aeliana,' vol. x. pp. 133-137.
+
+[Illustration: The Circus Maximus, a magnified engraving of an
+intaglio on a carnelian signet-ring found at Cilurnum (Chesters in
+Northumberland) in 1882.]
+
+The reader will easily discern the _Spina_ with one obelisk (not two,
+as described by Cassiodorus) in the centre, the high tables supported
+by pillars on which the Ova and Delphini are placed, the three
+spindle-shaped columns which formed the _Meta_ at each end, and the
+four quadrigae (four was the regular number for each missus) careering
+in front.]
+
+
+52. KING THEODORIC TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS CONSULARIS.
+
+[Sidenote: On Roman land surveying.]
+
+'We are sorry to hear that a dispute (which is on the point of being
+settled by arms instead of by the law) has arisen between the
+Spectabiles Leontius and Paschasius as to the boundaries of their
+properties[320]. If they are so fierce against one another here in
+Italy, where there are mountains and rivers and the "arcaturae"
+[square turrets of the land surveyor] to mark the boundaries, what
+would they have done in Egypt, where the yearly returning waters of
+the Nile wash out all landmarks, and leave a deposit of mud over all?
+
+[Footnote 320: 'Casarum.' Casa is evidently no longer a cottage;
+perhaps the estate attached to a villa. There is probably still a
+flavour of rusticity about it.]
+
+'Geometry was discovered by the Chaldaeans, who perceived that its
+principles lay at the root of Astronomy, Music, Mechanics,
+Architecture, Medicine, Logic, and every science which deals with
+generals. This science was eagerly welcomed by the Egyptians, who
+perceived the advantage it would be to them in recovering the
+boundaries of estates obliterated by the wished-for deluge[321] of the
+Nile.
+
+[Footnote 321: 'Votiva inundatione.']
+
+'Therefore let your Greatness send an experienced land surveyor
+(agrimensor) to settle this dispute by assigning fixed boundaries to
+the two estates.
+
+'Augustus made a complete survey of the whole "Orbis Romanus," in
+order that each taxpayer should know exactly his resources and
+obligations. The results of this survey were tabulated by the author
+Hyrummetricus. The Professors of this Science [of land surveying] are
+honoured with a more earnest attention than falls to the lot of any
+other philosophers. Arithmetic, Theoretical Geometry, Astronomy, and
+Music are discoursed upon to listless audiences, sometimes to empty
+benches. But the land surveyor is like a judge; the deserted fields
+become his forum, crowded with eager spectators. You would fancy him a
+madman when you see him walking along the most devious paths. But in
+truth he is seeking for the traces of lost facts in rough woods and
+thickets[322]. He walks not as other men walk. His path is the book
+from which he reads; he _shows_ what he is saying; he proves what he
+hath learned; by his steps he divides the rights of hostile claimants;
+and like a mighty river he takes away the fields of one side to bestow
+them on the other.
+
+[Footnote 322: An excellent description of an antiquary walking along
+a Roman 'Limes Imperii.']
+
+'Wherefore, acting on our instructions, choose such a land surveyor,
+whose authority may be sufficient to settle this dispute, that the
+litigants may henceforth cultivate their lands in peace.'
+
+
+53. KING THEODORIC TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS APRONIANUS, COUNT OF THE PRIVATE
+DOMAINS.
+
+[Sidenote: On Water-finders.]
+
+'Your Greatness tells us that a water-finder has come to Rome from
+Africa, where, on account of the dryness of the soil, his art is
+greatly in request.
+
+'We are glad to hear it. It is a very useful art.
+
+'Signs of the existence of water are the greenness of the grass, the
+size of the trees, the nature of the plants, reeds, rushes, brambles,
+willows, poplars, &c. Some discover water by putting out dry wool
+under a bowl at night. So too, if you see at sunrise a cloud [or
+gossamer, 'spissitudinem'] of very small flies. A mist rising like a
+column shows water as deep below as the column rises high above.
+
+'The water-finder will also predict the quality of the water, and so
+prevent you from wasting labour on a brackish spring. This science was
+ably treated of by ----[323], and by Marcellus among the Latins. They
+tell us that waters which gush forth towards the east and south are
+light and wholesome; that those which emerge towards the north and
+west are too cold and heavy.
+
+[Footnote 323: 'Apud Graecos _ille_.' Cassiodorus has left the name
+blank, and has either forgotten or been unable to fill it up; like the
+'ille et ille' in his State documents.]
+
+'So then, if the testimonials of the aforesaid water-finder and the
+results of his indications shall approve themselves to your wisdom,
+you may pay his travelling expenses and relieve his wants: he having
+to repay you by his future services. For though Rome itself is so
+abundantly supplied with aqueducts, there are many suburban places in
+which his help would be very useful. Associate with him also a
+mechanician who can sink for and raise the water when he has pointed
+it out. Rome ought not to lack anything which is an object of
+desire.'
+
+
+
+
+BOOK IV.
+
+CONTAINING FIFTY-ONE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF
+THEODORIC.
+
+
+1. KING THEODORIC TO HERMINAFRID, KING OF THE THURINGIANS.
+
+[Sidenote: Marriage of Theodoric's niece to the King of the
+Thuringians.]
+
+'Desiring to unite you to ourselves by the bonds of kindred, we bestow
+upon you our niece [Amalabirga, daughter of Theodoric's sister; see
+'Anon. Valesii' Sec. 70], so that you, who descend from a Royal stock,
+may now far more conspicuously shine by the splendour of Imperial
+blood[324]'. [A remarkable passage, as showing that Theodoric did in a
+sense consider himself to be filling the place of the Emperors of the
+West.]
+
+[Footnote 324: 'Nunc etiam longius claritate Imperialis sanguinis
+fulgeatis.']
+
+The virtues and intellectual accomplishments of the new Queen of the
+Thuringians are described.
+
+'We gladly acknowledge the price of a favour, in itself beyond price,
+which, according to the custom of the nations, we have received from
+your ambassadors: namely, a team of horses, silvery in colour, as
+wedding-horses should be. Their chests and thighs are suitably adorned
+with round surfaces of flesh. Their ribs are expanded to a certain
+width. They are short in the belly. Their heads have a certain
+resemblance to the stag, the swiftness of which animal they imitate.
+These horses are gentle from their extreme plumpness; very swift
+notwithstanding their great bulk; pleasant to look at, still better
+to use. For they have gentle paces, not fatiguing their riders by
+insane curvetings. To ride them is repose rather than toil; and being
+broken-in to a delightful and steady pace, they can keep up their
+speed, over long distances.
+
+'We too are sending you some presents, but our niece is the fairest
+present of all. May God bless you with children, so that our lines may
+be allied in future.'
+
+
+2. KING THEODORIC TO THE KING OF THE HERULI. [Adopting him as his son
+by right of arms.]
+
+[Sidenote: Herminafrid adopted as 'filius per arma' by Theodoric.]
+
+'It has been always held amongst the nations a great honour to be
+adopted as "filius per arma." Our children by nature often disappoint
+our expectations, but to say that we esteem a man _worthy to be our
+son_ is indeed praise. As such, after the manner of the nations and in
+manly fashion, do we now beget you[325].
+
+[Footnote 325: Notice the strong expression, 'Et ideo more gentium et
+conditione virili filium te praesenti munere _procreamus_.']
+
+'We send you horses, spears, and shields, and the rest of the
+trappings of the warrior; but above all we send you our judgment that
+you are worthy to be our son[326]. Highest among the nations will you
+be considered who are thus approved by the mind of Theodoric.
+
+[Footnote 326: 'Damus quidem tibi equos, enses clypeos, et reliqua
+instrumenta bellorum, sed quae sunt omnimodis fortiora, largimur tibi
+nostra judicia.']
+
+'And though the son should die rather than see his father suffer aught
+of harm, we in adopting you are also throwing round you the shield of
+our protection. The Heruli have known the value of Gothic help in old
+times, and that help will now be yours. A and B, the bearers of these
+letters, will explain to you in Gothic (patrio sermone) the rest of
+our message to you[327].
+
+[Footnote 327: In 512, says Marcellinus Comes, 'Gens Erulorum in
+terras atque civitates Romanorum jussu Anastasii Caesaris introducta.'
+But what relation that entry of the Heruli into Roman territory may
+bear to this letter is a very difficult question. See Dahn, Koenige der
+Germanen ii. 8, _n._ 2.]
+
+
+3. KING THEODORIC TO SENARIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, COMES.
+
+[Conferring upon him the dignity of 'Comitiva Patrimonii.']
+
+[Sidenote: Senarius made Comes Patrimonii.]
+
+'The master's fame is enhanced by choosing the right persons for his
+servants. The Sovereign ought to promote such persons that whenever he
+condescends to behold them he may feel that his _judicia_[328] have
+been justified. We therefore hereby bestow upon you, for the fourth
+Indiction [Sept. 1, 510], the Illustrious dignity of Comes of our
+Patrimony.'
+
+[Footnote 328: Same expression as in preceding letter.]
+
+Services of Senarius as a diplomatist, in standing up against
+Barbarian Kings and subduing their intellects to the moderate counsels
+of Theodoric[329].
+
+[Footnote 329: 'Subiisti saepe arduae legationis officium. Restitisti
+regibus non impar assertor, coactus justitiam nostram et illis
+ostendere, qui rationem vix poterant cruda obstinatione sentire. Non
+te terruit contentionibus inflammata regalis auctoritas,' etc.]
+
+His success as an advocate[330]. The charm of his pronunciation. His
+purity of morals; his popularity with high and low. He is exhorted
+still to cultivate these dispositions, and to win favour for his
+office by his affable demeanour.
+
+[Footnote 330: 'Usus es sub exceptionis officio eloquentis ingenio.'
+'Exceptio' is a law term, the defendant's answer to the plaintiff's
+bill; but is it so used here?]
+
+
+4. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Announcing the promotion of Senarius, conferred in the preceding
+letter.]
+
+[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
+
+Describes the merits of the new Comes, who when young in years but
+mature in merit had entered the service of the Palace; his diplomatic
+career[331] and his moderation and reserve in the midst of success,
+although naturally 'joy is a garrulous thing,' and it is difficult for
+men who are carrying all before them to restrain the expression of
+their exaltation.
+
+[Footnote 331: Again we have 'exceptiones' mentioned (see preceding
+letter). 'Nunc ad colloquia dignus, _nunc ad exceptiones aptissimus_,
+frequenter etiam in legationis honorem electus.']
+
+Compliments to the Senate, who are invited to give a hearty welcome to
+the new comer.
+
+
+5. KING THEODORIC TO AMABILIS, VIR DEVOTUS[332] AND COMES.
+
+[Footnote 332: Probably this epithet means that Amabilis was a Sajo.]
+
+[Sidenote: Supply of provisions to famine-stricken Provinces of Gaul.]
+
+'Having heard that there is dearth in our Gaulish Provinces we direct
+your Devotion to take bonds from the shipmasters along the whole
+western coast of Italy (Lucania, Campania, and Thuscia) that they will
+go with supplies of food only to the Gauls, having liberty to dispose
+of their cargoes as may be agreed between buyer and seller. They will
+find their own profit in this, for there is no better customer for a
+corn-merchant than a hungry man. He looks on all his other possessions
+as dross if he can only supply the cravings of necessity. He who is
+willing to sell to a man in this condition almost seems to be _giving_
+him what he needs, and can very nearly ask his own price.'
+
+[It will be seen that in this letter there is no attempt to fix a
+maximum price, only to prescribe the kind of cargo, 'victuales
+species,' which is to be carried to Gaul.]
+
+
+6. KING THEODORIC TO SYMMACHUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: The sons of Valerian to be detained in Rome.]
+
+'The Spectabilis Valerian, who lives at Syracuse, wishes to return
+thither himself, but that his sons, whom he has brought to Rome for
+their education, may be detained in that City.
+
+'Let your Magnificence therefore not allow them to leave the aforesaid
+City till an order has been obtained from us to that effect. Thus will
+their progress in their studies be assured, and proper reverence be
+paid to our command. And let none of them think this a burden, which
+should have been an object of desire[333]. To no one should Rome be
+disagreeable, for she is the common country of all, the fruitful
+mother of eloquence, the broad temple of the virtues: it is a striking
+mark of our favour to assign such a City as a residence to any of our
+subjects[334].'
+
+[Footnote 333: 'Non ergo sibi putet impositum quod debuit esse
+votivum. Nulli sit ingrata Roma, quae dici non potest aliena. Illa
+eloquentiae foecunda mater, illa virtutum omnium latissimum templum.']
+
+[Footnote 334: Cf. the very similar letter, i. 39.]
+
+
+7. KING THEODORIC TO SENARIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, COMES PRIVATARUM.
+
+[Sidenote: Losses by shipwreck to be refunded to those who were
+sending provisions to Gaul.]
+
+'Any calamity which comes upon a man from causes beyond his control
+ought not to be imputed to him as a fault. The pathetic petition of
+the Superintendents of Grain[335] informs us that the cargoes which
+they destined for Gaul have perished at sea.
+
+[Footnote 335: 'Prosecutores frumentorum.' It would seem that these
+are not merchants supplying the famine-stricken Provinces of Gaul as a
+private speculation (according to iv. 5), but public officers who have
+had certain cargoes of corn entrusted to them from the State
+magazines, and who, but for this letter, would be bound to make good
+the loss suffered under their management.]
+
+'The framework of the timbers of the ships gaped under the violence of
+the winds and waves, and from all that overabundance of water nothing
+remains to them but their tears.
+
+'Let your Sublimity therefore promptly refund to them the proportion
+(modiatio) which each of them can prove that he has thus lost. It
+would be cruel to punish them for having merely suffered shipwreck.'
+
+
+8. KING THEODORIC TO THE HONOURED POSSESSORES AND CURIALES OF FORUM
+LIVII (FORLI).
+
+[Sidenote: Transport of timber ordered for Alsuanum.]
+
+'You must not think anything which we order hard; for our commands are
+reasonable, and we know what you ought to do. Your Devotion is
+therefore to cut timber and transport it to Alsuanum[336], where you
+will be paid the proper price for it.'
+
+[Footnote 336: Where is this?]
+
+
+9. KING THEODORIC TO OSUIN, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES.
+
+[Sidenote: Tuitio regii nominis.]
+
+[This letter is quoted by Dahn ('Koenige der Germanen' iii. 117) as an
+illustration of '_tuitio regii nominis_.']
+
+'Maurentius and Paula, who are left orphans, inform us that their
+youth and helplessness expose them to the attacks of many unscrupulous
+persons.
+
+'Let your Sublimity therefore cause it to be known that any suits
+against them must be prosecuted in our Comitatus, the place of succour
+for the distressed and of sharp punishment for tricksters.'
+
+
+10. KING THEODORIC TO JOANNES, SENATOR AND CONSULARIS OF CAMPANIA.
+
+[Sidenote: The lawless custom of Pignoratio is to be repressed.]
+
+[A custom had apparently grown up during the lawless years of the
+Fifth Century, of litigants helping themselves, during the slow
+progress of the suit, to a 'material guarantee' from the fields of
+their opponents. This custom, unknown apparently at the time of the
+Theodosian Code, was called 'Pignoratio,' and was especially rife in
+the Provinces of Campania and Samnium.]
+
+'How does peace differ from the confusion of war, if law-suits are to
+be settled by violence? We hear with displeasure from our Provincials
+in Campania and Samnium that certain persons there are giving
+themselves up to the practice of _pignoratio_. And so far has this
+gone that neighbours club together and transfer their claims to some
+one person who "pignorates" for the whole of them, thus in fact
+compelling a man to pay a debt to an entire stranger--a monstrous
+perversion of all the rules of law, which separates so delicately
+between the rights even of near relations, and will not allow the son
+to be sued for the father's debts unless he is the heir, nor the wife
+for the husband's unless she has succeeded to the estate. Hitherto our
+ignorance has allowed this lawless practice to exist. Now that we know
+of it we are determined to suppress it. Therefore, firstly, if any man
+lays violent hands on any property to secure an alleged claim, he
+shall at once forfeit that claim [and restore the _pignus_]. Secondly,
+where one has "pignorated" for another, he shall be compelled to
+restore twofold the value of that which he has taken. Thirdly, if any
+offender is so poor and squalid that restitution cannot be compelled
+from him, he shall be beaten with clubs.'
+
+
+11. KING THEODORIC TO SENARIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES.
+
+[Sidenote: Dispute between Possessores and Curiales.]
+
+'Let your Magnitude enquire into and decide promptly the dispute
+between the Possessores and Curiales of Velia.' [A conjectural
+emendation for _Volienses_.]
+
+
+12. KING THEODORIC TO MARABAD, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES; AND GEMELLUS,
+SENATOR.
+
+[Sidenote: Archotamia's complaint against the extravagant widow of her
+grandson.]
+
+'It is our purpose not only to defend by arms but to govern by just
+laws the Provinces which God has subjected to us.
+
+'Archotamia, an illustrious lady who has lost her grandson by death,
+complains that his widow Aetheria, having married again with a certain
+Liberius, is wasting the property of her children in order to make
+her new home appear more splendid.
+
+'Let your Sublimities enquire into this matter. After suppressing all
+violent action[337], placing the holy Gospels in the midst of the
+Court, and calling in three honourable persons agreed upon by the
+parties, as assessors, decide with their help upon the matter
+according to ancient law, due reference being had to the arrangements
+of modern times.'
+
+[Footnote 337: 'Omni incivilitate submota.']
+
+[Theodoric says that in not hearing the case himself, but referring it
+to Marabad and Gemellus, he is following his usual practice,
+'remittere ad statuta Divalium sanctionum;' that is, apparently,
+according to the Theodosian Code. See Dahn, 'Koenige der Germanen' iv.
+140, _n._ 2.]
+
+
+13. KING THEODORIC TO SENARIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, COMES PRIVATARUM.
+
+[Sidenote: Supplies for Colossaeus and his suite.]
+
+'Let Colossaeus, who is sent as Governor to Pannonia Sirmiensis, have
+rations for himself and suite, according to ancient usage. [For his
+appointment, see Letters iii. 23 and 24.]
+
+'A hungry army cannot be expected to preserve discipline, since the
+armed man will always help himself to that which he requires. Let him
+have the chance of buying, that he may not be forced to think what he
+can plunder. Necessity loves not a law[338], nor is it right to
+command the many to observe a moderation which even the few can barely
+practise.'
+
+[Footnote 338: 'Necessitas moderamen non diligit.']
+
+
+14. KING THEODORIC TO THE SAJO GESILA.
+
+[Sidenote: Evasion of land-tax by Goths in Picenum and Thuscia.]
+
+'It is a great offence to put off the burden of one's own debts upon
+other people. That man ought to pay the "tributum" for a property who
+receives the income of it. But some of the Goths in Picenum and the
+two Tuscanies[339] are evading the payment of their proper taxes[340].
+This vicious practice must be suppressed at once, lest it spread by
+imitation. If anyone in a spirit of clownish stubbornness shall still
+refuse to obey our commands as expressed through you, affix the proper
+notice to his houses and confiscate them, that he who would not pay a
+small debt may suffer a great loss[341]. None ought to be more prompt
+in their payments to the exchequer than those [the Goths] who are the
+receivers of our donative. The sum thus given by our liberality is
+much more than they could claim as soldiers' pay. In fact _we_ pay
+them a voluntary tribute by the care which we have of their fortunes.'
+
+[Footnote 339: 'Gothi per Picenum sive Thuscias utrasque residentes.'
+What are the two Thusciae?]
+
+[Footnote 340: 'Debitas functiones.']
+
+[Footnote 341: 'Si quis ergo jussa nostra agresti spiritu resupinatus
+abjecerit, casas ejus appositis titulis fisci nostri juribus
+vindicabis; ut qui juste noluit parva solvere, rationabiliter videatur
+maxima perdidisse.']
+
+
+15. KING THEODORIC TO BENENATUS, SENATOR.
+
+[Sidenote: New rowers to be selected. Their qualifications.]
+
+'Being informed by the Illustrious and Magnificent Count of the
+Patrimony that twenty-one of the _Dromonarii_ [rowers in the
+express-boats] have been removed by the inconvenient incident of
+death, we hereby charge you to select others to fill their places. But
+they must be strong men, for the toil of rowing requires powerful arms
+and stout hearts to battle with the stormy waves. For what is in fact
+more daring than with one's little bark to enter upon that wide and
+treacherous sea, which only despair enables a man successfully to
+combat?'
+
+
+16. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Arigern entrusted with the charge of the City of Rome.]
+
+'Some time ago we committed the government of our new Gaulish
+Provinces to Arigern, a member of your body, that he might by his
+firmness and prudence bring about a settlement in that agitated
+country. This he has accomplished to our entire satisfaction, and,
+practising the lessons which he learned in your midst, he has also
+brought back warlike trophies from thence. We now decide to bestow
+upon him the charge of the Roman order.
+
+'He is to see that the laws are vigorously administered, and that
+private revenge has no place.
+
+'Receive, O Conscript Fathers, your honoured and venerable member back
+into your bosom.'
+
+[It seems probable that Arigern was not appointed 'Praefectus Urbis,'
+because in Letter iv. 22 he is associated as Comes with Argolicus,
+'Praefectus Urbis.' Was he 'Comes Urbis Romae?']
+
+
+17. KING THEODORIC TO IDA, VIR SUBLIMIS AND DUX.
+
+[Cf. the name of our own Northumbrian King.]
+
+[Sidenote: Possessions of the Church of Narbonne to be restored to
+it.]
+
+'We do not wish to disturb anything that has been well settled by a
+preceding King. Certain possessions of the Church of Narbonne, which
+were secured to it by grant of the late King Alaric of exalted memory,
+have been wrongfully wrested from it. Do you now restore these. As you
+are illustrious in war, so be also excellent in "civilitas." The
+wrong-doers will not dare to resist a man of your well-known bravery.'
+
+
+18. KING THEODORIC TO ANNAS, SENATOR AND COMES.
+
+[Sidenote: A priestly Ghoul.]
+
+'Enquire if the story which is told us be true, namely that the
+Presbyter Laurentius has been groping for fatal riches among human
+corpses. An odious inversion of his functions, that he who should
+preach peace to the living has been robbing the dead, and that hands
+which have been touched with the oil of consecration should have been
+grasping at unholy gains, instead of distributing his own honestly
+acquired substance to the poor. If after diligent examination you
+find that the charge is true, you must make him disgorge the gold. As
+for punishment, for the sake of the honour of the priesthood we leave
+that to a higher Power[342].'
+
+[Footnote 342: 'Scelus enim, quod nos pro sacerdotali honore
+relinquimus impunitum, majori pondere credimus vindicandum.' The words
+seem to be purposely vague, but I think they allude to the judgment of
+Heaven on the offender.]
+
+
+19. KING THEODORIC TO GEMELLUS, SENATOR.
+
+[Sidenote: The Siliquaticum not to be levied on corn, wine, and oil.]
+
+'The Prince should try to remedy the afflictions of his subjects.
+Therefore, for the present time [probably on account of the scarcity
+in Gaul], we decree that the tax of Siliquaticum, which Antiquity
+ordained should be levied on all buyings and sellings, shall not be
+levied on corn, wine, and oil. We hope thus to stimulate trade, and to
+benefit not only the Provincials, who are our chief care, but also the
+merchants. Let the ship that traverses the seas not fear our harbours.
+Often the sailor dreads the rapacity of the collector of customs more
+than the danger of shipwreck. It shall not be so now.'
+
+
+20. KING THEODORIC TO GEBERICH, SENATOR.
+
+[Sidenote: Land taken from the Church to be restored to it.]
+
+'If we are willing to enrich the Church by our own liberality, _a
+fortiori_ will we not allow it to be despoiled of the gifts received
+from pious princes in the past.
+
+'The supplication of the Venerable Bishop Constantius informs us that
+a _jugum_ [= jugerum, about two-thirds of an English acre] of land so
+bestowed on the "sacrosanct" Church has been taken away from her, and
+is unlawfully held by the despoiler.
+
+'See that right is done, and that the Church has her own restored to
+her without any diminution.'
+
+
+21. KING THEODORIC TO GEMELLUS, SENATOR.
+
+[Sidenote: Promptness and integrity required.]
+
+'Be prompt in the execution of our orders. No one should think our
+commands harsh, since they are excused by the necessity of the times.
+[Reject the thought of all unjustly acquired gains, for] you are sure
+to receive from our favour all that you seem to lose by not yielding
+to temptation.'
+
+
+22. KING THEODORIC TO ARGOLICUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PRAEFECT OF THE
+CITY; AND
+
+23. KING THEODORIC TO ARIGERN, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES.
+
+[Sidenote: Roman Senators accused of magic.]
+
+These two letters relate to the affair of Basilius[343] and
+Praetextatus, men of high rank in Rome. They are accused of practising
+magical arts, and in the interval between the first and second letters
+they escape from prison by taking advantage of the insanity of the
+gaoler.
+
+[Footnote 343: Basilius, the patron of Sidonius, was Consul in 463,
+and another Basilius, perhaps the father of the accused, was Consul in
+480. The person here spoken of _may_ be the same as the Basilius,
+'olim regio ministerio depulsus,' whom Boethius (Phil. Cons. i. 4)
+mentions as one of his accusers; but it seems more likely that in that
+case this imputation of magical practices would also have been
+referred to by him. The name Basilius was a somewhat common one at
+this time.]
+
+Theodoric, who says that he will not suffer any such acts of treason
+against the Divine Majesty, and that it is not lawful for Christian
+times to deal in magical arts, orders the recapture of the offenders,
+who are to be handed over to a Quinque-viral Board, consisting of the
+Patricians Symmachus, Decius, Volusianus, and Caelianus, with the
+Illustrious Maximian, and by them examined; if guilty to be punished
+(probably with confiscation and exile); if innocent, of course to be
+discharged[344].
+
+[Footnote 344: At the beginning of the first letter occurs the
+remarkable expression 'Abscedat ritus de medio jam profanus;
+conticescat _poenale murmur animarum_,' which the commentator
+interprets of the ventriloquistic sounds produced by soothsayers. Cf.
+Milton's Christmas Hymn:
+
+ 'No voice or hideous hum
+ Runs through the arched roof in words deceiving.']
+
+[The association of the Quinque-viri with the Praefectus Urbis is a
+mark of the high rank of the accused. The Praefectus Urbis could not
+adjudicate on the crimes of Senators without five Assessors chosen by
+lot from that body. Arigern, who was entrusted (it is not quite clear
+in what capacity) with the 'Disciplina Romanae Civitatis,' is
+commissioned to bring the accused to trial. Baronius says that we do
+not hear whether they were ever re-captured.]
+
+
+24. KING THEODORIC TO ELPIDIUS, DEACON [of Spoleto].
+
+[Sidenote: Architectural restoration at Spoleto.]
+
+Gives leave to pull down a _porticus_ behind the Baths of Turasius at
+Spoleto, and to build some new edifice [perhaps a church] on its site
+and on the site of a yard (areola) adjoining it, on condition only
+that the building thus pulled down is of no public utility.
+
+Reflections on the duty of architectural restoration.
+
+
+25. KING THEODORIC TO ARGOLICUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS.
+
+[It is to be borne in mind that the Praefectus Urbis was the Official
+President of the Senate.]
+
+[Sidenote: Petrus to be inscribed as Senator.]
+
+'Ambition ennobles man, and he who has aimed when young at high
+honours is often stimulated to lead a worthy life by the fact of
+having obtained them. We therefore look favourably on the petition of
+Petrus, illustrious by descent, and in gravity of character already a
+Senator, to enter the Sacred Order (the Senate); and we authorise your
+Illustrious Magnificence to inscribe his name, according to ancient
+custom, in the album of that body.'
+
+[A Petrus, probably the same as the subject of this letter, was Consul
+in 516.]
+
+
+26. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE CITIZENS OF MARSEILLES[345].
+
+[Footnote 345: 'Universis Massiliae constitutis.' A curious
+expression.]
+
+[Sidenote: Taxes remitted for a year.]
+
+Confirms all privileges and immunities granted by previous Princes,
+and remits the taxes (censum) for one year, a boon which they had not
+dared to ask for. 'For that is perfect _pietas_, which before it is
+bent by prayer, knows how to consider the weary ones.'
+
+[Here, as in many other passages of Cassiodorus, _pietas_ shows signs
+of passing into the Italian _pieta_ (= pity).]
+
+
+27. KING THEODORIC TO THE SAJO TEZUTZAT,
+
+AND
+
+28. KING THEODORIC TO DUDA, SENATOR AND COMES.
+
+[Sidenote: Petrus assaulted by the Sajo who was assigned for his
+protection.]
+
+[Duda was also a Sajo, as we see from Letter 32. Dahn ('Koenige der
+Germanen' iv. 142, _n._ 3) thinks he was Comes Gothorum.]
+
+Both letters relate to the affair of Petrus (a Vir Spectabilis, and
+probably the same whose admission to the Senate is ordered by iv. 25).
+
+This Roman nobleman, according to a usage common under Theodoric's
+government, has had the Gothic Sajo Amara assigned to him as his
+Defensor. Amara, by an inversion of his functions, which the letter
+bitterly laments and upbraids, has turned upon his _protege_ and even
+used personal violence towards him. He has drawn a sword and wounded
+him in the hand; and nothing but the fact that Petrus was sheltered by
+a door saved him from losing his hand altogether.
+
+Yet, notwithstanding this assault, Amara has had the audacity to claim
+from his victim 'commodi nomine,' the usual payment made by the
+defended to the defender.
+
+The first letter decrees that this shall be refunded twofold, and
+assigns Tezutzat instead of Amara to the office of Defender, warning
+him not to follow the evil example of his predecessor.
+
+The second assigns to Duda the task of enquiring into the alleged
+assault and punishing it with the sword[346].
+
+[Footnote 346: The story of this assault is a typical specimen of the
+style of Cassiodorus, high-flown yet not really pictorial: 'Ita ut
+ictum gladii in se demersum, aliquatenus postium retardaret objectio:
+subjecta est vulneri manus, quae ut in totum truncata non caderet,
+januarum percussa robora praestiterunt: ubi lassato impetu corusca
+ferri acies corporis extrema perstrinxit.']
+
+
+29. KING THEODORIC TO ARGOLICUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECT OF THE CITY.
+
+[Sidenote: Official tardiness rebuked.]
+
+A sharp rebuke to him for having (if the _suggestio_ of the
+Clarissimus Armentarius be correct) so long delayed, it is to be
+feared with a corrupt motive, complying with the instructions of the
+King to do justice in some case (not described) in which the honour of
+the Senate is concerned. As head of the Senate he ought to have been
+eager to examine into it, without any prompting from his master.
+
+
+30. KING THEODORIC TO ALBINUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Workshops may be erected above the Porticus Curba, by the
+Roman Forum.]
+
+'Those whom the Republic has honoured should in their turn bring
+honour to the City. We are therefore gratified by receiving your
+supplication for leave to erect workshops[347] above the Porticus
+Curba, which being situated near the Domus Palmata, shuts in the Forum
+in comely fashion "in modum areae." We like the plan. The range of
+private dwellings will thereby be extended. A look of cheerful newness
+will be given to the old walls; and the presence of residents in the
+building will tend to preserve it from further decay. You have our
+permission and encouragement to proceed, if the proposed erections do
+not in any way interfere with public convenience or the beauty of the
+City.'
+
+[Footnote 347: Fabricae.]
+
+[The MSS. of Cassiodorus waver between Curbae and Curiae in the above
+letter. Jordan ('Topographie der Stadt Rom.' i. 2. 258) inclines to
+the opinion that Porticus Curba denotes the Portico of the Secretarium
+of the Senate, on the site of the present Church of Sta. Martina. As
+the Curia immediately adjoined this building, there is practically but
+little difference between the two readings. In either case the
+fabricae were to be erected so as to overlook the north-west end of
+the Forum. It is admitted that the Domus Palmata was near the Arch of
+Septimius Severus.]
+
+
+31. KING THEODORIC TO AEMILIANUS, VIR VENERABILIS, BISHOP.
+
+[Sidenote: An aqueduct to be promptly finished.]
+
+'Wise men should finish what they have begun, and not incur the
+reproach which attends half-done work.
+
+'Let your Holiness therefore promptly complete what by our authority
+you so well began in the matter of the aqueduct, and thus most fitly
+provide water for your thirsting flock, imitating by labour the
+miracle of Moses, who made water gush forth from the flinty rock.'
+
+
+32. KING THEODORIC TO DUDA THE SAJO.
+
+[Sidenote: The rights of the Crown to the property of the proscribed
+man, Tupha, to be asserted with moderation.]
+
+'We are anxious strictly to obey the laws, and to take no advantage
+over our subjects in courts of justice. If a man knows that he can get
+his own by legal process, even from the Sovereign, he is the less
+likely to seek it by the armed hand. The memorandum of Marinus informs
+us that the property of Tupha was long ago mortgaged to a certain
+Joannes[348]. But since it is quite clear that the property of a
+proscribed man belongs to our fiscus, we desire you to summon the
+widow of this Joannes and his secretary Januarius, "moderata
+executione."
+
+[Footnote 348: 'Marini relatione comperimus res Tuphae apud Joannem
+quondam sub emissione chirographi fuisse depositas.']
+
+'If they acknowledge that they have no right to the property let them
+at once restore it; but if not, let them come before the _Consularis_
+of Campania and establish their right according to course of law.
+
+'But let all be done without loss or prejudice to the rights of
+innocent persons. If any such charge be established against you, _you_
+will become the offender in our eyes.'
+
+[The description of Tupha as 'proscriptus' makes it probable that we
+are dealing with that officer of Odovacar whose double treachery
+(489-490) so nearly caused the failure of Theodoric's invasion of
+Italy, and who finally fell in battle against his fellow-rebel,
+Frederic the Rugian. The only difficulty is the lapse of time since
+those events, as this letter was probably written not earlier than
+about 511; but that is in some degree met by the word _quondam_ in the
+sentence quoted (_n._ 1, p. 250).]
+
+
+33. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE JEWS OF GENOA.
+
+[Sidenote: Privileges of the Jews confirmed.]
+
+'The true mark of _civilitas_ is the observance of law. It is this
+which makes life in communities possible, and which separates man from
+the brutes. We therefore gladly accede to your request that all the
+privileges which the foresight of antiquity conferred upon the Jewish
+customs shall be renewed to you[349], for in truth it is our great
+desire that the laws of the ancients shall be kept in force to secure
+the reverence due to us[350]. Everything which has been found to
+conduce to _civilitas_ should be held fast with enduring devotion.'
+
+[Footnote 349: 'Privilegia debere servari quae Judaicis institutis
+legum provida decrevit antiquitas.']
+
+[Footnote 350: 'Quod nos libenter annuimus qui jura veterum ad nostram
+cupimus reverentiam custodiri.']
+
+
+34. KING THEODORIC TO DUDA THE SAJO.
+
+[Sidenote: Buried treasure to be reclaimed for the State.]
+
+'It is the part of true prudence to recall to the uses of commerce
+"the talent hidden in the earth." We therefore direct you, by this
+"moderata jussio," where you hear of buried treasures to proceed to
+the spot with suitable witnesses and reclaim for the public Treasury
+either gold or silver, abstaining, however, from actually laying hands
+on the ashes of the dead[351]. The dead can do nothing with treasure,
+and it is not greedy to take away what the holder of it can never
+mourn the loss of.
+
+[Footnote 351: How this was to be done is not quite clear, since it is
+plain that this letter is really and chiefly an order for rifling
+_sepulchres_ in search of buried treasure.]
+
+'Eacus is said to have discovered the use of gold, and Indus, King of
+the Scythians, that of silver. They are extremely useful metals.'
+
+
+35. KING THEODORIC TO THE REPRESENTATIVES (ACTORES) OF ALBINUS.
+
+[Sidenote: An extravagant minor. Restitutio in integrum.]
+
+'It has been wisely decided by Antiquity that minors cannot make a
+binding contract, for they are naturally the prey of every sharper.
+You allege that your _patronus_ [Albinus] is under age, that he is
+heaping up expenses instead of property, and that his raw boyhood does
+not know what is really for his benefit. If this be correct, and be
+legally proved, he is entitled to a _restitutio in integrum_' [a suit
+commenced through these Actores for the quashing of the contracts
+which have been fraudulently made with the minor].
+
+[For the _restitutio in integrum_, see Cod. Theod. ii. 16. 1, and vi.
+4. 16. Nothing seems to be expressly said in this letter about the
+appointment of a _Curator_.]
+
+
+36. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT. A.D. 509-510.
+
+[Sidenote: Remission of taxes for Provincials of Cottian Alps.]
+
+'A wise ruler will always lessen the weight of taxation when his
+subjects are weighed down by temporary poverty. Therefore let your
+Magnificence remit to the Provincials of the Cottian Alps the _as
+publicum_ for this year [the third Indiction], in consideration of
+their losses by the passage of our army. [The army of Ibbas, on its
+march in 408 to fight Clovis, after the fall of the Visigothic
+Monarchy.] True, that army went forth with shouts of concord to
+_liberate_ Gaul. But so a river bursting forth may irrigate and
+fertilise a whole country, and yet destroy the increase of that
+particular channel in which its waters run.
+
+'We have earned new subjects by that campaign: we do not wish them to
+suffer loss by it. Our own heart whispers to us the request which the
+subjects dare not utter to their Prince.'
+
+
+37. KING THEODORIC TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS WOMAN THEODAGUNDA.
+
+[Sidenote: Theodagunda is admonished to do justice to Renatus.]
+
+Warns Theodagunda [apparently a member of the royal family and
+governing some Province; but what place could she hold in the Roman
+official hierarchy?], that she must emulate the virtue of her
+ancestors and show prompt obedience to the royal commands. 'The
+lamentable petition of Renatus states that, after judgment given in
+his favour by the King's Court, he is still harassed by the litigation
+(not in the way of regular appeal) of Inquilina, who appears to be not
+so much desirous of victory as anxious to ruin his adversary.'
+[Notwithstanding the form of the name I think Inquilina is male, not
+female.]
+
+'You must see that this is put right at once.'
+
+
+38. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Taxes must be reduced to the figure at which they stood in
+the days of Odoacer.]
+
+'The inhabitants of Gravasi (?) and Ponto (?) complain that they have
+been overloaded with taxes by the Assessors (discussores) Probus and
+Januarius. They have bad land, and say that they really cannot cope
+with the taxes imposed upon them [at the last Indiction?]. The former
+practice is to be reverted to, and they are not to be called upon to
+pay more than they did in the days of Odoacer.' [An evidence that in
+one case at least the fiscal yoke of Odoacer was lighter than that of
+his successor.]
+
+
+39. KING THEODORIC TO THEODAHAD, VIR ILLUSTRIS [AND NEPHEW OF THE
+KING].
+
+[Sidenote: The encroachments of Theodahad repressed.]
+
+'Avarice, which Holy Writ declares to be "the root of all evil," is a
+vulgar vice which you, our kinsman, a man of Amal blood, whose family
+is known to be royal, are especially bound to avoid[352].
+
+[Footnote 352: 'Amali sanguinis virum nos decet vulgare desiderium:
+quia genus suum conspicit esse purpuratum.']
+
+'The Spectabilis Domitius complains to us that such and such portions
+of his property have been seized by you with the strong hand, without
+any pretence of establishing a legal claim to them.
+
+'We send the Sajo Duda to you, and order you on his arrival[353],
+without any delay, to restore the property which you have taken
+possession of, with all the moveables of which you have despoiled it.
+
+[Footnote 353: 'Si momenti tempora suffragantur.' What is the meaning
+of this limitation?]
+
+'If you have any claim to make to the lands in question, send a person
+fully informed of the facts to our Comitatus, and there let the case
+be fairly heard.
+
+'A high-born man should ever act according to well-ordered
+_civilitas_. Any neglect of this principle brings upon him odium,
+proportioned to the oppression which the man of humbler rank conceives
+himself to have suffered at his hands.'
+
+
+40. KING THEODORIC TO THE REPRESENTATIVES (ACTORES) OF PROBINUS.
+
+[Sidenote: The affair of Agapeta. Basilius, her husband, ordered to
+plead.]
+
+Recurs to the case of the Possessio Areciretina, which Agapeta, the
+wife of Basilius, had given (or sold) to Probinus, and which Probinus
+was commanded to restore. (See Letters ii. 10 and 11.)
+
+The petition, now presented by the representatives of Probinus, puts a
+somewhat different face upon the matter, and seems to show that the
+sale by Agapeta (notwithstanding her melancholy condition of fatuity
+and vice) was a _bona fide_ one, for sufficient consideration.
+
+Her husband Basilius is now ordered to reply to the pleadings of the
+opposite party, either at the King's Comitatus, or in some local court
+of competent jurisdiction. The King's Comitatus is meant to be a
+blessing to his subjects, and recourse to it is not made compulsory
+where, on account of distance, the suitor would rather be excused from
+resorting to it.
+
+
+41. KING THEODORIC TO JOANNES, ARCH-PHYSICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: An unjust judgment against Joannes reversed.]
+
+'A King should delight to succour the oppressed.
+
+'You inform us that, by the devices of the Spectabilis Vivianus and
+his superior knowledge of the laws, an unjust judgment was obtained
+against you, in default, in the Court of the Vicarius of the City of
+Rome: that Vivianus himself has now renounced the world, repents of
+his injustice to you, and interposes no obstacle to the restitution of
+your rights. We therefore (if your statements shall prove to be
+correct) quash the sentence against you, restore you to your country
+and your property, and that you may be preserved from future
+molestation, founded on the old sentence against you, we assign you to
+the guardianship (tuitio) of the Patrician Albinus, without prejudice
+to the laws (salvis legibus).
+
+'We wish that nothing contrary to _civilitas_ should be done, since
+our daily labour is for the repose of all.' [I presume that this
+letter is in fact an edict for 'Restitutio in integrum.']
+
+
+42. KING THEODORIC TO ARGOLICUS, PRAEFECT OF THE CITY.
+
+[Sidenote: The sons of Velusian to have their property restored to
+them.]
+
+'Under a good King the loss even of a father should be less felt than
+with a different ruler, for the King is the father of his people.
+
+'The petition of Marcian and Maximius, sons of Velusian (Patrician and
+Magnificus), sets forth that they lost their father at Easter; that
+thus the time of joy to all Christians became to them a season of
+sorrow; that while they were immersed in their grief and incapable of
+attending to their affairs, "the tower of the circus and the place of
+the amphitheatre[354]," which had belonged to their illustrious
+father, were by some heartless intriguer wrested from them, under the
+authority of the Praefect.
+
+[Footnote 354: Can this be the Amphitheatrum Castrense?]
+
+'Be pleased to enquire into this matter, and if those places truly
+belonged to Velusian, restore them to his sons. We wish to cherish
+rather than oppress the sons of illustrious men, who are the germ of
+our future Senate.'
+
+
+43. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Punishment of incendiaries who have burned a Jewish
+Synagogue.]
+
+[On the burning of the Jewish synagogue. This synagogue of the Jews
+was in the Trastevere. See Gregorovius i. 296-298 for a description of
+it. I do not know on what authority he assigns 521 for the date of
+the tumult in which it was burned.]
+
+'The propriety of manners which is characteristic of the City of Rome
+must be upheld. To fall into the follies of popular tumult, and to set
+about burning their own City, is not like the Roman disposition[355].
+
+[Footnote 355: 'Levitates quippe seditionum et ambire propriae
+civitatis incendium, non est velle Romanum.']
+
+'But we are informed by Count Arigern[356] that the populace of Rome,
+enraged at the punishment inflicted on some Christian servants who had
+murdered their Jewish masters, has risen in fury and burned their
+synagogue to the ground[357], idly venting on innocent buildings their
+anger against the men who used them.
+
+[Footnote 356: It happens that one of the letters addressed to Count
+Arigern also refers to a Jewish synagogue. See iii. 45.]
+
+[Footnote 357: 'Quod in dominorum caede proruperit servilis audacia:
+in quibus cum fuisset pro districtione publica resecatum, statim
+plebis inflammata contentio synagogam temerario duxerunt incendio
+concremandam.' The above is Gregorovius' explanation of the somewhat
+enigmatical language of Cassiodorus.]
+
+'Be pleased to enquire into this matter, and severely punish the
+authors of the tumult, who are probably few in number.
+
+'At the same time enquire into the complaints which are brought
+against the Jews, and if you find that there is any foundation for
+them, punish accordingly.'
+
+
+44. KING THEODORIC TO THE VENERABLE ANTONIUS, BISHOP OF POLA.
+
+[Sidenote: Bishop Antonius called upon to do justice to Stephanus.]
+
+'It is an invidious task to have to listen to complaints against the
+revered ministers of the Church.
+
+'But the petition of Stephanus sets forth that a property, which
+belonged to him before the time of your predecessor, has, within the
+last nine months, wrongfully, and in defiance of _civilitas_, been
+seized by the officers of your church. If this be so, we desire you,
+as a matter of justice, to correct what your familiars have done
+amiss, and restore it to him without delay. But if you dispute his
+title, send a properly instructed person to plead the cause in our
+Comitatus.
+
+'You will be better off by having the matter enquired into and
+settled, than if the complaints of Stephanus had never come to a
+hearing[358].'
+
+[Footnote 358: There are some technical terms in this letter the
+meaning of which is not clear to me: 'Eam justitiae consideratione
+_momenti_ jure restituite supplicanti.... Veruntamen si partibus
+vestris in _causa_ possessionis _momentaria_ vel _principali_
+justitiam adesse cognoscitis.']
+
+
+45. KING THEODORIC TO THE COMITES, DEFENSORES, AND CURIALES OF TICINUM
+(PAVIA).
+
+[Sidenote: The Heruli to be forwarded on their way to Ravenna.]
+
+[It is not easy to see why this order should be addressed to the
+inhabitants of Ticinum. Had the Heruli crossed the Alps by some pass
+near the modern Simplon?]
+
+'We have ordered the Heruli, who are suppliants to us, to come to our
+Comitatus at Ravenna.
+
+'Provide them promptly with ships of provisions for five days, that
+they may at once see the difference between Italy and their own hungry
+country[359].'
+
+[Footnote 359: It is probably to the same transaction that Marcellinus
+Comes refers when he says, s.a. 512: 'Gens Erulorum in terras atque
+civitates Romanorum jussu Anastasii Caesaris introducta.' The words
+'jussu Anastasii Caesaris' represent this chronicler's tendency to
+refer everything that is done in Italy to the initiation of
+Byzantium.]
+
+
+46. KING THEODORIC TO MARABAD, VIR ILLUSTRIS.
+
+[Sidenote: The case of the wife of Liberius to be reheard.]
+
+'The Spectabilis Liberius[360] complains that his wife has had an
+unjust judgment given against her in your Court. Try the case over
+again, associating with yourself arbitrators chosen by both parties.
+If it cannot so be ended, let them appoint properly instructed
+persons to represent them at our Comitatus, if they cannot come
+themselves.'
+
+[Footnote 360: Possibly a son of the Praefect Liberius.]
+
+
+47. KING THEODORIC TO GUDISAL THE SAJO.
+
+[Sidenote: Abuses of the Cursus Publicus.]
+
+'If the public post-horses (veredi) are not allowed proper intervals
+of rest they will soon be worn out.
+
+'We are informed by our _legati_ that these horses are constantly
+employed by persons who have no right to use them.
+
+'You are therefore to reside in Rome, and to put yourself in constant
+communication with the officers of the Praefectus Praetorio and the
+Magister Officiorum, so as not to allow any to leave the City using
+the horses of the _Cursus Publicus_ except the regularly commissioned
+agents of those two functionaries. Anyone transgressing is to pay a
+fine of 100 solidi (L60) per horse; not that the injury to the animal
+is represented by so high a figure, but in order to punish his
+impertinence. Our Sajones, when sent with a commission, are to go
+straight to the mark and return, not to make pleasure-tours at the
+public expense; and if they disobey this order, they are to pay the
+same fine as that just mentioned.
+
+'Moreover, the extra horses (parhippi) are not to be weighted with a
+load of more than 100 lbs. For we wish our messengers[361] to travel
+in light marching order, not to make of their journey a regular
+domestic migration.
+
+[Footnote 361: 'Mittendarii.' A 'Scrinium Mittendariorum' formed part
+of the staff of the Count of Sacred Largesses. See Theodosian Code vi.
+30. 7.]
+
+'Cranes, when they are going to cross the sea, clasp little pebbles
+with their claws, in order to steady without overweighting themselves.
+Why cannot those who are sent on public errands follow so good an
+example? Every transport master[362] who violates this rule by loading
+a horse with more than 100 lbs. shall pay 50 solidi (L30).
+
+[Footnote 362: 'Catabulensis.' See iii. 10.]
+
+'All fines levied under this edict are to go to the benefit of the
+postal-servants[363], and thus the evil will, as we so often see in
+human affairs, furnish its own remedy.'
+
+[Footnote 363: 'Mancipes mutationum.' The 'mutationes' were the places
+for changing horses; there are generally two of them between each
+'mansio' (hostelry). Probably the horses were found by the 'Mancipes
+mutationum.' It was therefore a sort of _corvee_.]
+
+
+48. KING THEODORIC TO EUSEBIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Honourable retirement of Eusebius.]
+
+'After the worries of the noisy City, and the heavy burden of your
+official duties, your Greatness is longing to taste the sweetness of
+country life. When therefore you have finished your present duties, we
+grant you by our authority a holiday of eight months in the charming
+recesses of Lucania [near Cassiodorus' own country], to be reckoned
+from the time when by Divine [royal?] favour you depart from the City.
+When those months are at an end, return with speed, much missed as you
+will be, to your Roman habitation, to the assembly of the nobles, and
+to social intercourse of a kind that is worthy of your character.'
+
+
+49. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE PROVINCIALS AND THE LONG-HAIRED
+MEN[364], THE DEFENSORES AND THE CURIALES RESIDING IN SUAVIA[365].
+
+[Footnote 364: _Capillatis._ The only passage which throws a light on
+this name--and that is a doubtful one--is Jordanes, De Rebus Geticis
+xi. After describing the _pileati_, the tiara-wearing priests of the
+Getae, he says: 'Reliquam vero gentem capillatos dicere jussit
+[Diceneus] quod nomen Gothi pro magno suscipientes adhuc hodie suis
+cantionibus reminiscuntur.']
+
+[Footnote 365: _Suavia_ is nearly equivalent to the modern Sclavonia,
+between the rivers Drave and Save.]
+
+[Sidenote: Fridibad to be Governor of Suavia, and to punish
+freebooters.]
+
+'The King's orders must be vigorously executed, that terror may be
+struck into the hearts of the lawless, and that those who have
+suffered violence may begin to hope for better days. Often the threat
+of punishment does more to quiet a country than punishment itself.
+Therefore, under Divine guidance, we have appointed Fridibad to be
+your Governor.
+
+'He will punish cattle-lifters with due severity, will cut off
+murderers, condemn thieves, and render you, who are now torn by
+presumptuous iniquity, safe from the daring attempts of villains. Live
+like a settled people; live like men who have learned the lessons of
+morality; let neither nationality nor rank be alleged as an excuse
+from these duties. If any man gives himself up to wicked courses, he
+must needs undergo chastisement.'
+
+
+50. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Remission of taxes for Campanians who have suffered from an
+eruption of Vesuvius.]
+
+'The Campanians complain that their fields have been devastated by an
+eruption of Vesuvius, and ask in consequence for a remission of
+tribute. [This eruption is assigned--I do not know on what
+authority--to the year 512[366].]
+
+[Footnote 366: The passage in Marcellinus Comes, s.a. 512, which at
+first sight seems to describe an eruption taking place in that year,
+really describes the _commemoration_ of the eruption of 472. See
+following note.]
+
+'Let your Greatness send men of proved integrity to the territories of
+Neapolis and Nola, who may examine the ravaged lands for themselves,
+and proportion the relief granted, to the amount of damage done in
+each case.
+
+'That Province is visited at intervals by this terrible calamity, as
+if to mar its otherwise perfect happiness. There is one favourable
+feature in the visitation. It does not come wholly unawares. For some
+time before, the mountain groans with the strife of Nature going on
+inside it, and it seems as if an angry spirit within would terrify all
+the neighbourhood by his mighty roar. Then the air is darkened by its
+foul exhalations; hot ashes scudding along the sea, a shower of drops
+of dust upon the land, tell to all Italy, to the transmarine
+Provinces, to the world, from what calamity Campania is
+suffering[367].
+
+[Footnote 367: In the eruption of 472 (apparently the last great
+eruption previous to 512), the ashes were carried as far as Byzantium,
+the inhabitants of which city instituted a yearly religious service in
+memory of the event: 'Vesuvius mons Campaniae torridus intestinis
+ignibus aestuans exusta evomuit viscera, nocturnisque in die tenebris
+incumbentibus, _omnem Europae faciem minuto contexit pulvere_. Hujus
+metuendi memoriam cineris Byzantii annue celebrant VIII Idus
+Novembris.' The eruption was accompanied by widespread earthquake: 'In
+Asia aliquantae civitates vel oppida terrae motu collapsa sunt'
+(Marcellinus Comes, sub anno).]
+
+'Go nearer: you will see as it were rivers of dust flowing, and
+glowing streams of barren sand moving over the country. You see and
+wonder: the furrows of the fields are suddenly lifted to a level with
+the tops of the trees; the country, which but now was dressed in a
+robe of gladsome greenness, is laid waste by sudden and mournful heat.
+And yet, even those sandy tracts of pumice-stone which the mountain
+vomits forth, dry and burnt up as they appear, have their promise of
+fertility. There are germs within them which will one day spring to
+life, and re-clothe the mountain side which they have wasted.
+
+'How strange that one mountain alone should thus terrify the whole
+world! Other mountains may be seen with silently glowing summits; this
+alone announces itself to distant lands by darkened skies and changed
+air. So it still goes on, shedding its dusty dews over the land; ever
+parting with its substance, yet a mountain still undiminished in
+height and amplitude. Who that sees those mighty blocks in the plain
+would believe that they had boiled over from the depths of that
+distant hill, that they had been tossed like straws upon the wind by
+the angry spirit of the mountain?
+
+'Therefore let your Prudence so manage the enquiry that those who have
+really suffered damage shall be relieved, while no room is left for
+fraud.'
+
+
+51. KING THEODORIC TO SYMMACHUS, PATRICIAN[368].
+
+[Footnote 368: The father-in-law of Boethius.]
+
+[Sidenote: Commends the public spirit of Symmachus, as shown in the
+restoration of Pompey's theatre.]
+
+Commends him for the diligence and skill with which he has decorated
+Rome with new buildings--especially in the suburbs, which no one would
+distinguish from the City except for the occasional glimpses of
+pleasant fields; and still more for his restoration of the massive
+ruins of past days[369], chiefly the theatre of Pompeius.
+
+[Footnote 369: We have here a striking description of the massive
+strength of the public buildings of Rome: '[Videmus] caveas illas
+saxis pendentibus apsidatas ita juncturis absconditis in formas
+pulcherrimas convenisse, ut cryptas magis excelsi montis crederes quam
+aliquid fabricatum esse judicares.']
+
+As the letter is addressed to a learned man, it seems a suitable
+opportunity to explain why Antiquity reared this mighty pile.
+Accordingly a very long digression follows on the origin, progress,
+and decline of Tragedy, Comedy, and Pantomime.
+
+It is remarked incidentally that Pompeius seems to have derived his
+appellation _Magnus_ chiefly from the building of this wonderful
+theatre.
+
+The expense which Symmachus has been put to in these vast works is to
+be refunded to him by the _Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi_, that he may
+still have the glory of the work, but that the King may have done his
+due part in preserving the memorials of Antiquity.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK V.
+
+CONTAINING FORTY-FOUR LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF
+THEODORIC.
+
+
+1. KING THEODORIC TO THE KING OF THE VANDALS[370].
+
+[Footnote 370: No doubt Thrasamund, who married Theodoric's sister. He
+reigned from 496 to 523.]
+
+[Sidenote: The King of the Vandals is thanked for his presents.]
+
+'The swords which you have sent us are most beautiful: so sharp that
+they will cut other weapons; so bright that they reflect with a sort
+of iron light[371] the face of the beholder; with the two blades
+descending to their edges with such absolute equality of slope, that
+you would fancy them the result of the furnace rather than of the
+whetstone[372]; in the middle, between the blades, channels carved
+which are filled in with beautiful enamel of various colours[373].
+
+[Footnote 371: 'Ut speculum quoddam virorum faciat ferream lucem.']
+
+[Footnote 372: 'Quarum margines in acutum tali aequalitate descendunt,
+ut non limis compositae, sed igneis fornacibus credantur effusae.']
+
+[Footnote 373: 'Harum media pulchris alveis excavata, quibusdam
+videntur crispari posse vermiculis, ubi tanta varietatis umbra
+concludit, ut intextum magis credas variis coloribus lucidum
+metallum.']
+
+'Along with these arms you have also sent us musical instruments of
+ebony, and slave boys of beautiful whiteness.
+
+'We thank you heartily, send by A and B, our ambassadors, presents of
+equal value; and hope that mutual concord will always unite our
+States.'
+
+
+2. KING THEODORIC TO THE HAESTI.
+
+[Sidenote: The Haesti, dwellers by the Baltic. Their present of
+amber.]
+
+[These are the Aestii of Tacitus, dwelling in or on the south border
+of the country which is still called Esthonia. Tacitus also mentions
+their quest of amber[374].]
+
+[Footnote 374: Germ. 45: 'Ergo jam dextro Suevici maris litore
+Aestiorum gentes alluuntur, quibus ritus habitusque Suevorum, lingua
+Britannicae propior.... Sed et mare scrutantur ac soli omnium sucinum
+quod ipsi glesum vocant, inter vada atque in ipso littore legunt.'
+Then follows an account of the nature of amber, and a history of its
+supposed origin, from which Cassiodorus has borrowed in this letter.]
+
+'It is gratifying to us to know that you have heard of our fame, and
+have sent ambassadors who have pressed through so many strange nations
+to seek our friendship.
+
+'We have received the amber which you have sent us. You say that you
+gather this lightest of all substances from the shores of the ocean,
+but how it comes thither you know not. But, as an author named
+Cornelius [Tacitus] informs us, it is gathered in the innermost
+islands of the ocean, being formed originally of the juice of a tree
+(whence its name _succinum_[375]), and gradually hardened by the heat
+of the sun.
+
+[Footnote 375: Cassiodorus apparently spells this word with two c's.
+The more usual spelling is with one.]
+
+'Thus it becomes an exuded metal, a transparent softness, sometimes
+blushing with the colour of saffron, sometimes glowing with flame-like
+clearness[376]. Then, gliding down to the margin of the sea, and
+further purified by the rolling of the tides, it is at length
+transported to your shores to be cast up upon them. We have thought it
+better to point this out to you, lest you should imagine that your
+supposed secrets have escaped our knowledge.
+
+[Footnote 376: 'Modo croceo colore rubens, modo flammea claritate
+pinguescens.']
+
+'We send you some presents by our ambassadors, and shall be glad to
+receive further visits from you by the road which you have thus opened
+up, and to show you future favours.'
+
+[The collection of amber is also noticed by Pliny ('Nat. Hist.' 37.
+2). It is interesting to observe that he there, on the authority of
+Pytheas, attributes to the Guttones dwelling on the Baltic shore the
+collection of amber, and its sale to the Teutones. These Guttones
+were, if we are right in accepting Jordanes' account of the Gothic
+migrations, themselves ancestors of the Ostrogoths.]
+
+
+3. KING THEODORIC TO HONORATUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, QUAESTOR.
+
+4. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Honoratus, brother of Decoratus, is made Quaestor.]
+
+The usual pair of letters on the promotion of Honoratus to the
+Quaestorship. He succeeds his brother Decoratus, whose early death
+Theodoric regrets. The date of the letters is the Third Indiction,
+September 1, 509.
+
+The writer remarks on the prophetic instinct[377] of the parents, who
+named these two sons, destined to future eminence, Decoratus and
+Honoratus. Decoratus was originally an advocate at Rome. His services
+were often sought by men of Consular rank, and before his admission to
+the Senate he had had a Patrician for his client in a very celebrated
+case[378].
+
+[Footnote 377: We have here a remark on unconscious prophecies: 'Loqui
+datur quod nos sensisse nescimus: sed post casum reminiscimur, quod
+ignorantes veraciter dixeramus.']
+
+[Footnote 378: 'Inferior gradu praestabat viris consularibus se
+patronum et cum honoribus vestris impar haberetur, Patricius ei dictus
+est in celeberrima cognitione susceptus.' The last part of this
+sentence is very obscure.]
+
+When he became Quaestor he distinguished himself by his excellent
+qualities. 'He stood beside us, under the light of our Genius, bold
+but reverent; silent at the right time, fluent when there was need of
+fluency. He kept our secrets as if he had forgotten them; he
+remembered every detail of our orders as if he had written them down.
+Thus was he ever an eminent lightener of our labours[379].'
+
+[Footnote 379: Decoratus is called by Boethius, who was his colleague
+in some office, 'a wretched buffoon and informer' (nequissimus scurra
+et delator. Cons. Phil. iii. 4). But Ennodius addresses him in
+friendly and cordial language (Epist. iv. 17). His epitaph, which
+mentions his Spoletan origin, is of course laudatory:
+
+ 'Nam fessis tribuit requiem, miseros que levavit,
+ Justitiae cultor, largus et hospes erat.'
+
+(Quoted in the notes to Ennodius in Migne's Patrologia.)]
+
+The past career of the younger brother, Honoratus, who has been
+advocate at Spoleto, and has had to contend with the corrupt
+tendencies of Provincial judges, full of their little importance, and
+removed from the wholesome control which the opinion of the Senate
+exercised upon them at Rome, is then sketched; and the hope is
+expressed that, in the words of the Virgilian quotation[380], this
+bough upon the family tree will be found as goodly as that which it
+has untimely lost.
+
+[Footnote 380: 'Primo avulso non deficit alter' (Aen. vi. 143).]
+
+[Sidenote: Duties of the Quaestorship.]
+
+The letter to the Senate has an interesting passage on the duties and
+responsibilities of the Quaestor.
+
+'It is only men whom we consider to be of the highest learning that we
+raise to the dignity of the Quaestorship, such men as are fitted to be
+interpreters of the laws and sharers of our counsels. This is an
+honour which neither riches nor high birth by itself can procure, only
+learning joined with prudence. In granting all other dignities we
+confer favours, but from the holder of this we ever receive them. He
+is favoured to have a share in our anxieties; he enters in by the
+door of our thoughts; he is intimately acquainted with the breast in
+which the cares of the whole State are weighed. Think what judgment
+you ought to form of a man who is partaker of such a confidence. From
+him we require skill in the laws; to him flow together all the prayers
+of all suitors, and (a thing more precious than any treasure) to him
+is committed our own reputation for _civilitas_. Under a just Quaestor
+the mind of an innocent man is at rest: only the wicked become anxious
+as to the success of their evil designs; and thus the bad lose their
+hope of plunder, while more earnestness is shown in the practice of
+virtue. It is his to safeguard the just rights of all men: temperate
+in expenditure, lavish in his zeal for justice, incapable of
+deception, prompt in succour. He serves that Sovereign mind before
+which all bow: through his lips must he speak who has not an equal in
+the land.'
+
+
+5. KING THEODORIC TO THE SAJO MANNILA.
+
+[Sidenote: Abuses of the Cursus Publicus.]
+
+Repeats the injunctions given in Letter iv. 47 against improper use of
+the public post-horses, and overloading of the extra horses. The fines
+imposed are the same as in that letter [with the addition of a fine of
+two ounces of gold (about L6 10s.) for overloading]; the examples from
+Natural History are similar. 'The very bird when weighted with a load
+flies slowly. Ships though they cannot feel their toils, yet move
+tardily when they are filled with cargo. What can the poor quadruped
+do when pressed by too great burden? It succumbs.'
+
+But apparently this rule against overloading is not to apply to
+Praepositi (Provincial Governors?), since 'reverenda antiquitas' has
+given them special rights over the _Cursus Publicus_.
+
+
+6. KING THEODORIC TO STABULARIUS, COMITIACUS[381].
+
+[Footnote 381: Officer of the Court. See vi. 13.]
+
+7. KING THEODORIC TO JOANNES, VIR CLARISSIMUS, ARCARIUS [TREASURER].
+
+[Sidenote: Default in payments to Treasury made by Thomas. His
+property assigned to his son-in-law Joannes.]
+
+'The _Vir Honestus_, Thomas, has long been a defaulter (reliquator) in
+respect of the Indictions payable for certain farms which he has held
+under the King's house in Apulia[382], and this default has now
+reached the sum of 10,000 solidi (L6,000). Repeatedly summoned to pay,
+he always procrastinates, and we can get no satisfaction out of him.
+The petition of Joannes, who is son-in-law to Thomas, informs us that
+he is willing to pay the 10,000 solidi due, if we will make over to
+him the said farms, and all the property of his father-in-law. This we
+therefore now do, reserving to Thomas the right to pay the debt at any
+time before the next Kalends of September, and thus to redeem his
+property. Failing such payment, the property is to pass finally into
+the hands of Joannes, on his paying the 10,000 solidi to the
+Illustrious Count of the Patrimony [possibly Stabularius].
+
+[Footnote 382: 'Thomatem domus nostrae certa praedia suscepisse sed
+eum male administrando suscepta usque ad decem millia solidorum de
+Indictionibus illa atque illa reliquatorem publicis rationibus
+extitisse.' It is not quite clear whether the debt is due as what we
+should call rent or as land-tax. Perhaps the debt had accumulated
+under both heads.]
+
+'It may be some little consolation to Thomas to reflect that after all
+it is his son-in-law who enters into possession of his goods.'
+
+[Dahn ('Koenige der Germanen' iii. 277) remarks on this letter: 'But
+even the well-meaning Theodoric takes steps in the interests of
+substantial justice which from a juristic point of view it would be
+hard to justify.... Evidently here the King, in his consideration of
+what was practically just, has decided according to caprice, not
+according to right; for the Fiscus could strictly only be repaid its
+debt out of the property of the defaulter, and hold the Arcarius
+(Joannes) responsible for the balance' (for which Dahn thinks he had
+already made himself liable). I do not quite agree with this view. It
+seems to me that Thomas was hopelessly bankrupt (the debt was 10,000
+solidi, not 1,000, as stated by Dahn), and the Fiscus virtually sells
+the bankrupt's estate to his son-in-law, for him to make of it what he
+can.]
+
+
+8. KING THEODORIC TO ANASTASIUS THE CONSULAR.
+
+[Sidenote: Transport of marble from Faenza to Ravenna.]
+
+'We rely upon your Sublimity's zeal and prudence to see that the
+required blocks of marble are forwarded from Faventia (Faenza) to
+Ravenna, without any extortion from private individuals; so that, on
+the one hand, our desire for the adornment of that city may be
+gratified, and on the other, there may be no cause for complaint on
+the part of our subjects.'
+
+
+9. KING THEODORIC TO THE POSSESSORES OF FELTRIA.
+
+[Sidenote: New city to be built in district of Trient.]
+
+'We have ordered the erection of a new city in the territory of
+Tridentum (Trient). As the work is great and the inhabitants few, we
+order you all to assist and build each your appointed length
+(pedatura) of wall, for which you will receive suitable pay.'
+
+[This use of the word _pedatura_ is found in Vegetius, 'Epitoma Rei
+Militaris' iii. 8, and is illustrated by the centurial stones on the
+two great Roman walls in Britain, recording the number of feet
+accomplished by each century of soldiers (See 'Archaeologia Aeliana,'
+vol. ix. p. 28; paper by Mr. Clayton).]
+
+'None, not even the servants of the royal house (divina domus), are
+excepted from this order.'
+
+
+10. KING THEODORIC TO THE SAJO VERANUS.
+
+11. KING THEODORIC TO THE GEPIDAE, ON THEIR MARCH TO GAUL.
+
+[Sidenote: Payment to Gepidae on their march to Gaul.]
+
+'We desire that our soldiers should always be well paid, and that they
+should never become the terror of the country which they are ordered
+to defend. Do you therefore, Sajo Veranus, cause the Gepid troops whom
+we have ordered to come to the defence of Gaul, to march in all peace
+and quietness through Venetia and Liguria.
+
+'You Gepidae shall receive three solidi (L1 16s.) per week; and we
+trust that thus supplied you will everywhere buy your provisions, and
+not take them by force.
+
+'We generally give the soldiers their pay in kind, but in this case,
+for obvious reasons, we think it better to pay them in money, and let
+them buy for themselves.
+
+'If their waggons are becoming shaky with the long journey, or their
+beasts of burden weary, let them exchange for sound waggons and fresh
+beasts with the inhabitants of the country, but on such terms that the
+latter shall not regret the transaction.'
+
+[Does this payment of three solidi mean per head? That would be an
+enormously high rate of pay. Sartorius (p. 289) feels the difficulty
+so strongly that he suggests that this was the pay given to the whole
+troop, whose number was not large; but 'multitudo' seems hostile to
+this hypothesis[383]. Possibly the high cost of provisions in the
+Alpine mountain-country may help to explain this unheard-of rate of
+pay to common soldiers.]
+
+[Footnote 383: 'Ut multitudinem Gepidarum quam fecimus ad Gallias
+custodiae causa properare, per Venetiam atque Liguriam sub omni facias
+moderatione transire.']
+
+
+12. KING THEODORIC TO THEODAHAD, VIR ILLUSTRIS [NEPHEW OF THE KING].
+
+[Sidenote: Avarice and injustice of Theodahad.]
+
+'If all are bound to seek justice and to avoid ignoble gains, most
+especially are they thus bound who pride themselves on their close
+relationship to us.
+
+'The heirs of the Illustrious Argolicus [probably the Praefect of
+Rome] and the Clarissimus Amandianus complain that the estate[384] of
+Palentia, which we generously gave them to console them for the loss
+of the Casa Arbitana, has been by your servants, for no cause,
+unbecomingly invaded; and thus you, who should have shown an example
+of glorious moderation, have caused the scandal of high-handed
+spoliation. Wherefore, if this be true, let your Greatness at once
+restore what has been taken away; and if you consider that you have
+any claims on the land, come and assert them in our Comitatus. Even
+success yonder is injurious to your fame; but here, after full trial
+of the case and hearing of witnesses, no one will believe that any
+injustice has been done if your cause should triumph.'
+
+[Footnote 384: 'Massa;' cf. the American 'block.']
+
+[The republication of this letter at the close of his official life
+shows what was Cassiodorus' opinion of Theodahad, though he had served
+under him.]
+
+
+13. KING THEODORIC TO EUTROPIUS AND ACRETIUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Commissariat.]
+
+'We rely upon you to collect the prescribed rations and deliver them
+to the soldiers. It is most important that they should be regularly
+supplied, and that there should be no excuse for pillage, so hard to
+check when once an army has begun to practise it.'
+
+
+14. KING THEODORIC TO SEVERI(A)NUS[385], VIR ILLUSTRIS (514-515).
+
+[Footnote 385: In the next letter the same official is called
+Severinus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Financial abuses in Suavia.]
+
+'We send you to redress the long-standing grievances of the
+Possessores of the Province of Suavia, to which we have not yet been
+able to apply a remedy.
+
+'(1) It appears that some of the chief Possessores are actually making
+a profit out of the taxes, imposing heavy burdens on their poorer
+neighbours and not honestly accounting for the receipts to us. See
+that this is put right, that the land-tax (assis[386] publicus) is
+fairly and equitably reimposed according to the ability of each
+Possessor, and that those who have been oppressing their neighbours
+heal the wounds which they have made.
+
+[Footnote 386: Cassiodorus uses the rare nominative form 'assis.']
+
+'(2) See also that a strict account is rendered by all Defensores,
+Curiales, and Possessores of any receipts on behalf of the public
+Treasury. If a Possessor can show that he paid his tax (tributarius
+solidus) for the now expired eighth Indiction (A.D. 514-515), and the
+money has not reached our Treasury, find out the defaulter and punish
+his crime.
+
+'(3) Similarly with sums disbursed by one of the clerks of our
+Treasury[387], for the relief of the Province, which have not reached
+their destination.
+
+[Footnote 387: 'Tabularius a cubiculo nostro.']
+
+'(4) Men who were formerly Barbarians[388], who have married Roman
+wives and acquired property in land, are to be compelled to pay their
+Indictions and other taxes to the public Treasury just like any other
+Provincials.
+
+[Footnote 388: 'Antiqui Barbari qui Romanis mulieribus elegerint
+nuptiali foedere sociari, quolibet titulo praedia quaesiverint, fiscum
+possessi cespitis persolvere, ac super indictitiis oneribus parere
+cogantur.']
+
+'(5) Judges are to visit each town (municipium) once in the year, and
+are not entitled to claim from such towns more than three days'
+maintenance. Our ancestors wished that the circuits of the Judges
+should be a benefit, not a burden, to the Provincials.
+
+'(6) It is alleged that some of the servants of the Count of the Goths
+and of the Vice-dominus (?) have levied black-mail on some of the
+Provincials. Property so taken must be at once restored and the
+offenders punished.
+
+'(7) Enter all your proceedings under this commission in official
+registers (polyptycha), both for your own protection and for the sake
+of future reference, to prevent the recurrence of similar abuses.'
+
+[A long and interesting letter, but with some obscure passages.]
+
+
+15. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE POSSESSORES IN SUAVIA.
+
+[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
+
+'Although our Comitatus is always ready to redress the grievances of
+our subjects, yet, on account of the length of the journey from your
+Province hither, we have thought good to send the Illustrious and
+Magnificent Severinus to you to enquire into your complaints on the
+spot. He is a man fully imbued with our own principles of government,
+and he has seen how greatly we have at heart the administration of
+justice. We therefore doubt not that he will soon put right whatever
+has been done wrong in your Province; and we have published our
+"oracles" [the previous letter, containing Severinus' patent of
+appointment], that all may know upon what principles he is to act, and
+that those who have grievances against the present functionaries may
+learn their rights.'
+
+
+16. KING THEODORIC TO ABUNDANTIUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Formation of a navy.]
+
+'By Divine inspiration we have determined to raise a navy which may
+both ensure the arrival of the cargoes of public corn and may, if
+need be, combat the ships of an enemy. For, that Italy, a country
+abounding in timber, should not have a navy of her own hath often
+stricken us with regret.
+
+'Let your Greatness therefore give directions for the construction of
+1,000 _dromones_ (swift cutters). Wherever cypresses and pines are
+found near to the sea-shore, let them be bought at a suitable price.
+
+'Then as to the levy of sailors: any fitting man, if a slave, must be
+hired of his master, or bought at a reasonable price. If free, he is
+to receive 5 solidi (L3) as donative, and will have his rations during
+the term of service.
+
+'Even those who were slaves are to be treated in the same way, "since
+it is a kind of freedom to serve the Ruler of the State[389];" and are
+to receive, according to their condition, two or three solidi (L1 4s.
+or L1 16s.) of bounty money[390].
+
+[Footnote 389: 'Quando libertatis genus est servire Rectori.']
+
+[Footnote 390: 'Arrharum nomine.']
+
+'Fishermen, however, are not to be enlisted in this force, since we
+lose with regret one whose vocation it is to provide us with luxuries;
+and moreover one kind of training is required for him who has to face
+the stormy wind, and another for him who need only fish close to
+shore.'
+
+
+17. KING THEODORIC TO ABUNDANTIUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
+
+'We praise you for your prompt fulfilment of the orders contained in
+the previous letter. You have built a fleet almost as quickly as
+ordinary men would sail one. The model of the triremes, revealing the
+number of the rowers but concealing their faces, was first furnished
+by the Argonauts. So too the sail, that flying sheet[391] which wafts
+idle men to their destination quicker than swiftest birds can fly,
+was first invented by the lorn Isis, when she set off on her
+wanderings through the world to find her lost son Apochran.
+
+[Footnote 391: 'Linum volatile.']
+
+'Now that we have our fleet, there is no need for the Greek to fasten
+a quarrel upon us, or for the African [the Vandal] to insult us[392].
+With envy they see that we have now stolen from them the secret of
+their strength.
+
+[Footnote 392: 'Non habet quod nobis Graecus imputet aut Afer
+insultet.']
+
+'Let all the fleet be assembled at Ravenna on the next Ides of June.
+Let our own Padus send his home-born navy to the sea, his
+river-nurtured firs to battle with the winds of Ocean.
+
+'But there is one suggestion of yours of great importance, and which
+must be diligently acted upon, namely the removal of the nets whereby
+the fishermen at present impede the channels of the following rivers:
+Mincius, Ollius (Oglio), Anser (Serchio), Arno, Tiber. Let the river
+lie open for the transit of ships; let it suffice for the appetite of
+man to seek for delicacies in the ordinary way, not by rustic artifice
+to hinder the freedom of the stream.'
+
+
+18. KING THEODORIC TO UVILIAS [WILLIAS?], VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COUNT OF
+THE PATRIMONY.
+
+19. KING THEODORIC TO GUDINAND, A SAJO.
+
+20. KING THEODORIC TO AVILF, A SAJO.
+
+[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
+
+These three letters all relate to the same subject as the two
+preceding ones--the formation of a navy, and the _rendezvous_ of ships
+and sailors at Ravenna on the Ides of June.
+
+The Count of the Patrimony is courteously requested to see if there is
+any timber suitable for the purposes of the navy, growing in the royal
+estates along the banks of the Po.
+
+The Sajones are ordered in more brusque and peremptory fashion:
+Gudinand to collect the sailors at Ravenna on the appointed day; and
+Avilf to collect timber along the banks of the Po, with as little
+injury to the Possessors as possible (not, however, apparently paying
+them anything for it), to keep his hands clean from extortion and
+fraud, and to pull up the stake-nets in the channels of the five
+rivers mentioned in Letter 17; 'for we all know that men ought to fish
+with nets, not with hedges, and the opposite practice shows detestable
+greediness.'
+
+
+21. KING THEODORIC TO CAPUANUS, SENATOR.
+
+22. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Capuanus appointed Rector Decuriarum.]
+
+[On the appointment of Capuanus to the office of Rector of the Guilds
+(Rector Decuriarum). The Guilds (Decuriae) of the City of Rome--not to
+be confounded with the Provincial _Curiae_, membership in which was at
+this time a burden rather than an advantage--enjoyed several special
+privileges. We find from the Theodosian Code, Lib. xiv. Tit. 1, that
+there were Decuriae of the _Librarii_, _Fiscales_, _Censuales_. The
+_Decuria Scribarum_ is perhaps the same as the _Decuria Librariorum_.
+I use the word Guilds, which seems best to describe a body of this
+kind; but it will be seen from their names that these Guilds are not
+of a commercial character, but are rather concerned with the
+administration of justice. Some of them must have discharged the
+duties of attorneys, others of Inland Revenue officers, others acted
+as clerks to register the proceedings of the Senate, others performed
+the mere mechanical work of copying, which is now undertaken by a law
+stationer.
+
+It was ordained by a law of Constantius and Julian (357) that no one
+should enter the first class in these Decuriae[393] unless he were a
+trained and practised literary man.
+
+[Footnote 393: 'Locum primi ordinis.']
+
+The office which in the Theodosian Code is called _Judex Decuriarum_
+seems here to be called _Rector_.]
+
+The young Capuanus has distinguished himself as a advocate both before
+the Senate and other tribunals. There has been a certain diffidence
+and hesitation in his manner, especially when he was dealing with
+common subjects; but he always warmed with his peroration, and the
+same man who even stammered in discussing some trifling detail became
+fluent, nay eloquent, when the graver interests of his client were at
+stake. When he saw that the Judge was against him he did not lose
+heart, but, by praising his justice and impartiality, gradually coaxed
+him into a more favourable mood. On one memorable occasion, when a
+certain document was produced which appeared hostile, he boldly
+challenged the accuracy of the copy [made probably by one of the
+_Decuria Librariorum_] and insisted on seeing the original. This young
+advocate is now appointed _Rector Decuriarum_, and thus accorded the
+privilege of seniority over many men who are much older than himself.
+He is exhorted to treat them with all courtesy, to remember the
+importance of accuracy and fidelity in the execution of his duties and
+those of the _Decuriales_ under him, on whose correct transcription of
+documents the property, the liberty, nay even the life of their
+fellow-subjects may depend. Especially he is exhorted to remember his
+own challenge of the accuracy of a copied document, that he may not
+ever find that memorable oration of his brought up against himself.
+
+The Senate is exhorted to give the young official a kindly welcome. It
+will now devolve upon him to report with praiseworthy accuracy the
+proceedings of that body, the most celebrated in the whole world. He
+who has often pleaded before them the cause of the humble and weak,
+will now have to introduce Consulars to their assembly. It is expected
+that his eloquence will grow and his stammer will disappear, now that
+he is clothed with a more dignified office. 'Freedom nourishes words,
+but fear frequently interrupts their plenteous flow.'
+
+
+23. KING THEODORIC TO ABUNDANTIUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Archery drill.]
+
+'Tata the Sajo is ordered to proceed to the Illustrious Count Julian,
+with the young archers whom he has drilled, that they may practise on
+the field the lessons which they have learned in the gymnasium. Let
+your Greatness provide them with rations and ships according to
+custom.' [The place to which this expedition was directed does not
+seem to be stated.]
+
+
+24. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATOR EPIPHANIUS, CONSULARIS OF DALMATIA.
+
+[Sidenote: Property of a widow dying intestate and without heirs to be
+claimed for the State.]
+
+'We are informed that Joanna, the wife of Andreas, having succeeded to
+her husband's estate, has died intestate without heirs. Her property
+ought therefore to lapse to our Treasury[394], but it is being
+appropriated, so we are informed, by divers persons who have no claim
+to it.
+
+[Footnote 394: 'Quia caduca bona fisco nostro competere legum cauta
+decreverunt.']
+
+'Enquire into this matter; and if it be as we are informed, reclaim
+for our Treasury so legitimate a possession. We should consider
+ourselves guilty of negligence if we omitted to take possession of
+that which, without harming anyone, so obviously comes in to lighten
+the public burdens.
+
+'But if you find the facts different to these, by all means leave the
+present owners in quiet possession. The secure enjoyment by our
+subjects of that which is lawfully theirs we hold to be our truest
+patrimony.'
+
+
+25. KING THEODORIC TO BACAUDA[395], VIR SUBLIMIS.
+
+[Footnote 395: The name is a peculiar one, reminding us of the
+Bacaudae, who for more than a century waged a sort of servile war in
+Gaul against the officers of the Empire. It is not probable, however,
+that there is any real connection between them and the receiver of
+this letter.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bacauda receives the office of Tribunus Voluptatum for
+life.]
+
+'By way of support for your declining years we appoint you, for life,
+_Tribunus Voluptatum_ [Minister of Public Amusement] at Milan.
+
+'It is a new principle in the public service[396] to give any man a
+life-tenure of his office; but you will now not have to fear the
+interference of any successor, and your mind being at ease about your
+own future, you will be able to minister to the pleasures of the
+people with a smiling face.'
+
+[Footnote 396: 'Quod est in Reipublicae _militia_ novum.' Observe the
+use of militia for civil service.]
+
+
+26. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHS SETTLED IN PICENUM AND SAMNIUM.
+
+[Sidenote: The Goths summoned to the royal presence.]
+
+'The presence of the Sovereign doubles the sweetness of his gifts, and
+that man is like one dead whose face is not known to his lord[397].
+Come therefore by God's assistance, come all into our presence on the
+eighth day before the Ides of June (June 6th), there solemnly to
+receive our royal largesse. But let there be no excesses by the way,
+no plundering the harvest of the cultivators nor trampling down their
+meadows, since for this cause do we gladly defray the expense of our
+armies that _civilitas_ may be kept intact by armed men.'
+
+[Footnote 397: 'Nam pene similis est mortuo qui a suo Dominante
+nescitur.' A motto more suited to the presence-chamber of Byzantium
+than the camp-fires of a Gothic King.]
+
+
+27. KING THEODORIC TO GUDUIM, SAJO.
+
+[Sidenote: The same.]
+
+'Order all the captains of thousands[398] of Picenum and Samnium to
+come to our Court, that we may bestow the wonted largesse on our
+Goths. We enquire diligently into the deeds of each of our soldiers,
+that none may lose the credit of any exploit which he has performed in
+the field. On the other hand, let the coward tremble at the thought of
+coming into our presence. Even this fear may hereafter make him brave
+against the enemy.'
+
+[Footnote 398: 'Millenarii.' Cf. the [Greek: chiliarchoi], who, as
+Procopius tells us, were appointed by Gaiseric over the Vandals; also
+the _thusundifaths_ of Ulfilas.]
+
+
+28. KING THEODORIC TO CARINUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Invitation to Court.]
+
+'Granting your request, and also satisfying our own desire for your
+companionship, we invite you to our Court.'
+
+
+29. KING THEODORIC TO NEUDES, VIR ILLUSTRIS.
+
+[Sidenote: A blind Gothic warrior enslaved.]
+
+'Our pity is greatly moved by the petition of Ocer, a blind Goth, who
+has come by the help of borrowed sight to _feel_ the sweetness of our
+clemency, though he cannot see our presence.
+
+'He asserts that he, a free Goth, who once followed our armies, has,
+owing to his misfortune, been reduced to slavery by Gudila and Oppas.
+Strange excess of impudence to make that man their servant, before
+whose sword they had assuredly trembled had he possessed his eyesight!
+He pleads that Count Pythias has already pronounced against the claims
+of his pretended masters. If you find that this is so, restore him at
+once to freedom, and warn those men not to dare to repeat their
+oppression of the unfortunate.'
+
+
+30. KING THEODORIC TO GUDUI[M], VIR SUBLIMIS [AND DUX].
+
+[Sidenote: Servile tasks imposed on free Goths by a Duke.]
+
+'We expect those whom we choose as Dukes to work righteousness.
+Costula and Daila, men who by the blessing of God rejoice in the
+freedom of our Goths, complain that servile tasks are imposed upon
+them by you. We do not do this ourselves, nor will we allow anyone
+else to do it. If you find that the grievance is correctly stated
+rectify it at once, or our anger will turn against the Duke who thus
+abuses his power.'
+
+
+31. KING THEODORIC TO DECORATUS, VIR DEVOTUS (?).
+
+[For the career of Decoratus see v. 3 and 4.]
+
+[Sidenote: Arrears of Siliquaticum to be enforced.]
+
+'Thomas, Vir Clarissimus, complains that he cannot collect the arrears
+of Siliquaticum from certain persons in Apulia and Calabria.
+
+'Do you therefore summon Mark the Presbyter, Andreas, Simeonius, and
+the others whose names are set forth in the accompanying schedule, to
+come into your presence, using no unnecessary force[399] in your
+summons. If they cannot clear themselves of this debt to the public
+Treasury, they must be forced to pay.'
+
+[Footnote 399: 'Servata in omnibus civilitate.']
+
+[The arrears are said to be for the 8th, 9th, 11th, 1st, 2nd, and 15th
+Indictiones; i.e. probably for the years 500, 501, 503, 508, 509, 507.
+I cannot account for this curious order in which the years are
+arranged, which seems to suggest some corruption of the text. Probably
+this letter was written about 509.]
+
+
+32. KING THEODORIC TO BRANDILA (CIR. 508-9).
+
+[See remarks on this letter in Dahn ('Koenige der Germanen' iv.
+149-152); he claims it as a proof that Gothic law still existed for
+the Goths in Italy.]
+
+[Sidenote: Assault of the wife of Brandila on the wife of Patzenes.]
+
+'Times without number has Patzenes laid his complaint upon us, to wit
+that while he was absent on the recent successful expedition[400] your
+wife Procula fell upon his wife [Regina], inflicted upon her three
+murderous blows, and finally left her for dead, the victim having only
+escaped by the supposed impossibility of her living. Now therefore, if
+you acknowledge the fact to be so, you are to consult your own honour
+by inflicting summary punishment as a husband on your wife, that we
+may not hear of this complaint again[401]. But if you deny the fact,
+you are to bring your said wife to our Comitatus and there prove her
+innocence.'
+
+[Footnote 400: Into Gaul; see next letter.]
+
+[Footnote 401: 'Atque ideo decretis te praesentibus admonemus, ut si
+factum evidenter agnoscis, delatam querimoniam, pudori tuo consulens,
+_maritali districtione redarguas_; quatenus ex eadem causa ad nos
+querela justa non redeat.']
+
+
+33. KING THEODORIC TO DUKE WILITANCH.
+
+[Containing the explanation of Procula's violence to Regina].
+
+[Sidenote: Adulterous connection between Brandila and the wife of
+Patzenes.]
+
+'Patzenes brings before us a most serious complaint: that during his
+absence in the Gaulish campaign, Brandila dared to form an adulterous
+connection with his wife Regina, and to go through the form of
+marriage with her.
+
+'Whose honour will be safe if advantage is thus to be taken with
+impunity of the absense of a brave defender of his country? Alas for
+the immodesty of women! They might learn virtue even from the chaste
+example of the cooing turtle-dove, who when once deprived by
+misfortune of her mate, never pairs again with another.
+
+'Let your Sublimity compel the parties accused to come before you for
+examination, and if the charge be true, if these shameless ones were
+speculating on the soldier of the Republic not returning from the
+wars, if they were hoping, as they must have hoped, for general
+collapse and ruin in order to hide their shame, then proceed against
+them as our laws against adulterers dictate[402], and thus vindicate
+the rights of all husbands.'
+
+[Footnote 402: 'Et rerum veritate discussa _sicut jura nostra
+praecipiunt_, in adulteros maritorum favore resecetur.']
+
+[If these laws were, as is probable, those contained in the _Edictum
+Theodorici_, the punishment for both the guilty parties was death, Sec.
+38, 39.]
+
+
+34. KING THEODORIC TO ABUNDANTIUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Endless evasions of Frontosus. The nature of the
+chameleon.]
+
+'Frontosus, acting worthily of his name [the shameless-browed one],
+confessed to having embezzled a large sum of public money, but
+promised that, if a sufficient interval were allowed him, he would
+repay it. Times without number has this interval expired and been
+renewed, and still he does not pay. When he is arrested he trembles
+with fear, and will promise anything; as soon as he is liberated he
+seems to forget every promise that he has made. He changes his words,
+like the chameleon, that little creature which in the shape of a
+serpent is distinguished by a gold-coloured head, and has all the rest
+of its body of a pale green. This little beast when it meets the gaze
+of men, not being gifted with speed of flight, confused with its
+excess of timidity, changes its colours in marvellous variety, now
+azure, now purple, now green, now dark blue. The chameleon, again, may
+be compared to the Pandian gem [sapphire?], which flashes with all
+sorts of lights and colours while you hold it still in your hand.
+
+'Such then is the mind of Frontosus. He may be rightly compared to
+Proteus, who when he was laid hold of, appeared in every shape but his
+own, roared as a lion, hissed as a serpent, or foamed away in watery
+waves, all in order to conceal his true shape of man.
+
+'Since this is his character, when you arrest him, first stop his
+mouth from promising, for his facile nature is ready with all sorts of
+promises which he has no chance of performing. Then ascertain what he
+can really pay at once, and keep him bound till he does it. He must
+not be allowed to think that he can get the better of us with his
+tricks.'
+
+
+35. KING THEODORIC TO COUNT LUVIRIT, AND AMPELIUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Fraudulent ship-owners to be punished.]
+
+'When we were in doubt about the food supply of Rome, we judged it
+proper that Spain should send her cargoes of wheat hither, and the Vir
+Spectabilis Marcian collected supplies there for this purpose. His
+industry, however, was frustrated by the greed of the shipowners, who,
+disliking the necessary delay, slipped off and disposed of the grain
+for their own profit. Little as we like harshness, this offence must
+be punished. We have therefore directed Catellus and Servandus (Viri
+Strenui) to collect from these shipmasters the sum of 1,038 solidi
+(L622 16s.), inasmuch as they appear to have received:
+
+'From the sale of the corn 280 solidi.
+'And from the fares of passengers 758 "
+ ------
+ '1,038 "
+
+'Let your Sublimity assist in the execution of this order.'
+
+
+36. KING THEODORIC TO STARCEDIUS, VIR SUBLIMIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Honourable discharge.]
+
+'You tell us that your body, wearied out with continual labour, is no
+longer equal to the fatigues of our glorious campaigns, and you
+therefore ask to be released from the necessity of further military
+service. We grant your request, but stop your donative; because it is
+not right that you should consume the labourer's bread in idleness. We
+shall extend to you our protection from the snares of your
+adversaries, and allow no one to call you a deserter, since you are
+not one[403].'
+
+[Footnote 403: This is perhaps a specimen of the 'honesta missio' of
+which we read in the Theodosian Code xii. 1. 43, 45.]
+
+
+37. KING THEODORIC TO THE JEWS OF MILAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Rights of the Jewish Synagogue not to be invaded by
+Christians.]
+
+'For the preservation of _civilitas_ the benefits of justice are not
+to be denied even to those who are recognised as wandering from the
+right way in matters of faith.
+
+'You complain that you are often wantonly attacked, and that the
+rights pertaining to your synagogue are disregarded[404]. We therefore
+give you the needed protection of our Mildness, and ordain that no
+ecclesiastic shall trench on the privileges of your synagogue, nor mix
+himself up in your affairs. But let the two communities keep apart, as
+their faiths are different: you on your part not attempting to do
+anything _incivile_ against the rights of the said Church.
+
+[Footnote 404: 'Nonnullorum vos frequenter causamini praesumptione
+laceratos et quae ad synagogam vestram pertinent perhibetis jura
+rescindi.']
+
+'The law of thirty years' prescription, which is a world-wide
+custom[405], shall enure for your benefit also.
+
+[Footnote 405: 'Tricennalis humano generi patrona praescriptio vobis
+jure servabitur; nec conventionalia vos irrationabiliter praecipimus
+sustinere dispendia.' I do not know what is meant by 'conventionalia
+dispendia.']
+
+'But why, oh Jew, dost thou petition for peace and quietness on earth
+when thou canst not find that rest which is eternal[406]?'
+
+[Footnote 406: 'Sed quid, Judaeo, supplicans temporalem quietem
+quaeris si aeternam requiem invenire non possis.']
+
+
+38. KING THEODORIC TO ALL CULTIVATORS[407].
+
+[Footnote 407: 'Universis Possessoribus.']
+
+[Sidenote: Shrubs obstructing the aqueduct of Ravenna to be rooted
+up.]
+
+'The aqueducts are an object of our special care. We desire you at
+once to root up the shrubs growing in the Signine Channel[408], which
+will before long become big trees scarcely to be hewn down with the
+axe, and which interfere with the purity of the water in the aqueduct
+of Ravenna. Vegetation is the peaceable overturner of buildings, the
+battering-ram which brings them to the ground, though the trumpets
+never sound for siege.
+
+[Footnote 408: Where was this? Signia in Latium is, of course, not to
+be thought of.]
+
+'We shall now again have baths that we may look upon with pleasure;
+water which will cleanse, not stain; water after using which we shall
+not require to wash ourselves again; drinking-water such that the mere
+sight of it will not take away all our appetite for food[409].'
+
+[Footnote 409: The scarcity of water at Ravenna was proverbial.]
+
+
+39. KING THEODORIC TO AMPELIUS AND LIVERIA[410].
+
+[Footnote 410: Cf. the somewhat similar letter to Severinus, Special
+Commissioner for Suavia (v. 14).]
+
+[Sidenote: Sundry abuses in the administration of the Spanish
+government to be rectified.]
+
+'That alone is the true life of men which is controlled by the reign
+of law.
+
+'We regret to hear that through the capricious extortions of our
+revenue-officers anarchy is practically prevailing in Spain. The
+public registers (polyptycha), not the whim of the collector, ought to
+measure the liability of the Provincial.
+
+'We therefore send your Sublimity to Spain in order to remedy these
+disorders.
+
+'(1) Murder must be put down with a strong hand; but the sharper the
+punishment is made the more rigid we ought to be in requiring proof of
+the crime[411].
+
+[Footnote 411: 'Homicidii scelus legum jubemus auctoritate resecari:
+sed quantum vehementior poena est tanto ejus rei debet inquisitio plus
+haberi: ne amore vindictae innocentes videantur vitae pericula
+sustinere.']
+
+'(2) The collectors of the land-tax (assis publicus) are accused of
+using false weights [in collecting the quotas of produce from the
+Provincials]. This must cease, and they must use none but the standard
+weights kept by our Chamberlain[412].
+
+[Footnote 412: 'Libra cubiculi nostri.']
+
+'(3) The farmers[413] of our Royal domain must pay the rent imposed on
+them, otherwise they will get to look on the farms as their own
+property; but certain salaries may be paid them for their trouble, as
+you shall think fit[414]. [Dahn suggests that the salary was to
+reimburse them for their labours as a kind of local police, but is
+not himself satisfied with this explanation.]
+
+[Footnote 413: 'Conductores domus Regiae.']
+
+[Footnote 414: 'Et ne cuiquam labor suus videatur ingratus, salaria
+eis pro qualitate locatae rei, vestra volumus aequitate constitui.']
+
+'(4) Import duties[415] are to be regularly collected and honestly
+paid over.
+
+[Footnote 415: 'Transmarinorum canon.']
+
+'(5) The officers of the mint are not to make their private gains out
+of the coinage.'
+
+(6) An obscure sentence as to the 'Canon telonei' [from the Greek
+[Greek: telones], a tax-gatherer. Garet reads 'Tolonei,' which is
+probably an error].
+
+(7) The same as to the _Actus Laeti_, whose conscience is assailed by
+the grossest imputations. [Laetus is perhaps the name of an official.]
+
+'(8) Those concerned in _furtivae actiones_, and their accomplices,
+are to disgorge the property thus acquired.
+
+'(9) Those who have received _praebendae_ [apparently official
+allowances charged on the Province] are, with detestable injustice,
+claiming them _both_ in money and in kind. This must be put a stop to:
+of course the one mode of payment is meant to be alternative to the
+other.
+
+'(10) The Exactores (Collectors) are said to be extorting from the
+Provincials more than they pay into our chamber (_cubiculum_). Let
+this be carefully examined into, and let the payment exacted be the
+same that was fixed in the times of Alaric and Euric.
+
+'(11) The abuse of claiming extortions (_paraveredi_) by those who
+have a right to use the public posts must be repressed.
+
+'(12) The defence of the Provincials by the _Villici_ is so costly,
+and seems to be so unpopular, that we remove it altogether.' [For this
+_tuitio villici_, see Dahn iii. 131; but he is not able to throw much
+light on the nature of the office of the _Villicus_.]
+
+'(13) Degrading services (servitia famulatus) are not to be claimed of
+our free-born Goths, although they may be residents in cities[416].'
+
+[Footnote 416: Cf. the 30th letter of this book.]
+
+[This very long letter is one of great importance, but also of great
+difficulty.]
+
+
+40. KING THEODORIC TO CYPRIAN, COUNT OF THE SACRED LARGESSES.
+
+[This Cyprian is the accuser of Albinus and Boethius.]
+
+
+41. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[On Cyprian's appointment to the above office, 524.]
+
+[Sidenote: Promotion of Cyprian to the Comitiva Sacrarum Largitionum.]
+
+The usual pair of letters setting forth the merits of the new
+official. The Senate is congratulated on the fact that the King never
+presents to a place in that body a mere tyro in official life, but
+always himself first tests the servants of the State, and rewards with
+a place in the Senate only those who have shown themselves worthy of
+it.
+
+Cyprian is the son of a man of merit, Opilio, who in the times of the
+State's ill-fortune was chosen to a place in the royal household[417].
+He was not able, owing to the wretchedness of the times, to do much
+for his son. The difference between the fortunes of father and son is
+the measure of the happy change introduced by the rule of Theodoric.
+
+[Footnote 417: 'Vir quidem abjectis temporibus ad excubias tamen
+Palatinas electus.' The time of Odovacar's government is here alluded
+to (see viii. 17). An Opilio, probably father of the one here
+mentioned, was Consul under Valentinian III in 453.]
+
+In some subordinate capacity in the King's final Court of Appeal
+(probably as _Referendarius_[418]) Cyprian has hitherto had the duty
+of stating the cases of the hostile litigants. He has shown wonderful
+dexterity in suddenly stating the same case from the two opposite
+points of view[419], and this so as to satisfy even the requirements
+of the litigants themselves.
+
+[Footnote 418: Anonymus Valesii says: 'Cyprianus, qui tunc
+Referendarius erat postea Comes Sacrarum et Magister,' Sec. 85.]
+
+[Footnote 419: 'Nam cum oratoribus sit propositum diu tractata unius
+partis vota dicere, tibi semper necesse fuit repentinum negotium
+utroque latere declarare.']
+
+Often the King has transacted business in his rides which used of old
+to be brought before a formal Consistory. He has mounted his horse,
+when weary with the cares of the Republic, to renew his vigour by
+exercise and change of scene. In these rides he has been accompanied
+by Cyprian, who has in such a lively manner stated the cases which had
+come up on appeal, that an otherwise tedious business was turned into
+a pleasure. Even when the King was most moved to wrath by what seemed
+to him a thoroughly bad cause, he still appreciated the charm of the
+Advocate's style in setting it before him. Thus has Cyprian had that
+most useful of all trainings, action, not books.
+
+Thus prepared he was sent on an embassy to the East, a commission
+which he discharged with conspicuous ability. Versed in three
+languages (Greek, Roman, Gothic?), he found that Greece had nothing to
+show him that was new; and as for subtlety, he was a match for the
+keenest of the Greeks. The Emperor's presence had nothing in it to
+make him hesitating or confused. Why should it, since he had seen and
+pleaded before Theodoric[420]?
+
+[Footnote 420: 'Talibus igitur institutis edoctus, Eoae sumpsisti
+legationis officium, missus ad summae quidem peritiae viros: sed nulla
+inter eos confusus es trepidatione _quia nihil tibi post nos potuit
+esse mirabile_. Instructus enim trifariis linguis, non tibi Graecia
+quod novum ostentaret invenit; nec ipsa qua nimium praevalet, te
+transcendit argutia.']
+
+In addition to all these other gifts he possesses _faith_, that anchor
+of the soul amidst the waves of a stormy world.
+
+He is therefore called upon to assume at the third Indiction [524-525]
+the office of Count of the Sacred Largesses, and exhorted to bear
+himself therein worthily of his parentage and his past career, that
+the King may afterwards promote him to yet higher honour.
+
+[For further remarks on this letter--a very important one, as bearing
+on the trial of Boethius--see viii. 16. The third Indiction might mean
+either 509-510 or 524-525; but the statement of 'Anomymus Valesii,'
+that Cyprian was still only Referendarius at the time of his
+accusation of Albinus, warrants us in fixing on the later date. This
+makes the encomiums conferred in this letter more significant, since
+they must have been bestowed _after_ the delation against Albinus and
+Boethius. Probably it was during Cyprian's embassy to Constantinople
+(described in this letter) that he discovered these intrigues of the
+Senators with the Byzantine Court, which he denounced on his return.]
+
+
+42. KING THEODORIC TO MAXIMUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, CONSUL.
+
+[Flavius Anicius Maximus was Consul A.D. 523.]
+
+[Sidenote: Rewards to performers in the Amphitheatre.]
+
+'If singers and dancers are to be rewarded by the generosity of the
+Consul, _a fortiori_ should the _Venator_, the fighter with wild
+beasts in the amphitheatre, be rewarded for _his_ endeavours to please
+the people, who after all are secretly hoping to see him killed. And
+what a horrible death he dies--denied even the rites of burial,
+disappearing before he has yet become a corpse into the maw of the
+hungry animal which he has failed to kill. These spectacles were first
+introduced as part of the worship of the Scythian Diana, who was
+feigned to gloat on human gore. The ancients called her the triple
+deity, Proserpina-Luna-Diana. They were right in one point; the
+goddess who invented these games certainly reigned _in hell_.'
+
+The Colosseum (the Amphitheatre of Titus) is described.
+
+The combats with wild beasts are pourtrayed in a style of pompous
+obscurity. We may dimly discern the form of the _bestiarius_, who is
+armed with a wooden spear; of another who leaps into the air to escape
+the beast's onset; of one who protects himself with a portable wall of
+reeds, 'like a sea-urchin;' of others who are fastened to a revolving
+wheel, and alternately brought within the range of the animal's claws
+and borne aloft beyond his grasp. 'There are as many perilous forms of
+encounter as Virgil described varieties of crime and punishment in
+Tartarus. Alas for the pitiable error of mankind! If they had any true
+intuition of Justice, they would sacrifice as much wealth for the
+preservation of human life as they now lavish on its destruction.' ['A
+noble regret,' says Gregorovius ('Geschichte der Stadt Rom.' i. 286),
+'in which in our own day every well-disposed Minister of a military
+state will feel bound to concur with Cassiodorus.']
+
+
+43. KING THEODORIC TO TRANSMUND [THRASAMUND], KING OF THE VANDALS
+(CIR. 511).
+
+[Sidenote: Complains of the protection given by Thrasamund to
+Gesalic.]
+
+'Having given you our sister, that singular ornament of the Amal race,
+in marriage, in order to knit the bonds of friendship between us, we
+are amazed that you should have given protection and support to our
+enemy Gesalic [natural son of Alaric II]. If it was out of mere pity
+and as an outcast that you received him into your realm, you ought to
+have kept him there; whereas you have sent him forth furnished with
+large supplies of money to disturb the peace of our Gaulish Provinces.
+This is not the conduct of a friend, much less of a relative. We are
+sure that you cannot have taken counsel in this matter with your wife,
+who would neither have liked to see her brother injured, nor the fair
+fame of her husband tarnished by such doubtful intrigues. We send you
+A and B as our ambassadors, who will speak to you further on this
+matter.'
+
+
+44. KING THEODORIC TO TRANSMUND [THRASAMUND], KING OF THE VANDALS.
+
+[Sidenote: Reconciliation between Theodoric and Thrasamund.]
+
+'You have shown, most prudent of Kings, that wise men know how to
+amend their faults, instead of persisting in them with that obstinacy
+which is the characteristic of brutes. In the noblest and most truly
+kinglike manner you have humbled yourself to confess your fault in
+reference to the reception of Gesalic, and to lay bare to us the very
+secrets of your heart in this matter. We thank you and praise you, and
+accept your purgation of yourself from this offence with all our
+heart. As for the presents sent us by your ambassadors, we accept them
+with our minds, but not with our hands. Let them return to your
+Treasury (cubiculum), that it may be seen that it was simply love of
+justice, not desire of gain, which prompted our complaints. We have
+both acted in a truly royal manner[421]. Let your frankness and our
+contempt of gold be celebrated through the nations. It is sweeter to
+us to return these presents to you, than to receive much larger ones
+from anyone else. Your ambassadors carry back with them the fullest
+salutation of love from your friend and ally.'
+
+[Footnote 421: 'Fecimus utrique regalia.']
+
+
+
+
+BOOK VI.
+
+CONTAINING TWENTY-FIVE FORMULAE[422].
+
+[Footnote 422: For the reasons which induced Cassiodorus to compile
+the two books of Formulae, see his Preface (translated, p. 133).]
+
+
+1. FORMULA OF THE CONSULSHIP.
+
+[Sidenote: Consulship.]
+
+'In old days the supreme reward of the Consulship was given to him
+who, by his strong right hand, had delivered the Republic. The mantle
+embroidered with palms of victory[423], the privilege of giving his
+name to the year and of enfranchising the slave, even power over the
+lives of his fellow-citizens, were rightly given to a man to whom the
+Republic owed so much. He received the axe--the power of life and
+death--but bound up in the bundle of rods, in order that the necessary
+delay in undoing these might prevent him from striking the irrevocable
+stroke without due consideration. Whence also he received the name of
+Consul, because it was his duty to _consult_ for the good of his
+country. He was bound to spend money freely; and thus he who had shed
+the blood of the enemies of Rome made the lives of her children happy
+by his generosity.
+
+[Footnote 423: 'Palmata vestis.']
+
+'But now take this office under happier circumstances, since we have
+the labours of the Consul, you the joys of his dignity. Your
+palm-embroidered robes therefore are justified by our victories, and
+you, in the prosperous hour of peace, confer freedom on the slave,
+because we by our wars are giving security to the Romans. Therefore,
+for this Indiction, we decorate you with the ensigns of the
+Consulship.
+
+'Adorn your broad shoulders[424] with the variegated colours of the
+palm-robe; ennoble your strong hand with the sceptre of victory[425].
+Enter your private dwelling having even your sandals gilded; ascend
+the curule chair by the many steps which its dignity requires: that
+thus you, a subject and at your ease, may enjoy the dignity which we,
+the Ruler, assumed only after mightiest labours. You enjoy the fruit
+of victory who are ignorant of war; we, God helping us, will reign; we
+will consult for the safety of the State, while your name marks the
+year. You overtop Sovereigns in your good fortune, since you wear the
+highest honours, and yet have not the annoyances of ruling. Wherefore
+pluck up spirit and confidence. It becometh Consuls to be generous. Do
+not be anxious about your private fortune, you who have elected to win
+the public favour by your gifts. It is for this cause [because the
+Consul has to spend lavishly during his year of office] that we make a
+difference between your dignity and all others. Other magistrates we
+appoint, even though they do not ask for the office. To the Consulship
+we promote only those who are candidates for the dignity, those who
+know that their fortunes are equal to its demands; otherwise we might
+be imposing a burden rather than a favour. Enjoy therefore, in a
+becoming manner, the honour which you wished for. This mode of
+spending money is a legitimate form of canvassing[426]. Be illustrious
+in the world, be prosperous in your own life, leave an example for the
+happy imitation of your posterity.'
+
+[Footnote 424: 'Pinge vastos humeros vario colore palmatae.']
+
+[Footnote 425: 'Validam manum victoriali scipione nobilita.']
+
+[Footnote 426: 'Hic est ambitus qui probatur;' or, 'allowable
+bribery.']
+
+
+2. FORMULA OF THE PATRICIATE.
+
+[Sidenote: Patriciate.]
+
+'In olden times the Patricians were said to derive their origin from
+Jupiter, whose priests they were. Mythology apart, they derived their
+name from _Patres_, the dignity of priest having blended itself with
+that of Senator.
+
+'The great distinction of the Patriciate is that it is a rank held
+_for life_, like that of the priesthood, from which it sprang. The
+Patrician takes precedence of Praefects and all other dignities save
+one (the Consulship), and that is one which we ourselves sometimes
+assume.
+
+'Ascend then the pinnacle of the Patriciate. You may have yet further
+honours to receive from us, if you bear yourself worthily in this
+station.'
+
+
+3. FORMULA OF THE PRAETORIAN PRAEFECTURE.
+
+[On account of the importance of the office a translation of the whole
+formula is here attempted, though with some hesitation on account of
+its obscure allusions.]
+
+[Sidenote: Praetorian Praefecture.]
+
+'If the origin of any dignity can confer upon it special renown and
+promise of future usefulness, the Praetorian Praefecture may claim
+this distinction, illustrated as its establishment was by the wisdom
+of this world, and also stamped by the Divine approval. For when
+Pharaoh, King of Egypt, was oppressed by strange visions of future
+famine, there was found a blessed man, even Joseph, able to foretell
+the future with truth, and to suggest the wisest precautions for the
+people's danger. He first consecrated the insignia of this dignity; he
+in majesty entered the official chariot[427], raised to this height of
+honour, in order that his wisdom might confer blessings on the people
+which they could not receive from the mere power of the Ruler.
+
+[Footnote 427: 'Ipse carpentum reverendus ascendit.' The _carpentum_
+was one great mark of the dignity of the Praetorian Praefect, as of
+his inferior, the Praefectus Urbis.]
+
+'From that Patriarch is this officer now called _Father of the
+Empire_; his name is even to-day celebrated by the voice of the crier,
+who calls upon the Judge to show himself not unworthy of his example.
+Rightly was it felt that he to whom such power was committed should
+always be thus delicately reminded of his duty.
+
+'For some prerogatives are shared in common between ourselves and the
+holder of this dignity. [The next sentence[428] I leave untranslated,
+as I am not sure of the meaning. Manso (p. 343) translates it, 'He
+forces fugitives from justice, without regard to the lapse of time, to
+come before his tribunal.'] He inflicts heavy fines on offenders, he
+distributes the public revenue as he thinks fit, he has a like power
+in bestowing rights of free conveyance[429], he appropriates unclaimed
+property, he punishes the offences of Provincial Judges, he pronounces
+sentence by word of mouth [whereas all other Judges had to read their
+decisions from their tablets].
+
+[Footnote 428: 'Exhibet enim sine prescriptione longinquos.']
+
+[Footnote 429: 'Evectiones,' free passes by the _Cursus Publicus_.]
+
+'What is there that he has not entrusted to him whose very speech is
+Judgment? He may almost be said to have the power of making laws,
+since the reverence due to him enables him to finish law-suits without
+appeal.
+
+'On his entrance into the palace he, like ourselves, is adored by the
+assembled throng[430], and an office of such high rank appears to
+excuse a practice which in other cases would be considered matter for
+accusation[431].
+
+[Footnote 430: 'Ingressus palatium nostra consuetudine frequenter
+adoratur.' We know from Lydus (De Mag. ii. 9) that the highest
+officers of the army _knelt_ at the entrance of the Praetorian
+Praefect. Perhaps we need not infer from this passage that Oriental
+_prostration_ was used either towards Theodoric or his Praefect.]
+
+[Footnote 431: 'Et tale officium morem videtur solvere, quod alios
+potuit accusare.']
+
+'In power, no dignity is his equal. He judges everywhere as the
+representative of the Sovereign[432]. No soldier marks out to him the
+limits of his jurisdiction, except the official of the Master of the
+Soldiery. I suppose that the ancients wished [even the Praefect] to
+yield something to those who were to engage in war on behalf of the
+Republic.
+
+[Footnote 432: 'Vice sacra ubique judicat.']
+
+'He punishes with stripes even the Curials, who are called in the laws
+a Lesser Senate.
+
+'In his own official staff (officium) he is invested with peculiar
+privileges; since all men can see that he lays his commands on men of
+such high quality that not even the Judges of Provinces may presume to
+look down upon them. The staff is therefore composed of men of the
+highest education, energetic, strong-minded[433], intent on prompt
+obedience to the orders of their head, and not tolerating obstruction
+from others. To those who have served their time in his office, he
+grants the rank of Tribunes and Notaries, thus making his attendants
+equal to those who, mingled with the chiefs of the State, wait upon
+our own presence.
+
+[Footnote 433: 'Officium plane geniatum, efficax, instructum et tota
+animi firmitate praevalidum.']
+
+'We joyfully accomplish that which he arranges, since our reverence
+for his office constrains us to give immediate effect to his decrees.
+He deserves this at our hands, since his forethought nourishes the
+Palace, procures the daily rations of our servants, provides the
+salaries even of the Judges themselves[434]. By his arrangements he
+satiates the hungry appetites of the ambassadors of the [barbarous]
+nations[435]. And though other dignities have their specially defined
+prerogatives, by him everything that comes within the scope of our
+wisely-tempered sway is governed.
+
+[Footnote 434: 'Humanitates quoque judicibus ipsis facit.']
+
+[Footnote 435: 'Legatos gentium voraces explet ordinationibus suis.'
+_Voraces_ seems to give a better sense than the other reading,
+_veraces_.]
+
+'Take therefore, from this Indiction, on your shoulders the noble
+burden of all these cares. Administer it with vigour and with utmost
+loyalty, that your rule may be prosperous to us and useful to the
+Republic. The more various the anxieties, the greater your glory. Let
+that glory beam forth, not in our Palace only, but be reflected in far
+distant Provinces. Let your prudence be equal to your power; yea, let
+the fourfold virtue [of the Platonic philosophy] be seated in your
+conscience. Remember that your tribunal is placed so high that, when
+seated there, you should think of nothing sordid, nothing mean. Weigh
+well what you ought to say, seeing that it is listened to by so many.
+Let the public records contain nothing [of your saying] which any need
+blush to read. The good governor not only has no part nor lot in
+injustice; unless he is ever diligently doing some noble work he
+incurs blame even for his inactivity. For if that most holy author
+[Moses?] be consulted, it will be seen that it is a kind of priesthood
+to fill the office of the Praetorian Praefecture in a becoming
+manner.'
+
+
+4. FORMULA OF THE PRAEFECTURE OF THE CITY.
+
+[Sidenote: Praefecture of the City.]
+
+'You, to whose care Rome is committed, are exalted by that charge to a
+position of the highest dignity. The Senate also is presided over by
+you; and the Senators, who wield full power in that assembly, tremble
+when they have to plead their own cause at your tribunal. But this is
+because they, who are the makers of laws, are subject to the laws; and
+so are we too, though not to a Judge.
+
+'Behave in a manner worthy of your high office. Treat the Consulars
+with deference. Put away every base thought when you cross the
+threshold of every virtue. If you wish to avoid unpopularity, avoid
+receiving bribes. It is a grand thing when it can be said that Judges
+will not accept that which thousands are eager to offer them.
+
+'To your care is committed not only Rome herself (though Rome
+includes the world[436]), but, by ancient law, all within the
+hundredth milestone.
+
+[Footnote 436: 'Quamvis in illa contineantur universa.']
+
+'You judge, on appeal, causes brought from certain Provinces defined
+by law. Your staff is composed of learned men; eloquent they can
+hardly help being, since they are always hearing the masters of
+eloquence. You ride in your _Carpentum_ through a populace of
+nobles[437]; oh, act so as to deserve their shouts of welcome! How
+will you deserve their favour? By seeing that merchandise is sold
+without venality[438]; that the fires kindled to heat the wholesome
+baths are not chilled by corruption; that the games, which are meant
+for the pleasure of the people, are not by partisanship made a cause
+of strife. For so great is the power of glorious truth, that even in
+the affairs of the stage justice is desired[439]. Take then the robe
+of Romulus, and administer the laws of Rome. Other honours await you
+if you behave worthily in this office, and above all, if you win the
+applause of the Senate.'
+
+[Footnote 437: 'Carpento veheris per nobilem plebem.']
+
+[Footnote 438: i.e. probably, 'that you are not bribed by
+monopolists.' Perhaps there is a reference to the _Annona Publica_.]
+
+[Footnote 439: 'Tanta est enim vis gloriosae veritatis, ut etiam in
+rebus scenicis aequitas desideretur.']
+
+
+5. FORMULA OF THE QUAESTORSHIP.
+
+[This letter is particularly interesting, from the fact that it
+describes Cassiodorus' own office, that which he filled during many
+years of the reign of Theodoric, and in virtue of which he wrote the
+greater part of his 'Various Letters.']
+
+[Sidenote: Quaestorship.]
+
+'No Minister has more reason to glory in his office than the Quaestor,
+since it brings him into constant and intimate communication with
+Ourselves. The Quaestor has to learn our inmost thoughts, that he may
+utter them to our subjects. Whenever we are in doubt as to any matter
+we ask our Quaestor, who is the treasure-house of public fame, the
+cupboard of laws; who has to be always ready for a sudden call, and
+must exercise the wonderful powers which, as Cicero has pointed out,
+are inherent in the art of an orator. He should so paint the delights
+of virtue and the terrors of vice, that his eloquence should almost
+make the sword of the magistrate needless.
+
+'What manner of man ought the Quaestor to be, who reflects the very
+image of his Sovereign? If, as is often our custom, we chance to
+listen to a suit, what authority must there be in his tongue who has
+to speak the King's words in the King's own presence? He must have
+knowledge of the law, wariness in speech, firmness of purpose, that
+neither gifts nor threats may cause him to swerve from justice. For in
+the interests of Equity we suffer even ourselves to be contradicted,
+since we too are bound to obey her. Let your learning be such that you
+may set forth every subject on which you have to treat, with suitable
+embellishments.
+
+'Moved therefore by the fame of your wisdom and eloquence, we bestow
+upon you, by God's grace, the dignity of the Quaestorship, which is
+the glory of letters, the temple of _civilitas_, the mother of all the
+dignities, the home of continence, the seat of all the virtues.
+
+'To you the Provinces transmit their prayers. From you the Senate
+seeks the aid of law. You are expected to suffice for the needs of all
+who seek from us the remedies of the law. But when you have done all
+this, be not elated with your success, be not gnawed with envy,
+rejoice not at the calamities of others; for what is hateful in the
+Sovereign cannot be becoming in the Quaestor.
+
+'Exercise the power of the Prince in the condition of a subject; and
+may you render a good account to the Judges at the end of your term of
+office.'
+
+
+6. FORMULA OF THE MAGISTERIAL DIGNITY, AND ITS EXCELLENCY (MAGISTER
+OFFICIORUM).
+
+[The dignity and powers of the Master of the Offices were continually
+rising throughout the Fourth and Fifth Centuries at the cost of the
+Praetorian Praefect, many of whose functions were transferred to the
+Master.]
+
+[Sidenote: Mastership of the Offices.]
+
+'The Master's is a name of dignity. To him belongs the discipline of
+the Palace; he calms the stormy ranks of the insolent Scholares [the
+household troops, 10,000 in number, in the palace of the Eastern
+Emperor, according to Lydus (ii. 24)]. He introduces the Senators to
+our presence, cheers them when they tremble, calms them when they are
+speaking, sometimes inserts a word or two of his own, that all may be
+laid in an orderly manner before us. It rests with him to fix a day
+for the admission of a suitor to our _Aulicum Consistorium_, and to
+fulfil his promise. The opportune velocity of the post-horses [the
+care of the _Cursus Publicus_] is diligently watched over by him[440].
+
+[Footnote 440: According to Lydus (ii. 10), the Cursus Publicus was
+transferred from the Praefect to the Master, and afterwards, in part,
+retransferred to the Praefect.]
+
+'The ambassadors of foreign powers are introduced by him, and their
+_evectiones_ [free passes by the postal-service] are received from his
+hands[441].
+
+[Footnote 441: 'Per eum nominis nostri destinatur evectio.' The above
+is a conjectural translation.]
+
+'To an officer with these great functions Antiquity gave great
+prerogatives: that no Provincial Governor should assume office without
+his consent, and that appeals should come to him from their decisions.
+He has no charge of collecting money, only of spending it. It is his
+to appoint _peraequatores_[442] of provisions in the capital, and a
+Judge to attend to this matter. He also superintends the pleasures of
+the people, and is bound to keep them from sedition by a generous
+exhibition of shows. The members of his staff, when they have served
+their full time, are adorned with the title of _Princeps_, and take
+their places at the head of the Praetorian cohorts and those of the
+Urban Praefecture [the officials serving in the bureaux of those two
+Praefects]--a mark of favour which almost amounts to injustice, since
+he who serves in one office (the Master's) is thereby put at the head
+of all those who have been serving in another (the Praefect's)[443].'
+
+[Footnote 442: Are these Superintendents of the Markets, charged with
+the regulation of prices?]
+
+[Footnote 443: 'Miroque modo inter Praetorianas cohortes et Urbanae
+Praefecturae milites videantur invenisse primatum, a quibus tibi
+humile solvebatur obsequium. Sic in favore magni honoris injustitia
+quaedam a legibus venit, dum alienis excubiis praeponitur, qui alibi
+militasse declaratur.']
+
+[We learn from Lydus how intense was the jealousy of the grasping and
+aspiring _Magistriani_ felt by the Praefect's subordinates; and we may
+infer from this passage that Cassiodorus thought that there was some
+justification for this feeling.]
+
+'The assistant (Adjutor) of the Magister is also present at our
+audiences, a distinguished honour for his chief.
+
+'Take therefore this illustrious office and discharge it worthily,
+that, in all which you do, you may show yourself a true Magister. If
+_you_ should in anywise go astray (which God forbid), where should
+morality be found upon earth?'
+
+
+7. FORMULA OF THE OFFICE OF COMES SACRARUM LARGITIONUM.
+
+[Sidenote: Office of Count of Sacred Largesses.]
+
+'Yours is the high and pleasing office of administering the bounty of
+your Sovereign[444]. Through you we dispense our favours and relieve
+needy suppliants on New Year's Day. It is your business to see that
+our face is imprinted on our coins, a reminder to our subjects of our
+ceaseless care on their behalf, and a memorial of our reign to future
+ages.
+
+[Footnote 444: 'Regalibus magna profecti felicitas _militare_
+donis.... Laetitia publica _militia_ tua est.' Observe the continued
+use of military terms for what we call the Civil Service.]
+
+'To this your regular office we also add the place of _Primicerius_
+[_Primicerius Notariorum_?], so that you are the channel through which
+honours as well as largesses flow. Not only the Judges of the
+Provinces are subject to you, even the _Proceres Chartarum_ (?) have
+not their offices assured to them till you have confirmed the
+instrument. You have also the care of the royal robes. The sea-coasts
+and their products, and therefore merchants, are under your sway. The
+commerce of salt, that precious mineral, rightly classed with silken
+robes and pearls, is placed under your superintendence.
+
+'Take therefore these two dignities, the Comitiva Sacrarum Largitionum
+and the Primiceriatus. If some of the ancient privileges of your
+office have been retrenched [some functions, probably, taken from the
+Comes Sacrarum Largitionum and assigned to the Comes Patrimonii],
+comfort yourself with the thought that you have two dignities instead
+of one.'
+
+
+8. FORMULA OF THE OFFICE OF COMES PRIVATARUM, AND ITS EXCELLENCY.
+
+[Sidenote: Office of Count of Private Domains.]
+
+'Your chief business, as the name of your office implies, is to govern
+the royal estates by the instrumentality of the _Rationales_ under
+you.
+
+'This work alone, however, would have given you a jurisdiction only
+over slaves [those employed on the royal domains]; and as a slave is
+not a person in the eye of the law, it seemed unworthy of the dignity
+of Latium to confine your jurisdiction to these men. Some urban
+authority has therefore been given you in addition to that which you
+exercise over these boors: cases of incest, and of pollution or
+spoliation of graves, come before you. Thus the chastity of the
+living and the security of the dead are equally your care. In the
+Provinces you superintend the tribute-collectors (Canonicarios), you
+admonish the cultivators of the soil (Possessores), and you claim for
+the Royal Exchequer property to which no heirs are forthcoming[445].
+Deposited monies also, the owners of which are lost by lapse of time,
+are searched out by you and brought into our Exchequer, since those
+who by our permission enjoy all their own property ought willingly and
+without sense of loss to offer us that which belongs to other men.
+
+[Footnote 445: 'Caduca bona non sinis esse vacantia.']
+
+'Take then the honour of _Comes Privatarum_: it also is a courtly
+dignity, and you will augment it by your worthy fulfilment of its
+functions.'
+
+
+9. FORMULA OF THE OFFICE OF COUNT OF THE PATRIMONY, AND ITS
+EXCELLENCY.
+
+[Sidenote: Office of Count of the Patrimony.]
+
+'To our distant servants we send long papers with instructions as to
+their conduct; but you, admitted to our daily converse, do not need
+these. You are to undertake the care of our royal patrimony.
+
+'Do not give in to all the suggestions of our servants on these
+domains, who are apt to think that everything is permitted them
+because they represent the King; but rather incline the scale against
+them. You will have to act much in our sight; and as the rising sun
+discloses the true colours of objects, so the King's constant presence
+reveals the Minister's character in its true light. Avoid loud and
+harsh tones in pronouncing your decisions: when we hear you using
+these, we shall know that you are in the wrong. External acts and
+bodily qualities show the habit of the mind. We know a proud man by
+his swaggering gait, an angry one by his flashing eyes, a crafty one
+by his downcast look, a fickle one by his wandering gaze, at
+avaricious one by his hooked nails.
+
+'Take then the office of Count of the Patrimony, and discharge it
+uprightly. Be expeditious in your decisions on the complaints of the
+tillers of the soil. Justice speedily granted is thereby greatly
+enhanced in value, and though it is really the suitor's right it
+charms him as if it were a favour.
+
+'Attend also to the provision of suitable delicacies for our royal
+table. It is a great thing that ambassadors coming from all parts of
+the world should see rare dainties at our board, and such an
+inexhaustible supply of provisions brought in by the crowds of our
+servants that they are almost ready to think the food grows again in
+the kitchen, whither they see the dishes carried with the broken
+victuals. These banqueting times are, and quite deservedly, your times
+for approaching us with business, when no one else is allowed to do
+so.'
+
+
+10. FORMULA BY WHICH MEN ARE MADE PROCERES PER CODICILLOS VACANTES.
+
+[Bestowal of Brevet-rank on persons outside the Civil Service.]
+
+[Sidenote: Codicilli Vacantes.]
+
+'There are cases in which men whom it is desirable for the Sovereign
+to honour are unable, from delicate health or slender fortunes, to
+enter upon an official career. For instance, a poor nobleman may dread
+the expenses of the Consulship; a man illustrious by his wisdom may be
+unable to bear the worries of a Praefecture; an eloquent tongue may
+shun the weight of a Quaestorship. In these cases the laws have wisely
+ordained that we may give such persons the rank which they merit by
+_Codicilli Vacantes_. It must always be understood, however, that in
+each dignity those who thus obtain it rank behind those who have
+earned it by actual service. Otherwise we should have all men
+flocking into these quiet posts, if the workers were not preferred to
+men of leisure[446].
+
+[Footnote 446: 'Alioqui omnes ad quietas possunt currere dignitates,
+si laborantes minime praeferantur ociosis.']
+
+'Take therefore, by these present codicils, the rank which you
+deserve, though you have not earned it by your official career.'
+
+
+11. FORMULA BY WHICH THE RANK OF AN ILLUSTRIS AND THE TITLE OF A COMES
+DOMESTICORUM ARE CONFERRED, WITHOUT OFFICE.
+
+[Sidenote: Illustratus Vacans.]
+
+'The bestowal of honour, though it does not change the nature of a
+man, induces him to consider his own reputation more closely, and to
+abstain from that which may stain it[447].
+
+[Footnote 447: 'Noblesse oblige.']
+
+'Take therefore the rank (without office) of an Illustrious Count of
+the Domestics[448], and enjoy that greatest luxury of worthy
+minds--power to attend to your own pursuits.
+
+[Footnote 448: 'Cape igitur ... Comitivae Domesticorum Illustratum
+Vacantem.']
+
+'For what can be sweeter than to find yourself honoured when you enter
+the City, and yet to be able to cultivate your own fields; to abstain
+from fraudful gains, and yet see your barns overflowing with the fruit
+of your own sweet toil?
+
+'But even as the seed and the soil must co-operate to produce the
+harvest, so do we sow in you the seed of this dignity, trusting that
+your own goodness of heart will give the increase.'
+
+
+12. FORMULA FOR THE BESTOWAL OF A COUNTSHIP OF THE FIRST ORDER,
+WITHOUT OFFICE.
+
+[A similar honour to that which is conferred on an English statesman
+who, without receiving any place in the Ministry, is 'sworn of the
+Privy Council.']
+
+[Sidenote: Comitiva Primi Ordinis.]
+
+'It is a delightful thing to enjoy the pleasures of high rank without
+having to undergo the toils and annoyances of office, which often make
+a man loathe the very dignity which he eagerly desired.
+
+'The rank of _Comes_ is one which is reached by Governors (Rectores)
+of Provinces after a year's tenure of office, and by the Counsellors
+of the Praefect, whose functions are so important that we look upon
+them as almost Quaestors.
+
+'Their rank[449] gives the holder of it, though only a _Spectabilis_,
+admission to our Consistory, where he sits side by side with all the
+Illustres.
+
+[Footnote 449: Betokened by the expression 'Ociosum cingulum.']
+
+'We bestow it upon you, and name you a _Comes Primi Ordinis_, thereby
+indicating that you are to take your place at the head of all the
+other Spectabiles and next after the Illustres. See that you imitate
+the latter, and that you are not surpassed in excellence of character
+by any of those below you.'
+
+
+13. FORMULA FOR BESTOWING THE [HONORARY] RANK OF MASTER OF THE BUREAU
+[MAGISTER SCRINII] AND COUNT OF THE FIRST ORDER, ON AN OFFICER OF THE
+COURTS (COMITIACUS) IN ACTIVE SERVICE.
+
+[Sidenote: Honorary promotion for a Comitiacus.]
+
+'Great toils and great perils are the portion of an officer of the
+Courts in giving effect to their sentences. It is easy for the Judge
+to say, "Let so and so be done;" but on the unhappy officer falls all
+the difficulty and all the odium of doing it. He has to track out
+offenders and hunt them to their very beds, to compel the contumacious
+to obey the law, to make the proud learn their equality before it. If
+he lingers over the business assigned to him, the plaintiff complains;
+if he is energetic, the defendant calls out. The very honesty with
+which he addresses himself to the work is sure to make him enemies,
+enemies perhaps among powerful persons, who next year may be his
+superiors in office, and thus subjects him to all sorts of accusations
+which he may find it very hard to disprove. In short, if we may say it
+without offence to the higher dignitaries, it is far easier to
+discharge without censure the functions of a Judge than those of the
+humble officer who gives effect to his decrees.
+
+'Wherefore, in reward for your long and faithful service, and in
+accordance with ancient usage, we bestow on you the rank of a Count of
+the First Order, and ordain that if anyone shall molest you on account
+of your acts done in the discharge of your duties, he shall pay a fine
+of so many [perhaps ten = L400] pounds of gold.'
+
+[This letter will be found well worth studying in the original, as
+giving a picture of the kind of opposition met with by the men who
+were charged with the execution of the orders of the Rectores
+Provinciarum, and whose functions were themselves partly judicial,
+varying between those of a Master in Chancery and those of a Sheriff's
+officer. Throughout, the Civil Service is spoken of in military
+language. The officer is called _miles_, and his duty is _excubiae_.]
+
+
+14. FORMULA BESTOWING RANK AS A SENATOR.
+
+[Sidenote: Senatorial rank.]
+
+'We desire that our Senate should grow and flourish abundantly. As a
+parent sees the increase of his family, as a husbandman the growth of
+his trees with joy, so we the growth of the Senate. We therefore
+desire that Graius should be included in that virtuous and
+praiseworthy assembly[450]. This is a new kind of grafting, in which
+the less noble shoot is grafted on to the nobler stock. As a candle
+shines at night, but pales in the full sunlight, so does everyone,
+however illustrious by birth or character, who is introduced into your
+majestic body. Open your Curia, receive our candidate. He is already
+predestined to the Senate upon whom we have conferred the dignity of
+the Laticlave.'
+
+[Footnote 450: A conjectural translation of 'Sic nos virtutum
+jucundissimas laudes incinctum Graium desideramus includere.' Perhaps
+'incinctum' means, 'though _not_ girded with the belt of office.'
+Graium must surely be a proper name, and this document is therefore,
+strictly speaking, not a 'Formula.']
+
+
+15. FORMULA OF THE VICARIUS OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Vicariate of the City of Rome.]
+
+'Though nominally only the agent of another [the Praefectus Urbi] you
+have powers and privileges of your own which almost entitle you to
+rank with the Praefects. Suitors plead before you in causes otherwise
+heard only before Praefects[451]; you pronounce sentence in the name
+of the King[452] [not of the Praefect]; and you have jurisdiction even
+in capital cases. You wear the chlamys, and are not to be saluted by
+passers-by except when thus arrayed, as if the law wished you to be
+always seen in military garb. [The chlamys was therefore at this time
+a strictly military dress.] In all these things the glory of the
+Praefecture seems to be exalted in you, as if one should say, "How
+great must the Praefect be, if his Vicar is thus honoured!" Like the
+highest dignitaries you ride in a state carriage[453]. You have
+jurisdiction everywhere within the fortieth milestone from the City.
+You preside over the games at Praeneste, sitting in the Consul's seat.
+You enter the Senate-house itself, that palace of liberty[454]. Even
+Senators and Consulars have to make their request to you, and may be
+injured by you.
+
+[Footnote 451: 'Partes apud te sub Praetoriana advocatione confligunt'
+(?).]
+
+[Footnote 452: 'Vice sacra sententiam dicis.']
+
+[Footnote 453: 'Carpentum.']
+
+[Footnote 454: 'Aula libertatis.']
+
+'Take therefore this dignity, and wield it with moderation and
+courage.'
+
+
+16. FORMULA OF THE NOTARIES.
+
+[Sidenote: Notaries.]
+
+'It is most important that the secrets of the Sovereign, which many
+men so eagerly desire to discover, should be committed to persons of
+tried fidelity. A good secretary should be like a well-arranged
+_escritoire_, full of information when you want it, but absolutely
+silent at other times. Nay, he must even be able to dissimulate his
+knowledge, for keen questioners can often read in the face what the
+lips utter not. [Cf. the description of the Quaestor Decoratus in v.
+3.]
+
+'Our enquiries, keen-scented as they are for all men of good life and
+conversation, have brought your excellent character before us. We
+therefore ordain that you shall henceforth be a Notary. In due course
+of service you will attain the rank of Primicerius, which will entitle
+you to enter the Senate, "the Curia of liberty." Moreover, should you
+then arrive at the dignity of Illustris or at the [Comitiva] Vacans,
+you will be preferred to all who are in the same rank but who have not
+acquired it by active service[455].
+
+[Footnote 455: I think this must be the meaning of the sentence:
+'Additur etiam perfuncti laboris aliud munus, ut si quo modo ad
+Illustratum vel Vacantem meruerit pervenire, omnibus debeat anteponi,
+qui Codicillis Illustratibus probantur ornari.']
+
+'Enter then upon this duty, cheered by the prospect of one day
+attaining to the highest honours.'
+
+
+17. FORMULA OF THE REFERENDARII.
+
+[Sidenote: Referendarii.]
+
+[We have no word corresponding to this title. Registrar, Referee,
+Solicitor, each expresses only part of the duties of the
+Referendarius, whose business it was, _on behalf of the Court_, to
+draw up a statement of the conflicting claims of the litigants before
+it. See the interesting letters (v. 40 and 41) describing the useful
+services rendered in this capacity by Cyprian in the King's Court of
+Appeal. His duties seem to have been very similar to those which in
+the Court of the Praetorian Praefect were discharged by the officer
+called _Ab Actis_ (See p. 107).]
+
+'Great is the privilege of being admitted to such close converse with
+the King as you will possess, but great also are the responsibilities
+and the anxieties of the Referendarius. In the midst of the hubbub of
+the Court he has to make out the case of the litigant, and to clothe
+it in language suitable for our ears. If he softens it down ever so
+little in his repetition of it, the claimant declares that he has been
+bribed, that he is hostile to his suit. A man who is pleading his own
+cause may soften down a word or two here and there, if he see that the
+Court is against him; but the Referendarius dares not alter anything.
+Then upon him rests the responsibility of drawing up our decree,
+adding nothing, omitting nothing. Hard task to speak _our_ words in
+our own presence.
+
+'Take then the office of Referendarius, and show by your exercise of
+it to what learning men may attain by sharing our conversation. Under
+us it is impossible for an officer of the Court to be unskilled in
+speech. Like a whetstone we sharpen the intellects of our courtiers,
+and polish them by practice at our bar[456].'
+
+[Footnote 456: 'Sub nobis enim non licet esse imperitos; quando in
+vicem cotis ingenia splendida reddimus, quae causarum assiduitate
+polimus.' Strange words to put into the mouth of a monarch who could
+not write.]
+
+
+18. FORMULA OF THE PRAEFECTUS ANNONAE, AND HIS EXCELLENCY.
+
+[Sidenote: Praefectus Annonae.]
+
+'If the benefit of the largest number of citizens is a test of the
+dignity of an office yours is certainly a glorious one. You have to
+prepare the Annona of the sacred City, and to feed the whole people as
+at one board. You run up and down through the shops of the bakers,
+looking after the weight and fineness of the bread, and not thinking
+any office mean by which you may win the affections of the citizens.
+
+'You mount the chariot of the Praefect of the City, and are displayed
+in closest companionship with him at the games. Should a sudden tumult
+arise by reason of a scarcity of loaves, you have to still it by
+promising a liberal distribution. It was from his conduct in this
+office that Pompey attained the highest dignities and earned the
+surname of the Great.
+
+'The pork-butchers also (Suarii) are subject to your control.
+
+'It is true that the corn is actually provided by the Praetorian
+Praefect, but you see that it is worked up into elegant bread[457].
+
+[Footnote 457: 'Quando in quavis abundantia querela non tollitur, si
+panis elegantia nulla servetur.']
+
+'Even so Ceres discovered corn, but Pan taught men how to bake it into
+bread; whence its name (_Panis_, from Pan).
+
+'Take then this office: discharge it faithfully, and weigh, more
+accurately than gold, the bread by which the Quirites live.'
+
+
+19. FORMULA OF THE COUNT OF THE CHIEF PHYSICIANS.
+
+[Sidenote: Comes Archiatrorum.]
+
+'The doctor helps us when all other helpers seem to fail. By his art
+he finds out things about a man of which he himself is ignorant; and
+his prognosis of a case, though founded on reason, seems to the
+ignorant like prophecy.
+
+'It is disgraceful that there should be a president of the lascivious
+pleasures of the people (Tribunus Voluptatum) and none of this healing
+art. Excellent too may your office be in enabling you to control the
+squabbles of the doctors. They ought not to quarrel. At the beginning
+of their exercise of their art they take a sort of priestly oath to
+hate wickedness and to love purity. Take then this rank of Comes
+Archiatrorum, and have the distinguished honour of presiding over so
+many skilled practitioners and of moderating their disputes.
+
+'Leave it to clumsy men to ask their patients "if they have had good
+sleep; if the pain has left them." Do you rather incline the patient
+to ask you about his own malady, showing him that you know more about
+it than he does. The patient's pulse, the patient's water, tell to a
+skilled physician the whole story of his disease.
+
+'Enter our palace unbidden; command us, whom all other men obey; weary
+us if you will with fasting, and make us do the very opposite of that
+which we desire, since all this is your prerogative.'
+
+
+20. FORMULA OF THE OFFICE OF A CONSULAR, AND ITS EXCELLENCY.
+
+[Sidenote: Consularis.]
+
+'You bear among your trappings the axes and the rods of the Consul, as
+a symbol of the nature of the jurisdiction which you exercise in the
+Provinces.
+
+'In some Provinces you even wear the _paenula_ (military cloak) and
+ride in the _carpentum_ (official chariot), as a proof of your
+dignity.
+
+'You must not think that because your office is allied to that of
+Consul any lavish expenditure by way of largesse is necessary. By no
+means; but it is necessary that you should abstain from all unjust
+gains. Nothing is worse than a mixture of rapacity and prodigality.
+
+'Respect the property of the Provincials, and your tenure of office
+will be without blame.
+
+'Receive therefore, for this Indiction, the office of Consular in such
+and such a Province, and let your moderation appear to all the
+inhabitants.'
+
+
+21. FORMULA OF THE GOVERNOR (RECTOR) OF A PROVINCE.
+
+[The distinction between the powers of a Rector and those of a
+Consularis seems to have been very slight, if it existed at all; but
+the dignity of the latter office was probably somewhat the greater.]
+
+[Sidenote: Rector Provinciae.]
+
+'It is important to repress crime on the spot. If all criminal causes
+had to wait till they could be tried in the capital, robbers would
+grow so bold as to be intolerable. Hence the advantage of Provincial
+Governors. Receive then for this Indiction the office of Rector of
+such and such a Province. Look at the broad stripe (laticlave) on your
+purple robe, and remember the dignity which is betokened by that
+bright garment, which poets say was first woven by Venus for her son
+Priapus, that the son's beautiful robe might attest the mother's
+loveliness.
+
+'You have to collect the public revenues, and to report to the
+Sovereign all important events in your Province. You may judge even
+Senators and the officers of Praefects. Your name comes before that of
+even dignified Provincials, and you are called Brother by the
+Sovereign. See that your character corresponds to this high vocation.
+Your subjects will not fear you if they see that your own actions are
+immoral. There can be no worse slavery than to sit on the
+judgment-seat, knowing that the men who appear before you are
+possessors of some disgraceful secret by which they can blast your
+reputation.
+
+'Refrain from unholy gains, and we will reward you all the more
+liberally.'
+
+
+22. FORMULA OF THE COUNT OF THE CITY OF SYRACUSE.
+
+[Sidenote: Comitiva Syracusana.]
+
+'We must provide such Governors for our distant possessions that
+appeals from them shall not be frequent. Many men would rather lose a
+just cause than have the expense of coming all the way from Sicily to
+defend it; and as for complaints against a Governor, we should be
+strongly inclined to think that a complaint presented by such distant
+petitioners must be true.
+
+'Act therefore with all the more caution in the office which we bestow
+upon you for this Indiction. You have all the pleasant pomp of an
+official retinue provided for you at our expense. Do not let your
+soldiers be insolent to the cultivators of the soil (possessores). Let
+them receive their rations and be satisfied with them, nor mix in
+matters outside their proper functions. Be satisfied with the dignity
+which your predecessors held. It ought not to be lowered; but do not
+seek to exalt it.'
+
+
+23. FORMULA OF THE COUNT OF NAPLES.
+
+[Sidenote: Comitiva Neapolitana.]
+
+'As the sun sends forth his rays so we send out our servants to the
+various cities of our dominions, to adorn them with the splendour of
+their retinue, and to facilitate the untying of the knots of the law
+by the multitude of jurisconsults who follow in their train. Thus we
+sow a liberal crop of official salaries, and reap our harvest in the
+tranquillity of our subjects. For this Indiction we send you as Count
+to weigh the causes of the people of Naples. It is a populous city,
+and one abounding in delights by sea and land. You may lead there a
+most delicious life, if your cup be not mixed with bitterness by the
+criticisms of the citizens on your judgments. You will sit on a
+jewelled tribunal, and the Praetorium will be filled with your
+officers; but you will also be surrounded by a multitude of fastidious
+spectators, who assuredly, in their conversation, will judge the
+Judge. See then that you walk warily. Your power extends for a certain
+distance along the coast, and both the buyer and seller have to pay
+you tribute. We give you the chance of earning the applause of a vast
+audience: do you so act that your Sovereign may take pleasure in
+multiplying his gifts.'
+
+
+24. FORMULA ADDRESSED TO THE GENTLEMEN-FARMERS (OR THE TITLED
+CULTIVATORS) AND COMMON COUNCILMEN[458] OF THE CITY OF NAPLES [AND
+SURROUNDING DISTRICT].
+
+[Footnote 458: An attempt to translate 'Honoratis possessoribus et
+curialibus civitatis Neapolitanae.']
+
+[Sidenote: Honorati Possessores et Curiales Civitatis Neapolitanae.]
+
+'You pay us tribute, but we have conferred honours upon you. We are
+now sending you a Comes [the one appointed in the previous formula],
+but he will be a terror only to the evil-disposed. Do you live
+according to reason, since you are reasonable beings, and then the
+laws may take holiday. Your quietness is our highest joy[459].'
+
+[Footnote 459: 'Erit nostrum gaudium vestra quies.... Degite moribus
+compositis, ut vivatis legibus feriatis.']
+
+
+25 is entitled, 'FORMULA DE COMITIVA PRINCIPIS MILITUM;' but this is
+evidently an inaccurate, or at least an insufficient title.
+
+[Sidenote: Doubtful.]
+
+The letter, though very short, is obscure.
+
+It starts with the maxim that every staff of officials ought to have
+its own Judge[460], and then, apparently, proceeds to make an
+exception to this rule by making the persons addressed--the civil or
+military functionaries of Naples--subject to the Comes Neapolitanus
+who was appointed by the Twenty-third Formula. No reason is given for
+this exception, except an unintelligible one about preserving the
+yearly succession of Judges[461]; but the persons are assured that
+their salaries shall be safe[462].
+
+[Footnote 460: 'Omnes apparitiones decet habere judices suos. Nam cui
+praesul adimitur et militia denegatur.']
+
+[Footnote 461: 'Ut judicibus annua successione reparatis, vobis
+solemnitas non pereat actionis.']
+
+[Footnote 462: 'Vos non patimur emolumentorum commoda perdere.']
+
+
+
+
+BOOK VII.
+
+CONTAINING FORTY-SEVEN FORMULAE.
+
+
+1. FORMULA OF THE COUNT OF A PROVINCE.
+
+[Sidenote: Comitiva Provinciae.]
+
+'Your dignity, unlike that of most civil officers, is guarded by the
+sword of war. See however that this terrible weapon is only drawn on
+occasions of absolute necessity, and only wielded for the punishment
+of evil-doers. Anyone who is determining a case of life and death
+should decide slowly, since any other sentence is capable of
+correction, but the dead man cannot be recalled to life. Let the
+ensigns of your power be terrible to drivers-away of cattle, to
+thieves and robbers; but let innocence rejoice when she sees the
+tokens of approaching succour. Let no one pervert your will by bribes:
+the sword of justice is sheathed when gold is taken. Receive then for
+this Indiction the dignity of Count in such and such a Province. So
+use your power that you may be able to defend your actions when
+reduced to a private station, though indeed, if you serve us well in
+this office, we are minded to promote you to yet higher dignities.'
+
+
+2. FORMULA OF A PRAESES.
+
+[The Praeses had practically the same powers as the Consularis (v. 20)
+and the Rector (v. 21), but occupied a less dignified position, being
+only a 'Perfectissimus,' not a 'Clarissimus[463].']
+
+[Footnote 463: See p. 92.]
+
+[Sidenote: Praesidatus.]
+
+'It has been wisely ordered by the Ancients that a Provincial
+Governor's term of office should be only annual. Thus men are
+prevented from growing arrogant by long tenure of power, and we are
+enabled to reward a larger number of aspirants. Get through one year
+of office if you can without blame: even that is not an easy matter.
+It rests then with us to prolong the term of a deserving ruler[464],
+since we are not keen to remove those whom we feel to be governing
+justly. Receive then for this Indiction the Praesidatus of such and
+such a Province, and so act that the tiller of the soil (possessor)
+may bring us thanks along with his tribute. Follow the good example of
+your predecessors: carefully avoid the bad. Remember how full your
+Province is of nobles, whose good report you may earn but cannot
+compel. You will find it a delightful reward, when you travel through
+the neighbouring Provinces, to hear your praises sounded there where
+your power extends not. You know our will: it is all contained in the
+laws of the State. Govern in accordance with these, and you shall not
+go unrewarded.'
+
+[Footnote 464: 'Nostrum est merentibus tempus augere.' The limit of
+one year might therefore be exceeded by favour of the Sovereign.]
+
+
+3. FORMULA OF THE COUNT OF THE GOTHS IN THE SEVERAL PROVINCES.
+
+[Sidenote: Comitiva Gothorum per singulas Provincias.]
+
+[Dahn remarks ('Koenige der Germanen' iv. 157): 'We must go thoroughly
+into the question of this office. The _Comes Gothorum_ is the most
+important, in fact almost the only new dignity in the Gothic State,
+and the formula of his installation is the chief proof of the
+coexistence of Roman and Gothic law in this kingdom.' I have therefore
+translated this formula at full length.]
+
+'As we know that, by God's help, Goths are dwelling intermingled among
+you, in order to prevent the trouble (indisciplinatio) which is wont
+to arise among partners (consortes) we have thought it right to send
+to you as Count, A B, a sublime person, a man already proved to be of
+high character, in order that he may terminate (amputare) any contests
+arising between two Goths according to our edicts; but that, if any
+matter should arise between a Goth and a born Roman, he may, after
+associating with himself a Roman jurisconsult[465], decide the strife
+by fair reason[466]. As between two Romans, let the decision rest with
+the Roman examiners (cognitores), whom we appoint in the various
+Provinces; that thus each may keep his own laws, and with various
+Judges one Justice may embrace the whole realm. Thus, sharing one
+common peace, may both nations, if God favour us, enjoy the sweets of
+tranquillity.
+
+[Footnote 465: 'Adhibito sibi prudente Romano.']
+
+[Footnote 466: 'Aequabili ratione.']
+
+'Know, however, that we view all [our subjects] with one impartial
+love; but he may commend himself more abundantly to our favour who
+subdues his own will into loving submission to the law[467]. We like
+nothing that is disorderly[468]; we detest wicked arrogance and all
+who have anything to do with it. Our principles lead us to execrate
+violent men[469]. In a dispute let laws decide, not the strong arm.
+Why should men seek by choice violent remedies, when they know that
+the Courts of Justice are open to them? It is for this cause that we
+pay the Judges their salaries, for this that we maintain such large
+official staffs with all their privileges, that we may not allow
+anything to grow up among you which may tend towards hatred. Since you
+see that one lordship (imperium) is over you, let there be also one
+desire in your hearts, to live in harmony.
+
+[Footnote 467: 'Qui leges moderata voluntate dilexerit.' To translate
+this literally might give a wrong idea, because with us 'to love the
+law' means to be litigious.]
+
+[Footnote 468: 'Non amamus aliquid incivile.']
+
+[Footnote 469: 'Violentos nostra pietas execratur.']
+
+'Let both nations hear what we have at heart. You [oh Goths!] have the
+Romans as neighbours to your lands: even so let them be joined to you
+in affection. You too, oh Romans! ought dearly to love the Goths, who
+in peace swell the numbers of your people and in war defend the whole
+Republic[470]. It is fitting therefore that you obey the Judge whom we
+have appointed for you, that you may by all means accomplish all that
+he may ordain for the preservation of the laws; and thus you will be
+found to have promoted your own interests while obeying our command.'
+
+[Footnote 470: 'Vos autem, Romani, magno studio Gothos diligere
+debetis, qui et in pace numerosos vobis populos faciunt, et universam
+Rempublicam per bella defendunt.']
+
+
+4. FORMULA OF THE DUKE OF RAETIA.
+
+[Sidenote: Ducatus Raetiarum.]
+
+'Although promotion among the _Spectabiles_ goes solely by seniority,
+it is impossible to deny that those who are employed in the border
+Provinces have a more arduous, and therefore in a sense more
+honourable, office than those who command in the peaceful districts of
+Italy. The former have to deal with war, the latter only with the
+repression of crime. The former hear the trumpet's clang, the latter
+the voice of the crier.
+
+'The Provinces of Raetia are the bars and bolts of Italy. Wild and
+cruel nations ramp outside of them, and they, like nets, whence their
+name[471], catch the Barbarian in their toils and hold him there till
+the hurled arrow can chastise his mad presumption.
+
+[Footnote 471: Raetia, from _rete_, a net.]
+
+'Receive then for this Indiction the _Ducatus Raetiarum_. Let your
+soldiers live on friendly terms with the Provincials, avoiding all
+lawless presumption; and at the same time let them be constantly on
+their guard against the Barbarians outside. Even bloodshed is often
+prevented by seasonable vigilance.'
+
+
+5. FORMULA OF THE PALACE ARCHITECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Cura Palatii.]
+
+'Much do we delight in seeing the greatness of our Kingdom imaged
+forth in the splendour of our palace.
+
+'Thus do the ambassadors of foreign nations admire our power, for at
+first sight one naturally believes that as is the house so is the
+inhabitant.
+
+'The Cyclopes invented the art of working in metal, which then passed
+over from Sicily to Italy.
+
+'Take then for this Indiction the care of our palace, thus receiving
+the power of transmitting your fame to a remote posterity which shall
+admire your workmanship. See that your new work harmonises well with
+the old. Study Euclid--get his diagrams well into your mind; study
+Archimedes and Metrobius.
+
+'When we are thinking of rebuilding a city, or of founding a fort or a
+general's quarters, we shall rely upon you to express our thoughts on
+paper [in an architect's design]. The builder of walls, the carver of
+marbles, the caster of brass, the vaulter of arches[472], the
+plasterer, the worker in mosaic, all come to you for orders, and you
+are expected to have a wise answer for each. But, then, if you direct
+them rightly, while theirs is the work yours is all the glory.
+
+[Footnote 472: 'Camerarum rotator.']
+
+'Above all things, dispense honestly what we give you for the
+workmen's wages; for the labourer who is at ease about his victuals
+works all the better.
+
+'As a mark of your high dignity you bear a golden wand, and amidst the
+numerous throng of servants walk first before the royal footsteps
+[i.e. last in the procession and immediately before the King], that
+even by your nearness to our person it may be seen that you are the
+man to whom we have entrusted the care of our palaces.'
+
+
+6. FORMULA OF THE COUNT OF THE AQUEDUCTS.
+
+[Sidenote: Comitiva Formarum Urbis.]
+
+'Though all the buildings of Rome are wonderful, and one can scarce
+for this reason say which are the chief among them, we think a
+distinction may be drawn between those which are reared only for the
+sake of ornament and those which also serve a useful purpose. Thus,
+however often one sees the Forum of Trajan, it always seems a
+wonder[473]. To stand on the lofty Capitol is to see all other works
+of the human intellect surpassed. And yet neither of these great works
+touches human life, nor ministers to health or enjoyment. But in the
+Aqueducts of Rome we note both the marvel of their construction and
+the rare wholesomeness of their waters. When you look at those rivers,
+led as it were over piled up mountains, you would think that their
+solid stony beds were natural channels, through so many ages have they
+borne the rush of such mighty waters. And yet even mountains are
+frequently undermined, and let out the torrents which have excavated
+them; while these artificial channels, the work of the ancients, never
+perish, if reasonable care be taken of their preservation.
+
+[Footnote 473: 'Trajani Forum vel sub assiduitate videre miraculum
+est.']
+
+'Let us consider how much that wealth of waters adds to the adornment
+of the City of Rome. Where would be the beauty of our _Thermae_, if
+those softest waters were not supplied to them?
+
+'Purest and most delightful of all streams glides along the _Aqua
+Virgo_, so named because no defilement ever stains it. For while all
+the others, after heavy rain show some contaminating mixture of
+earth, this alone by its ever pure stream would cheat us into
+believing that the sky was always blue above us. Ah! how express these
+things in words worthy of them? The _Aqua Claudia_ is led along on the
+top of such a lofty pile that, when it reaches Mount Aventine, it
+falls from above upon that lofty summit as if it were watering some
+lowly valley. It is true that the Egyptian Nile, rising at certain
+seasons, brings its flood of waters over the land under a cloudless
+sky; but how much fairer a sight is it to see the Roman Claudia
+flowing with a never-failing stream over all those thirsty mountain
+tops, and bringing purest water through a multitude of pipes to so
+many baths and houses. When Nile retreats he leaves mud behind him;
+when he comes unexpectedly he brings a deluge. Shall we not then
+boldly say that our Aqueducts surpass the famous Nile, which is so
+often a terror to the dwellers on his banks either by what he brings
+or by what he leaves behind him? It is in no spirit of pride that we
+enumerate these particulars, but in order that you may consider how
+great diligence should be shown by you to whom such splendid works are
+entrusted.
+
+'Wherefore, after careful consideration, we entrust you for this
+Indiction with the _Comitiva Formarum_, that you may zealously strive
+to accomplish what the maintenance of such noble structures requires.
+Especially as to the hurtful trees which are the ruin of buildings,
+[inserting their roots between the stones and] demolishing them with
+the destructiveness of a battering-ram: we wish them to be pulled up
+by the roots, since it is no use dealing with an evil of this kind
+except in its origin. If any part is falling into decay through age,
+let it be repaired at once: the first expense is the least. The
+strengthening of the Aqueducts will constitute your best claim on our
+favour, and will be the surest means of establishing your own
+fortune. Act with skill and honesty, and let there be no corrupt
+practices in reference to the distribution of the water.'
+
+
+7. FORMULA OF THE PRAEFECT OF THE WATCH OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Praefectus Vigilum Urbis Romae.]
+
+'Your office, exercised as it is in the City itself, and under the
+eyes of Patricians and Consuls, is sure to bring you renown if you
+discharge its duties with diligence. You have full power to catch
+thieves, though the law reserves the right of punishing them for
+another official, apparently because it would remember that even these
+detestable plunderers are yet Roman citizens. Take then for this
+Indiction the _Praefectura Vigilum_. You will be the safety of
+sleepers, the bulwark of houses, the defence of bolts and bars, an
+unseen scrutineer, a silent judge, one whose right it is to entrap the
+plotters and whose glory to deceive them. Your occupation is a nightly
+hunting, most feared when it is not seen. You rob the robbers, and
+strive to circumvent the men who make a mock at all other citizens. It
+is only by a sort of sleight of hand that you can throw your nets
+around robbers; for it is easier to guess the riddles of the Sphinx
+than to detect the whereabouts of a flying thief. He looks round him
+on all sides, ready to start off at the sound of an advancing
+footstep, trembling at the thought of a possible ambush. How can one
+catch him who, like the wind, tarries never in one place? Go forth,
+then, under the starry skies; watch diligently with all the birds of
+night, and as they seek their food in the darkness so do you therein
+hunt for fame.
+
+'Let there be no corruption, no deeds of darkness which the day need
+blush for. Do this, and you will have our support in upholding the
+rightful privileges of yourself and your staff.'
+
+
+8. FORMULA OF THE PRAEFECT OF THE WATCH OF THE CITY OF RAVENNA.
+
+[Sidenote: Praefectus Vigilum Urbis Ravennatis.]
+
+Contains the same topics as the preceding formula, rather less
+forcibly urged, and with no special reference to the City of Ravenna.
+
+An exhortation at the end not to be too hasty, nor to shed blood
+needlessly, even when dealing with thieves.
+
+
+9. FORMULA OF THE COUNT OF PORTUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Comitiva Portus Urbis Romae.]
+
+'It is a service of pleasure rather than of toil to hold the dignity
+of Comes in the harbour of the City of Rome, to look forth upon the
+wide sail-traversed main, to see the commerce of all the Provinces
+tending towards Rome, and to welcome travellers arriving with the joy
+of ended peril. Excellent thought of the men of old to provide two
+channels by which strangers might enter the Tiber, and to adorn them
+with those two stately cities [Portus and Ostia], which shine like
+lights upon the watery way!
+
+'Do you therefore, by your fair administration, make it easy for
+strangers to enter. Do not grasp at more than the lawful dues; for the
+greedy hand closes a harbour, and extortion is as much dreaded by
+mariners as adverse winds. Receive then for this Indiction the
+_Comitiva Portus_; enjoy the pleasures of the office, and lay it down
+with increased reputation.'
+
+
+10. FORMULA OF THE TRIBUNUS VOLUPTATUM.
+
+[Sidenote: Tribunus Voluptatum.]
+
+[Minister of public amusements, the Roman equivalent to our 'Lord
+Chamberlain' in that part of his office which relates to the control
+of theatres.]
+
+'Though the wandering life of the stage-player seems as if it might
+run to any excess of licence, Antiquity has wisely provided that even
+it should be under some sort of discipline. Thus respectability
+governs those who are not respectable, and people who are themselves
+ignorant of the path of virtue are nevertheless obliged to live under
+some sort of rule. Your place, in fact, is like that of a guardian; as
+he looks after the tender years of his ward, so you bridle the
+passionate pleasures of your theatrical subjects.
+
+'Therefore, for this Indiction, we appoint you Tribune of [the
+people's] Pleasures. See that order is observed at the public
+spectacles: they are not really popular without this. Keep your own
+high character for purity in dealing with these men and women of
+damaged reputation, that men may say, "Even in promoting the pleasures
+of the people he showed his virtuous disposition."
+
+'It is our hope that through this frivolous employment you may pass to
+more serious dignities.'
+
+
+11. FORMULA OF THE DEFENSOR OF ANY CITY.
+
+[Sidenote: Defensor cujuslibet Civitatis.]
+
+[Observe that the Defensor has power to fix prices, in addition to his
+original function of protecting the commonalty from oppression.]
+
+'The number of his clients makes it necessary for the representative
+of a whole city to be especially wary in his conduct.
+
+'At the request of your fellow-citizens we appoint you, for this
+Indiction, Defensor of such and such a city. Take care that there be
+nothing venal in your conduct. Fix the prices for the citizens
+according to the goodness or badness of the seasons, and remember to
+pay yourself what you have prescribed to others. A good Defensor
+allows his citizens neither to be oppressed by the laws nor harassed
+by the dearness of provisions.'
+
+
+12. FORMULA OF THE CURATOR OF A CITY.
+
+[Sidenote: Curator Civitatis.]
+
+[The Defensor and Curator had evidently almost equivalent powers, but
+with some slight difference of dignity. They cannot both have existed
+in the same city. It would be interesting to know what decided the
+question whether a city should have a Defensor or a Curator.]
+
+This formula differs very little from the preceding, except that the
+new officer is told 'wisely to govern the ranks of the Curia.' Stress
+is again laid on the regulation of prices: 'Cause moderate prices to
+be adhered to by those whom it concerns. Let not merchandise be in the
+sole power of the sellers, but let an agreeable equability be observed
+in all things. This is the most enriching kind of popularity, which is
+derived from maintaining moderation in prices[474]. You shall have the
+same salary (consuetudines) which your predecessors had in the same
+place.'
+
+[Footnote 474: 'Opulentissima siquidem et hinc gratia civium
+colligitur, si pretia sub moderatione serventur.']
+
+
+13. FORMULA OF THE COUNT OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Comitiva Romana.]
+
+'If even bolts and bars cannot secure a house from robbery, much more
+do the precious things left in the streets and open spaces of Rome
+require protection. I refer to that most abundant population of
+statues, to that mighty herd of horses [in stone and metal] which
+adorn our City. It is true that if there were any reverence in human
+nature, it, and not the watchman, ought to be the sufficient guardian
+of the beauty of Rome[475]. But what shall we say of the marbles,
+precious both by material and workmanship, which many a hand longs, if
+it has opportunity, to pick out of their settings? Who when entrusted
+with such a charge can be negligent? who venal? We entrust to you
+therefore for this Indiction the dignity of the Comitiva Romana, with
+all its rights and just emoluments. Watch for all such evil-doers as
+we have described. Rightly does the public grief[476] punish those who
+mar the beauty of the ancients with amputation of limbs, inflicting on
+them that which they have made our monuments to suffer. Do you and
+your staff and the soldiers at your disposal watch especially by
+night; in the day the City guards itself. At night the theft looks
+tempting; but the rascal who tries it is easily caught if the guardian
+approaches him unperceived. Nor are the statues absolutely dumb; the
+ringing sound which they give forth under the blows of the thief seems
+to admonish their drowsy guardian. Let us see you then diligent in
+this business, that whereas we now bestow upon you a toilsome dignity,
+we may hereafter confer an honour without care.'
+
+[Footnote 475: 'Si esset humanis rebus ulla consideratio Romanam
+pulchritudinem non vigiliae sed sola deberet reverentia custodire.']
+
+[Footnote 476: 'Quia juste tales persequitur publicus dolor.']
+
+
+14. FORMULA OF THE COUNT OF RAVENNA.
+
+[Sidenote: Comitiva Ravennatis.]
+
+'High is your honour, to be the means of taking away all slowness from
+the execution of our orders. Who knows not what a quantity of ships
+you can muster at the least hint from us! Scarcely is the ink dry on
+the _evectio_ [permission to use the public post] prepared by some
+palace dignitary, when already with the utmost speed it is by you
+being carried into effect. Do not exact too much service from
+merchants[477], nor yet from corrupt motives let them off too easily.
+Be very careful in your judicial capacity, and especially when trying
+the causes of the poor, to whom a small error in your judgment may be
+far more disastrous than to the rich.'
+
+[Footnote 477: 'Negociatorum operas consuetas nec nimias exigas, nec
+venalitate derelinquas.' Apparently then a certain amount of forced
+labour could be claimed from the owners of merchant-vessels by the
+Count of Ravenna.]
+
+
+15. FORMULA ADDRESSED TO THE PRAEFECT OF THE CITY ON THE APPOINTMENT
+OF AN ARCHITECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Architectus Publicorum.]
+
+'It is desirable that the necessary repairs to this forest of walls
+and population of statues which make up Rome should be in the hands of
+a learned man who will make the new work harmonise with the old.
+Therefore for this Indiction we desire your Greatness to appoint A B
+Architect of the City of Rome. Let him read the books of the ancients;
+but he will find more in this City than in his books. Statues of men,
+showing the muscles swelling with effort, the nerves in tension, the
+whole man looking as if he had grown rather than been cast in metal.
+Statues of horses, full of fire, with the curved nostril, with rounded
+tightly-knit limbs, with ears laid back--you would think the creature
+longed for the race, though you know that the metal moves not. This
+art of statuary the Etruscans are said to have practised first in
+Italy; posterity has embraced it, and given to the City an artificial
+population almost equal to its natural one. The ancients speak of the
+wonders of the world [here enumerated and described], but this one of
+the City of Rome surpasses them all. It had need to be a learned man
+who is charged with the care of upholding all these works; else, in
+his despair, he will deem himself the man of stone, and the statues
+about him the truly living men.'
+
+
+16. FORMULA OF THE COUNT OF THE ISLANDS OF CURRITANA AND CELSINA.
+
+[Sidenote: Comitiva Insulae Curritanae et Celsinae.]
+
+[Celsina, from the place in which it is mentioned in the 'Itinerary'
+of Antonine (516), was probably one of the Lipari Islands. Curritana
+must have been near it but is not further identified.]
+
+'The presence of a ruler is necessary; and it is not desirable that
+men should live without discipline, according to their own wills. We
+therefore appoint you Judge of these two islands. For it is right that
+someone should go to the habitations of these men, who are shut out
+from converse with the rest of their kind, and settle their
+differences by fair reason.
+
+'Oh ye inhabitants of these islands, ye now know whom our Piety has
+set over you, and we shall expect you to obey him.'
+
+
+17. FORMULA CONCERNING THE PRESIDENT OF THE LIME-KILNS.
+
+[Sidenote: Praepositus Calcis.]
+
+'It is a glorious labour to serve the City of Rome. It cannot be
+doubted that lime (coctilis calx), which is snow-white and lighter
+than sponge, is useful for the mightiest buildings. In proportion as
+it is itself disintegrated by the application of fire does it lend
+strength to walls; a dissolvable rock, a stony softness, a sandy
+pebble, which burns the best when it is most abundantly watered,
+without which neither stones are fixed nor the minute particles of
+sand hardened.
+
+'Therefore we set you, well known for your industry, over the burning
+and distribution of lime, that there may be plenty of it both for
+public and private works, and that thereby people may be put in good
+heart for building. Do this well, and you shall be promoted to greater
+things.'
+
+
+18. FORMULA CONCERNING ARMOURERS.
+
+[Sidenote: Armorum Factores.]
+
+'Good arms are of the utmost importance to a community. By means of
+them man, the frailest of creatures, is made stronger than monstrous
+beasts. Phoroneus is said to have first invented them, and brought
+them to Juno to consecrate them by her divinity.
+
+'For this Indiction we set you over the soldiers and workmen in our
+armouries. Do not presume in our absence to pass bad workmanship. We
+shall find out by diligent search all that you do, and in such a
+matter as this consider no mistake venial.'
+
+
+19. FORMULA ADDRESSED TO THE PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT CONCERNING THE
+ARMOURERS.
+
+[Sidenote: Ad Praefectum Praetorio de Armorum Factoribus.]
+
+Announces to the Praefects the appointment conferred in the preceding
+letter, and repeats that to supply inferior arms to soldiers is an act
+of treason. The workmen are to receive their just _consuetudines_
+[wages].
+
+
+20 and 21. FORMULA AS TO THE COLLECTION OF BINA AND TERNA:
+
+ (1) _If collected by the Judge himself;_
+ (2) _If collected by his Officium._
+
+[Sidenote: Binorum et Ternorum: (xx.) si per Judicem aguntur; (xxi.)
+si per Officium aguntur.]
+
+These _Bina_ and _Terna_, as stated in the note to iii. 8, are a
+mystery. All that can be positively stated about them is that they
+were a kind of land-tax, collected from the cultivators (possessores),
+and that they had to be brought into the Treasury by the first of
+March in each year. Under the first formula the Judex himself, under
+the second two _Scriniarii_ superintend the collection, reporting to
+the Count of Sacred Largesses. As in the previous letter (iii. 8), the
+Judex is reminded that if there is any deficiency he will have to make
+it good himself. Cf. Manso, 'Geschichte des Ostgothischen Reiches'
+388; and Sartorius, 'Regierung der Ostgothen' 207 and 347.
+
+
+22. FORMULA OF EXHORTATION ADDRESSED TO THE TWO SCRINIARII REFERRED TO
+IN FORMULA 21.
+
+[Sidenote: Commonitorium illi et illi Scriniariis.]
+
+'Your day of promotion is come. Proceed to such and such a Province,
+in order that you may assist the Judex and his staff in collecting the
+_Bina_ and _Terna_, before the first of March, and may forward them
+without delay to the Count of Sacred Largesses. Let there be no
+extortion from the cultivator, no dishonest surrender of our rights.'
+
+
+23. FORMULA OF THE VICARIUS OF PORTUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Vicarius Portus.]
+
+'Great prudence is necessary in your office, since discords easily
+arise between two nationalities. Therefore you must use skill to
+soothe those [the Greek merchants and sailors from the Levant] whose
+characters are unstable as the winds, and who, unless you bring their
+minds into a state of calm, will, with their natural quickness of
+temper, fly out into the extremity of insolence.'
+
+
+24. FORMULA OF THE PRINCEPS OF DALMATIA.
+
+[Sidenote: Princeps Dalmatiarum.]
+
+[The Princeps, as observed on p. 96, seems to have practically
+disappeared from the Officium of the Praefectus Praetorio. Here,
+however, we find a Provincial Princeps whose rank and functions are
+not a little perplexing. It seems probable that, while still nominally
+only the chief of a staff of subordinates, he may, owing to the
+character of the superior under whom he served, have practically
+assumed more important functions. That superior in this case was a
+Comes, whose military character is indicated by the first letter of
+this book. The Princeps was therefore virtually the Civil Assessor of
+this officer.
+
+The Comes under Theodoric would generally be a Goth; the Princeps must
+be a Roman and a Jurisconsult. The business of the former was war and
+administration; that of the latter, judgment, though his decisions
+were apparently pronounced by the mouth of the Comes, his superior in
+rank.]
+
+'Whosoever serves while bearing the title of Princeps has high
+pre-eminence among his colleagues. To the Consul of the Provinces
+power is given, but to you the Judge himself is entrusted. Without you
+there is no access to the Secretarium, nor is the ceremony of
+salutation[478] [by subordinate officers] performed. You hold the
+vine-rod[479] which menaces the wicked; you have the right, withheld
+from the Governor himself, of punishing the insolence of an orator
+pleading in his Court. The records of the whole suit have to be signed
+by you, and for this your consent is sought after the will of the
+Judge has been explained.'
+
+[Footnote 478: 'Pompa osculationis.' Another reading is 'Pompa
+postulationis.']
+
+[Footnote 479: 'Tu vitem tenes improbis minantem.' The allusion is to
+the vine-bough, which was used in scourging. The alternative reading,
+_vitam_, does not seem to give so good a sense.]
+
+
+25. FORMULA RECOMMENDING THE PRINCIPES[480] TO THE COMES.
+
+[Footnote 480: Plural. Apparently, therefore, each Count had more than
+one Princeps, perhaps one for each large city in his Province.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ad Commendandos Comiti Principes.]
+
+'It is our glory to see you [a Goth, one of our own nation]
+accompanied by a Roman official staff. Acting through such Ministers,
+your power seems to be hallowed by the sanction of Antiquity.
+
+'For to this point, by God's help, have we brought our Goths, that
+they should be both well-trained in arms and attuned to justice. It is
+this which the other races cannot accomplish; this that makes you
+unique among the nations, namely, that you, who are accustomed to war,
+are seen to live obedient to the laws side by side with the Romans.
+Therefore from out of our _Officium_, we have decided to send A and B
+to you, that according to ancient custom, while forwarding the
+execution of your commands they may bring those commands into
+conformity with the mind of past ages[481].'
+
+[Footnote 481: 'Rationabili debeant antiquitate moderari.' Perhaps we
+might translate, 'with the Common Law.']
+
+
+26. FORMULA OF THE COUNTSHIP OF THE SECOND RANK IN DIVERS CITIES[482].
+
+[Footnote 482: The title runs thus (in Nivellius' Edition): 'Formula
+Comitivae Honorum Scientiae Ordinis diversarum Civitatum.' I do not
+know what is meant by 'Honorum Scientiae.' Can 'Scientiae' be a
+transcriber's blunder for 'secundi?']
+
+[Sidenote: Comitiva diversarum civitatum.]
+
+For the sentences, more than usually devoid of meaning, in which
+Cassiodorus dilates on Free-will, Justice, and the mind of man, it may
+be well to substitute Manso's description of this dignity (p. 379):
+
+'By the title of a Count of the Second Order the Judges in little
+towns appear chiefly to have been rewarded and encouraged. Those named
+for it, however, can hardly have received any great distinction or
+especial privileges, for Cassiodorus not only enumerates no civic
+advantages thus secured to them, but expressly says, "We intend to
+bestow better things than this upon you, if you earn our approbation
+in your present office." He does not use this language to those
+adorned with the _Comitiva Primi Ordinis_.'
+
+
+27. FORMULA ADDRESSED TO THE DIGNIFIED CULTIVATORS AND CURIALES[483].
+
+[Footnote 483: Cf. vi. 24.]
+
+[Sidenote: Honorati Possessores et Curiales.]
+
+'As one must rule and the rest obey, we have for this Indiction
+conferred the Countship of your City on A B, that he may hear your
+causes and give effect to our orders.'
+
+[Apparently this letter and the preceding relate to the same
+appointment. The words 'secundi ordinis' are not added to the title of
+the new Count when his fellow-citizens are informed of it.]
+
+
+28. FORMULA ANNOUNCING THE APPOINTMENT OF A COMES TO THE CHIEF OF HIS
+STAFF[484].
+
+[Footnote 484: This must, I think, be the meaning; but it is hard to
+extract it from the words 'Formula Principis Militum Comitivae.']
+
+[Sidenote: Princeps Militum Comitivae.]
+
+'Judge and Court Officer (Praesul and Miles) are terms which involve
+one another. The officers of the Court have no right to exist,
+without the Judge; he is powerless without them to execute his
+commands. We therefore think it well to inform you of our appointment
+of A B as Count over your body[485]. It is no light benefit that so
+long as you attend to your duty[486] you are allowed to elect the
+examiners.'
+
+[Footnote 485: 'Comitem Militiae Vestrae.']
+
+[Footnote 486: 'Nec istud leve credatis beneficium, ut cum vos scitis
+obsequium, vobis occurrat electio cognitorum.' For Cognitores, see
+vii. 3. These Cognitores had virtually the decision of all 'issues of
+fact,' and consequently their nomination was a very important matter.
+I think the meaning of this passage is: 'I, the King, appoint the
+_Comes_ (= Judex), and graciously inform you of my decision. But you
+(the Officium) have the privilege--and it is no small one--of electing
+the _Cognitores_.']
+
+
+29. FORMULA CONCERNING THE GUARD AT THE GATES OF A CITY.
+
+[Sidenote: De Custodiendis Portis Civitatis.]
+
+'We entrust to you an important office, the care of the gate of such
+and such a city. Do not keep it always shut--that were to turn the
+city into a prison; nor let it always lie open--then the walls are
+useless. Use your own judgment, but remember that the gate of a city
+is like the jaws of the human body, through which provisions enter to
+nourish it.'
+
+
+30. FORMULA OF THE TRIBUNATE IN THE PROVINCES.
+
+[Sidenote: Tribunatus Provinciarum.]
+
+'It is right that one who has served his time in civil employment
+should receive his reward, and we therefore appoint as your Tribune
+the man who has a right to the office by seniority. You are to obey
+him, since officers of this kind partake of the nature of Judges
+[governors], as they are called to account for any excesses committed
+by you.'
+
+[Who this Tribune was--since the _Tribunus Voluptatum_ is apparently
+out of the question--and how his jurisdiction fitted in to that of
+other officers, Manso (p. 362) deems it impossible to decide, nor can
+I offer any suggestion.]
+
+
+31. FORMULA OF THE PRINCEPS OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Formula Principatus Urbis Romae.]
+
+'As there must be the _Officium_, of a Count in Rome, and as we want
+to have our chief Princeps[487] near us [in Ravenna], we wish you to
+take his place and wield power as his _Vicarius_ in Rome.
+
+[Footnote 487: 'Principem nostrum _cardinalem_' (observe this use of
+the word).]
+
+'If you think that any of the _Comitiaci_ ought to be sent to attend
+our Comitatus [at Ravenna], do so at your own discretion, retaining
+those whom you think proper to retain at Rome. Let there be an
+alternation, however, that one set of men be not worn out with
+continuous labour, while the others are rusting in idleness.'
+
+
+32. FORMULA OF THE MASTER OF THE MINT.
+
+[Sidenote: Formula qua Moneta Committitur.]
+
+'Great is the crime of tampering with the coinage; a crime against the
+many--whose buying and selling is disturbed by it; and a crime and a
+sacrilege against us, whose image is impressed on the coins.
+
+'Let everything be pure and unalloyed which bears the impress of our
+Serenity. Let the flame of gold be pale and unmixed, let the colour of
+silver smile with its gracious whiteness, let the ruddy copper retain
+its native glow.
+
+'Coins are to keep their full weight. They used to pass current by
+weight, not by tale, whence the words for profit and expenditure[488].
+_Pecunia_ was named from cattle (pecus). You must see that our money
+does not return to this low condition. King Servius first used
+stamped money. Take then the care of the mint; hold it for five years,
+and be very careful how you administer it.'
+
+[Footnote 488: 'Compendium et dispendium' (from _pendere_, to weigh).]
+
+
+33. FORMULA RESPECTING THE AMBASSADORS OF VARIOUS NATIONS.
+
+[Sidenote: Formula Legatorum Gentium Diversarum.]
+
+'Since it is important that when ambassadors return to their country
+they should feel that they have been well treated in ours, hand the
+enclosed _douceur_ (humanitas), and a certain quantity of fodder for
+their horses, to the ambassadors of such and such a nation. Nothing
+pleases those who have commenced their return journey better than
+speeding them on their way.'
+
+
+34. FORMULA OF SUMMONS TO THE KING'S COURT (UNSOLICITED).
+
+[Sidenote: Formula Evocatoria quam Princeps dirigit.]
+
+'We summon you by these presents to our Comitatus, that you may have
+an extraordinary pleasure. Be brisk therefore, and come on such a day
+to such a city. Our Palace longs for the presence of good men, and God
+puts it into our hearts to give them a cordial reception.'
+
+
+35. FORMULA OF SUMMONS TO THE COURT (SOLICITED).
+
+[Sidenote: Formula Evocatoria quae petenti conceditur.]
+
+'It is a sign of a good conscience to seek the presence of a just
+ruler; it is only good deeds that crave the light of the sun. Come
+then speedily. We consider our own glory augmented when we see noble
+men flocking to our obedience.'
+
+
+36. FORMULA GRANTING TEMPORARY LEAVE OF ABSENCE.
+
+[Sidenote: Formula Commeatalis ad tempus.]
+
+'All men require change: even honey cloys after a time. We therefore
+give you leave to visit such a Province and remain there so many
+months, with the understanding that when they are over you return to
+the City. If it be tedious to live always in the City, how much more
+to live long in the country! But we gladly give you this holiday, not
+that Rome should be deserted, but that absence from her may commend
+her to you all the more.'
+
+
+37. FORMULA CONFERRING THE RANK OF A SPECTABILIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Spectabilitas.]
+
+'Wishing to bestow the right honours on the right man among our
+subjects, we decorate you with the splendour of a _Spectabilis_, that
+you may know that your opinion is duly respected[489] at all public
+meeting-places, when you take your honoured seat among the nobles.'
+
+[Footnote 489: 'Spectandam,' an allusion to the derivation of
+_spectabilis_.]
+
+
+38. FORMULA CONFERRING THE RANK OF A CLARISSIMUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Clarissimatus.]
+
+'The desire of praise is a good thing, and leads to the increase of
+virtue. Receive the honour of the _Clarissimatus_, as a testimony to
+the excellence of your past life and a pledge of your future
+prosperity. Observe, you are not called _Clarus_, but _Clarissimus_.
+Everything that is most excellent may be believed of him who is
+saluted by such a splendid superlative.'
+
+
+39. FORMULA BESTOWING 'POLICE PROTECTION.'
+
+[Sidenote: Tuitio Regii nominis.]
+
+'Though it seems superfluous to grant special protection to any of our
+subjects, since all are shielded by the laws, yet moved by your cry
+for help we are willing to relieve you and to give you as a strong
+tower of defence the shelter of our name[490], into which you may
+retire when wounded by the assaults of your enemies. This defence will
+avail you alike against the hot-headed onslaughts [of the Goths] and
+the ruinous chicanery [of the Romans][491]; but you must beware that
+you, who have thus had to solicit the help of the law, do not yourself
+set law at defiance by refusing to appear in answer to a summons.
+
+[Footnote 490: 'Tuitio nostri nominis.']
+
+[Footnote 491: 'Validissimam turrem contra inciviles impetus et
+conventionalia detrimenta.']
+
+'That our royal protection be not a mere name, we appoint A and B to
+protect you by their fidelity and diligence, the former against the
+Goths, and the latter against the Romans[492]. If any one hereafter
+attempt any act of _incivilitas_ against you, you will see your desire
+upon your enemies.'
+
+[Footnote 492: 'Praesentis beneficii jussione adversus Gothis illa,
+adversus Romanos illa, facile te fides et diligentia custodiet'
+('custodivit' is surely an error).]
+
+[This important letter is commented upon at some length by Dahn
+('Koenige der Germanen' iii. 125-127). I am not sure that he is right
+in stating that _Tuitio_ against a Goth would _necessarily_ be given
+by means of a Sajo, though evidently this was often the rank of the
+officer employed.]
+
+
+40. FORMULA FOR THE CONFIRMATION OF MARRIAGE AND THE LEGITIMATION OF
+OFFSPRING.
+
+[Sidenote: De Matrimonio confirmando et liberis legitime
+constituendis.]
+
+'An eternal benefit is that which is bestowed on a man's offspring;
+and hard is the lot of him who, born with a stain on his name, finds
+his troubles prepared as soon as he comes forth to the light of day.
+
+'You pray that the woman whom you have loved but not married may
+receive the honour of wedlock, and that your children by her may
+attain the name of heirs. We grant your request, and ordain that your
+mistress shall be your lawful wife, and the children whom you love
+and whom Nature has given you, your successors.'
+
+[Some of the maxims of this letter can hardly have obtained the
+approval of the author after he 'entered religion.']
+
+
+41. FORMULA CONFERRING THE RIGHTS OF FULL AGE.
+
+[Sidenote: Aetatis venia.]
+
+'An honourable boast is contained in the suit for "venia aetatis." In
+it a young man says, "Give me those rights which my stability of
+character warrants, though my age does not as yet entitle me to them."
+
+'Thus you refuse the protection which the law throws round the years
+of weakness, and this is as bold a thing as any man can do. We grant
+your request; and if you can prove that you have come to the age at
+which "venia aetatis" should be asked for, we ordain that, with the
+proper formalities which have been of old provided in this
+matter[493], you shall be admitted to all the rights of an adult, and
+that your dispositions of property, whether in city or country, shall
+be held valid[494]. You must exhibit that steadfastness of character
+which you claim. You say that you will not be caught by the snares of
+designing men; and you must remember that now to deny the fulfilment
+of your promise will become a much more serious matter than
+heretofore.'
+
+[Footnote 493: 'Ut in foro competenti ea quae in his causis reverenda
+legum dictat Antiquitas solenniter actitentur.']
+
+[Footnote 494: 'Ita ut in alienandis rusticis vel urbanis praediis
+constitutionum servitus auctoritas.']
+
+
+42. FORMULA OF AN EDICT TO THE QUAESTOR ORDERING THE PERSON WHO ASKS
+FOR THE PROTECTION OF A SAJO TO GIVE BAIL.
+
+[Sidenote: Edictum ad Quaestorem, ut ipse spondere debeat qui Sajonem
+meretur.]
+
+'Heavy charges are sometimes brought against the Sajones whom with the
+best intentions we have granted for the protection of our wealthy
+subjects. We are told that the valour of the Sajo is employed not
+merely for the protection of him to whom he is assigned, but for
+illegal violence and rapine against that person's enemies. Thus our
+remedy becomes itself a disease. To guard against this perversion of
+our beneficent designs we ordain that anyone asking for the
+guardianship of a brave Sajo against violence with which he feels
+himself unable to cope, shall give a penal bond to our Officium, with
+this condition, that if the Sajo[495] who is assigned to him shall
+exceed our orders by any improper violence, he himself shall pay by
+way of fine so many pounds of gold, and shall make satisfaction for
+the damage sustained by his adversary as well as for the expenses of
+his journey [to obtain redress]. For our wish is to repress uncivil
+dispositions, not to injure the innocent. As for the Sajo who shall
+have wilfully transgressed the limit of our commands, he shall lose
+his donative, and--which is the heaviest of all punishments--our
+favour also. Nor will we entrust any further duty to him who has been
+the violator rather than the executor of our will.'
+
+[Footnote 495: 'Sajus' in the original, and so in the next place where
+it occurs.]
+
+
+43. FORMULA APPROVING THE APPOINTMENT OF A CLERK IN THE RECORD-OFFICE.
+
+[Sidenote: Probatoria Cartariorum.]
+
+'At the suggestion of the Tribune of the Cartarii--to whom the whole
+office pays fitting reverence--we bestow upon you the title of a
+Cartarius. Flee avarice and avoid all unjust gains.'
+
+[This letter gives no information as to the duties of a Cartarius, or,
+as he is called in the Codes, Cartularius.]
+
+
+44. FORMULA FOR THE GRANT OF PUBLIC PROPERTY ON CONDITION OF
+IMPROVEMENT[496].
+
+[Footnote 496: Formula de Competitoribus is the somewhat obscure title
+of this document, which might perhaps be compared to our Commons'
+Enclosure Acts.]
+
+[Sidenote: De Competitoribus.]
+
+'He who seeks to become owner of public property can only justify his
+claim by making the squalid beautiful, and by adorning the waste.
+Therefore, as you desire it, we confer upon you as your full property
+such and such a place, reserving all mineral rights--brass, lead,
+marbles--should any such be found therein; but we do this on the
+understanding that you will restore to beauty that which has become
+shabby by age and neglect. It is the part of a good citizen to adorn
+the face of his city, and you may securely transmit to your posterity
+that which your own labour has accomplished[497].'
+
+[Footnote 497: 'Securus etiam ad posteros transmissurus, quod proprio
+fuerit labore compositum.']
+
+
+45. FORMULA OF REMISSION OF TAXES WHERE THE TAXPAYER HAS ONLY ONE
+HOUSE, TOO HEAVILY ASSESSED.
+
+[Sidenote: Formula qua census relevetur ei qui unam casam possidet
+praegravatam.]
+
+'You complain that the land-tax (tributum) levied upon your holding
+(possessio) in such a Province is so heavy that all your means are
+swallowed up in the swamp of indebtedness, and that more is claimed by
+the tax-collectors than can be obtained from the soil by the
+husbandman. You might, by surrendering the property altogether, escape
+from this miserable necessity which is making you a slave rather than,
+a landowner; but since the Imperial laws (sacratissimae leges) give us
+the power to relieve a man of moderate fortune in such circumstances,
+our Greatness, which always hath the cause of justice at heart,
+decrees by these presents that if the case be as you say, the
+liability for the payment of so many solidi on behalf of the aforesaid
+property shall be cancelled in the public archives, and that this
+shall be done so thoroughly that there shall be no trace of it left in
+any copy of the taxing-rolls by which the charge may be revived at a
+future day[498].'
+
+[Footnote 498: 'Decernimus ut, si ita est, tot solidos tributario
+supradictae possessionis ... ita faciatis de vasariis publicis
+diligenter abradi ut hujus rei duplarum vestigium non debeat
+inveniri.' Cf. what is said by Evagrius (iii. 39) of the proceedings
+of Anastasius at the time of the abolition of the Chrysargyron.]
+
+
+46. FORMULA LEGITIMATING MARRIAGE WITH A FIRST COUSIN.
+
+[Sidenote: Formula qua consobrina legitima fiat uxor.]
+
+'After the laws of the two tables, Moses adds the laws wherein God
+forbids marriages between near kindred, to guard against incest and
+provide for a wise admixture of divers strains of blood[499].
+
+[Footnote 499: 'Ne dilationem providam in genus extraneum non
+haberent.']
+
+'These commands have been extended to remoter degrees of relationship
+by the wise men of old, who have however reserved to the Prince the
+power of granting dispensations from the rule in the cases (not likely
+to be frequent) where first cousins (by the mother's side) seek to
+intermarry.
+
+'Acting on this wise principle we permit you to marry C D, if she is
+of no nearer kinship to you than first cousin. By God's favour may you
+have legitimate heirs from this marriage, which, our consent having
+been obtained, is not blameable but praiseworthy.'
+
+
+47. FORMULA ADDRESSED TO THE PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT DIRECTING THE SALE OF
+THE PROPERTY OF A CURIALIS.
+
+[Sidenote: Formula ad Praefectum, ut sub decreto Curialis praedia
+vendat.]
+
+'It is the hard lot of human nature often to be injured by the very
+things which were intended as remedies. The prohibition against the
+sale of the property of a Curialis was intended for his protection,
+and to enable him fearlessly to discharge his share of the public
+burdens. In some cases, however, where he has contracted large debts,
+this prohibition simply prevents him from saving anything out of the
+gulf of indebtedness. You have the power, after making due enquiry
+into the circumstances, to authorise the sale of such a property. You
+have the power; but as the proceeding is an unusual one, to guard you
+against any odium to which it may expose you, we fortify your Eminence
+by this our present command. Let the Curialis who petitions for this
+relief satisfy you as to the cause of his losses, that it may be shown
+that they are really the result of circumstances beyond his own
+control, not due to his own bad character.
+
+'Wisely has Antiquity laid upon _you_ the responsibility of deciding
+cases of this kind, you whose advantage lies in the maintenance of the
+Curia. For by whom could its burdens be borne, if the nerves of the
+communities should everywhere be seen to be severed[500]?'
+
+[Footnote 500: 'Quapropter provide vobis permisit antiquitas de illa
+causa decernere, cui est utile Curiam custodire. A quibus enim munia
+petuerunt sustineri, si civitatum nervi passim videantur abscidi.']
+
+
+
+
+BOOK VIII.
+
+CONTAINING THIRTY-THREE LETTERS, ALL WRITTEN IN THE NAME OF ATHALARIC
+THE KING, EXCEPT THE ELEVENTH, WHICH IS WRITTEN IN THE NAME OF TULUM.
+
+
+1. KING ATHALARIC TO THE EMPEROR JUSTIN (A.D. 526).
+
+[Sidenote: The accession of Athalaric announced to the Emperor
+Justin.]
+
+[Some MSS. read Justiniano, but there can be no doubt that Justino is
+the right reading. Athalaric's accession took place August 30, 526;
+the death of Justin, August 1, 527. Justinian was associated with his
+uncle in the Empire, April 1, 527.]
+
+'Most earnestly do I seek your friendship, oh most clement of Princes,
+who are made even more illustrious by the wide extension of your
+favours than by the purple robe and the kingly throne. On this
+friendship I have an hereditary claim. My father was adorned by you
+with the palm-enwoven robe of the Consul [Eutharic, Consul 519] and
+adopted as a son in arms, a name which I, as one of a younger
+generation, could more fittingly receive[501]. My grandfather also
+received curule honours from you[502] in your city. Love and
+friendship should pass from parents to their offspring, while hatred
+should be buried in the tomb; and therefore with confidence, as one
+who by reason of my tender years cannot be an object of suspicion to
+you, and as one whose ancestors you have already known and cherished,
+I claim from you your friendship on the same compacts and conditions
+on which your renowned predecessors granted it to my lord and
+grandfather of Divine memory[503]. It will be to me something better
+than dominion to have the friendship of so excellent and so mighty a
+ruler. My ambassadors (A and B) will open the purport of their
+commission more fully to your Serenity.'
+
+[Footnote 501: The text is evidently corrupt here: 'Genitor meus
+desiderio quoque concordiae factus est per arma filius, quia unis
+nobis pene videbatur aequaevus.' The suggested reading, 'quamvis
+vobis,' does not entirely remove the difficulty.]
+
+[Footnote 502: That is, of course, not from Justin himself but from
+his predecessors.]
+
+[Footnote 503: 'Ut amicitiam nobis illis pactis, illis conditionibus
+concedatis, quas cum divae memoriae domino avo nostro inclytos
+decessores vestros constat habuisse.']
+
+
+2. KING ATHALARIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME ON HIS ACCESSION
+(A.D. 526).
+
+[Sidenote: To the Senate.]
+
+'Great must be the joy of all orders of the State at hearing of the
+accession of a new ruler, above all of a peaceful succession, without
+war, without sedition, without loss of any kind to the Republic.
+
+'Such has been our succession to our grandfather. On account of the
+glory of the Amal race, which yields to none[504], the hope of our
+youth has been preferred to the merits of all others. The chiefs,
+glorious in council and in war, have flocked to recognise us as King
+so gladly, so unmurmuringly, that it seems like a Divine inspiration,
+and the kingdom has been changed as one changes a garment.
+
+[Footnote 504: 'Quoniam quaevis claritas generis Amalis cedit.']
+
+'The institution of royalty is consolidated when power thus passes
+from one generation to another, and when a good prince lives again,
+not in statues of brass but in the lineaments and the character of his
+descendants.
+
+'The general consent of Goths and Romans [at Ravenna] has crowned us
+King, and they have confirmed their allegiance by an oath. You, though
+separated from us by space, are, we know, as near to us in heart as
+they; and we call upon you therefore to follow their example. We all
+know that the most excellent fathers of the Senate love their King
+more fervently than other ranks of the State, in proportion to the
+greater benefits which they have received at his hand.
+
+'And since one should never enter your Curia empty-handed, we have
+sent our Count, the Illustrious Sigismer, with certain persons to
+administer the oath to you. If you have any requests to make to us
+which shall be for the common benefit of the Republic, make them
+through him, and they are granted beforehand.'
+
+
+3. KING ATHALARIC TO THE ROMAN PEOPLE (A.D. 526).
+
+[Sidenote: To the citizens of Rome.]
+
+'If a stranger to the royal line were succeeding to the throne, you
+might doubt whether the friendship between him and you would endure,
+and might look for a reversal of the policy of his predecessors. But
+now the person of the King only, not his policy, is changed. We are
+determined to follow the revered maxims of our predecessor, and to
+load with even more abundant benefits those whom he most kindly
+defended.
+
+'Everything was so ordered by our glorious grandfather that on his
+death the glad consent of Goths called us to our kingdom; and that no
+doubt might remain upon the matter they pledged themselves by an oath
+most cordially taken, to accept us as their ruler. We invite you to
+follow their example, and like Trajan, we, the Sovereign, in whose
+name all oaths are made, will also swear to you. The bearers of this
+letter will receive your sworn promise, and will give you ours, "by
+the Lord's help to observe justice and fair clemency, the nourisher of
+the nations; that Goths and Romans shall meet with impartial
+treatment at our hands; and that there shall be no other division
+between the two nations, except that _they_ undergo the labours of war
+for the common benefit, while _you_ are increased in numbers by your
+peaceable inhabitancy of the City of Rome[505]." Raise then your
+spirits, and hope for even better things and more tranquillity, under
+God's blessing, from our reign than from that of our predecessor.'
+
+[Footnote 505: 'Justitiam nos et aequabilem clementiam, quae populos
+nutrit, juvante domino, custodire et _Gothis Romanisque apud nos jus
+esse commune_, nec aliud inter vos esse divisum, nisi quod illi
+labores bellicos pro communi utilitate subeunt, vos autem civitatis
+Romanae habitatio quieta multiplicat.' I do not consider that the
+words in Italics, taken with the context, are irreconcilable with
+Dahn's view that the Goths were still, to a certain extent, under
+Gothic law.]
+
+
+4. KING ATHALARIC TO ALL THE ROMANS SETTLED IN ITALY AND THE DALMATIAS
+(A.D. 526).
+
+[Sidenote: To the Romans in Italy and Dalmatia.]
+
+'He who hears of a change in the ruler is apt to fear that it may be a
+change for the worse; and a new King who makes no kind promises at his
+accession is supposed to be harbouring designs of severity. We
+therefore inform you that we have received the oaths of Goths and
+Romans and are ready to receive yours, which we doubt not you will
+willingly offer.' [The rest as in the preceding letters.]
+
+
+5. KING ATHALARIC TO ALL THE GOTHS SETTLED IN ITALY (A.D. 526).
+
+[Sidenote: To the Goths.]
+
+'Gladly would we have announced to you the prolonged life of our lord
+and grandfather; but inasmuch as he has been withdrawn by hard fate
+from us who loved him, he has substituted us, by Divine command, as
+heirs of his kingdom, that through us his successors in blood, he
+might make the benefits which he has conferred on you perpetual. And
+in truth we hope not only to defend but to increase the blessings
+wrought by him. All the Goths in the Royal City [Ravenna] have taken
+the oaths to us. Do you do the same by this Count whom we send to you.
+
+'Receive then a name which ever brought prosperity to your race, the
+royal offshoot of the Amals, the sprout of the Balthae[506], a
+childhood clad in purple. Ye are they by whom, with God's help, our
+ancestors were borne to such a height of honour, and obtained an ever
+higher place amid the serried ranks of kings[507].'
+
+[Footnote 506: 'Amalorum regalem prosapiem, Baltheum germen.' I know
+not how Athalaric had any blood of the Balths in his veins. The other
+reading, 'blatteum,' gives the same idea as the following clause,
+'infantiam purpuratam.']
+
+[Footnote 507: 'Inter tam prolixum ordinem Regum susceperunt semper
+augmenta.' Perhaps we should translate 'by such a long line of (Amal)
+kings obtained advancement for their nation;' but the meaning is not
+very clear.]
+
+
+6. KING ATHALARIC TO LIBERIUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT OF THE GAULS (A.D.
+526).
+
+[Sidenote: To the Governor of Gaul.]
+
+'You will be grieved to hear of the death of our lord and grandfather
+of glorious memory, but will be comforted in learning that he is
+succeeded by his descendant. Thus, by God's command, did he arrange
+matters, associating us as lords in the throne of his royalty, in
+order that he might leave his kingdom at peace, and that no revolution
+might trouble it after his death.'
+
+[Invitation to take the oath, as in previous letters.]
+
+
+7. KING ATHALARIC TO ALL THE PROVINCIALS SETTLED IN GAUL (A.D. 526).
+
+[Sidenote: To the Gaulish subjects of Athalaric.]
+
+'Our grandfather of glorious memory is dead, but we have succeeded
+him, and will faithfully repay, both on his account and our own, the
+loyalty of our subjects.
+
+'So unanimous was the acclamation of our [Italian] subjects when we
+succeeded to the throne, that the thing seemed to be of God rather
+than of man.
+
+'We now invite you to follow their example, that the Goths may give
+their oath to the Romans, and the Romans may confirm it by a
+_Sacramentum_ to the Goths, that they are unanimously devoted to our
+King.'
+
+'Thus will your loyalty be made manifest, and concord and justice
+flourish among you.'
+
+[There is an appearance of mutuality about this oath of allegiance as
+between Goths and Romans, not merely by both to Athalaric, which we
+have not had in the previous letters.]
+
+
+8. KING ATHALARIC TO VICTORINUS, VIR VENERABILIS AND BISHOP[508] (A.D.
+526).
+
+[Footnote 508: Baronius says (vii. 121): 'Cujusnam Ecclesiae Antistes
+fuerit Victorinus ignoratur.' From the tone of the letter one may
+conjecture that Victorinus was a Bishop in Gaul.]
+
+[Sidenote: To Bishop Victorinus.]
+
+'Saluting you with all the veneration due to your character and
+office, we inform you with grief of the death of our lord and
+grandfather. But your sadness will be moderated when you hear that his
+kingdom is continued in us. Favour us with your prayers, that the King
+of Heaven may confirm to us the kingdom, subdue foreign nations before
+us, forgive us our sins, and propitiously preserve all that He was
+pleased to bestow on our ancestors. Let your Holiness exhort all the
+Provincials to concord.'
+
+
+9. KING ATHALARIC TO TULUM, PATRICIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Praises of Tulum, who is raised to the Patriciate.]
+
+'As our grandfather used to refresh his mind and strengthen his
+judgment by intercourse with you, so, _a fortiori_, may we in our
+tender years do the same. We therefore make you, by this present
+letter, Patrician, that the counsels which you give us may not seem to
+proceed from any unknown and obscure source.
+
+'Greece adorned our hero [Tulum] with the chlamys and the painted
+silken buskin; and the Eastern peoples yearned to see him, because
+for some reason civic virtues are most prized in him who is believed
+to be of warlike disposition[509]. Contented with this repayment of
+honour he laboured with unwearied devotion for foreign countries (?),
+and with his relations (or parents) he deigned to offer his obedience
+to the Sovereign, who was begotten of the stock of so many Kings[510].
+
+[Footnote 509: Probably Tulum had gone on some embassy to
+Constantinople.]
+
+[Footnote 510: 'Hac igitur honoris remuneratione contentus, pro
+exteris partibus indefessa devotione laboravit: et praestare com suis
+parentibus principi dignabatur obsequium, qui tantorum regum fuerat
+stirpe procreatus.' This sentence is full of difficulties. What can he
+mean by the labour 'pro exteris partibus?' Who is the 'Princeps' whom
+Tulum deigns to serve: the Eastern Emperor or Theodoric? Above all,
+who is 'tantorum regum stirpe procreatus?' I think the turn of the
+sentence requires that it should be Tulum; but Dahn has evidently not
+so understood it, for in his Koenige der Germanen (iii. 29, 30) he
+makes Tulum a conspicuous example of a man not of noble birth raised
+to high dignity, and says that the two long letters about him in the
+Variae contain no allusion to illustrious descent.]
+
+[After some very obscure sentences, in which the writer appears to be
+celebrating the praises of Theodoric, he turns to Tulum, of whom he
+has hitherto spoken in the third person, and addresses him as _you_.]
+
+'His toil so formed your character that we have the less need to
+labour. With you he discussed the sure blessings of peace, the
+doubtful gains of war; and--rare boon from a wise King--to you, in his
+anxiety, he confidently opened all the secrets of his breast. You,
+however, responded fully to his trust. You never put him off with
+doubtful answers. Ever patient and truthful, you won the entire
+confidence of your King, and dared even, hardest of all tasks, to
+argue against him for his own good.
+
+'Thus did your noble deeds justify your alliance with the Amal race
+[apparently he has received an Amal princess in marriage], and thus
+did you become worthy to be joined in common fame with Gensemund, a
+man whose praises the whole world should sing, a man only made son by
+adoption in arms to the King, yet who exhibited such fidelity to the
+Amals that he transferred it even to their heirs, although he was
+himself sought for to be crowned[511]. Therefore will his fame live
+for ever, so long as the Gothic name endures.
+
+[Footnote 511: 'Exstat gentis Gothicae hujus probitatis exemplum:
+Gensemundus ille toto orbe cantabilis, solum armis filius factus,
+tanta se Amalis devotione conjunxit ut haeredibus eorum curiosum
+exhibuerit famulatum, quamvis ipse peteretur ad regnum.' Dahn (ii. 61
+and iii. 309) and Koepke (p. 142) refer this mysterious affair of
+Gensemund's renunciation to the interval after the death of Thorismund
+(A.D. 416). But this is mere conjecture. See Italy and her Invaders
+iii. 8-10.]
+
+'We look for even nobler things from you, because you are allied to us
+by race.'
+
+[A singularly obscure, vapid, and ill-written letter. The allusion to
+Gensemund seems introduced on purpose to bewilder the reader.]
+
+
+10. KING ATHALARIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[On the elevation of Tulum to the Patriciate.]
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'We are conferring new lustre on your body by the promotion of Tulum.
+A man sprung from the noblest stock[512] he early undertook the duties
+of attendance in the King's bedchamber[513], a difficult post, where
+the knowledge that you share the secret counsels of royalty itself
+exposes you to enmity.
+
+[Footnote 512: 'Primum, quod inter nationes eximium est, Gothorum
+nobilissima stirpe gloriatur.']
+
+[Footnote 513: 'Statim rudes annos ad sacri cubiculi secreta
+portavit.']
+
+'In the dawn of manhood he went forth with our army to the war of
+Sirmium [A.D. 504], showed what one of our young nobles bred in peace
+could do in war, triumphed over the Huns[514], and gave to slaughter
+the Bulgarians, terrible to the whole world. Such warriors do even our
+nurseries send forth: thus does the preparation of a courageous heart
+supersede the necessity for martial training[515].
+
+[Footnote 514: We do not hear from the other authorities of Huns being
+engaged in this war. In 505 Mundo the Hun was in alliance with
+Theodoric against the Empire.]
+
+[Footnote 515: 'Tales mittunt nostra cunabula bellatores: sic paratae
+sunt manus, ubi exercetur animus.']
+
+'Returned to the Court he became the most intimate counsellor of the
+King, who arranged with him all his plans for campaign, and so
+admitted him to his most secret thoughts that Tulum could always
+anticipate how Theodoric would act in every fresh conjuncture of
+events; and it may be said "by offering him counsel he ruled the
+King[516]."
+
+[Footnote 516: 'Et ministrando consilium regebat ipse Rectorem.']
+
+'He then distinguished himself in the Gaulish campaign [A.D. 508],
+where he was already enrolled among the generals, directing the
+campaign by his prudence, and bravely sharing its dangers. In the
+fierce fight which was waged at Arles for the possession of the
+covered bridge across the Rhone[517], the bravery of our _candidatus_
+was everywhere conspicuous, and he received many honourable wounds,
+those best and most eloquent champions of a soldier's courage.
+
+[Footnote 517: 'Arelate est civitas supra undas Rhodani constituta,
+quae in Orientis prospectum tabulatum pontem per nuncupati fluminis
+dorsa transmittit.']
+
+'But a general ought not to be always fighting. I have pleasure in
+relating his next success, which was brilliant yet achieved without
+bloodshed. When the Frank and Burgundian again fell out, he was sent
+to Gaul [A.D. 523] to defend our frontier from hostile incursion. He
+then obtained for the Roman Republic, without any trouble, a whole
+Province while others were fighting. It was a triumph without a
+battle, a palm-branch without toil, a victory without slaughter.
+
+'So great were his services in this campaign that Theodoric considered
+that he ought to be rewarded by the possession of large lands in the
+district which he had added to our dominions.
+
+'A storm overtook him on his return to Italy: the remembrance of the
+vanished danger of that storm is sweet to us now[518]. In the wide,
+foaming sea his ship was swallowed up. He had to save himself by
+rowing; the sailors perished; he alone with the dear pledge of his
+love [one child?] escaped. Theodoric rushed to the shore, and would
+have dashed into the waves to save his friend, but had the delight of
+receiving him unharmed, saved manifestly by Divine protection for his
+present honours.
+
+[Footnote 518: 'Discrimina dum feliciter cedunt, suavissimae memoriae
+sensum relinquunt.' Compare Claudian (De Bella Getico 207-8):
+
+ 'An potius meminisse juvat semperque vicissim
+ Gaudia praemissi cumulant inopina dolores.']
+
+'Favour then, Conscript Fathers, the ambition of our _candidatus_, and
+open for the man of our choice the Hall of Liberty[519]. The race of
+Romulus deserves to have such martial colleagues as Tulum.'
+
+[Footnote 519: 'Favete nunc auspiciis candidati, et viris nostris
+libertatis atria reserate.']
+
+
+11. TULUM, ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN, TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Note that Cassiodorus has to provide an elegant oration not only for
+his master, but for this Gothic fellow-minister of State. See Dahn's
+remarks on the writer of this letter, 'Koenige der Germanen' iii. 273.]
+
+[Sidenote: Tulum's address to the Senate.]
+
+'I pray you to receive favourably the order of the King which makes me
+a member of your body.
+
+'I have ever favoured the dignity of the Senate, as if with a
+prescience that I should one day hold it. When I shared the counsels
+of Theodoric, that chief of Kings, of glorious memory, I often by my
+intercessions obtained for members of your body Consulships,
+Patriciates, Praefectures; and now, behold, I am similarly honoured
+myself. Reflect, I pray, that by my accepting it, the genius of the
+Patriciate is exalted, since none of my fellow-countrymen will hold
+cheaply that rank in you which he sees honoured in me. Live in
+security, by the blessing of God; enjoy your prosperity with your
+children; and strive, now as always, to show forth the true Roman type
+of character. I shall defend those with whom I am now associated.'
+
+
+12. KING ATHALARIC TO ARATOR, VIR ILLUSTRIS.
+
+[Bestowing on him the rank of Comes Domesticorum.]
+
+[I have altered the order of subjects in this letter, to make it
+correspond with that of time. There cannot be much doubt that Arator's
+_pomposa legatio_ from Dalmatia was his first introduction to the
+Court of Theodoric, and preceded his employment as Advocatus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Arator made Count of the Domestics.]
+
+'By raising Tulum to the Patriciate we have provided for the military
+strength of the State. Now must we see to it that she is equally
+adorned by the glory of letters, and for this purpose we raise you,
+still in the prime of life, to the rank of _Comes Domesticorum_. By
+your example it was seen that eloquence could be acquired elsewhere
+than at Rome, since in your own Province [probably Dalmatia] your
+father, who was an extremely learned man, taught you to excel in this
+art: a happy lot for you, who obtained from your father's love that
+accomplishment which most youths have to acquire with terror from a
+master.
+
+'That I may say something here of a very _recherche_ character[520], I
+may mention that, according to some, letters were first invented by
+Mercury, who watched the flight of cranes by the Strymon, and turned
+the shapes assumed by their flying squadron into forms expressive of
+the various sounds of the human voice.
+
+[Footnote 520: 'Ut aliquid studiose exquisitum dicere videamur.']
+
+'You were sent upon a stately embassy[521] by the Provincials of
+Dalmatia to our grandfather; and there, not in commonplace words but
+with a torrent of eloquence, you so set forth their needs and the
+measures which would be for the advantage of the public, that
+Theodoric, a man of cautious temperament, listened to your flow of
+words without weariness, and all men desired still to listen, when you
+ceased speaking.
+
+[Footnote 521: 'Juvat repetere pomposam legationem.']
+
+'[Since then] you have filled the office of Advocate in our Court. You
+might have been a trier of causes (Cognitor): you have preferred to be
+a pleader, though to all your advocacy you have brought so fair and
+judicial a mind that your eloquence and your zeal for your client have
+never exceeded the bounds of truth.'
+
+
+13. KING ATHALARIC TO AMBROSIUS.
+
+[Conferring on him the Quaestorship.]
+
+[This Ambrosius, son of Faustinus, is apparently the same to whom
+Ennodius addressed his 'Paraenesis Didascalica,' containing some
+important notices of Festus, Symmachus, Boethius, Cethegus, and their
+contemporaries. (In Migne's 'Patrologia' lxiii. 250.)]
+
+[Sidenote: Ambrosius appointed Quaestor.]
+
+'A steady gradation of honours secures good servants for the State.
+You have already served with credit the office of Count of the Private
+Largesses. And you have also filled satisfactorily the place of a high
+official who was dismissed in disgrace[522]. We now therefore promote
+you to the office of Quaestor, and expect you to be the Pliny to the
+new Trajan. Let your eloquent tongue adorn all that we have to say,
+and be fearless in suggesting to us all that is for the welfare of the
+State. A good Sovereign always allows his ministers to speak to him on
+behalf of justice, while it is the sure mark of a tyrant to refuse to
+listen to the voice of the ancient maxims of law. Remember that
+celebrated saying of Trajan to an orator: "Plead, if I am a good
+ruler, for the Republic and me; if I am a bad one, for the Republic
+against me[523]." But remember, that if we are thus severe upon
+ourselves we are equally strict with regard to you, and expect you to
+follow the example of your noble ancestors, and to abstain from
+everything like an infraction of the laws. We confer upon you the
+insignia of the Quaestorship for this fifth Indiction' [Sept. 1,
+526--Sept. 1, 527].
+
+[Footnote 522: 'Gratiam quoque loci alterius invenisti. Dictationibus
+enim probaris adhibitus, cum sit offensionibus alter expulsus: et ita
+suspensum honorem tuum sustinebat ingenium, ut Palatio non sineres
+decesse Judicem, cujus ad tempus abrogatam cognovimus dignitatem.' I
+do not think we can say from this what the office temporarily filled
+by Arator was.]
+
+[Footnote 523: 'Sume dicationem, si bonus fuero, pro Republica et me:
+si malus, pro Republica in me.']
+
+
+14. KING ATHALARIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[On the elevation of Ambrosius to the Quaestorship].
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'As a kind of door to our royal favour do we appoint Ambrosius to be
+our Quaestor. You know his merits of old: but, to speak only of recent
+matters[524], we may remind you that when your hearts were wrung with
+grief for the death of our glorious grandfather, it was by his mouth
+that we assured you of our determination to continue to you the
+blessings of good government.
+
+[Footnote 524: 'Quando et moderna quae loquimur.' (Notice again
+_moderna_.)]
+
+'The presence of Ambrosius is full of dignity, and has a soothing
+influence which the words of his speech do but confirm[525]. It is
+unfortunate for an orator to have eloquence for his only gift, and to
+have to obliterate by his oration the unfavourable effect produced on
+the multitude by his appearance.
+
+[Footnote 525: So the contemporary poet Maximian, speaking of his own
+past successes as an orator, and a good-looking one, says:
+
+ 'Nec minor his aderat sublimis gratia formae
+ Quae vel si decent cetera, muta placet.'
+
+ Elegiae i. 17-18.]
+
+'We consider it not necessary to praise his eloquence. Of course a
+Quaestor is eloquent. While some have the government of a Province
+committed to them, others the care of the Treasury, he receives the
+ensigns of his dignity in order that by him his Sovereign's fame may
+be spread abroad through the whole world.'
+
+
+15. KING ATHALARIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[On the election of Pope Felix III, 526.]
+
+[As this letter has an important bearing on the royal rights in
+connection with Papal elections, it is translated in full.]
+
+[Sidenote: Election of Pope Felix III (or IV).]
+
+'We profess that we hear with great satisfaction that you have
+responded to the judgment of our glorious lord and grandfather in your
+election of a Bishop. It was right in sooth to obey the will of a good
+Sovereign, who, handling the matter with wise deliberation, although
+it had reference to a form of faith alien from his own[526], thought
+fit to select such a Pontiff as could rightfully be displeasing to
+none. You may thus recognise that his one chief desire was that
+Religion might flourish by good priests being supplied to all the
+churches.
+
+[Footnote 526: 'Qui sapienti deliberatione pertractans quamvis in
+aliena religione.']
+
+'You have received then a man both admirably endowed with Divine grace
+and approved by royal scrutiny. Let no one any longer be involved in
+the old contention. There is no disgrace in being conquered when the
+King's power has helped the winning side. That man makes him [the
+successful candidate] his own, who manifests to him pure affection.
+For what cause for regret can there be, when you find in this man,
+those very qualities which you looked for in the other when you
+embraced his party?
+
+'These are family quarrels[527], a battle without cold steel, a
+contest without hatred: by shouts, not wounds, a matter like this is
+decided.
+
+[Footnote 527: The words of Cassiodorus are, 'crinea sunt ista
+certamina.' No one seems able to suggest a meaning for _crinea_. The
+editors propose to read _civica_, which however is very flat, and not
+exactly in Cassiodorus' manner. I suspect some recondite classical
+allusion, which has been missed by the transcribers, has led to the
+corruption of the text.]
+
+'For even though the person who is desired be taken from you, yet
+naught is lost by the faithful, since the longed-for priesthood is
+possessed by them. [They have a Pope, if not just the Pope whom they
+wished for.] Wherefore on the return of your Legate, the Illustrious
+Publianus, we have thought it right to send to your assembly these
+letters of salutation. For we taste one of our highest pleasures when
+we exchange words with our nobles; and we doubt not that this is very
+sweet to you also, when you reflect that what you did by our
+grandsire's order is personally agreeable to ourselves.'
+
+[For remarks on this important letter see Dahn's 'Koenige der Germanen'
+iii. 239. He makes it a simple appointment of the Pope by the bare
+will of Theodoric, afterwards confirmed by Athalaric. To me it seems
+more probable that there had been a contest, threatening the election
+of an antipope (as in 498 in the case of Symmachus and Laurentius),
+and that the matter had been, as on that occasion, referred to the
+arbitration of Theodoric.]
+
+
+16. KING ATHALARIC TO OPILIO, COUNT OF THE SACRED LARGESSES (527).
+
+[Sidenote: Opilio appointed Comes Sacrarum Largitionum.]
+
+'It is generally necessary to weigh carefully the merits of a new
+aspirant to the honours of the Court (aulicas dignitates); but in your
+case the merits of your family render this examination needless. Both
+your father and brother held the same office[528] which we are now
+entrusting to you, and one may say that this dignity has taken up its
+abode in your house.
+
+[Footnote 528: 'Pater his fascibus praefuit sed et frater eadem
+resplenduit claritate.']
+
+'You learned the duties of a subordinate in the office under your
+brother; and often did he, leaning upon you as on a staff, take a
+little needful repose, knowing that all things would be attended to by
+you. The crowds of suppliants who resorted to him with their
+grievances, shared the confidence which the people had in you, and saw
+that you were already assuming the character of a good judge.
+
+'Most useful also were your services to the throne at the commencement
+of the new reign, when men's minds were in trouble as to what should
+happen next. You bore the news of our accession to the Ligurians, and
+so strengthened them by your wise address that the error into which
+they had been betrayed by the sun-setting was turned into joy at the
+rising of our empire[529].'
+
+[Footnote 529: 'Nam cum ... auspicia nostra Liguribus felix portitor
+nuntiasti, et sapientiae tuae allocutione firmasti, in errorem _quem
+de occasu conceperant_, ortum nostri imperii in gaudia commutabant.'
+Does this obscure passage indicate some revolutionary movements in
+Liguria after the death of Theodoric, perhaps fomented by the Frankish
+neighbours of Italy?]
+
+'We therefore confer upon you the dignity of Count of the Sacred
+Largesses from this sixth Indiction (Sept. 1, 527). Enjoy all the
+privileges and emoluments which belonged to your predecessors. God
+forbid that those whose own actions are right should be shaken by any
+machinations of calumny. There was a time when even Judges were
+harassed by informers (delatores); but that time is over. Lay aside
+then all fear, you who have no errors to reproach yourself with, and
+freely enjoy the advantages of your dignity. Imitate your brother:
+even though a little way behind him you will still be before most
+holders of the office. He was a man of the highest authority and of
+proved constancy, and the highest testimony to his merits was afforded
+by the fact that even under a successor who was hostile to him the
+whole official staff of the palace was loud in his praises[530].'
+
+[Footnote 530: 'Quando sub ingrato successore palatinum officium
+praeconia ejus tacere non potuit.']
+
+[This letter is of great importance, as containing indirectly the
+expression of Cassiodorus' opinion on the trial of Boethius, and the
+tendency of that opinion seems to be against him and in favour of his
+accusers. Comparing this letter with v. 40, addressed to Cyprian,
+Cornes Sacrarum Largitionum and _son of Opilio_, we may with something
+like certainty construct this genealogical table:
+
+ OPILIO,
+ C.S.L. (? son of the Consul of 453).
+ _________________|_________________
+ | |
+ CYPRIAN, OPILIO,
+C.S.L. 524. C.S.L. 527.
+
+Now Cyprian, whose ready wit and ingenious eloquence had rendered him
+a favourite with Theodoric, is represented to us in the 'Philosophiae
+Consolatio' of Boethius (I. iv.) and in the 'Anonymus Valesii' (85) as
+the informer by whom Albinus and Boethius were accused of high
+treason. Opilio too (no doubt the same as the receiver of this letter)
+is described by Boethius (loc. cit.) as a man who on account of his
+numberless frauds had been ordered by the King to go into banishment,
+had taken refuge at the altar, and had been sternly bidden to leave
+Ravenna before a given day, and then had purchased pardon by coming
+forward as a _delator_ against Boethius.
+
+Against all this passionate invective it is fair to set this
+remarkable letter of Cassiodorus, written it is true in the young
+King's name and presenting the Court view of these transactions, but
+still written after the death of Theodoric, and perhaps republished by
+Cassiodorus in the 'Variarum' after the downfall of the Gothic
+Monarchy. In any case the allusions to _delatores_ in this letter,
+considering the history of Opilio and his brother, are extraordinary.]
+
+
+17. KING ATHALARIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+This letter, though it does not mention the name of Opilio, is
+evidently written on his promotion to the office of Comes Sacrarum
+Largitionum. It enumerates his good qualities, and declares that it is
+marvellous and almost fortunate for Athalaric that so suitable a
+candidate should not have been promoted in the reign of his
+grandfather. The father of Opilio was a man of noble character and
+robust body, who distinguished himself by his abstinence from the
+vices of the times and his preference for dignified repose in the
+stormy period of Odovacar[531].
+
+[Footnote 531: 'Adjectis saeculi vitiis, ditatus claris honoribus.'
+The text is evidently corrupt. 'Abjectis' seems to be required; but
+some MSS. instead of 'vitiis' read 'Odovacris.' In any case Odovacar's
+government is evidently alluded to. Cf. the words used of the same man
+in the letter announcing the elevation of his other son, Cyprian (v.
+41): 'Nam pater huic, sicut meministis, Opilio fuit, vir quidem
+_abjectis temporibus_ ad excubias tamen Palatinas electus.']
+
+'He was reputed an excellent man in those times, when the Sovereign
+was not a man of honour[532]. But why go back to his parentage, when
+his brother has set so noble an example. The friendship, the rivalry
+in virtue of these two brothers, is worthy of the good old times. Both
+are true to their friends; both are devoid of avarice. Both have kept
+their loyalty to their King unspotted, and no marvel, since they have
+first shown themselves true to their friends and colleagues.
+
+[Footnote 532: 'His temporibus habitus est eximius, cum princeps non
+esset erectus.']
+
+'Distinguished by these virtues, our candidate has been fittingly
+allied by marriage with the noble family of Basilius[533].
+
+[Footnote 533: This is probably the Basilius who was concerned in the
+accusation of Boethius (Phil. Cons. I. iv.); possibly the Consul of
+541, who fled to Constantinople when Totila took Rome in 546 (Procop.
+De Bello Gotthico iii. 20, and Anastasius Lib. Pontif. apud Murator.
+iii. 132); and perhaps the Basilius whom we find in trouble in
+Variarum iv. 22, 23: scarcely the Basilius of Variarum ii. 10, 11.]
+
+'He has managed his private affairs so as to avoid the two extremes of
+parsimony and extravagance. He has become popular with the Goths by
+his manner of life, and with the Romans by his righteous
+judgments[534]; and has been over and over again chosen as a referee
+(Judex privatus), thus showing the high opinion in which his integrity
+is held.
+
+[Footnote 534: 'Gentiles victu (?), Romanos sibi judiciis obligabat.']
+
+'The Conscript Fathers are exhorted to endorse the favourable judgment
+of the King, by welcoming the new Count of Sacred Largesses into their
+body.'
+
+[In view of these letters I do not understand what Gibbon means by
+saying (cap. xxxix. _n._ 95), 'The characters of the two delators,
+Basilius ('Var.' ii. 10, 11; iv. 22) and Opilio (v. 41; viii. 16), are
+illustrated, not much to their honour, in the Epistles of
+Cassiodorus.' This is quite true of Basilius, if the person alluded to
+in the references given by Gibbon be the same as the informer against
+Boethius, of which there may be a doubt; but Opilio is mentioned, as
+we see, with the highest honour by Cassiodorus. So, too, is Decoratus,
+whom in the same note Gibbon too hastily stigmatises as 'the worthless
+colleague of Boethius.']
+
+
+18. KING ATHALARIC TO FELIX, QUAESTOR (527).
+
+[This cannot be the same as the Consul of 511, nor even his son; for
+that Felix was of Gaulish extraction, and came from beyond the Alps.]
+
+[Sidenote: Promotion of Felix to the Quaestorship.]
+
+'It is desirable that those who are appointed as Judges should know
+something of law, and most unfitting that he whom so many officials
+(_milites_) obey should be seen to be dependent for his law on some
+one of his subordinates.
+
+'You long ago, when engaged in civil causes as an Advocate, were
+marked out by your Sovereign's eye[535]. He noted your eloquence, your
+fidelity, your youthful beauty, and your maturity of mind. No client
+could ask for more devotion than you showed in his cause; no Judge
+found in you anything to blame.
+
+[Footnote 535: 'Dudum te forensibus negociis insudantem, _oculus
+imperialis_ aspexit'--an expression which goes very near to styling
+Theodoric Imperator.]
+
+'Receive then now the dignity of Quaestor for this sixth Indiction
+(Sept. 1, 527), and judge in the Courts where hitherto you have
+pleaded.
+
+'You are called Felix; act so as always to merit that name; for it is
+absurd to have a name which denotes one thing and to display the
+opposite in one's character. We think we have now said enough for a
+man of your good conscience. Many admonitions seem to imply a doubt of
+the character of him who receives them.' [A maxim often forgotten by
+Cassiodorus.]
+
+
+19. KING ATHALARIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[On the promotion of Felix.]
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'As the sky with stars, or the meadow with flowers, so do we wish the
+Senate to be resplendent with the men of eminence whom we introduce
+into it. It is itself a seminary of Senators; but our favour and the
+dignities of our Court also rear them.
+
+'The Quaestorship is the true mother of the senatorial dignity, since
+who can be fitter to take his seat in the Curia than he who has shared
+the counsels of his Sovereign?
+
+'You know the eloquence of our candidate [Felix], his early triumphs,
+his modesty, his fidelity. To leave such a man unpromoted were a
+public loss; and he will always love the laws by the practice of which
+he has risen to eminence.
+
+'Nor is he the first of his race to earn rhetorical distinction. His
+father shone so brilliantly in the Forum of Milan, that he bloomed
+forth with undying fruits from the soil of Cicero[536]. He stood
+against Magnus Olybrius, he was found equal in fluency to
+Eugenius[537] and many others whom Rome knew as foremost in their
+art. If the transmission of material wealth by long descent makes men
+noble, how much more should the inheritance of the treasures of the
+intellect give nobility.'
+
+[Footnote 536: 'Pater ita in Mediolanensi foro resplenduit, ut aeterno
+fructu e Tulliano cespite pullularet.']
+
+[Footnote 537: 'Is palmarum Eugenetis linguae ubertate suffecit.'
+Possibly this is the Magister Officiorum of Var. i. 12, and the person
+to whom is addressed a letter of Ennodius (iv. 26). The form
+Eugenetis, instead of Eugenii, belongs to the debased Latinity of the
+age.]
+
+
+20. KING ATHALARIC TO ALBIENUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PRAEFECTUS
+PRAETORIO[538] (527).
+
+[Footnote 538: In Nivellius' edition the title of this office is given
+as _Praepositus_.]
+
+[Sidenote: Albienus made Praetorian Praefect.]
+
+'Your predecessor has been the model of a bad governor. As the North
+wind clears the face of the sky from the rain and clouds brought by
+the South wind, so do we look to you to repair the evils wrought by
+his misgovernment. In all things your best maxim will be to do exactly
+the opposite of what he did. He made himself hateful by his unjust
+prosecutions: do you become popular by your righteous deeds. He was
+rapacious: be you moderate. Soothe and relieve the harassed people
+entrusted to your charge. Receive for this sixth Indiction [Sept. 1,
+527-528] the fasces of the Praefecture, and let the office of
+Praetorian Praefect return to its ancient fame, an object of praise to
+the whole world[539]. This office dates from Joseph, and rightly is he
+who holds it called by our laws Father of the Provinces, Father of the
+Empire.
+
+[Footnote 539: 'Redeat ad nomen antiquum Praefectura illa Praetorii,
+toto orbe laudabilis.' Is it possible that there had been some attempt
+to change the _title_ of the Praefect, which accounts for the
+_Praepositus_ which in some MSS. we find in the heading of this
+letter?]
+
+'See that you avoid all unjust exactions. We cannot bear that our
+Treasury should be filled by unrighteous means.
+
+'Your descent from a father who has held the same high office, and
+your intimate knowledge of the _Dicta prudentum_, warrant us in
+believing that you will make a good judge.'
+
+[I have not been able to find any hint of the name of the Praefectus
+Praetorio for 526-527, so bitterly condemned in this letter. As he may
+have held office for some years, his misgovernment may have been
+connected with the death of Boethius (524). Can we connect him with
+the Trigguilla 'Regiae Praepositus Domus' whose injustice is denounced
+by Boethius ('Phil. Cons.' i. 4)?]
+
+
+21. KING ATHALARIC TO CYPRIAN, PATRICIAN.
+
+22. KING ATHALARIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Cyprian's elevation to the Patriciate.]
+
+In these two letters the high character and distinguished services of
+Cyprian are commemorated. 'Under Theodoric he distinguished himself
+both in war and peace. At the time of the war of Sirmium he was
+conspicuous both in his resistance to the fiery onslaught of the
+Bulgarians and in his active pursuit of them when their ranks were
+broken[540]. He then filled, with great credit to himself, the office
+of Referendarius[541]. Great was the responsibility of exercising
+peaceful as well as warlike offices under such a master as Theodoric.
+In fact the training for one was helpful for the other, since it
+required a soldier's courage and promptness to be always ready with a
+truthful and accurate reply to that keen, firm-minded ruler of
+men[542].
+
+[Footnote 540: 'Vidit te adhuc gentilis' (still under the dominion of
+the Gepidae) 'Danubius bellatorem: non te terruit Bulgarorum globus,
+qui etiam nostris erat praesumptione certaminis obstaturus. Peculiare
+tibi fuit et renitentes Barbaros aggredi, et conversos terrore
+sectari. Sic victoriam Gothorum non tam numero quam labore juvisti.']
+
+[Footnote 541: For a description of his services in this function, see
+Var. v. 40.]
+
+[Footnote 542: This is evidently the meaning; but something seems to
+have dropped out of the text.]
+
+'Thence he was promoted to the dignity of Count of the Sacred
+Largesses, a post well suited to his pure, self-restrained
+character[543]. He is now growing old in body, but ever young in fame,
+and the King heartily wishes him increase of years to enjoy his
+renown.
+
+[Footnote 543: 'Hoc est laborum tuorum aptissimum munus: quam sic
+casta sic moderata mente peregisti ut majora tibi deberi faceres,
+quamvis eam in magna praemia suscepisses.']
+
+'Rightly, too, is there now conferred upon him the dignity of
+_Patricius_, since he is the father of such noble sons, men whose
+childhood was passed in the palace under the very eye of Theodoric
+(thus like young eagles already learning to gaze upon the sun), and
+who now cultivate the friendship of the Goths, learn from them all
+martial exercises, speak their language, and thus give evident tokens
+of their future fidelity to the Gothic nation[544].
+
+[Footnote 544: 'Relucent etiam gratia gentili, nec cessant armorum
+imbui fortibus institutis. _Pueri stirpis Romanae nostra lingua
+loquuntur; eximie indicantes exhibere se nobis futuram fidem, quorum
+jam videntur affectasse sermonem.... Variis linguis loquuntur
+egregie_, maturis viris communione miscentur.']
+
+'The Senate is therefore exhorted to welcome its thus promoted
+colleague, who at each accession of rank has shown himself yet
+worthier of his high place, and whom grandfather and grandson have
+both delighted to honour. Thus will it renew the glories of the Decii
+and the Corvini, who were its sons in the days of old.'
+
+[The subject of these letters is indisputably the same Cyprian whom
+the 'Anonymus Valesii' speaks of as suborning false witnesses against
+Albinus and Boethius, and of whom the latter says ('Phil. Cons.' i.
+4): 'Ne Albinum, Consularem virum praejudicatae accusationis poena
+corriperet, odiis me Cypriani delatoris opposui.' Compare the remarks
+made on Letters 16 and 17; and remember that this letter was composed
+three years after the death of Boethius, when Theodoric also was dead,
+and his daughter was only too willing to retrace his steps, in all
+that concerned the severities of the latter years of his reign. For
+the pedigree of Cyprian see p. 363.]
+
+
+23. KING ATHALARIC TO BERGANTINUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES PATRIMONII.
+
+[Sidenote: Gifts to Theodahad.]
+
+'Kings should always be generous, but especially to those of their own
+family.
+
+'Therefore we desire your Greatness to transfer the farms herein
+described, to the exalted and most honourable Theodahad, weighing out
+to him so many solidi, out of that which was formerly the patrimony of
+his magnificent Mother; and we guarantee to him the absolute ownership
+of such farms, free from any claims to the inheritance on our
+part[545].
+
+[Footnote 545: 'Atque ideo illustrem magnitudinem tuam praecelso atque
+amplissimo viro Theodahado massas subter annexas, tot solidos
+pensitantes, ex patrimonio quondam magnificae foeminae matris ipsius,
+praecipimus reformari, ejus feliciter dominio plenissime vendicandas,
+cujus successionis integrum jus in ea qua praecipimus parte largimur.'
+According to Dahn (Koenige der Germanen iv. 60-61), these lands had
+been given in her lifetime by Theodahad's mother to the King, and are
+now begged for by Theodahad. But why 'tot solidos pensitantes?' Why
+should Theodahad receive both land and money? There seems no authority
+for translating 'pensitantes' receiving. Probably the solidi thus paid
+to him are mesne rents received by the King and accounted for to
+Theodahad. On the whole affair cf. Procopius, De Bello Gotthico i. 4.]
+
+'We trust to his sincerity and good faith, that in the future he will
+deserve the remainder of the above-mentioned patrimony, with the
+addition of the whole quantity[546].
+
+[Footnote 546: 'De cujus fide ac synceritate praesumimus, ut sequenti
+tempore reliqua supra memorati patrimonii cum omni adjecta quantitate
+mereatur.' This sentence is to me quite unintelligible.]
+
+'What can we deny to such a man, whose obedience might claim a higher
+reward even were he not our cousin--a man who is not puffed up by any
+pride of his noble birth, humble in his modesty, always uniform in his
+prudence? Therefore instruct the Cartarii of your office to make over
+the aforesaid farms to his Actores without delay[547].'
+
+[Footnote 547: Cf. the formalities connected with Odovacar's deed of
+gift to Pierius (Marini, Pap. Diplom. 82, 83), quoted in Italy and her
+Invaders iii. 165.]
+
+
+24. KING ATHALARIC TO THE CLERGY OF THE ROMAN CHURCH.
+
+[Sidenote: Ecclesiastical immunities.]
+
+'For the gift of kingly power we owe an infinite debt to God, whose
+ministers ye are.
+
+'Ye state in your tearful memorial to us that it has been an ordinance
+of long custom that anyone who has a suit of any kind against a
+servant of the sacrosanct Roman Church should first address himself to
+the chief Priest of that City, lest haply your clergy, being profaned
+by the litigation of the Forum, should be occupied in secular rather
+than religious matters. And you add that one of your Deacons has, to
+the disgrace of religion, been so sharply handled by legal process
+that the Sajo[548] has dared actually to take him into his own
+custody.
+
+[Footnote 548: In the text, 'Sajus.']
+
+'This dishonour to the Ministers of holy things is highly displeasing
+to our inborn reverence, yet we are glad that it gives us the
+opportunity of paying part of our debt to Heaven.
+
+'Therefore, considering the honour of the Apostolic See, and wishing
+to meet the desires of the petitioners, we by the authority of this
+letter decree in regular course[549]:
+
+[Footnote 549: 'Praesenti auctoritate moderato ordine definimus.' Dahn
+interprets 'moderato ordine,' 'not so absolutely as the Roman clergy
+desires.' Is not this to attribute rather too much force to the
+conventional language of Cassiodorus?]
+
+'That if anyone shall think he has a good cause for going to law with
+a person belonging to the Roman clergy, he shall first present himself
+for hearing at the judgment-seat of the most blessed Pope, in order
+that the latter may either decide between the two in his own holy
+manner, or may delegate the cause to a Jurisconsult to be ended by
+him. And if, perchance, which it is impiety to believe, the
+reasonable desire of the petitioner shall have been evaded, then may
+he come to the secular courts with his grievance, when he can prove
+that his petitions have been spurned by the Bishop of the aforesaid
+See[550].
+
+[Footnote 550: 'Definimus, ut si quispiam ad Romanum Clerum aliquem
+pertinentem, in qualibet causa probabili crediderit actione pulsandum,
+ad beatissimi Papae judicium prius conveniat audiendus. Ut aut ipse
+inter utrosque more suae sanctitatis agnoscat, aut causam deleget
+aequitatis studio terminandam: et si forte, quod credi nefas est,
+competens desiderium fuerit petitoris elusum, tuno ad saecularia fora
+jurgaturus occurrat, quando suas petitiones probaverit a supradictae
+sedis praesule fuisse contemptas.']
+
+'Should any litigant be so dishonest and so irreverent, both towards
+the Holy See and our authority, as to disregard this order [and
+proceed first in our tribunals against one of the Roman clergy], he
+shall forfeit 10 lbs. of gold [L400], to be exacted by the officers of
+the Count of Sacred Largesses and distributed by the Pope to the poor;
+and he shall lose his suit in addition, notwithstanding any decree
+which he may have gained in the secular court.
+
+'Meanwhile do you, whom our judgments thus venerate, live according to
+the ordinances of the Church. It is a great wickedness in you to admit
+such crimes as do not become the conversation even of secular men.
+Your profession is the heavenly life. Do not condescend to the
+grovelling wishes and vulgar errors of ordinary mortals. Let the men
+of this world be coerced by human laws; do you obey the precepts of
+righteousness.'
+
+[See Dahn, 'Koenige der Germanen' iii. 191-2, Sartorius 145, and
+Bauer's 'History of the Popes' ii. 323-4, for remarks on this
+important _privilegium_.
+
+It is clear that it relates to civil, not criminal procedure, and that
+it does leave a right of final appeal from the Papal Courts to the
+dissatisfied secular litigant. At the same time, that such an appeal
+would be prosecuted with immense difficulty is clear even from the
+words of the decree. The appellant will have to satisfy the King's
+Judges of a thing which it is almost impiety to believe, that the
+occupant of the Roman See has spurned his petitions.]
+
+
+25. KING ATHALARIC TO JOANNES, VIR SPECTABILIS, REFERENDARIUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Confirmation of Tulum's gift of property in the
+Lucullanum.]
+
+'It is a very fitting thing to confirm the generosity of others
+towards persons who might well have received gifts from oneself. We
+therefore declare that in your case the gift is another's but the will
+to give is our own, and the King has only been anticipated by the
+rapid bounty of the subject[551].
+
+[Footnote 551: 'Profitemur itaque alterius quidem donum, sed nostrum
+esse judicium, et modernam principis mentem praevenisse tantum
+velocissimam largitatem.' Observe again the use of Cassiodorus'
+favourite word _modernam_.]
+
+'Everyone knows that our grandfather wished to give you the house of
+Agnellus in the Castrum Lucullanum, but could not do so having already
+given it to the Patrician Tulum[552]. Tulum, however, with his usual
+generosity, seconding the wishes of his master, formally conveyed the
+property to you; and that conveyance we now confirm, guaranteeing the
+quiet possession of it to you and your heirs for all time to come. If
+any doubt exist as to your title, by any mischance, or by reason of
+any enquiry, such doubt is exploded by the authority of this letter of
+ours[553].
+
+[Footnote 552: Tholuit, or Tholum, in some MSS., but no doubt the same
+as the Tulum of Letters 9 and 10.]
+
+[Footnote 553: 'Ubi et si quid esset quolibet casu, qualibet
+inquisitione fortassis ambiguum, hujus auctoritatis nostrae judicio
+constat explosum.']
+
+'And should any envious person, in contempt of our royal will, dare to
+raise any question in this matter hereafter, either on behalf of the
+Fiscus or of any private individual, we declare that he shall pay to
+you, or to the person to whom you may have assigned the said house,
+100 lbs. of gold (L4,000) by way of penalty.'
+
+[Why should there be the necessity of this royal confirmation of a
+transaction between two private individuals, Tulum and Joannes, and
+this tremendous penalty on all future impugners of it?
+
+Evidently because the property had been impressed with the character
+of State domain, and it was doubtful how far Tulum's alienation of it
+might stand good against the claims of future Sovereigns.
+
+This becomes quite clear when we reflect what is the property to which
+this letter refers. It is either the whole or a part of the
+Lucullanum, to which the deposed Emperor, Romulus Augustulus, was
+banished in 476. On his death, as we may conjecture, this property,
+one of the most delightful places of residence in Italy, has been
+given by Theodoric to Tulum, perhaps just after he had distinguished
+himself in the Gaulish campaign of 508. For some reason or other,
+Tulum has alienated it (ostensibly, given it) to the Reporter Joannes,
+no doubt a Roman, who is apparently nervous lest his title to it
+should hereafter be impugned on the ground that the palace of the last
+Roman Emperor was national property. Hence this letter. There is some
+difficulty and variation between the MSS. in the words describing the
+property: 'Saepe dicta domus paternae recordationis Agnelli, in
+Lucullano castro posita.' For _paternae_, Migne's editor reads
+_patriciae_. The forthcoming critical edition of the 'Variae' will
+show whether there is any support in the MSS. for a conjecture which I
+cannot help entertaining that _Agnelli_ is an error for _Augustuli_.]
+
+
+26. KING ATHALARIC TO ALL THE INHABITANTS OF REATE AND NURSIA.
+
+[Sidenote: Gothic settlers in the Sabine territory exhorted to
+obedience to their Prior, Quidila.]
+
+'Our glorious grandfather had arranged that, in accordance with your
+desire, Quidila, son of Sibia, should be your Captain (Prior). We
+confirm this appointment, and desire you to obey him in all things.
+You are so far moulded by the character of our grandfather that you
+willingly obey both the laws and the Judges. Our enemies are best
+vanquished, and the favour both of Heaven and of other nations is best
+conciliated for us, by our obeying the principles of justice. If
+anyone is in need of anything, let him seek to obtain it from the
+generosity of his Sovereign rather than by the strength of his own
+right hand, since it is for your advantage that the Romans be at
+peace, who, in filling our Treasury, at the same time multiply your
+donatives.'
+
+[This letter is evidently addressed to Goths, and Quidila the _Prior_,
+who is set over them, is also a Goth. We can only conjecture what the
+office of Prior was: probably to some extent it involved civil as well
+as military authority. The conjecture of Dahn ('Koenige der Germanen'
+iv. 173) that it corresponds to the Gothic _Hundafath_ (Centenarius),
+seems to me extremely probable. The title of the letter is curious. It
+is addressed 'Universis Reatinis et Nursinis.' Are we then to suppose
+that strong military colonies of Goths had been settled in these
+places, the Roman inhabitants having been extruded? The fact that St.
+Benedict was born in Nursia, some fifty-seven years before the writing
+of this letter, gives an additional interest to this question.]
+
+
+27. KING ATHALARIC TO DUMERIT THE SAJO, AND TO FLORENTINUS, A ZEALOUS
+OFFICER OF THE COURT[554].
+
+[Footnote 554: 'Florentino viro devoto Comitiaco.']
+
+[Sidenote: Robbery in the district of Faenza to be suppressed.]
+
+'Justice must be shown upon the wicked. Different diseases require
+different remedies.
+
+'Let your Devotion speed instantly through the territory of Faventia,
+and if you find any persons, either Goths or Romans, concerned in the
+plunder of the possessors, punish them severely. How much better it
+would be for those misguided persons to live according to our will,
+and earn the reward of pleasing us.' [The last sentence is obscure,
+and perhaps the text is corrupt.]
+
+
+28. KING ATHALARIC TO CUNIGAST, VIR ILLUSTRIS.
+
+[No doubt the same as the Conigast attacked by Boethius in the
+'Philosophiae Consolatio' i. 4[555].]
+
+[Footnote 555: 'Quoticus ego Conigastum in inbecillis cujusque
+fortunas impetum facientem obvius excepi!']
+
+[Sidenote: Possessores (or Coloni?) forced to become slaves.]
+
+'Our Serenity has been moved by the grievous petition of Constantius
+and Venerius, who complain that Tanca [probably a Goth] has wrested
+from them the farm which is called Fabricula, which belonged to them
+in their own right, together with the stock upon it[556], and has
+compelled them, in order to prevent similar forcible demands upon
+their property in future, to allow the worst lot of all--the condition
+of slavery--to be imposed upon them, who are really free[557].
+
+[Footnote 556: 'Cum suo peculio.' If they were not slaves they could
+not have _peculium_ in the technical sense. I therefore understand
+'peculio' to be simply equivalent to _cattle_, a sense which is
+confirmed by 'Calabri peculiosi' in Letter 33.]
+
+[Footnote 557: 'Adjicientes ne rerum suarum repetitionibus imminerent
+[? imminuerent] liberis sibi conditionem ultimae servitutis imponi.'
+Cf. Salvian, De Gubernatione Dei v. 8, 9, for a description of similar
+occurrences in Gaul.]
+
+'Let your Greatness therefore summon Tanca to your judgment-seat, and,
+after hearing all parties, pronounce a just judgment and one accordant
+to your character. For though it is a serious matter to oust a lord
+from his right, it is contrary to the feelings of our age to press
+down free necks under the yoke of slavery.
+
+'Let Tanca therefore either establish his right to the slaves and
+their property, or, if they are proved free, let him give them up,
+whole and unharmed: in which case we will inflict upon him no further
+penalty.'
+
+
+29. KING ATHALARIC TO THE DIGNIFIED CULTIVATORS[558] AND CURIALS OF
+THE CITY OF PARMA.
+
+[Footnote 558: 'Honoratis Possessoribus.']
+
+[Sidenote: Sanitary measures needed in Parma.]
+
+'You ought willingly to co-operate in that which is being done for the
+advantage of your town. When it was suffering from a long drought, our
+grandfather, with God's help, watered it with the life-giving wave.
+Cleanse out then the mouths of your sewers, lest otherwise, being
+checked in its flow by the accumulated filth, it should surge back
+into your houses, and bring into them the pollution which it was meant
+to wash away.
+
+'The Spectabilis Genesius is appointed to superintend this work, and
+to quicken your zeal regarding it.'
+
+
+30. KING ATHALARIC TO GENESIUS, VIR SPECTABILIS.
+
+[Relating to the same subject as the preceding.]
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'Through love of your city our grandfather, with royal generosity,
+constructed an aqueduct of the ancient type[559] for you. But it is of
+no use to provide a good water-supply unless your sewers are in good
+order. Therefore let your Sublimity set the citizens of Parma
+diligently to work at this business, that all ancient channels,
+whether underground or those which run by the sides of the streets, be
+diligently repaired[560], in order that when the longed-for stream
+flows into your town it be not hindered by any obstacle.
+
+[Footnote 559: 'Antiqui operis formam.']
+
+[Footnote 560: 'Quatenus antiquos cuniculos, sive subterraneos, sive
+qui junguntur marginibus platearum diligenter emendent.']
+
+'How fair is water in a running stream, but how ugly in puddles and
+swamps; it is good then neither for man nor beast. Without water city
+and country alike languish; and rightly did the ancients punish one
+who was unfit for human society by forbidding all men to give him
+water. Therefore you ought all heartily to combine for this most
+useful work, since the man who is not touched by the comeliness of his
+city has not yet the mind of a citizen.'
+
+
+31. KING ATHALARIC TO SEVERUS, VIR SPECTABILIS.
+
+[Is Severus _Vicarius Urbis_? His title Spectabilis seems to require
+some such rank as this, otherwise he seems more like a _Corrector_
+(Clarissimus) _Bruttiorum et Lucaniae_. Perhaps already the strict
+gradation established by Diocletian and Constantine was somewhat
+broken down, and governors received higher titles than strictly
+belonged to them.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dissuasions from a country life, and praises of
+Cassiodorus' native land of Bruttii.]
+
+'Since you, when on the staff of the Praefect, have learned the
+principles of statesmanship, we are sure that you will agree with us
+that cities are the chief ornament of human society. Let the wild
+beasts live in fields and woods: men ought to draw together into
+cities. Even among birds we see that those of gentle disposition--like
+thrushes, storks, and doves--love to flock together, while the greedy
+hawk, intent on its bloody pastime, seeks solitude.
+
+'Now we say that the man who shuns human society becomes at once an
+object of suspicion. Let therefore the Possessores and Curiales of
+Bruttii return to their cities. The Coloni may cultivate the
+soil--that is what their name denotes[561]; but the men whom we
+decorate with civic honours ought to live in cities.
+
+[Footnote 561: 'Coloni sunt qui agros jugiter colunt.']
+
+'In truth it is a lovely land. Ceres and Pallas have crowned it with
+their respective gifts (corn and oil); the plains are green with
+pastures, the slopes are purple with vineyards. Above all is it rich
+in its vast herds of horses[562], and no wonder, since the dense shade
+of its forests protects them from the bites of flies, and provides
+them with ever verdant pasture even in the height of summer. Cool
+waters flow from its lofty heights; fair harbours on both its shores
+woo the commerce of the world.
+
+[Footnote 562: Cf. what is said (i. 4) as to the large present of
+horses made by the father of Cassiodorus to Theodoric for the use of
+the Gothic army.]
+
+'There the countryman enjoys the good food of the citizen, the poor
+man the abundance of the wealthy[563]. If such then be the charms even
+of the country in your Province, why should you shirk living in its
+cities[564]?
+
+[Footnote 563: 'Vivunt illic rustici epulis urbanorum, mediocres autem
+abundantia praepotentium.' 'Mediocres' and 'tenues' are technical
+words with Cassiodorus for the poor.]
+
+[Footnote 564: Cassiodorus must have felt the weakness of his logic
+here. He patriotically praises the rural beauty of Bruttii, yet the
+conclusion which by main force he arrives at is, 'Leave the country
+and live in towns.']
+
+'Why should so many men refined by literature skulk in obscurity? The
+boy goes to a good school, becomes imbued with the love of letters,
+and then, when he is come to man's estate and should be seeking the
+Forum in order to display his talents, he suddenly changes into a
+boor, unlearns all that he has learned, and in his love for the fields
+forgets what is due to a reasonable love for himself. And yet even
+birds love human fellowship, and the nightingale boldly rears her
+brood close to the haunts of men.
+
+'Let the cities then return to their old splendour; let none prefer
+the charms of the country to the walls reared by the men of old. Why
+should not everyone be attracted by the concourse of noble persons, by
+the pleasures of converse with his equals? To stroll through the
+Forum, to look in at some skilful craftsman at his work, to push one's
+own cause through the law courts, then between whiles to play with the
+counters of Palamedes (draughts), to go to the baths with one's
+acquaintances, to indulge in the friendly emulation of the
+banquet--these are the proper employments of a Roman noble; yet not
+one of them is tasted by the man who chooses to live always in the
+country with his farm-servants[565].
+
+[Footnote 565: 'Cui enim minus grata nobilium videatur occursio. Cui
+non affectuosum sit cum paribus miscere sermonem, forum petere,
+honestas artes invisere, causas proprias legibus expedire, interdum
+Palamediacis calculis occupari, ad balneas ire cum sociis, prandia
+mutuis apparatibus exhibere? Caret profecto omnibus his, qui vitam
+suam vult semper habere cum famulis.']
+
+'We order therefore that all Possessores and Curiales shall, according
+to their relative means, find bail and give bonds, promising that they
+will for the larger part of the year reside in some city, such as they
+may choose[566]. And thus, while not wholly debarred from the
+pleasures of the country, they will furnish to the cities their proper
+adornment of citizens.'
+
+[Footnote 566: 'Datis fidejussoribus jam Possessores quam Curiales,
+sub aestimatione virium, poena interposita, promittant anni parte
+majore se in civitatibus manere, quas habitare delegerint.']
+
+
+32. KING ATHALARIC TO SEVERUS, VIR SPECTABILIS.
+
+[Sidenote: The Fountain of Arethusa.]
+
+'Nimfadius (Vir Sublimis) was journeying to the King's Comitatus on
+some affair of his own, when, wearied with his journey, he lay down to
+rest, and let his beasts of burden graze round the fountain of
+Arethusa.
+
+'This fountain, situated in the territory of Squillace[567], at the
+foot of the hills and above the sand of the sea, makes a green and
+pleasant place all round it, fringed with rustling reeds as with a
+crown. It has certain marvellous properties: for let a man go to it in
+silence and he sees it calmly flowing, more like a pond than a
+fountain. But let him cough or speak with a loud voice, and it becomes
+violently agitated, heaving to and fro like a pot boiling. Strange
+power this of a fountain to answer a man. I have read that some
+fountains can change the colours of the animals that drink at them;
+that others can turn wood dropped into them to stone. The human reason
+is altogether unable to understand such things as these.
+
+[Footnote 567: 'In Scyllatino territoris.' Transcribers, thinking of
+the Arethusa at Syracuse, have tried to alter this into _Siciliano_;
+but there can be little doubt that the above reading is right. As to
+the situation of the Fountain of Arethusa, see Introduction, p. 72.]
+
+'But let us return to the complaint of our suppliant. Nimfadius
+asserts that, while he was resting, the country people artfully drove
+off his beasts of burden.
+
+'This kind of crime brings our times into disgrace, and turns the
+charm of that quiet resting-place into disgust. Diligently enquire
+into it, for the credit of our Comitatus is involved in our subjects
+being able to journey to it in safety. At first, no doubt, the
+offenders will lie close, and seem as silent as the unmoved Arethusa.
+But begin your investigations, and they will soon break forth, like
+that fountain, with angry exclamations, in the midst of which you will
+discover the truth. Punish the offenders severely; for we should
+regret that owing to the excesses of robbers that wonderful and
+joy-bringing fountain should be deserted.'
+
+
+33. KING ATHALARIC TO SEVERUS, VIR SPECTABILIS.
+
+[Sidenote: The Feast of St. Cyprian.]
+
+'We hear that the rustics are indulging in disorderly practices, and
+robbing the market-people who come from all quarters to the chief fair
+of Lucania on the day of St. Cyprian. This must by all means be
+suppressed, and your Respectability should quietly collect a
+sufficient number of the owners and tenants of the adjoining
+farms[568] to overpower these freebooters and bring them to justice.
+Any rustic or other person found guilty of disturbing the fair should
+be at once punished with the stick[569], and then exhibited with some
+mark of infamy upon him[570].
+
+[Footnote 568: 'Spectabilitas vestra praedicto tempore, una cum
+Possessoribus atque Conductoribus diversarum massarum ad quietem
+convenientium ... reos inveniat,' &c.]
+
+[Footnote 569: 'Inter ipsa initia comprehensus fustuariae subdatur
+ultioni.']
+
+[Footnote 570: 'Pompatus mala nota.']
+
+'This fair, which according to the old superstition was named
+Leucothea [after the nymph], from the extreme purity of the fountain
+at which it is held, is the greatest fair in all the surrounding
+country. Everything that industrious Campania, or opulent Bruttii, or
+cattle-breeding Calabria[571], or strong Apulia produces, is there to
+be found exposed for sale, on such reasonable terms that no buyer goes
+away dissatisfied. It is a charming sight to see the broad plains
+filled with suddenly-reared houses formed of leafy branches
+intertwined: all the beauty of the most leisurely-built city, and yet
+not a wall to be seen. There stand ready boys and girls, with the
+attractions which belong to their respective sexes and ages, whom not
+captivity but freedom sets a price upon. These are with good reason
+sold by their parents, since they themselves gain by their very
+servitude. For one cannot doubt that they are benefited even as slaves
+[or servants?], by being transferred from the toil of the fields to
+the service of cities[572].
+
+[Footnote 571: 'Calabri peculiosi.']
+
+[Footnote 572: 'Praesto sunt pueri ac puellae, diverso sexu atque
+aetate conspicuo, quos non facit captivitas esse sub pretio sed
+libertas: hos merito parentes vendunt, quoniam de ipsa famulatione
+proficiunt. Dubium quippe non est servos posse meliorari qui de labore
+agrorum ad urbana servitia transferuntur.' With almost any writer but
+Cassiodorus this would prove that in the Sixth Century free Italians
+were selling their children into actual slavery. But I doubt whether
+he really means more than that the children of the country people were
+for hire as domestic servants in the cities. If so, the scene is not
+unlike our own 'statute fairs' or 'hirings' in the north of England.
+It appears from Sec. 94 of the Edictum Theodorici that parents could sell
+their children, but that the latter did not lose their _status
+ingenuus_. Must they then claim it on coming of age? 'Parentes qui
+cogente necessitate filios suos alimentorum gratia vendiderint
+ingenuitati eorum non praejudicant. _Homo enim liber pretio nullo
+aestimatur._' Cf. also Sec. 95: 'Operas enim tantum parentes filiorum
+quos in potestate habuerint, locare possunt.']
+
+'What can I say of the bright and many-coloured garments? what of the
+sleek and well-fed cattle offered at such a price as to tempt any
+purchaser?
+
+'The place itself is situated in a wide and pleasant plain, a suburb
+of the ancient city of Cosilinum, and has received the name of
+Marcilianum from the founder of these sacred springs[573].
+
+[Footnote 573: Marcilianum is now Sala, in the valley of the Calore
+(Tanager). Padula is thought by some to mark the site of Cosilinum.
+The Island of Leucosia, now Licosa, a few miles from Paestum,
+evidently does not represent the Leucothea of this letter.]
+
+'And this is in truth a marvellous fountain, full and fresh, and of
+such transparent clearness that when you look through it you think you
+are looking through air alone. Choice fishes swim about in the pool,
+perfectly tame, because if anyone presumes to capture them he soon
+feels the Divine vengeance. On the morning which precedes the holy
+night [of St. Cyprian], as soon as the Priest begins to utter the
+baptismal prayer, the water begins to rise above its accustomed
+height. Generally it covers but five steps of the well, but the brute
+element, as if preparing itself for miracles, begins to swell, and at
+last covers two steps more, never reached at any other time of the
+year. Truly a stupendous miracle, that streams of water should thus
+stand still or increase at the sound of the human voice, as if the
+fountain itself desired to listen to the sermon.
+
+'Thus hath Lucania a river Jordan of her own. Wherefore, both for
+religion's sake and for the profit of the people, it behoves that good
+order should be kept among the frequenters of the fair, since in the
+judgment of all, that man must be deemed a villain who would sully the
+joys of such happy days.'
+
+
+
+
+BOOK IX.
+
+CONTAINING TWENTY-FIVE LETTERS, ALL WRITTEN IN THE NAME OF ATHALARIC
+THE KING.
+
+
+1. KING ATHALARIC TO HILDERIC, KING OF THE VANDALS (A.D. 527).
+
+[Sidenote: Murder of Amalafrida, widow of King Thrasamund and sister
+of Theodoric.]
+
+'Friendship and relationship are turned to bitterness by the tidings
+that Amalafrida, of divine memory, the distinguished ornament of our
+race, has been put to death by you[574]. If you had any cause of
+offence against her, you ought to have sent her to us for judgment.
+What you have done is a species of parricide. If the succession, on
+the death of her husband, passed to another [yourself], that was no
+reason why a woman should be embroiled in the contest. It was really
+an addition to your nobility to have the purple dignity of the Amal
+blood allied to the lineage of the Hasdingi.
+
+[Footnote 574: With reference to this event Victor Tunnunensis writes:
+'Cujus (Trasamundi) uxor Amalafrida fugiens ad barbaros congressione
+facta Capsae juxta Heremum capitur, et in custodia privata moritur.'
+Procopius (De B. Vandalico i. 9) says: [Greek: Kai sphisi (tois
+Bandilois) xynenechthe Theudericho te kai Gotthois en Italia ek te
+symmachon kai philon polemioi genesthai ten te gar Amalaphridan en
+phylake eschon kai tous Gotthous diephtheiran hapantas epenenkontes
+autois neoterizein es te Bandilous kai Hilderichon]. Both Victor and
+Procopius seem to place the conflict before the death of Theodoric;
+Victor says A.D. 523. Probably therefore the fighting, the capture of
+Amalafrida, and the death of her countrymen, took place in that year,
+the year of her husband's death and Hilderic's accession. Three or
+four years later (526 or 527), when her brother Theodoric was dead,
+the imprisoned princess was murdered--a grievous insult to the young
+Sovereign of the Goths, her great-nephew.]
+
+'Our Goths keenly feel the insults conveyed in this deed, since to
+slay the royal lady of another race is to despise the valour of that
+race and doubt its willingness to avenge her.
+
+'We send you two ambassadors to hear what your excuses are. We hear
+that you pretend that her death was natural. And you also must send
+ambassadors in return to us to explain the matter, without war or
+bloodshed, and either pacify us or acknowledge your guilt. If you do
+not do this, all ties of alliance between us are broken, and we must
+leave you to the judgment of the Divine Majesty, which heard the blood
+of Abel crying from the ground.'
+
+
+2. EDICT OF KING ATHALARIC.
+
+[Sidenote: Oppression of the Curiales.]
+
+'The body of the Republic is so tempered together that if one member
+suffers all the members suffer with it. The Curiales, whose name is
+derived from their care (cura) and forethought, are, we are told,
+molested by hostile proceedings, so that what was bestowed upon them
+as an honour turns out rather to their injury. What scandalous
+injustice! What an insupportable evil! that he who ought to have
+benefited the Republic by his services, should often lose both fortune
+and liberty.
+
+'Wherefore by this edict we decree that if any Curialis suffer
+oppression, if anyone, without the express warrant of ourselves or the
+high officers of State whose business it is, inflict upon a Curialis
+any injury or loss of property, he shall pay a fine of 10 lbs. of gold
+(L400), to go to the benefit of the person thus oppressed; or, if his
+property be insufficient to pay this fine, he shall be beaten with
+clubs. The Curialis must then give additional diligence to the
+discharge of his public duties, since his debt to the State is, as it
+were, increased by the protection which we are thus affording him. As
+for the farms of Curiales, in connection with which the greatest
+frauds are practised on poor men, let no one seek to obtain them by an
+unlawful purchase; for a contract cannot be called a contract when it
+is in violation of the law[575]. The Judges must help the Curiales
+against the molestations of Sajones and other officials. It is a
+grievous offence, when the very person to whom is entrusted the duty
+of defending the weak, himself turns oppressor.
+
+[Footnote 575: 'Praedia Curialium, unde maximae mediocribus parantur
+insidiae, nullus illicita emptione pervadat. Quia contractus dici non
+potest nisi qui de legibus venit.']
+
+'Raise your heads in hope, oh ye oppressed ones! lift up your hearts,
+ye who are weighed down with a load of evils! To each citizen his own
+city is his Republic. Administer justice in your cities in conformity
+with the general will. Let your various ranks live on a footing of
+justice. Do not oppress the weak, lest you in your turn be deservedly
+oppressed by the strong. This is the penalty of wrong-doing, that each
+one suffers in his own person what he has wantonly inflicted on
+another.
+
+'Live then in justice and moderation. Follow the example of the
+cranes, who change the order of their flight, making foremost
+hindmost, and hindmost foremost, without difficulty, each willingly
+obeying its fellow--a commonwealth of birds.
+
+'You have, according to the laws, power over your citizens. Not in
+vain has Antiquity conceded to you the title of Curia: not vainly did
+it call you the Lesser Senate, the nerves and vital organs of the
+State[576]. What is not contained of honour and power in that title!
+For that which is compared to the Senate is excluded from no kind of
+glory.'
+
+[Footnote 576: 'Non enim incassum vobis Curiam concessit Antiquitas,
+non inaniter appellavit Minorem Senatum, nervos quoque vocitans ac
+viscera civitatum.']
+
+
+3. KING ATHALARIC TO BERGANTINUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, COMES [PATRIMONII],
+AND PATRICIAN[577].
+
+[Footnote 577: Cf. viii. 23.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gold-mining in Italy.]
+
+'Gold, as well as many other fair fruits of Nature which gold can buy,
+is said to be produced by our generous Italy. Theodorus, who is an
+expert in such matters, asserts that gold will be found on the farm
+Rusticiana in Bruttii[578]. Let your Greatness therefore send a
+_Cartarius_ to commence mining operations on that spot. The work of a
+miner resembles that of a mole. He burrows underground, far from the
+light of day. Sometimes the sides of his passages fall in and his way
+is closed up behind him; but if he emerge safely with his treasure,
+how happy is he! Then the gold-miner proceeds to immerse his ore in
+water, that the heavy metal may be separated from the lighter earth;
+then to submit it to a fervent heat, that it may thence derive its
+beautiful colour[579].
+
+[Footnote 578: Have we any clue to the geographical position of this
+farm? The only Rusticiana known to the Itineraries is in Spain.]
+
+[Footnote 579: 'Origo quidem nobilis, sed de flamma suscipit vim
+coloris, ut magis credas inde nasci, cujus similitudine videtur
+ornari. Sed cum auro tribuat splendidum ruborem, argento confert
+albissimam lucem. Ut mirum sit, unam substantiam tradere, quod rebus
+dissimilibus possit aptari.' Have we here a hint of 'the transmutation
+of metals?' Cassiodorus seems to think that it is only the furnace
+that makes the difference between the colours of gold and of silver.]
+
+'Let then the land of Bruttii pay her tribute in gold, the most
+desired of all treasure. To seek gold by war is wicked, by voyages
+dangerous, by swindling shameful; but to seek it from Nature in its
+own home is righteous. No one is hurt by this honest gain. Griffins
+are said to dig for gold and to delight in the contemplation of this
+metal; but no one blames them, because their proceedings are not
+dictated by criminal covetousness. For it is not the act itself, but
+the motive for the act, that gives it its moral quality.'
+
+
+4. KING ATHALARIC TO ABUNDANTIUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: A family of Curiales permitted to step down into the ranks
+of the Possessores.]
+
+'The _pietas_ of the King is happily shown in moderating the sentence
+of the law, where for certain reasons it bears with especial hardness
+on anyone. The Curiales have peculiar advantages in their opportunity
+of being thus liberated by the Sovereign from the performance of their
+duties[580]. It is reasonable to release a Curialis whose health
+prevents him from fulfilling his appointed task; and a numerous Curia
+will never miss a few names out of so large a number.
+
+[Footnote 580: 'Neque enim ob aliud Curiales leges sacratissimae
+ligaverunt, nisi ut cum illos soli principes absolverent, indulgentiae
+praeconia reperirent.']
+
+'Therefore let your Illustrious Magnificence remove Agenantia, wife
+[or widow?] of the most eloquent man Campanianus, dwelling in Lucania,
+from the album of her Curia, and her sons also, so that posterity may
+never know that they were formerly liable to Curial duties.
+
+'Remitted to the ranks of [mere] Possessores they will now be liable
+to the same demands which formerly [as members of the Curia] they made
+upon others. They will now dread the face of the tax-collector
+(compulsor), and will begin to fear the mandates by which formerly
+they made themselves feared[581]. Still this is a sign of their past
+good life, that they are willing to live without office _among_ a
+population whose dislike they are not conscious of having incurred,
+and _under_ old colleagues whom they know that they have not incited
+to an abuse of their powers.'
+
+[Footnote 581: 'Formidare delegata incipient, per quae antea
+timebantur.' To translate by an analogy, 'And will tremble at the
+rate-summonses, their signatures to which used to make other men
+tremble.']
+
+
+5. KING ATHALARIC TO THE BISHOPS AND FUNCTIONARIES OF ----[582].
+
+[Footnote 582: 'Episcopis et Honoratis.' Perhaps it is from motives of
+delicacy that Cassiodorus has not added the name of the Province.]
+
+[Sidenote: Forestalling and regrating of corn prohibited.]
+
+'We learn with regret by the complaint of the Possessores of your
+district that the severity of famine is being increased by the conduct
+of certain persons who have bought up corn and are holding it for
+higher prices. In a time of absolute famine there can be no "higgling
+of the market;" the hungry man will submit to be cheated rather than
+let another get the food before him[583].
+
+[Footnote 583: 'In necessitate siquidem penuriae pretii nulla
+contentio est: dum patitur quis induci ne possit aliqua tarditate
+percelli.']
+
+'To stop this practice we send to you the present messengers, whose
+business it is to examine all the stores of corn collected for public
+distribution[584] or otherwise, to leave to each family sufficient for
+its needs, and to purchase the remainder from the owners at a fair
+market price. Co-operate with these orders of ours cheerfully, and do
+not grumble at them. Complain not that your freedom is interfered
+with. There is no free-trade in crime[585]. If you work with us you
+will earn good renown for yourselves; if against us, the King's
+reputation will gain by your loss. It is the sign of a good ruler to
+make men act righteously, even against their wills.'
+
+[Footnote 584: 'Sive in gradu [panis gradilis?] sive in aliis locis.']
+
+[Footnote 585: A paraphrase, confessedly anachronistic, of 'Ne quis
+ergo venditionem sibi impositam conqueratur, sciat libertatem in
+crimine non requiri.']
+
+
+6. KING ATHALARIC TO ----, PRIMISCRINIUS.
+
+[Sidenote: A furlough granted for a visit to Baiae.]
+
+'You complain that your health is failing under the long pressure of
+your work, and that you fear, if you absent yourself, you may lose the
+emoluments of your office. At the same time you ask leave to visit
+the Baths of Baiae. Go then with a mind perfectly at rest as to your
+emoluments, which we will keep safe for you. Seek the Sun, seek the
+pure air and smiling shore of that lovely bay, thickly set with
+harbours and dotted with noble islands--that bay in which Nature
+displays all her marvels and invites man to explore her secrets. There
+is the Lake of Avernus, with its splendid supply of oysters. There are
+long piers jutting out into the sea; and the most delightful fishing
+in the world is to be had in the fish-ponds--open to the sky--on
+either side of them. There are warm baths, heated not by brick-work
+flues and smoky balls of fire, but by Nature herself. The pure air
+supplies the steam and softly stimulates perspiration, and the
+health-giving work is so much the better done as Nature is above Art.
+Let the Coralli [in Moesia, on the shore of the Euxine] boast their
+wonderful sea, let the pearl fisheries of India vaunt themselves. In
+our judgment Baiae, for its powers of bestowing pleasure and health,
+surpasses them all. Go then to Baiae to bathe, and have no fear about
+the emoluments.'
+
+
+7. KING ATHALARIC TO REPARATUS, PRAEFECT OF THE CITY.
+
+[We learn from Procopius ('De Bello Gotthico' i. 26) that Reparatus
+was brother of Pope Vigilius; that in 537 he escaped from the
+captivity in which the other Senators were kept at Ravenna by Witigis,
+and fled to Milan. In 539 Reparatus, who was then Praefectus
+Praetorio, was captured at Milan by the Goths, hewn in pieces, and his
+flesh given to the dogs (Ibid. ii. 21).]
+
+[Sidenote: Reparatus appointed Praefectus Urbis.]
+
+'The son of a high official naturally aspires to emulate his father's
+dignities. Your father had a distinguished career, first as Comes
+Largitionum, then as Praefectus Praetorio. While holding the latter
+office, he repaired the Senate-house, restored to the poor the gifts
+(?) of which they had been deprived[586], and though not himself a man
+of liberal education, pleased all by the natural charm of his manner.
+
+[Footnote 586: 'Curiam reparans, pauperibus ablata restituens.']
+
+'You have those advantages of mental training which were denied to
+your father. Education lifts an obscure man on to a level with nobles,
+but also adorns him who is of noble birth. You have moreover been
+chosen as son-in-law by a man of elevated character, whose choice is
+in itself a mark of your high merit. You are coming young to
+office[587]; but, with such a man's approbation, you cannot be said to
+be untried.
+
+[Footnote 587: 'Licet primaevus venias ad honorem.']
+
+'We therefore confer upon you for this Indiction the dignity of
+Praefect of the City. The eyes of the world are upon you. The Senate,
+that illustrious and critical body, the youngest members of which are
+called _Patres_, will listen to your words. See that you say nothing
+which can displease those wise men, whose praise, though hard to win,
+will be most sweet to your ears. Diligently help the oppressed. Hand
+on to your posterity the renown which you have received from your
+ancestors.'
+
+
+8. KING ATHALARIC TO COUNT OSUIN (OR OSUM), VIR ILLUSTRIS[588].
+
+[Footnote 588: Cf. iii. 26 and iv. 9. In the former letter he is
+called Osun.]
+
+[Sidenote: Osuin made Governor of Dalmatia and Savia.]
+
+'We reward our faithful servants with high honours, hoping thereby to
+quicken the slothful into emulation, when they ask themselves why,
+under such an impartial rule, they too do not receive promotion.
+
+'We therefore again entrust to your Illustrious Greatness the
+Provinces of Dalmatia and S(u)avia. We need not hold up to you the
+examples of others. You have only to imitate yourself, and to confer
+now again in your old age the same blessings on those Provinces which,
+as a younger man, you bestowed on them under our grandfather.'
+
+
+9. KING ATHALARIC TO ALL THE GOTHS AND ROMANS (IN DALMATIA AND SAVIA).
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'We send back to you the Illustrious Count Osuin, whose valour and
+justice you already know, to ward off from you the fear of foreign
+nations, and to keep you from unjust demands. With him comes the
+Illustrious Severinus[589], that with one heart and one mind, like the
+various reeds of an organ, they may utter their praiseworthy precepts.
+
+[Footnote 589: We are not told in what capacity Severinus came.
+Probably it was on account of Osuin's age that Severinus was
+associated with him.]
+
+[Sidenote: Remission of Augmentum.]
+
+'As an act of grace on the commencement of our reign, we direct the
+Count of the Patrimony to remit to you all the super-assessment
+(augmentum) which was fixed for your Province at the fourth
+Indiction[590].
+
+[Footnote 590: 'Per quartam Indictionem quod a nobis augmenti nomine
+quaerebatur illustrem virum Comitem Patrimonii nostri nunc jussimus
+removere.' As the fourth Indiction began Sept. 525, in the lifetime of
+Theodoric, it is clear that that date belongs to the imposition, not
+to the removal of the 'augmentum.']
+
+'We also grant that when the aforesaid person [Severinus] returns to
+our presence, you may send suitable men with him to inform us of your
+financial position, that we may, by readjustment of the taxes, lighten
+your load if it be still too heavy. Nothing consolidates the Republic
+so much as the uninjured powers of the taxpayer.'
+
+
+10. KING ATHALARIC TO ALL THE PROVINCIALS OF THE CITY OF SYRACUSE.
+
+[Sidenote: Remission of Augmentum to Syracusans.]
+
+'Lately we announced to you our accession: now we wish to confer upon
+you a benefit in the matter of taxes. For we look on that only as our
+revenue which the cultivator pays cheerfully. Our grandfather,
+considering the great increase in wealth and population which his long
+and peaceful reign had brought with it, thought it prudent to increase
+the taxes to be paid by the Province of Sicily[591]. He was quite
+right in doing this, but he thereby prepared for us, his young
+successor, an opportunity of conferring an unexpected favour, for we
+hereby remit to you all the augmentum which was assessed upon you at
+the fourth Indiction. And not only so, but all that you have already
+paid under this head for the fifth Indiction (526-7) we direct the
+tax-collectors to carry to your credit on account[592].
+
+[Footnote 591: 'Avus noster de suis beneficiis magna praesumens (quia
+longa quies et culturam agris praestitit et populos ampliavit) intra
+Siciliam provinciam sub consueta prudentiae suae moderatione censum
+statuit subflagitari ut vobis cresceret devotio, quibus se facultas
+extenderat.']
+
+[Footnote 592: This most be the meaning of 'quicquid a discursoribus
+novi census per quintam Indictionem probatur affixum, ad vestram eos
+fecimus deferre notitiam.']
+
+'Besides this, if anyone have to complain of oppression on the part of
+the Governors of the Province, let him seek at once a remedy from our
+Piety. Often did our grandfather of glorious memory grieve over the
+slowness of the Governors to obey their letters of recall, feeling
+sure that they were lingering in the Provinces neither for his good
+nor yours.
+
+'We however, with God's help, shall go on in the good work which we
+have begun. You have a Prince who, the older he grows, the more will
+love you. We send to you our Sajo Quidila, who will convey to you our
+orders on this matter.'
+
+
+11. KING ATHALARIC TO GILDIAS, VIR SPECTABILIS, COUNT OF SYRACUSE.
+
+12. KING ATHALARIC TO VICTOR AND WITIGISCLUS (OR WIGISICLA), VIRI
+SPECTABILES, CENSITORES[593] OF SICILY.
+
+[Footnote 593: Tax-collectors. The word is unknown to the Notitia, but
+Censuales occurs once in it (Not. Occ. iv.).]
+
+[Sidenote: Oppressions exercised by the King's officers in Sicily
+rebuked.]
+
+Victor and Witigisclus are sharply rebuked for their delay in
+desisting from the oppression of the Provincials and coming to the
+Court of Theodoric when called for[594], a delay which is made more
+suspicious by their not having presented themselves to welcome
+Athalaric on his accession. Both they and Count Gildias are informed
+of the King's decision to remit the increased tax imposed at the
+fourth Indiction (Sept. 525); and the two Censitores are recommended,
+if they are conscious of having oppressed or injured any of the
+Provincials, to remedy the matter themselves, as the King has given
+all the Sicilians leave to appeal to himself against their
+oppressions: and the complaints of the Sicilians, though distant, will
+certainly reach his ears.
+
+[Footnote 594: 'Quos etiam seris praeceptionibus credidit esse
+admonendos, ut _relicto tandem provincialium gravamine_ ad ejus
+deberetis justitiam festinare.']
+
+
+13. KING ATHALARIC TO WILLIAS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, COMES PATRIMONII.
+
+[Sidenote: Increase of emoluments of Domestici.]
+
+'Your Greatness informs us of cases that have come to your knowledge,
+in which the Guards (Domestici) attending the Counts who are appointed
+[to the government of various Provinces] have oppressed the
+Provincials by their exactions. As we believe that there is some
+excuse for this in the smallness of their _emolumenta_, which at
+present consist of only 200 solidi (L120) and ten rations (Annonae),
+we direct that you henceforth pay them, as from the fifth Indiction
+(Sept. 526), 50 solidi (L30) annually, in addition to the above,
+charging this further payment to our account. By taking away
+Necessity, the mother of crimes, we hope that the practice of sinning
+will also be removed. If, after this, anyone is found oppressing the
+Provincials, let him lose his _emolumenta_ altogether. Our gifts
+ennoble the receiver, and are given in order to take away from him any
+pretext for begging from others.'
+
+[The Domestici were a very select corps of Life-guardsmen; probably
+only a very small number of them would accompany a Provincial Governor
+to his charge. This may explain what seems an extraordinarily high
+rate of pay. Perhaps it is the Comes himself, not his Domestici, who
+is to receive the emolumenta here specified; but, if so, the letter is
+very obscurely expressed.]
+
+
+14. KING ATHALARIC TO GILDIAS, VIE SPECTABILIS, COUNT OF SYRACUSE.
+
+[Sidenote: Oppressive acts charged against Gildias, Comes of
+Syracuse.]
+
+'We hear great complaints of you from the Sicilians; but, as they are
+willing to let bye-gones be bye-gones, we accede to their request, but
+give you the following warning:
+
+'(1) You are said to have extorted large sums from them on pretence of
+rebuilding the walls, which you have not done. Either repay them the
+money or build up their walls. It is too absurd, to promise
+fortifications and give instead to the citizens hideous
+desolation[595].
+
+[Footnote 595: 'Nimis enim absurdum est, spondere munitiones et dare
+civibus excecrabiles vastitates.']
+
+'(2) You are said to be claiming for the Exchequer (under the name of
+"Fiscus Caducus") the estates of deceased persons, without any sort of
+regard for justice, whereas that title was only intended to apply to
+the case of strangers dying without heirs, natural or testamentary.
+
+'(3) You are said to be oppressing the suitors in the Courts with
+grievous charges[596], so that you make litigation utterly ruinous to
+those who undertake it.
+
+[Footnote 596: 'Conventiones.' I think the complaint here is of the
+expenses of 'executing process.' It is not as Judge but as the
+functionary who carries the Judge's orders into effect that Gildias is
+here blamed.]
+
+'We order therefore that when _our_[597] decrees are being enforced
+against a beaten litigant, the gratuity claimed by the officer shall
+be the same which our glorious grandfather declared to be
+payable--according to the respective ranks of the litigants--to the
+Sajo who was charged with the enforcement of the decree; for
+gratuities ought not to be excessive[598].
+
+[Footnote 597: 'Nostra' (the reading of Nivellius) seems evidently a
+better reading than 'vestra' (which Migne has adopted).]
+
+[Footnote 598: 'Commodum debet esse _cum modo_.' A derivation or a
+pun.]
+
+'But if _your_ decrees are being enforced--and that must be only in
+cases against persons with whom the edicts allow you to
+interfere[599]--then your officer must receive half the gratuity
+allowed to him who carries our decrees into execution. It is obviously
+improper that the man who only performs _your_ orders should receive
+as much as is paid out of reverence for _our_ command. Anyone
+infringing this constitution is to restore fourfold.
+
+[Footnote 599: 'Duntaxat in illis causis atque personis, ubi te
+misceri edicta voluerunt.']
+
+'(4) The edicts of our glorious grandfather, and all the precepts
+which he made for the government of Sicily, are to be so obediently
+observed that he shall be held guilty of sacrilege who, spurred on by
+his own beastly disposition, shall try to break down the bulwark of
+our commands[600].
+
+[Footnote 600: 'Quisquis belluinis moribus excitatus munimen
+tentaverit irrumpere jussionum.']
+
+'(5) It is said that you cite causes between two Romans, even against
+their will, before your tribunal. If you are conscious that this has
+been done by you, do not so presume in future, lest while seeking the
+office of Judge, for which you are incompetent, you wake up to find
+yourself a culprit. You, of all men, ought to be mindful of the
+Edictum, since you insist on its being followed by others. If not, if
+this rule is not observed by you, your whole power of decreeing shall
+be taken from you. Let the administration of the laws be preserved
+intact to the _Judices Ordinarii_. Let the litigants throng, as they
+ought to do, to the Courts of their _Cognitores_. Do not be gnawed by
+envy of their pomp. The true praise of the Goths is
+_law-abidingness_[601]. The more seldom the litigant is seen in your
+presence the greater is your renown. Do you defend the State with your
+arms; let the Romans plead before their own law courts in peace.
+
+[Footnote 601: 'Gothorum laus est civilitas custodita.']
+
+'(6) You are also accused of insisting on buying the cargoes of
+vessels that come to the port at your own price [and selling again at
+a higher]--a practice the very suspicion of which is injurious to an
+official, even if it cannot be proved against him in fact[602].
+Wherefore, if you wish to avoid the rumour of this deed, let the
+Bishop and people of the city come forward as witnesses on behalf of
+your conscience[603]. Prices ought to be fixed by the common
+deliberation [of buyer and seller]; since no one likes a commercial
+transaction which is forced upon the unwilling.
+
+[Footnote 602: This seems a possible interpretation of a dark
+sentence: 'Navigiis vecta commercia te suggerunt occupare, et ambitu
+cupiditatis exosae solum antiqua pretia definire, quod non creditur a
+suspicione longinquum etiam si non sit actione vicinum.']
+
+[Footnote 603: Is this a kind of compurgation which is here proposed?]
+
+'Wherefore we have thought it proper to warn your Sublimity by these
+presents, since we do not like those whom we love to be guilty of
+excess, nor to hear evil reports of those who are charged with
+reforming the morals of others.'
+
+[This is an important letter, especially when taken in connection with
+the words of Totila (Procopius, 'De Bello Gotthico' iii. 16), as to
+the exceptional indulgence with which the Gothic Kings had treated
+Sicily, 'leaving, at the request of the inhabitants, very few soldiers
+in the island, that there might be no distaste to their freedom or to
+their general prosperity.'
+
+Gildias is evidently a Goth, and though a _Vir Spectabilis_ and
+holding a Roman office--the Comitiva Syracusanae Civitatis--still it
+is essentially a military office, and he has no business to divert
+causes from the Judices Ordinarii to his tribunal, though probably a
+Roman Comes might often do this without serious blame. But by his
+doing so, the general principle, that in purely Roman causes a Goth is
+not to interfere, seems to be infringed, and therefore he receives
+this sharp reprimand to prevent his doing it again.]
+
+
+15. KING ATHALARIC TO POPE JOHN II (532).
+
+[Sidenote: Against Simony at Papal elections.]
+
+'The Defensor of the Roman Church hath informed us in his tearful
+petition that lately, when a President was sought for the Papal chair,
+so much were the usual largesses to the poor augmented by the promises
+which had been extorted from the candidate, that, shameful to say,
+even the sacred vessels were exposed to sale in order to provide the
+necessary money[604].
+
+[Footnote 604: 'Quosdam nefaria machinatione necessitatem temporis
+aucupatos, ita facultates pauperum extortis promissionibus ingravasse,
+ut quod dictu nefas est, etiam sacra vasa emptioni publicae viderentur
+exposita.']
+
+'Therefore let your Holiness know that by this present decree, which
+relates also to all the Patriarchs and Metropolitan Churches [the five
+Metropolitan Churches in Rome, and such Sees as Milan, Aquileia,
+Ravenna], we confirm the wise law passed by the Senate in the time of
+the most holy Pope Boniface [predecessor of John II]. By it any
+contract or promise made by any person in order to obtain a Bishopric
+is declared void.
+
+'Anyone refusing to refund money so received is to be declared guilty
+of sacrilege, and restitution is to be enforced by the Judge.'
+
+'Should a contention arise as to an election to the Apostolic See, and
+the matter be brought to our Palace for decision, we direct that the
+maximum fee to be paid, on the completion of the necessary documents
+(?), shall be 3,000 solidi [L1,800][605]; but this is only to be
+exacted from persons of sufficient ability to pay it.
+
+[Footnote 605: 'Et quia omnia decet sub ratione moderari, nec possunt
+dici justa quae nimia sunt, cum de Apostolici consecratione Pontificis
+intentio fortasse pervenerit, et ad Palatium nostrum producta fuerit
+altercatio populorum, suggerentes (?) nobis intra tria millia
+solidorum, cum collectione cartarum censemus accipere.']
+
+'Patriarchs [Archbishops of the other great Italian Sees] under
+similar circumstances are to pay not more than 2,000 solidi [L1,200].
+
+'No one is to give [on his consecration] more than 500 solidi [L300]
+to the poor.
+
+'Anyone professing to obtain for money the suffrage of any one of our
+servants on behalf of a candidate for Papacy or Patriarchate, shall be
+forced to refund the money. If it cannot be recovered from him, it may
+be from his heirs. He himself shall be branded with infamy.
+
+'Should the giver of the money have been bound by such oaths, that,
+without imperilling his soul, he cannot disclose the transaction,
+anyone else may inform, and on establishing the truth of his
+accusation, receive a third part of the money so corruptly paid, the
+rest to go to the churches themselves, for the repair of the fabric or
+for the daily ministry. Remember the fate of Simon Magus. We have
+ordered that this decree be made known to the Senate and people by the
+Praefect of the City.'
+
+[I think the early part of this letter gives us the clue to the
+pretext under which these simoniacal practices were introduced. It was
+usual for the Pope on his election to give a certain sum of money to
+the poor. Then at a vehemently contested election certain of the
+voters--perhaps especially the priests of the different _tituli_ of
+Rome--claimed to be distributors of the Papal bounty, a large part of
+which they no doubt kept for themselves.]
+
+
+16. KING ATHALARIC TO SALVANTIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECT OF THE CITY.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+Rehearses the motives of the previous edict, and directs that both it
+and the Senatus Consulta having reference to the same subject [and
+framed two years previously], be engraved on marble tablets, and fixed
+up in a conspicuous place, before the Atrium of St. Peter the Apostle.
+
+
+17. KING ATHALARIC TO THE SAME (BETWEEN 532 AND 534).
+
+[Sidenote: Release of two Roman citizens accused of sedition.]
+
+'We cannot bear that there should be sadness in Rome, the head of the
+world. We hear with regret from the Apostolic Pope John, and other
+nobles, that A and B, who are Romans, on a mere suspicion of sedition
+are being macerated by so long imprisonment that the whole city mourns
+for them; no gladness of a holyday and no respect for the Papal
+name[606] (which is most dear to us) availing to mitigate their
+confinement. This treatment of persons against whom no crime has been
+proved distresses us much, and we admonish your Greatness, wherever
+you may succeed in finding them, to set them free. If, confident in
+their innocence, they think that they have been unjustly tormented, we
+give them liberty to make their appeal to the laws. Judges were
+raised to their high estate, not to oppress but to defend the
+innocent.
+
+[Footnote 606: 'Nec ulla--quae apud nos est gratissima--nominis sui
+dignitas subveniret.' I think _sui_ must refer to the
+recently-mentioned _Papa Johannes_.]
+
+'Now let the Romans return to their ancient gladness; nor let them
+think that any [rulers] please us but those who seek to act with
+fairness and moderation. Let them understand that our forefathers
+underwent labours and dangers that _they_ might have rest; and that we
+are expending large sums in order that they may rejoice with garrulous
+exultation. For even if they have before now suffered some rough and
+unjust treatment, let them not believe that that is a thing to be
+neglected by our Mildness. No; for we give ourselves no rest, that
+they may enjoy secure peace and calm gladness. Let them understand at
+once that _we_ cannot love the men whose excesses have made them
+terrible to our subjects. Whose favour do those men expect to win who
+have earned the dislike of their fellow-citizens? They might have
+reaped a harvest of the public love, and instead thereof they have so
+acted that their names are justly held in execration.'
+
+
+18. THE EDICT OF ATHALARIC.
+
+[This edict is minutely examined by Dahn ('Koenige der Germanen' iv.
+123-135). I have adopted his division of paragraphs, though rather
+disposed to think that the 'De Donationibus' should be broken up into
+two, to prevent counting the Epilogue as a section. See also Manso
+('Geschichte der Ostrogothen' 405-415).]
+
+[Sidenote: Edict of Athalaric.]
+
+'_Prologue._ This edict is a general one. No names are mentioned in
+it, and those who are conscious of innocence need take no offence at
+anything contained therein.
+
+'For long an ominous whisper has reached our ears that certain
+persons, despising _civilitas_, affect a life of beastly
+barbarism[607], returning to the wild beginnings of society, and
+looking with a fierce hatred on all human laws. The present seems to
+us a fitting time for repressing these men, in order that we may be
+hunting down vice and immorality within the Republic at the same time
+that, with God's help, we are resisting her external foes. Both are
+hurtful, both have to be repelled; but the internal enemy is even more
+dangerous than the external. One, however, rests upon the other; and
+we shall more easily sweep down the armies of our enemies if we subdue
+under us the vices of the age. [This allusion to foreign enemies is
+perhaps explained by the hint in Jordanes ('De Reb. Get.' 59) of
+threatened war with the Franks. But he gives us no sufficient
+indication of time to enable us to fix the date of the Edictum.]
+
+[Footnote 607: 'Affectare vivere belluina saevitia.']
+
+'I. _Forcible Appropriation of Landed Property_[608] (Pervasio). This
+is a crime which is quite inconsistent with _civilitas_, and we remit
+those who are guilty of it to the punishment[609] provided by a law of
+Divus Valentinianus [Valentinian III. Novell. xix. 'De Invasoribus'],
+adding that if anyone is unable to pay the penalty therein provided he
+shall suffer banishment (deportatio). He ought to have been more chary
+of disobeying the laws if he had no means to pay the penalty. Judges
+who shrink from obeying this law, and allow the _Pervasor_ to remain
+in possession of what he has forcibly annexed, shall lose their
+offices and be held liable to pay to our Treasury the same fine which
+might have been exacted from him. If the _Pervasor_ sets the Judge's
+official staff (officium) at defiance, on the report of the Judge our
+Sajones will make _him_ feel the weight of the royal vengeance who
+refused to obey the [humbler] _Cognitor_.
+
+[Footnote 608: 'Praedia urbana vel rustica.']
+
+[Footnote 609: The punishment consisted in loss of all claim to the
+property--which was generally seized by someone who had some kind of
+ostensible claim to it--and a penalty of equal value with that of the
+property wrongfully seized.]
+
+'II. _Affixing Titles to Property._ [When land had from any cause
+become public property, the Emperor's officers used to affix _tituli_,
+to denote the fact and to warn off all other claimants. Powerful men
+who had dispossessed weaker claimants used to imitate this practice,
+and are here forbidden to do so.]
+
+'This offence shall subject the perpetrator to the same penalties as
+_pervasio_. It is really a kind of sacrilege to try to add the majesty
+of the royal name to the weight of his own oppression. Costs are to be
+borne by the defeated claimant.
+
+'III. _Suppression of Words in a Decree._ Anyone obtaining a decree
+against an adversary is to be careful to suppress nothing in the copy
+which he serves upon him. If he does so, he shall lose all the
+benefits that he obtained. We wish to help honest men, not rogues.
+
+'IV. _Seduction of a Married Woman._ He who tries to interfere with
+the married rights of another, shall be punished by inability to
+contract a valid marriage himself. [This punishment of compulsory
+celibacy is, according to Dahn, derived neither from Roman nor German
+law, but is possibly due to Church influence.] The offender who has no
+hope of present or future matrimony[610] shall be punished by
+confiscation of half his property; or, if a poor man, by banishment.
+
+[Footnote 610: 'Illis quos spes non habet praesentis conjugii vel
+futuri.' It is not easy to see how the Judge could ascertain whether a
+man belonged to this claim or not.]
+
+'V. _Adultery_. All the statutes of the late King (divalis commonitio)
+in this matter are to be strictly observed. [Edict. Theodorici, Sec. 38,
+inflicted the penalty of death on both offenders and on the abettors
+of the crime.]
+
+'VI. _Bigamy_ is to be punished with loss of all the offender's
+property.
+
+'VII. _Concubinage._ If a married man forms a connection of this kind
+with a free woman, she and all her children shall become the slaves
+of the injured wife. If with a woman who is a slave already, she shall
+be subjected to any revenge that the lawful wife likes to inflict upon
+her, short of blood-shedding[611].
+
+[Footnote 611: 'Quod si ad tale flagitium ancilla pervenerit, excepta
+poena sanguinis, matronali subjaceat ultioni: ut illam patiatur
+judicem, quam formidare debuisset absentem.' These provisions are
+probably of Germanic origin.]
+
+'VIII. _Donations_ are not to be extorted by terror, nor acquired by
+fraud, or as the price of immorality. Where a gift is _bona fide_, the
+document conveying it is to be drawn up with the strictness prescribed
+by Antiquity, in order to remove occasions of fraud.
+
+'IX. Magicians and other persons practising nefarious arts are to be
+punished by the severity of the laws. What madness to leave the Giver
+of life and seek to the Author of death! Let the Judges be especially
+careful to avoid the contagion of these foul practices.
+
+'X. _Violence Exercised towards the Weak._ Let the condition of
+mediocrity be safe from the arrogance of the rich. Let the madness of
+bloodshed be avoided. To take the law into your own hands is to wage
+private war, especially in the case of those who are fortified by the
+authority of our _tuitio_. If anyone attempts with foul presumption to
+act contrary to these principles, let him be considered a violator of
+our orders.
+
+'XI. _Appeals_ are not to be made twice in the same cause.
+
+'XII. _Epilogue._ But lest, while touching on a few points, we should
+be thought not to wish the laws to be observed in other matters, we
+declare that all the edicts of ourself and of our lord and
+grandfather, which were confirmed by venerable deliberation[612], and
+the whole body of decided law[613], be adhered to with the utmost
+rigour.
+
+[Footnote 612: 'Quae sunt venerabili deliberatione firmata.' Is it
+possible that we have here a reference to a theoretical right of the
+_Senate_ to concur in legislation?]
+
+[Footnote 613: 'Et usualia jura publica.' Dahn expands: 'All other
+juristic material, all sources of law--Roman _leges_ and _jus_, and
+Gothic customary law--the whole inheritance of the State in public and
+private law.']
+
+'And these laws are so scrupulously guarded that our own oath is
+interposed for their defence. Why enlarge further? Let the usual rule
+of law and the honest intent of our precepts be everywhere observed.'
+
+
+19. KING ATHALARIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Promulgation of the Edict.]
+
+'Good laws are called forth by evil manners. If no complaints were
+ever heard, the Prince might take holiday. Stirred up by many and
+frequent complaints of our people, we have drawn up certain
+regulations necessary for the Roman peace, in our edict which is
+divided into twelve chapters, after the manner of the civil law[614].
+We do not thereby abrogate, but rather confirm, the previously
+existing body of law.
+
+[Footnote 614: 'Necessaria quaedam Romanae quieti edictali programmate
+duodecim capitibus sicut jus civile legitur institutum in aevum
+servanda conscripsimus, quae custodita residuum jus non debilitare,
+sed potius corroborare videantur.']
+
+'Let this edict be read in your splendid assembly, and exhibited for
+thirty days by the Praefect of the City in the most conspicuous
+places. Thus shall our _civilitas_ be recognised, and truculent men
+lose their confidence. What insolent subjects[615] can indulge in
+violence when the Sovereign condemns it? Our armies fight that there
+may be peace at home. Let the Judges do their duty fearlessly, and
+avoid foul corruption.'
+
+[Footnote 615: Evidently aimed at the Goths.]
+
+
+20. KING ATHALARIC TO ALL THE JUDGES OF THE PROVINCES.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'It is vexatious that, though we appoint you year by year to your
+duties, and leave no district without its Judge, there is yet such
+tardiness in administering justice that suitors come by preference to
+our distant Court.
+
+'To take away all excuse from you, and relieve the necessity of our
+subjects, we have drawn up an edict which we desire you to exhibit for
+thirty days in the wonted manner at all places of public meeting.'
+
+
+21. KING ATHALARIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Increase of salaries of grammarians.]
+
+'You who are called Fathers should be interested in all that concerns
+the education of your sons. We hear by certain whisperings that the
+teachers of eloquence at Rome are not receiving their proper reward,
+and that the sums appointed to be paid to the masters of schools are
+lessened by the haggling of some persons.
+
+'Grammar is the noble foundation of all literature, the glorious
+mother of eloquence. As a virtuous man is offended by any act of vice,
+as a musician is pained by a discordant note, so does the grammarian
+in a moment perceive a false concord.
+
+'The grammatical art is not used by barbarous kings: it abides
+peculiarly with legitimate sovereigns[616]. Other nations have arms:
+the lords of the Romans alone have eloquence. Hence sounds the trumpet
+for the legal fray in the Forum. Hence comes the eloquence of so many
+chiefs of the State. Hence, to say nothing more, even this discourse
+which is now addressed to you[617].
+
+[Footnote 616: 'Hac non utuntur barbari reges: apud legales dominos
+manere cognoscitur singularis.']
+
+[Footnote 617: 'Et, ut reliqua taceamus, hoc quod loquimur inde est.']
+
+'Wherefore let the teacher of grammar and of rhetoric, if he be found
+suitable for his work and obey the decrees of the Praefect of the
+City, be supported by your authority, and suffer no diminution of his
+salary[618].
+
+[Footnote 618: 'Et semel Primi Ordinis vestri ac reliqui Senatus
+amplissimi auctoritate firmatus.' What is the meaning of 'Primi
+Ordinis vestri?']
+
+'To prevent his being dependent in any way on the caprice of his
+employer, let him receive half his salary at the end of half a year,
+and his _annonae_ at the customary times. If the person whose
+business it is to pay him neglects this order, he shall be charged
+interest on the arrears.
+
+'The Grammarian is a man to whom every hour unemployed is misery, and
+it is a shame that such a man should have to wait the caprice of a
+public functionary before he gets his pay. We provide for the salaries
+of the play-actors, who minister only to the amusement of the public;
+and how much more for these men, the moulders of the style and
+character of our youth! Therefore let them henceforward not have to
+try the philosophical problem of thinking about two things at once,
+but, with their minds at ease about their subsistence, devote
+themselves with all their vigour to the teaching of liberal arts.'
+
+
+22. KING ATHALARIC TO PAULINUS, VIR CLARISSIMUS AND CONSUL (533).
+
+[Flavius Theodoras Paulinus Junior was Consul with the Emperor
+Justinian in 534. This letter was written in Sept. 533, about thirteen
+months before the death of Athalaric. Paulinus was son of Venantius
+and grandson of Liberius.]
+
+[Sidenote: Paulinus chosen as Consul.]
+
+'The absent from our Court need not fear that they will be disregarded
+in the distribution of honours, especially when they are sprung from
+an illustrious stock, the offspring of the Senate.
+
+'In your family Rome recognises the descendants of her ancient heroes
+the Decii, who, in a great crisis, alone saved their country.
+
+'Take then for the twelfth Indiction the ensigns of the
+Consulship[619]. It is an arduous honour, but one which your family is
+well used to. The Fasti are studded with its names, and nearly all
+the Senate is of kin to you. Still, presume not too much on the merits
+of your ancestors, but rather seek to emulate their noble deeds.'
+
+[Footnote 619: The twelfth Indiction began Sept. 1, 533. The Consul
+would enter office Jan. 1, 534. Was he _designated_ when the great
+Imperial officers were _appointed_ at the beginning of the Indiction?]
+
+
+23. KING ATHALARIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: On the Consulship of Paulinus.]
+
+'Judge of our esteem for your honourable body, Conscript Fathers,
+when, without any hesitation, we appoint your sons whom we have never
+seen to high office, because they are your sons.
+
+'We admire the Patrician Venantius, blessed as he has been with such
+an abundant progeny, and found equal to the weight of so many
+Consulships. His sons have been all temperate and lively; worthy
+members of the same distinguished family. They have been trained in
+arms, their minds have been formed by letters, their bodies by the
+exercises of the gymnasium. They have learned to show constancy to
+their friends, loyalty to their lords; and they have succeeded to the
+virtues of their ancestors, as they will to their patrimony. Wisely
+husbanding his own fortune, Venantius has been able to support the
+honour--gratifying, but burdensome--of seeing so many of his sons made
+Consuls. But this is an honour not strange to his family, sprung from
+the ancient Decii. His hall is full of laurelled Fasces, and in his
+line one might almost say that each one is born a Consular.
+
+'Favour our candidate then, Conscript Fathers, and cherish him with
+that care which the name of your body[620] signifies.'
+
+[Footnote 620: _Curia_, from _cura_.]
+
+
+24. KING ATHALARIC TO SENATOR [CASSIODORUS HIMSELF], PRAETORIAN
+PRAEFECT (SEPT. 1, 533).
+
+[Sidenote: Cassiodorus appointed Praetorian Praefect.]
+
+'If you had been hitherto an obscure person we might feel some doubt
+how you would bear yourself in your new office, but your long and
+glorious career under our grandfather relieves us from any such
+anxieties. _His_ choice of you is a thing to be not discussed but
+reverently accepted. It was by him that we ourselves were chosen; and
+the Divine favour so conspicuously followed him that no General whom
+he selected was other than victorious, no Judge whom he appointed was
+other than just. In short, one might almost deem him to have been
+endowed with the gift of prophecy.
+
+[Sidenote: His Quaestorship.]
+
+'In your early manhood he received you into the office of Quaestor,
+and soon found you to be a conscientious man, learned in the law
+beyond your years[621]. You were the chief ornament of your times,
+inasmuch as you, by your blameless service sustaining the weight of
+that royal intellect by all the force of your eloquence, enabled him,
+with his keen interest in all public affairs, to await the result with
+confidence. In you he possessed a counsellor pleasant in the
+transaction of business, rigid in his sense of justice, free from all
+taint of avarice. You never fixed a scandalous tariff for the sale of
+his benefits; and thus you reaped your reward in a wealth of public
+opinion, not in gold. It was because that just Prince proved you to be
+averse from all these vices that he selected you for his glorious
+friendship. A wise judge, he threw upon you the weight of listening to
+the arguments of contending parties; and so high was his opinion of
+your tried sagacity that he at once uttered your decision as the
+greatest benefit that he could confer on the litigants. How often did
+he rank you among the oldest chiefs of his Council! How often was it
+seen that your young beginnings were more than a match for them, who
+had the experience of long years behind them! What he found to praise
+in you was your excellent disposition, wide open for useful work,
+tight closed against the vices of avarice. Whereas, for some reason,
+it is rare to find amongst men, the hand closed and justice open.
+
+[Footnote 621: 'Primaevum recipiens ad Quaestoris Officium, mox
+reperit conscientia praeditum, et legum eruditione maturum.']
+
+[Sidenote: His career as Master of the Offices.]
+
+'Let us pass on to the dignity of _Magister Officiorum_, which all men
+knew that you obtained, not from the reputation of wealth, but as a
+testimony to your character. In this place you were always ready to
+help the [successive] Quaestors; for, when pure eloquence was
+required, the case was always put in your hands. The benignant
+Sovereign claimed from you the fulfilment of duties which he knew that
+he had not formally laid upon you; and such was the favour that he had
+for you, while others laboured you received the reward of his abundant
+praises[622]. For under your administration no dignity kept its exact
+limits; anything that was to be honestly done by all the chiefs of the
+State together, you considered to be entrusted to _your_ conscience
+for its performance.
+
+[Footnote 622: 'Et quadam gratia praejudiciali vacabat alios laborare,
+ut te sententiae suae copiosa laude compleret.' One would have
+expected Cassiodorus to say, 'You had the special privilege of doing
+other people's work and being praised for it, while they enjoyed their
+leisure;' but I hardly see how we can get this meaning out of 'vacabat
+alios laborare.']
+
+'No one found occasion to murmur anything to your disadvantage, though
+you had to bear all the weight of unpopularity which comes from the
+Sovereign's favour. The integrity of your life conquered those who
+longed to detract from your reputation, and your enemies were obliged
+to utter the praises which their hearts abhorred; for even malice
+leaves manifest goodness unattacked, lest it be itself exposed to
+general hatred.
+
+[Sidenote: His friendship for Theodoric.]
+
+'To the Monarch you showed yourself a friendly Minister and an
+intimate Noble[623]. For when he had laid aside the cares of State, he
+would seek in your conversation the opinions of wise men of old, that
+by his own deeds he might make himself equal to the ancients[624].
+Into the courses of the stars, into the gulfs of the sea, into the
+marvels of springing fountains, this most acute questioner enquired,
+so that by his diligent investigations into the nature of things he
+seemed to be a Philosopher wearing the purple.
+
+[Footnote 623: 'Egisti rerum domino judicem familiarem et internum
+procerem.']
+
+[Footnote 624: 'Nam cum esset publica cura vacuatus, sententias
+prudentum a tuis fabulis exigebat; ut factis propriis se aequaret
+antiquis.']
+
+'It were long to narrate all your merits in the past. Let us rather
+turn to the future, and show how the heir of Theodoric's Empire
+proposes to pay the debts of Theodoric.
+
+'Therefore, with the Divine help, we bestow on you from the twelfth
+Indiction [Sept. 1, 533] the authority and insignia of Praetorian
+Praefect. Let the Provinces, which we know to have been hitherto
+wearied by the administration of dishonest men, fearlessly receive a
+Judge of tried integrity.
+
+'Though you have before you the example of your father's
+Praefecture[625], renowned throughout the Italian world, we do not so
+much set before you either that or any other example, as your own past
+character, exhorting you to rule consistently with that. You have
+always been averse from bribery; now earnestly help the victims of
+injustice. We have purposely delayed your accession to this high
+office that you might be the more heartily welcomed by the people, who
+expected to see you clothed with it long ago. Diligently seek out
+anything belonging to the titles of the Praetorian Praefecture, of
+which it has been defrauded by the cupidity of others. We send you as
+a light into a dark chamber, and expect that your sagacity and loyalty
+will discover many hidden things.
+
+[Footnote 625: 'Quamvis habeas paternam Praefecturam, Italico orbe
+praedicatam.' This is one of the many proofs that Senator (now first
+advanced to the office of Praefectus Praetorio) is the _son_ of the
+Cassiodorus to whom the letter (i. 3) is addressed on his retirement
+from that office.]
+
+'We know that you will work not so much for the sake of honour as in
+order to satisfy your conscience; and work so done knows no limit to
+its excellence.'
+
+
+25. KING ATHALARIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME (ON THE PROMOTION
+OF CASSIODORUS SENATOR TO THE PRAETORIAN PRAEFECTURE).
+
+[Sidenote: Eulogy of Cassiodorus on his appointment as Praetorian
+Praefect.]
+
+'We have loaded Senator with our benefits, Conscript Fathers, because
+he abounds in virtue, is rich in excellence of character, and is
+already full of the highest honours. But, in fact, we are his debtors.
+How shall we repay that eloquent tongue of his, with which he set
+forth the deeds of the Prince, till he himself who had wrought them
+wondered at his story? In praising the reign of the wearer of the
+purple, he made it acceptable to your nation. For taxes may be paid to
+a tyrant; praise, such as this, is given only to a good Prince.
+
+[Sidenote: His Gothic History.]
+
+'Not satisfied with extolling living Kings, from whom he might hope
+for a reward, he drew forth the Kings of the Goths from the dust of
+ages, showing that the Amal family had been royal for seventeen
+generations, and proved that the origin of the Gothic people belonged
+to Roman history[626], adorning the whole subject with the flowers of
+his learning gathered from wide fields of literature.
+
+[Footnote 626: 'Tetendit se etiam in antiquam prosapiem nostram,
+lectione discens, quod vix majorum notitia cana retinebat. Iste Reges
+Gothorum longa oblivione celatos, latibulo vetustatis eduxit. Iste
+Amalos cum generis sui claritate restituit, evidenter ostendens in
+decimam septimam progeniem stirpem nos habere regalem. Originem
+Gothicam historiam fecit esse Romanam, colligens quasi in unam coronam
+germen floridum quod per librorum campos passim fuerat ante
+dispersum.']
+
+'In the early days of our reign what labour he gave to the settling of
+our affairs! He was alone sufficient for all. The duty of making
+public harangues, our own private counsels, required him. He laboured
+that the Empire might rest.
+
+[Sidenote: His official career.]
+
+'We found him Magister; but he discharged the duties of Quaestor, and
+willingly bestowed on us, the heir, the experience which he had gained
+in the counsels of our grandfather.
+
+[Sidenote: His military services.]
+
+'And not only so, he helped the beginning of our reign both with his
+arms and his pen. For when the care of our shores[627] occupied our
+royal meditation, he suddenly emerged from the seclusion of his
+cabinet, boldly, like his ancestors, assumed the office of
+General[628], and triumphed by his character when there was no enemy
+to overcome. For he maintained the Gothic warriors[629] at his own
+charges, so that there should be no robbery of the Provincials on the
+one hand, no too heavy burden on the exchequer on the other. Thus was
+the soldier what he ought to be, the true defender, not the ravager of
+his country. Then when the time for victualling the ships was over,
+and the war was laid aside, he shone as an administrator rather than a
+warrior, healing, without injury to the litigants, the various suits
+which arose out of the sudden cessation of the contracts[630].
+
+[Footnote 627: Probably from some expected descent of the Vandals, in
+connection with the affair of Amalafrida.]
+
+[Footnote 628: 'Par suis majoribus ducatum sumpsit intrepidus.']
+
+[Footnote 629: 'Deputatos.']
+
+[Footnote 630: A conjectural translation of a difficult sentence: 'Mox
+autem ut tempus clausit navium commeatum, bellique cura resoluta est,
+ingenium suum legum potius ductor exercuit: sanans sine damno
+litigantium quod ante sub pretio comstabat esse laceratum.' I
+conjecture that by the sudden stoppage of the warlike preparations
+several of the contractors were in danger of being ruined, and there
+was a general disposition to repudiate all purchases.]
+
+'Such was the glory of the military command of a Metellus in Asia, of
+a Cato in Spain--a glory far more durable than any that can be derived
+from the varying shock of war.
+
+[Sidenote: His religious character.]
+
+'Yet with all these merits, how humble he has been, how modest, how
+benevolent, how slow to wrath, how generous in the distribution of
+that which is his own, how slow to covet the property of others! All
+these virtues have been consolidated by his reading of the Divine
+Book, the fear of God helping him to triumph over baser, human
+motives. Thus has he been rendered humble towards all, as one imbued
+with heavenly teaching.
+
+'Him therefore, Conscript Fathers, we make, under God's blessing,
+Praetorian Praefect from the twelfth Indiction [Sept. 1, 533], that he
+may repress by his own loyalty the trafficking of knaves, and may use
+his power for the good of the Republic, bequeathing eternal renown to
+his posterity.'
+
+
+
+
+BOOK X.
+
+CONTAINING THIRTY-FIVE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS:
+
+FOUR IN THE NAME OF QUEEN AMALASUENTHA.
+TWENTY-TWO IN THAT OF KING THEODAHAD.
+FOUR IN THAT OF HIS WIFE GUDELINA.
+FIVE IN THAT OF KING WITIGIS.
+
+
+1. QUEEN AMALASUENTHA TO JUSTINIAN THE EMPEROR (A.D. 534).
+
+[Sidenote: Association of Theodahad in the Sovereignty.]
+
+'I have hitherto forborne to distress you with the sad tidings of the
+death of my son of glorious memory, but now am able to mingle a joyful
+announcement with this mournful message. We have promoted to the
+sceptre a man allied to us by a fraternal tie, that he may wear the
+purple robes of his ancestors, and may cheer our own soul by his
+prudent counsels. We are persuaded that you will give us your good
+wishes on this event, as we hope that every kind of prosperity may
+befall the kingdom of your Piety. The friendship of princes is always
+comely, but your friendship absolutely ennobles me, since that person
+is exalted in dignity who is united by friendship to your glory[631].
+
+[Footnote 631: 'Nam licet concordia Principum semper deceat, vestra
+tamen absolute me nobilitat; quoniam ille redditur amplius excelsus,
+qui vestrae gloriae fuerit unanimiter conjunctus.']
+
+'As we cannot in the short space of a letter express all that we
+desire to say on such an occasion, we have entrusted certain verbal
+messages to the ambassadors who bear this epistle.'
+
+
+2. THEODAHAD THE KING TO JUSTINIAN THE EMPEROR.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'It is usual for newly-crowned Kings to signify their accession to the
+different nations round them. I, in making this communication to you,
+am greatly favoured by Providence, feeling secure of your favour,
+because I know that my most excellent Lady and Sister has already
+attained it. I feel confident that I shall justify the choice of one
+who shines in such a light of wisdom that she both governs her own
+kingdom with admirable forethought and keeps firmly the vows of
+friendship which she has plighted to her neighbours. Partner of her
+cares, I desire also to be a partner of her wisely-formed friendships,
+those especially which she has contracted with you, who have nothing
+like unto you in the whole world. This alliance is no new thing: if
+you will look back upon the deeds of our ancestors you will find that
+there is a custom which has obtained the force of a law, that the
+Amals should be friendly with the Empire. So old a friendship is
+likely to endure; and if, in obedience to it and to my Sister's
+choice, I have your love, I shall feel that I am indeed a King.
+
+'The ambassadors who have charge of this letter will further express
+my sentiments.'
+
+
+3. QUEEN AMALASUENTHA TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'After the death of our son of blessed memory[632] our love for the
+common weal overcame the yearnings of a mother's heart and caused us
+to seek your prosperity rather than an opportunity to indulge in our
+own sorrow. We have considered by what solace we should strengthen
+ourselves for the cares of royalty. The same Providence which has
+deprived us of a son in the dawn of manhood, has reserved for us the
+affection of a brother in mature age. Under the Divine auspices we
+have chosen Theodahad[633] as the fortunate partner of our throne. We
+two, with conjoined counsels, shall now labour for the common welfare,
+_two_ in our meditations, _one_ in the action which results from them.
+The stars give one another mutual help in ruling the heavens, and God
+has bestowed on man two hands, two ears, two eyes, that each one of
+these members should assist the other.
+
+[Footnote 632: 'Divae recordationis.']
+
+[Footnote 633: Is there any authority for the reading of Nivellius,
+'Theo_baldum_?']
+
+[Sidenote: Praises of Theodahad.]
+
+'Therefore exult, Conscript Fathers, and commend our deed to the
+blessing of the Almighty. Our sharing our power with another is a
+pledge of its being wisely and gently exercised. By God's help we have
+opened our palace to a man of our own race, conspicuous by his
+illustrious position, who, born of the Amal stock, has a kingly
+dignity in all his actions, being patient in adversity, moderate in
+prosperity, and, most difficult of all kinds of government, long used
+to the government of himself. Moreover, he possesses that desirable
+quality, literary erudition, lending a grace to a nature originally
+praiseworthy. It is in books that the sage counsellor finds deeper
+wisdom, in books that the warrior learns how he may be strengthened by
+the courage of the soul, in books that the Sovereign discovers how he
+may weld nations together under his equal rule. In short, there is no
+condition in life the credit whereof is not augmented by the glorious
+knowledge of literature.
+
+'Your new Sovereign is moreover learned in ecclesiastical lore, by
+which we are ever reminded of the things which make for our own true
+honour, right judgment, wise discretion, reverence for God, thought
+of the future judgment. For the remembrance that we shall one day
+stand at the bar to answer for ourselves compels us to follow the
+footprints of Justice. Thus does religious reading not only sharpen
+the intellect but ever tend to make men scrupulous in the performance
+of their duties.
+
+'Let me pass on to that most generous frugality of his private
+household[634] which procured the means of such abundance in his
+gifts, of such plenty at his banquets, that even the kingdom will not
+call for any new expenditure in this respect greater than the old.
+Generous in his hospitality, most pitiful in his compassions, while he
+was thus spending much, his fortune, by a heavenly reward, was ever on
+the increase.
+
+[Footnote 634: 'Veniamus ad illam privatae Ecclesiae (?) largissimam
+frugalitatem.' 'Ecclesiae,' if it means here 'the Church,' seems to
+spoil the sense. Can Cassiodorus mean to compare the household of
+Theodahad to a 'private Ecclesia?']
+
+'The wish of the people should coincide with our choice of such a man,
+who, reasonably spending his own goods, does not desire the goods of
+others[635]. For moderation in his own expenditure takes away from the
+Sovereign the temptation to transgress the precepts of justice and to
+abandon the golden mean.
+
+[Footnote 635: 'Talem universitas debuit optare, qualem nos probamur
+elegisse, qui rationabiliter disponens propria, non appetat aliena.'
+And this of Theodahad!]
+
+'Rejoice then, Conscript Fathers, and give thanks to the Most High,
+that I have chosen such a ruler, who will supplement my justice by the
+good deeds which spring from his own piety. For this man is both
+admonished by the virtue of his ancestors and powerfully stimulated by
+the example of his uncle Theodoric.'
+
+
+4. KING THEODAHAD TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'We announce to you, Conscript Fathers, the Divine favour which has
+been manifested unto us, in that our sovereign Lady[636], who is
+renowned throughout the whole world, has with generous affection made
+me partaker of her throne, so that she may not lack loyal support and
+I may be fittingly clothed with the purple of my ancestors.
+
+[Footnote 636: 'Dominam rerum.']
+
+'I know that this elevation of mine was the object of the wishes of
+the community. Your whispers in my favour might have been a source of
+danger, but now your openly expressed acclamations are my proudest
+boast. You wished that God should bestow upon me this honour, to which
+I for my part should not have ventured to aspire. But if I have, as I
+trust I have, any influence with you, let me prevail upon you to join
+with me in perpetually hymning the glorious praises of our Lady and
+Sister. She has wished to strengthen the greatness of our Empire by
+associating me therein, even as the two eyes of a man harmoniously
+co-operate towards a single act of vision. Divine grace joins us
+together: our near relationship cements our friendship. Persons of
+diverse character may find it an arduous matter thus to work in
+common; but, to those who resemble one another in the goodness of
+their intentions, the difficulty would rather be _not_ to work in
+harmony. The man devoid of forethought may fear the changing of his
+purposes; but he who is really great in wisdom eagerly seeks wisdom in
+another.
+
+'But of all the gifts which with this regal dignity the Divine favour
+has bestowed upon me, none pleases me more than the fact that I should
+have been thus chosen by that wisest Lady who is herself a moral
+balance of the utmost delicacy, and who made me first feel her justice
+before advancing me to this high dignity. For, as you know, she
+ordained that I should plead my cause against private persons in the
+common judgment-hall[637]. Oh wonderful nobility of her mind! Oh
+admirable justice, which the world may well tell of! She hesitated
+not first to subject her own relation to the course of public justice,
+even him whom, a little after, she would raise above the laws
+themselves. She thoroughly searched the conscience of him to whom she
+was about to hand over the dignity of kingship, that she might be
+recognised as sovereign Lady of all, and that I, when tested, might be
+advanced by her to the throne.
+
+[Footnote 637: 'Cujus prius ideo justitiam pertuli ut prius
+[posterius?] ad ejus provectionis gratiam pervenirem. Causas enim, ut
+scitis, jure communi nos fecit dicere cum privatis.' We have here, no
+doubt, an allusion to the punishment which, as we learn from
+Procopius, Amalasuentha inflicted on her cousin for his various acts
+of injustice towards his Tuscan neighbours.]
+
+[Sidenote: Praises of Amalasuentha.]
+
+'When shall I be able to repay her for all these favours: her who,
+having reigned alone during the minority of her son, now chooses me as
+the partner of her realm? In her is the glory of all kingdoms, the
+flower of all our family. All our splendour is derived from her, and
+she reflects a lustre not only on our ancestors, but on the whole
+human race. Her dutiful affection, her weight of character, who can
+set forth? The philosophers would learn new lessons if they knew her,
+and would acknowledge that their books fail to describe all her
+attributes. Acute she is in her powers of reasoning; but with royal
+taciturnity she knows how to veil her conclusions in secrecy. She is
+mistress of many languages; and her intellect, if suddenly tested, is
+found so ready for the trial that it scarcely seems like that of a
+mortal. In the Books of Kings the Queen of the South is said to have
+come to learn the wisdom of Solomon: but here a woman speaks, and
+Sovereigns listen to her with admiration. Infinite depths of meaning
+are fathomed by her in few words, and she, with utmost ease, expresses
+what others can only after long deliberation embody in language[638].
+
+[Footnote 638: 'Et summa felicitate componitur quod ab aliis sub longa
+deliberatione componitur.' 'Ab aliis' probably refers to Cassiodorus
+himself. The contrast between his elaborate and diffuse rhetoric, and
+the few, terse, soon-moulded sentences of his mistress is very fairly
+drawn.]
+
+'Happy the commonwealth which boasts the guidance of such a mistress.
+It was not enough that already liberty and convenience were combined
+for the multitude[639]: her merits have secured the fitting reverence
+for the person of the Sovereign. In obeying _her_ we obey all the
+virtues. I, too, with such a counsellor, fear not the weight of the
+crown; and I know that whatever is strange to me in my new duties I
+shall learn from her as the safest of teachers.
+
+[Footnote 639: 'Minus fuit ut generalitas sub libertate serviret.']
+
+'Acknowledge, noble Sirs, that all my power of increased usefulness to
+the State comes from this our most wise Lady, from whom I may either
+gain wisdom by asking questions, or virtue by following her example.
+
+'Live happily: live in harmony by God's help, and emulate that grace
+of concord which you see prevailing between your Sovereigns.'
+
+
+5. KING THEODAHAD TO HIS MAN THEODOSIUS[640].
+
+[Footnote 640: 'Theodosio homini suo Theodahadus rex.' Does 'homo
+suus' mean a member of his Comitatus? We seem to have here an
+anticipation of the 'homagium' of later times.]
+
+[Sidenote: The followers of the new King must live justly.]
+
+'By my accession to the throne I have become lord of the whole nation
+and guardian of the general welfare. I therefore command that all who
+belong to my private household shall vindicate their rights only in
+the courts of law, and shall abstain from all high-handed modes of
+obtaining redress. Only that man must henceforward be called mine who
+can live quietly subject to the laws. My new dignity has changed my
+purpose; and if before I have defended my rights with pertinacity, I
+shall now temper all my acts with clemency[641]; since there is
+nothing exceptional about a Sovereign's household, but wheresoever,
+by the grace of God, our rule extends, there, as we fully confess, is
+something which it is our duty to defend. Augment therefore my renown
+by your patience, and let me hear praises rather than complaints of
+the actions of my servants.'
+
+[Footnote 641: 'Mutavimus cum dignitate propositum, et si ante justa
+districte defendimus, nunc clementer omnia mitigamus.' A pretty plain
+confession of Theodahad's past wrong-doing, and one which was probably
+insisted upon by Amalasuentha in admitting him to a share in the
+kingship.]
+
+
+6. KING THEODAHAD TO PATRICIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND QUAESTOR.
+
+[Sidenote: Patricius appointed Quaestor.]
+
+'In conferring upon you the office of Quaestor we look first to
+character, and we find in you that love of justice which is all
+important in a representative of the Prince. Then we look at the
+qualities of your intellect, and we find in you that flow of eloquence
+which among all mental accomplishments we value most highly. What does
+it profit to be a philosopher, if one cannot worthily set forth the
+results of one's investigations? To discover is natural to man; but to
+set forth one's discoveries in noble language, that is indeed a
+desirable gift. Therefore we bestow on you for this thirteenth
+Indiction[642] the fasces of the Quaestorship, desiring you to
+consecrate your time to the study of the laws and the _responsa
+prudentum_, and to spread abroad our fame by the eloquent manner in
+which you shall communicate our decrees to the Cities and Provinces
+under our sway, and speak in our name to the representatives of
+foreign nations.'
+
+[Footnote 642: 534-535. As Athalaric died Oct. 2, 534, the appointment
+of Patricius cannot have taken place on the usual day, Sept. 1.]
+
+
+7. KING THEODAHAD TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'After announcing to you our own accession, one of our first cares was
+to choose a Judge whose style of speaking might dignify the State.
+Such a Judge have we found in Patricius (Patrician by his name
+already), whom we hereby appoint to the office of Quaestor. He
+studied eloquence at Rome. Where could he have studied better? For
+while other parts of the world have their wine, their balm, their
+frankincense, which they can export, the peculiar product of Rome is
+eloquence.
+
+'Having thus learned his art, he practised it at the bar with singular
+moderation. No heat of strife hurried him into abuse of his
+competitors. Seeking only to win his client's cause, he calmly and
+courteously set forth that client's rights without sacrificing his own
+dignity of demeanour.
+
+'Thinking that this man has pleaded long enough, we now appoint that
+he shall sit as Judge, having made diligent enquiry as to his
+character. In this, and in all other matters, we wish to follow the
+example of the Emperors who have gone before us, in so far as they
+followed the paths of justice[643].'
+
+[Footnote 643: 'Velle nostrum antiquorum principum est voluntas, quos
+in tantum desideramus imitari quantum illi justitiam sunt secuti.']
+
+
+8. QUEEN AMALASUENTHA TO JUSTINIAN, AUGUSTUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Present of marbles from Justinian to Amalasuentha.]
+
+'Delighting to receive from your Piety some of those treasures of
+which the heavenly bounty has made you partaker, we send the bearer of
+the present letter to receive those marbles and other necessaries
+which we formerly ordered Calogenitus to collect on our behalf. All
+our adornments, furnished by you, redound to your glory. For it is
+fitting that by your assistance should shine resplendent that Roman
+world which the love of your Serenity renders illustrious.'
+
+
+9. KING THEODAHAD TO JUSTINIAN, AUGUSTUS.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+[On the same subject as the previous letter, and in nearly the same
+words. Calogenitus apparently is dead.]
+
+'We have directed the bearer of this letter to exhibit (?) those
+things for which Calogenitus was previously destined; so that,
+although that person is withdrawn from this life, your benefits, by
+God's help, may still be brought unto us.'
+
+
+10. QUEEN AMALASUENTHA TO THEODORA, AUGUSTA[644].
+
+[Footnote 644: There is something in the tone of this letter which
+suggests that Theodora was known to be pregnant when it was written.]
+
+[Sidenote: Salutation to Theodora.]
+
+'We approach you with the language of veneration, because it is agreed
+on all hands that your virtues increase more and more. Friendship
+exists not for those only who are in one another's presence, but also
+for the absent. Rendering you therefore the salutation of august
+reverence, I hope that our ambassadors, whom we have directed to the
+most clement and most glorious Emperor, will bring me news of your
+welfare. Your prosperity is as dear to me as my own; and as I
+constantly pray for your safety, I cannot hear without pleasure that
+my prayers have been answered.'
+
+
+11. KING THEODAHAD TO MAXIMUS[645], VIR ILLUSTRIS AND DOMESTICUS.
+
+[Footnote 645: This Maximus does not appear to be mentioned by
+Procopius. He may be the same Maximus who took refuge in one of the
+churches after Totila's capture of Rome in 546 (De Bello Gotthico iii.
+20), and who was slain by order of Teias in 552 (Ibid. iv. 34); but
+that person was grandson of an Emperor, and it seems hardly probable
+that Cassiodorus would have spared us such a detail in the pedigree of
+Theodahad's kinsman. We seem also to be entirely without information
+as to the Amal princess who was the bride of Maximus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Maximus appointed to office of Primicerius (Domesticorum?)]
+
+'It is the glory of a good Sovereign to confer office on the deserving
+descendants of illustrious families. Such are the Anicii, an ancient
+family, almost on an equality with princes[646], from whom you are
+descended. Gladly would we decorate the descendants of the Marii and
+Corvini if time had permitted their progeny to survive to our own day.
+But it were inconsistent to regret the impossibility of enjoying this
+privilege if we neglected the opportunity which we do possess in your
+case.
+
+[Footnote 646: 'Anicios quidem pene principibus pares aetas prisca
+genuit.']
+
+'Therefore we bestow upon you from this fourteenth Indiction[647] the
+office of Primicerius, which is also called Domesticatus. This office
+may appear somewhat less than you are entitled to by your pedigree,
+but you have received an honour which is greater than all the _fasces_
+in being permitted to marry a wife of our royal race, a distinction
+which you could not have hoped for even when you sat in the curule
+chair. Comport yourself now with mildness, patience, and moderation,
+that you may show yourself worthy of your affinity with us. Your
+ancestors have hitherto been praised, but they were never dignified
+with such an alliance. Your nobility has now reached a point beyond
+which it can climb no further. All that you do henceforward of a
+praiseworthy kind will but have the effect of rendering you more
+worthy of the matrimonial alliance which you have already
+achieved[648].'
+
+[Footnote 647: 535 to 536.]
+
+[Footnote 648: 'Laudati sunt hactenus parentes tui, sed tanta non sunt
+conjunctione decorati. Nobilitas tua non est ultra quod crescat.
+Quicquid praeconialiter egeris, proprio matrimonio dignissimus
+aestimaris.']
+
+
+12. KING THEODAHAD TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'We do not think that the fact of a man's having received the
+Consulship early in life should shut him out from holding office of
+lower rank in his maturer years[649]. As the Tiber receives the water
+of smaller rivers which merge their names in his, so a man of Consular
+rank can serve the State in less conspicuous ways, yet still be
+Consular. Therefore we have thought fit to bestow on the Illustrious
+and Magnificent Patrician Maximus, the Primiceriatus which is also
+called Domesticatus, from this fourteenth Indiction, that the
+lowliness of the honour may be raised by the merit of the wearer. He
+is an Anicius, sprung from a family renowned throughout the whole
+world. He is also honoured with the affinity of our own illustrious
+race. Receive him, welcome him, rejoice at these nuptials, which bind
+me closer to you, now that you have in your ranks one whom I can truly
+call a relation.'
+
+[Footnote 649: Flavius Anicius Maximus was Consul in 523.]
+
+
+13. KING THEODAHAD TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[This letter may probably be referred to the Spring or Summer of 535.
+Theodahad, soon after the deposition or death of Amalasuentha, has
+apparently invited the Senate to Ravenna, an invitation which they
+have respectfully declined. He chides their suspicions of him.]
+
+[Sidenote: Summons to Ravenna. Suspicions of the Senators.]
+
+'After we had dismissed the venerable Bishops who brought your
+message, without taking exception to your requests, though there were
+some things blameworthy among them, we received tidings that the City
+of Rome was agitated by certain foolish anxieties, from which real
+evil would grow unless the suspicion which caused them could be laid
+to rest.
+
+'I fear that I cannot complain of "popular levity" if your illustrious
+body, which should set an example to all others, should give way to
+such fond imaginings. If Rome, which should govern the Provinces, be
+so foolish, what can we expect of _them_?
+
+'Divine grace, however, prompts us both to pardon your faults and to
+grant your requests. We owe you nothing, and yet we pay you[650]; but
+we trust to be rewarded by hearing not our own praises but yours. Put
+away these unworthy, these childish suspicions, and behave as becomes
+the fathers of the people.
+
+[Footnote 650: 'Nihil debemus et solvimus.' Have we here an echo of
+St. Augustine's thought, 'Reddis debita nulli debens?']
+
+'In desiring your presence at our Court, we sought not your vexation
+but your advantage. It is certainly a great privilege to see the face
+of the Sovereign, and we thought to bestow on you, for the advantage
+of the State, that which used to be counted as a reward. However, not
+to deal harshly with you, we shall be satisfied with the attendance of
+certain individuals from your body, as occasion may require, so that
+on the one hand Rome may not be denuded of her citizens, and on the
+other that we may not lack prudent counsellors in our chamber. Now
+return to your old devotion, and serve us, not as a matter of fear,
+but of love. The rest shall the bearer of this letter explain unto
+you.'
+
+
+14. KING THEODAHAD TO THE ROMAN PEOPLE.
+
+[The occasion of writing this letter, which we may perhaps refer to
+the early part of 535, is apparently that some Gothic troops have been
+sent to Rome, and the people have broken out into clamours against
+them, or petitioned for their removal.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dissensions between citizens of Rome and Gothic troops.]
+
+'Your predecessors have always been distinguished by the loyal love
+which they bore to the Chief of the State; and it is only right that
+he [the Sovereign] who is defended with so much toil, he, for whom, as
+the representative of public order, daily precautions are taken[651],
+should in return love that people above all others whose loyalty gives
+him a right to rule the world[652].
+
+[Footnote 651: 'Qui maximo labore defenditur, cujus per dies singulos
+civilitas custoditur.']
+
+[Footnote 652: 'Ut illos diligat super omnia, per quos habere probatur
+universa.']
+
+'Oh! let there be nothing in you in our days which may justly move our
+indignation. Still show forth your older loyalty. It is not fitting
+that the Roman people should be fickle, or crafty, or full of
+seditions.
+
+'Let no fond suspicions, no shadow of fear sway you. You have a
+Sovereign who only longs to find opportunities to love you. Meet with
+hostile arms your enemies, not your own defenders.
+
+'You ought to have invited, not to have shut out the succour which we
+sent you. Evidently you have been misled by counsellors who care not
+for the public weal. Return to your own better minds.
+
+'Was it some new and strange nation whose faces forsooth thus
+terrified you? No: the very men whom hitherto you have called your
+kinsmen, the men who in their anxiety for your safety have left their
+homes and families in order to defend you. Strange return on your part
+for their devotion!
+
+'As for you, you should know this, that night and day our one
+ceaseless desire is to perfect, with God's help, the security which
+was fostered in the times of our relations [Theodoric and
+Amalasuentha]. Where, indeed, would our credit as a Sovereign be if
+anything happened to your hurt? Dismiss all such thoughts from your
+minds. If any have been unjustly cast down, we will raise him up
+again. We have sent you some verbal messages by the bearer of this
+letter, and hope that from henceforth we may rely on your constant
+obedience.'
+
+
+15. KING THEODAHAD TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Letter of introduction for an ecclesiastic.]
+
+'It is always a delight to us to have an opportunity of directing our
+letters of salutation[653] to your Piety, since he is filled with
+happy joy who converses with you with sincere heart. I therefore
+recommend to your Clemency the bearer of this letter, who comes on the
+affairs of the Church of Ravenna. There can be no doubt that if you
+grant his request you will earn a just reward.'
+
+[Footnote 653: 'Salutiferos apices.']
+
+
+16. KING THEODAHAD TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Assurances of good-will. Oath of concord.]
+
+'It is worthy of a ruler to do good of his own freewill, not under
+compulsion. By God's favour we _can_ do anything, but we choose to do
+only things that are praiseworthy. Recognise now, oh prudent
+counsellors, that clemency of mine which ye might always have reckoned
+upon. Ye feared that I was your enemy; far from that, I cannot even
+bear that ye should be racked by the fear of evil[654]. And therefore,
+though I change no purpose of mine, since I never had thoughts of evil
+towards you, I have ordained that A and B, the bearers of this letter,
+should take unto you the oaths which you solicited[655]. I do this
+thing for God's sake, not for man's; for how could I, who have run
+through the story of ancient realms in Holy Writ, wish to do anything
+else but that which is well-pleasing to God, who will assuredly
+recompense me according to my works. Henceforward, then, serve me
+loyally, and in the full security which you have thus acquired: yea,
+your love will be now the repayment of a debt rather than a freewill
+offering.'
+
+[Footnote 654: 'Ecce nec sollicitos patimur, quibus infensi esse
+putabamur.']
+
+[Footnote 655: 'Postulata siquidem sacramenta vobis, ab Illo atque
+Illo praestari nostra decrevit auctoritas.']
+
+
+17. KING THEODAHAD TO THE ROMAN PEOPLE.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'Since your security is our highest ornament, and since our love
+wishes to remove every shade of anxiety from your minds, we have
+ordered A and B to take oaths to you in our name, whereby you may know
+the mind of your King towards you. Though this act might seem not to
+consort with our dignity, we willingly perform it for your sakes, and
+add the sanction of an oath, though we have learned from the Sacred
+Scriptures that a mere promise ought to be kept. Now it is for you to
+show your devotion, and with assiduous prayers to implore of the
+Majesty on high that the tranquil times which we long that you may
+enjoy may be granted by the gift of Heaven.'
+
+
+18. KING THEODAHAD TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: A Gothic garrison for Rome.]
+
+'Anxious that what we are devising for your safety should not be
+misinterpreted by bitter suspicion, we do you to wit that the army
+which is marching to Rome is intended for your defence, in order that
+they who covet your possessions may by Divine help be resisted by the
+arms of the Goths. If the shepherd is bound to watch over his flock,
+the father of the family to see that no crafty deceiver enters
+therein, with what anxious care ought not we to defend the City of
+Rome, which by universal consent is unequalled in the world[656]. So
+precious a possession must not be staked upon any throw. But that the
+defence of the City may be in no wise burdensome to you, we have
+ordered that the soldiers shall pay at the ordinary market rate for
+the provisions which they require; and we have desired Vacco, the
+steward of our house, to superintend these purchases. He is a man of
+valour and integrity, whose character will secure him the obedience of
+the troops, and enable him to prevent any excesses.
+
+[Footnote 656: 'Qua nos convenit cautela Romam defendere, quam constat
+in mundo simile nihil habere?']
+
+'As for the soldiers, we have told them to take up their quarters in
+fitting places [outside the City?], that without there may be armed
+defence, within for you, tranquil order[657].
+
+[Footnote 657: 'Quos tamen locis aptis praecipimus immorari, ut foris
+sit armata defensio, intus vobis tranquilla civilitas.']
+
+'God forbid that in our days that City should seem to be protected by
+walls, the very name of which hath been of old a terror to the
+nations[658]. We hope for this from the aid of Heaven, that she who
+hath always been free may never be stained by the insult of any
+blockade[659].
+
+[Footnote 658: 'Absit enim ut nostris temporibus Urbs illa muris
+videatur protegi, quam constat gentibus vel sola opinione fuisse
+terrori.']
+
+[Footnote 659: 'Ut quae semper fuit libera, nullius inclusionis
+decoloretur injuria.']
+
+
+19. KING THEODAHAD TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Embassy of Peter.]
+
+'We thank the Divine Being, who loves to see Kings at peace with one
+another, that you expressed such joy at our elevation to the throne.
+Continue to set to the world this example of benignity; continue to
+show your interest in one who recommends himself by his pure affection
+for you. For you do not seek to pick shabby quarrels with other
+Sovereigns; you do not delight in unjust contests, which are contrary
+to sound morality[660], since you seek for nothing but what may
+increase the good opinion which men have of you. How could you throw
+away that peace which it is the glory of your Piety to have imposed
+even on angry nations[661]?
+
+[Footnote 660: 'Non enim rixas viles per regna requiritis: non vos
+injusta certamina quae sunt bonis moribus inimica, delectant.' No
+doubt this was meant to be taken as a hint of the censure which it
+professes to deny.]
+
+[Footnote 661: 'Pacem quam et iracundis gentibus consuevistis
+imponere.' An allusion, perhaps, to the peace concluded with Persia.]
+
+'Even you, glorious Sovereigns! [Justinian and Theodora] gain somewhat
+when all other realms revere you. It is a common thing for the ruler
+to be praised in his own land, but to receive the unforced praise of
+foreign lands, that is indeed desirable. You are loved, most pious
+Emperor, in your own dominions; but how much grander a thing to be yet
+more loved in the regions of Italy, from whence the glory of the Roman
+name was diffused over the whole world! It behoves you therefore to
+continue that peaceful disposition which you showed towards us at the
+commencement of our reign.
+
+'We have desired the most blessed Pope and the most honourable Senate
+of the City of Rome to give their answers to the eloquent and worthy
+Peter, your ambassador, with as little delay as possible; and we have
+joined with him that venerable person our ambassador[662], that you
+may know our mind from our own messenger.'
+
+[Footnote 662: The name of 'virum illum venerabilem' is not given, but
+we learn from Procopius (De Bello Gotthico i. 6) that it was Rusticus,
+a priest, a Roman, and an intimate friend of Theodahad.]
+
+
+20. QUEEN GUDELINA[663] TO THEODORA AUGUSTA.
+
+[Footnote 663: Wife of Theodahad.]
+
+[Sidenote: Embassy of Rusticus.]
+
+'I have received with thanks the earnestly-desired letters of your
+Piety, and reverently prize the report of your spoken words as better
+than all gifts. You exhort us first of all to impart to your hearing
+whatever requests we wish to make to your triumphant lord and
+consort[664]. Backed by such patronage as yours, how can there be any
+doubt as to the success of our petitions? It is an addition to our joy
+that your Serenity has chosen such a man for your ambassador, one whom
+it is equally fitting for your glory to send and for our obedience to
+receive[665]. There can be no doubt that it is by constant observation
+of your character that his own has become so excellent, since it is by
+good maxims that the mind of man is cleansed from impurity[666].
+According to the warning of your Reverence we have given orders that
+both Pope and Senate shall give their answers to your messengers
+quickly, so that there may be no delay.
+
+[Footnote 664: 'Hortamini enim ut quidquid expetendum a triumphali
+principe domino jugali nostro (?) credimus vestris ante sensibus
+ingeramus.' It seems to me that the sense requires _vestro_ instead of
+_nostro_, and I have translated accordingly. (Dahn also makes this
+correction.)]
+
+[Footnote 665: 'Et vestra decet obsequia retinere.' Here 'nostra'
+seems to give a better sense than 'vestra.']
+
+[Footnote 666: 'Dubium enim non est illam mores dare cui observatur
+assidue, dum constat defaecari animum bonis praeceptionibus
+institutum.' Rather hazardous praise to address to a Theodora.]
+
+[Sidenote: Possible reference to death of Amalasuentha.]
+
+'For moreover, concerning that person about whom something came to our
+ears with tickling speech, know that that has been ordained which we
+believed would suit your intentions[667]; for it is our desire that by
+the interposition of our good offices your will should be law as much
+in our kingdom as in your empire[668].
+
+[Footnote 667: 'Nam et de illa persona, de qua ad nos aliquid verbo
+titillante pervenit, hoc ordinatum esse cognoscite, quod vestris
+credidimus animis convenire.']
+
+[Footnote 668: These mysterious sentences, according to Gibbon, cap.
+xli. _n._ 56 (following Buat), refer to Amalasuentha, and thus lend
+probability to the story in the Anecdote of Procopius that Theodora,
+out of jealousy, intrigued with Theodahad to have Amalasuentha put to
+death. But whatever may be the truth of that story, this sentence can
+hardly by any possibility refer to it. For (1) it is clear that this
+letter was written at the same time as Theodahad's, which precedes it,
+therefore after the arrival of Peter in Italy. But Procopius is clear
+that Amalasuentha was put to death before Peter had crossed the
+Hadriatic, whereas this event, whatever it be, is evidently a piece of
+news which Gudelina has to communicate to Theodora. (2) This letter,
+though purporting to be from Gudelina, is confessedly written by
+Cassiodorus, and published by him at the end of his official career.
+It is hardly conceivable that he would deliberately publish to the
+world his connection with the murder of Theodoric's daughter and his
+own friend and benefactress. It is remarkable, on the contrary, how
+complete (but for this passage) is the silence of the Variae as to
+Amalasuentha's deposition and death: as if Cassiodorus had said, 'If
+you do anything to harm _her_, you may get other apologists for your
+deeds; I will be no champion of such wickedness.' It is scarcely
+necessary to remark that there is nothing in the wording of the
+sentence 'de illa persona,' &c. which makes it more applicable to a
+woman than to a man. As Peter's embassy was ostensibly connected with
+ecclesiastical affairs, there is perhaps an allusion in this sentence
+to some scheme of Theodora's with reference to the Papacy. It is
+possible that she may have been already working for the election of
+Vigilius to the chair of St. Peter, and therefore that _he_ is meant
+by 'illa persona.']
+
+'We therefore inform you that we had caused our messenger [Rusticus
+the priest] to be despatched by the Pope before your ambassador could
+possibly have left Rome. So saluting you with all the veneration which
+is your due, we assign the office of ambassador to a man eminent both
+by his character and learning, and venerable by reason of his office;
+since we believe that those persons are acceptable to you whom we have
+thought suitable to be entrusted with the Divine ministry.'
+
+
+21. QUEEN GUDELINA TO THEODORA, AUGUSTA.
+
+[Sidenote: Soliciting Theodora's friendship.]
+
+'Oh, wisest of Augustas, both I and my wedded lord earnestly desire
+your friendship. The love of so great a lady seems to raise me higher
+than royalty. Shed on us the lustre of your glory, for one light loses
+nothing by imparting some of its brilliancy to another. With
+affectionate presumption I commend myself to the favour of the Emperor
+and yourself, desiring that, as is fitting, there should be no discord
+between the two Roman realms[669].'
+
+[Footnote 669: 'Nullam inter Romana regna decet esse discordiam.']
+
+
+22. KING THEODAHAD TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN[670].
+
+[Footnote 670: This letter seems as if it was written on precisely the
+same occasion as x. 19. Again Peter is sent back, and with him a
+'venerable man' to represent Theodahad. We learn from Procopius (i. 6)
+that Theodahad, in his fear of war, recalled Peter when he had already
+got as far as Albano, and gave him another set of propositions for
+Justinian. It seems possible that these fresh letters (22 and 23) from
+Theodahad and his Queen were given him when he set out the _second_
+time.]
+
+[Sidenote: Entreaties for peace.]
+
+'Our own ambassadors, and that most excellent person Peter, whom your
+Piety despatched to us, will both have informed you how earnestly we
+desire concord with your august Serenity. We now send two more
+ambassadors charged with the same commission. We certainly with all
+sincerity plead for peace who have no cause of quarrel with you.
+Consider also, oh learned Sovereigns, and consult the archives of your
+great grandfather[671], that you may see how large a part of their own
+rights your predecessors were willing to relinquish for the sake of an
+alliance with our ancestors[672]. Think how fortunate you are in
+having that friendship willingly offered to you for which they had
+humbly to sue. Yet, we may say it without arrogance, we know ourselves
+to be better than those ancestors of ours with whom the treaty was
+made[673]. We send you on this embassy a venerable man, made
+illustrious by his priestly office, and conspicuous by the renown of
+his learning. We pray the Divine goodness to bring our wishes to pass;
+and as not even a series of letters can contain all that we have to
+say, we have given some verbal messages to be conveyed to your sacred
+ears, that you may not be wearied by the reading of too diffuse a
+letter.'
+
+[Footnote 671: Zeno (not of course an ancestor in natural
+relationship, but predecessor in the third degree).]
+
+[Footnote 672: 'Considerate etiam, principes docti, et abavi vestri
+historica monumenta recolite, quantum decessores vestri studuerint de
+suo jure relinquere ut eis parentum nostrorum foedera provenirent.']
+
+[Footnote 673: 'Nunc illi vestram gratiam ultro quaerunt, qui suis
+parentibus meliores se esse cognoscunt.' Dahn remarks that Theodahad's
+asserted superiority to Theodoric probably consisted in his
+philosophical culture.]
+
+
+23. QUEEN GUDELINA TO THEODORA, AUGUSTA[674].
+
+[Footnote 674: See note on the preceding letter.]
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'We learn with satisfaction from that most eloquent man Peter, that
+what has happened in this State is acceptable to you[675]. You show
+your love of justice when, all suspicion by God's providence having
+been wiped away, you desire that there should be lasting agreement
+between us. Let there then be definite promises on both sides, and
+lasting concord as the result. We therefore send that venerable man to
+secure the peace of our most serene husband with yours in the sight of
+all men. If there be anything in the Emperor's terms so hard that it
+ought not to be imposed on us, we trust to your wise moderation to
+mitigate the same, that the love which we have begun to feel towards
+your kingdom be not chilled by harsh terms of peace.
+
+[Footnote 675: 'Ut per eum disceremus acceptum vobis esse quod in hac
+republica constat evenisse.' At first sight this seems to refer to the
+death of Amalasuentha or to the accession of Theodahad. Dahn thinks
+that those events have been disposed of in previous letters. Perhaps
+it is a general expression for 'the whole course of recent events in
+Italy.' Though upon the whole rejecting the story of Theodora's
+complicity in the death of Amalasuentha, I am bound to admit that this
+passage lends a certain amount of probability to the charge. At the
+same time, the words in the next sentence, 'per divinam providentiam
+omni suspicione detersa,' are susceptible of an honourable meaning,
+even if the death of Amalasuentha be alluded to. 'You and your husband
+accused us of that crime. Now by God's providence we have been able to
+show that we were guiltless of it [that it was done without our
+privity by the relations of the three Gothic nobles whom she had put
+to death]. Nothing therefore remains to hinder peace between us.']
+
+'Claim this palm of concord between the two States as your own
+especial crown, that as the Emperor is renowned for his successful
+wars, so you may receive the praises of all men for this accomplished
+peace. Let the bearer of these letters see you often and
+confidentially. We hope for just, not onerous, conditions of peace,
+although in truth nothing seems impossible to us if we know that it is
+asked for by such a glorious person as yourself.'
+
+
+24. QUEEN GUDELINA TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN[676].
+
+[Footnote 676: Apparently sent at the same time as the two preceding
+letters.]
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+A short letter of compliments to the Emperor, and earnest desire for
+the preservation of peace. Peter and 'ille vir venerabilis' are still
+the messengers.
+
+
+25. KING THEODAHAD TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'The august page written by your Serenity, and brought to us by the
+venerable presbyter Heracleanus, has gleamed upon us, bringing us the
+grace of your salutation. Oh, what a great benefit for us is this
+sweet converse with so mighty a prince!
+
+'May we ever hear of your safety, and of the increase of the happiness
+of your kingdom. We have no other wish but this. According to your
+desire we have addressed letters to the Pope of the City of Rome[677],
+telling him to reply to the letter brought by the present messenger
+with the least possible delay, since anyone who comes from you should
+be attended to with utmost celerity. We hope for many future
+opportunities of thus obeying your desires and earning your love in
+return.'
+
+[Footnote 677: Negotiations were evidently still going on between the
+Emperor and the Pope, probably with reference to the election of
+Anthimus, who, though accused of Monophysitism, had been made
+Patriarch of Constantinople in 535 by Theodora's influence, and whom
+the Pope apparently refused to recognise. He was afterwards deposed by
+Pope Agapetus when he visited Constantinople.]
+
+
+26. KING THEODAHAD TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: A monastery too heavily taxed.]
+
+'Richer than all other gifts bestowed by your Serenity is this, when
+you exhort us to do that which will profit for our own salvation and
+recommend us to the Divine Power. We hear that it has been brought to
+the knowledge of your Glory that a monastery of God's servants is too
+heavily oppressed with tribute, and we point out that this is owing to
+an inundation which has smitten their land with the curse of
+barrenness. However, we have given orders to the most eminent
+Senator[678] to appoint a careful inspector to visit the farm in
+question, weigh the matter carefully, and make such reasonable
+reduction as may leave a sufficient profit to the owners of the soil.
+We consider that anything which we thus concede to the desire of your
+Mildness will be to us the most precious of all gains.
+
+[Footnote 678: Cassiodorus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Alleged losses of a convert from Arianism.]
+
+'In the matter of Veranilda, too, about which your Serenity has
+deigned to admonish me, though it happened long ago under the reign of
+my relations, I thought it right to make good her loss by my own
+generosity, that she might not repent her change of religion[679]. For
+seeing that the Deity suffers many religions, we should not seek to
+impose one on all our subjects. He who tries to do otherwise flies in
+the face of the Divine commands. Your Piety, therefore, fittingly
+invites me to these acts of obedience to God.'
+
+[Footnote 679: Apparently Veranilda had in the reign of Theodoric
+become a convert from Arianism to Orthodoxy, and had suffered some
+pecuniary losses in consequence, which Theodahad now proposes to make
+up to her. See Dahn, Koenige der Germanen iii. 199, _n._ 4.]
+
+
+27. KING THEODAHAD TO SENATOR[680], PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO.
+
+[Footnote 680: Cassiodorus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Corn distributions in Liguria and Venetia.]
+
+'In succouring his subjects, the payers of tribute, the King does not
+seem to give, so much as to restore what he has received. The
+cultivator of the soil is abandoned to future famine, unless he is
+helped in the day of his necessity. Therefore let the corn which has
+been received by the government from industrious Liguria and loyal
+Venetia, though it has been taken from their fields, be born again to
+them in our granaries, since it is too outrageous that the cultivator
+should starve while our barns are full. Therefore let your Illustrious
+Greatness (whose office is said to have been instituted for the
+express purpose of feeding the people from the accumulated stores of
+the State[681]) sell to the impoverished Ligurians the third part of
+the grain warehoused at Ticinum and Dertona, at the rate of 25 modii
+to the solidus[682]. Similarly distribute the third part of the stores
+in the warehouses of Tarvisium and Tridentum to the Venetians, at the
+same rate, that pitying Heaven, seeing men's bounty to one another,
+may give us fruitful harvests. Take care that this distribution is so
+managed that our indulgence shall reach those persons chiefly, who are
+least able to depend on their own resources.'
+
+[Footnote 681: 'Quorum dignitas ad hoc legitur instituta, ut de
+repositis copiis populum saturare possetis.' Probably an allusion to
+Joseph, whom Cassiodorus celebrates as the first Praefectus
+Praetorio.]
+
+[Footnote 682: Six bushels for twelve shillings, or sixteen shillings
+a quarter.]
+
+
+28. KING THEODAHAD TO SENATOR[683], PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO.
+
+[Footnote 683: Cassiodorus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Grant of monopolies.]
+
+'The King ought to confirm whatever has been wisely ordered by the
+Judges, especially those who are known to be above suspicion of
+bribery.
+
+'Therefore we confirm in their offices[684] the stewards[685],
+purveyors[686] of wheat, wine, and cheese, the meat sellers, vintners,
+farmers of the revenue derived from granaries and taverns[687], hay
+merchants, and general provision dealers[688], who belong to the City
+of Rome or the royal residence of Ravenna[689]; also those who hold
+public charges of this description along the river banks of Ticinum or
+Placentia[690], or in any other places, whom we know to have been
+appointed by you, whose judgments we willingly embrace and desire to
+hold fast exactly as if they were our own; nor will we allow the
+malice of any to prevail against those persons who by your choice have
+assumed these public functions. If therefore they acquit themselves to
+your satisfaction, they shall hold their office for five years without
+fear of disturbance during that period. On account of the present
+barrenness of the land you should cause them to fix such prices for
+the different kinds of grain as shall seem reasonable to your
+Eminence[691].
+
+[Footnote 684: The sentence is so long that Cassiodorus seems to have
+forgotten its construction, and these important words are in fact
+omitted.]
+
+[Footnote 685: 'Arcarios.']
+
+[Footnote 686: 'Prorogatores.']
+
+[Footnote 687: 'Capitularios horreariorum et tabernariorum.']
+
+[Footnote 688: 'Cellaritas.']
+
+[Footnote 689: 'Mansionem Ravennatem.']
+
+[Footnote 690: 'Ripam Ticinensem vel Placentinam.']
+
+[Footnote 691: Here follows, 'Ut hi quibus commissum est exercere
+singulos apparatus de injusto gravamine non querantur,' which I do not
+venture to translate, as I am not sure whether it relates to buyers or
+sellers.]
+
+'As human ambition requires to be checked by fear of punishment,
+anyone who by petitioning or canvassing seeks to obtain the place of
+one of these lawfully appointed purveyors shall be visited with a fine
+of 30 lbs. of gold[692], to be exacted from him by you. If unable to
+pay this fine he shall suffer corporal punishment and be noted as
+infamous. Nothing can be considered safe or stable if men are to be
+perpetually exposed to the snares of envious competitors like these.
+Your Greatness is to bring this law to the knowledge of all men.'
+
+[Footnote 692: L1,200.]
+
+[It is clear that this letter refers to an office greatly coveted, and
+one in which there was a possibility of making great gains, but also
+one in which, owing to the regulation of prices by the government,
+there might be temporary losses; to guard against which it was
+considered reasonable that the holder should be guaranteed in his
+office for five years.
+
+The office is the supply of the staple articles of food to the King's
+household at Rome and Ravenna, and to the garrisons probably of Pavia
+and Piacenza and the neighbouring country. Did this right carry with
+it an absolute monopoly as far as the other inhabitants of those
+places are concerned? This seems probable; but I do not know that we
+can positively state it.
+
+The term used, 'Arcarii,' is applied in the Theodosian Code (xii. 6,
+14) to the bailiffs by whom the rents on the Imperial domain were
+collected. Here it has manifestly altered its meaning.]
+
+
+29. KING THEODAHAD TO COUNT WINUSIAD.
+
+[Sidenote: An old soldier receives furlough for a visit to the baths
+of Bormio.]
+
+'Your noble birth and tried fidelity induced us to commit to you the
+government of the City of Ticinum, which you had defended in war: but
+now, being deluged with a sudden inundation of muddy gout[693], you
+ask leave to resort to the waters of Bormio, which by their drying
+influences are of healing power for this malady.
+
+[Footnote 693: 'Limosae podagrae subita inundatione complutus.']
+
+'We permit, nay earnestly encourage, you to undertake this journey;
+for we cannot bear that one of our warriors should fall a victim to
+the tyranny of this cruel disease, which, like the Barbarians, when it
+has once claimed by force hospitality in the owner's body, ever after
+defends its right thereto by cruelty. It seeks out all the hollow
+places of the system, makes stones out of its moisture, and deposits
+them there, destroying all the beautiful arrangements of Nature for
+free and easy movement. It loosens what ought to be tight, it
+contracts the nerves, and so shortens the limbs that a tall man finds
+all the comeliness of his stature taken from him while he is still
+unmutilated. It is in truth a living death; and when the excruciating
+torment is gone, it leaves an almost worse legacy behind it--inability
+to move. Even debtors in the torture chamber have the weights
+sometimes removed from their feet; but this cruel malady, when it has
+once taken hold of a man, seems never to relinquish possession. A
+disease of this kind, bringing with it weakness and helplessness, is
+especially terrible to a warrior, who after overcoming the foes that
+came against him in battle, finds himself thus struck down by an enemy
+within.
+
+'Go then, in Heaven's name, to the healing springs. We cannot bear the
+thought that you the warrior should be carried on men's shoulders,
+instead of bestriding your war-horse. We have painted all these evils
+in somewhat exaggerated style in order to stir you up to seek an early
+cure.
+
+'Use then these waters, soothing to the taste, and in the hot bath
+able to dry up the gouty humours. God has given us this ally wherewith
+to overcome that enemy of the human race; and under its double
+influence, within and without, the malady, which ten years of regimen
+and endless medicines cannot lessen, is put to flight by remedies
+which are in themselves delightful.
+
+'May God grant that this far-famed place may restore your body to
+health[694].'
+
+[Footnote 694: The nature-heated springs of Bormio are still resorted
+to; and some pedestrian travellers, who have crossed the Stelvio from
+Trafoi, have a grateful remembrance of their soothing waters.]
+
+
+30. KING THEODAHAD TO HONORIUS, PRAEFECT OF THE CITY.
+
+[Sidenote: The elephants in the Via Sacra.]
+
+'We regret to learn from your report that the brazen elephants placed
+in the Via Sacra[695] (so called from the many superstitions to which
+it was consecrated of old) are falling into ruins.
+
+[Footnote 695: I have not found any other mention of these brazen
+elephants. Nardini (Roma Antica i. 295) cites this passage, and
+illustrates it by quotations from Suetonius, Pliny, and the Historia
+Augusta, showing that it was the custom to erect to Emperors and
+Empresses statues of elephants drawing triumphal chariots.]
+
+'This is to be much regretted, that whereas these animals live in the
+flesh more than a thousand years, their brazen effigies should be so
+soon crumbling away. See therefore that their gaping limbs be
+strengthened by iron hooks, and that their drooping bellies be
+fortified by masonry placed underneath them.
+
+[Sidenote: Natural history of the elephant.]
+
+'The living elephant, when it is prostrate on the ground, as it often
+is when helping men to fell trees, cannot get up again unaided. This
+is because it has no joints in its feet; and accordingly you see
+numbers of them lying as if dead till men come to help them up again.
+Thus this creature, so terrible by its size, is really not equally
+endowed by Nature with the tiny ant.
+
+'That the elephant surpasses all other animals in intelligence is
+proved by the adoration which it renders to Him whom it understands to
+be the Almighty Ruler of all. Moreover it pays to good princes a
+homage which it refuses to tyrants.
+
+'It uses its proboscis[696], that nosed hand which Nature has given it
+to compensate for its very short neck, for the benefit of its master,
+accepting the presents which will be profitable to him. It always
+walks cautiously, mindful of that fatal fall [into the hunter's pit]
+which was the beginning of its captivity. At its master's bidding it
+exhales its breath, which is said to be a remedy for the human
+headache.
+
+[Footnote 696: Cassiodorus calls it 'promuscis.']
+
+'When it comes to water it sucks up in its trunk a vast quantity,
+which at the word of command it squirts forth like a shower. If anyone
+have treated it with contempt, it pours forth such a stream of dirty
+water over him that one would think a river had entered his house. For
+this beast has a wonderfully long memory, both of injury and of
+kindness. Its eyes are small, but move solemnly. There is a sort of
+kingly dignity in its appearance, and while it recognises with
+pleasure all that is honourable, it seems to despise scurrilous jests.
+Its skin is furrowed by deep channels, like that of the victims of the
+foreign disease named after it[697], _elephantiasis_. It is on account
+of the impenetrability of this hide that the Persian Kings used the
+elephant in war.
+
+[Footnote 697: 'A qua transportaneorum (?) nefanda passio nomen
+accepit.']
+
+'It is most desirable that we should preserve the images of these
+creatures, and that our citizens should thus be familiarised with the
+sight of the denizens of foreign lands. Do not therefore permit them
+to perish, since it is for the glory of Rome to collect all specimens
+of the process by which the art of workmen hath imitated the
+productions of wealthy Nature in all parts of the world.'
+
+[This letter traverses the same ground as Pliny's 'Historia Naturalis'
+viii. 1-11, but supplies some new facts. Pliny makes the elephant live
+to the age of 200 or even 300 years. Cassiodorus boldly says 'more
+than a thousand.' The curious story of the elephant's religion is
+given with more detail by Pliny; but he knows nothing of the political
+sagacity which enables it to discern between a good king and a tyrant.
+Pliny mentions the fact that the elephant's breath is a cure for
+headache, but adds, 'especially if he sneeze[698].'
+
+[Footnote 698: Hist. Nat. xxviii. 8.]
+
+Upon the whole, though Cassiodorus had probably read Pliny's
+description, his own must be pronounced original.
+
+This marvellous letter is the last that we have, written in the name
+of Theodahad.]
+
+
+31. KING WITIGIS[699] TO ALL THE GOTHS.
+
+[Footnote 699: Spelt 'Vitigis' by Cassiodorus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Elevation of Witigis.]
+
+'Though every advance in station is to be accounted among the good
+gifts of the Divinity, especially is the kingly dignity to be looked
+upon as coming by His ordinance through Whom kings reign and subjects
+obey. Wherefore, with liveliest satisfaction returning thanks to our
+Maker Christ, we inform you that our kinsmen[700] the Goths, amid a
+fence of circling swords, raising us in ancestral fashion upon a
+shield, have by Divine guidance bestowed on us the kingly dignity,
+thus making arms the emblem of honour to one who has earned all his
+renown in war. For know that not in the corner of a presence-chamber,
+but in wide-spreading plains I have been chosen King; and that not the
+dainty discourse of flatterers, but the blare of trumpets announced my
+elevation, that the Gothic people, roused by the sound to a kindling
+of their inborn valour, might once more gaze upon a Soldier King.
+
+[Footnote 700: 'Parentes nostros Gothos.']
+
+'Too long indeed have these brave men, bred up amid the shock of
+battle, borne with a Sovereign who was untried in war; too long have
+they laboured to uphold his dubious fame, though they might presume
+upon their own well-known valour[701]. For it is inevitable that the
+character of the ruler should in some degree influence the reputation
+of the whole people.
+
+[Footnote 701: 'Ut de ejus fama laboraret quamvis de propria virtute
+praesumeret.' I have translated as if 'laboraret' and 'praesumeret'
+were in the plural, and even so, find it difficult to get a
+satisfactory meaning out of these words.]
+
+'But, as ye have heard, called forth by the dangers of my kindred, I
+was ready to undergo with them one common fate; but they would not
+suffer me to continue a mere General, feeling that they needed a
+veteran King. Wherefore now accept first the Divine decree, and then
+the judgment of the Goths, since it is your unanimous wish which makes
+me King. Lay aside then the fear of disaster: cast off the suspicion
+of further losses: fear no rude strokes of fate under our dominion. We
+who have ridden so oft to war have learned to love valiant men.
+Associated in all things with your labours, I have been myself a
+witness to the brave deeds of each of you, and need no other evidence
+of your worth. By no fraudulent variations between my public and
+private negotiations shall the might of the Gothic arms be
+broken[702]. Everything that we do shall have respect to the welfare
+of our whole people: in private we will not even love. We promise to
+follow those courses which shall adorn the royal name. Finally, we
+undertake that our rule shall in all things be such as becomes a
+Gothic King, the successor of the renowned Theodoric--that man who was
+so rarely and so nobly qualified by Nature for the cares of royalty;
+that man of whom it may be truly said that every other Sovereign is
+illustrious in so far as he loves _his_ counsels. Therefore he who
+succeeds in imitating the deeds of Theodoric ought to be considered as
+belonging to his line. Thus then, manifest your anxious care for the
+welfare of our kingdom, while your hearts are at ease, through God's
+goodness, as to our internal security.'
+
+[Footnote 702: 'Arma Gothorum nulla promissionum mearum varietate
+frangenda sunt.' An evident allusion to the treacherous and
+unpatriotic diplomacy of Theodahad, as described by Procopius.]
+
+
+32. KING WITIGIS TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Overtures for peace with the Empire.]
+
+'How much, oh most clement Emperor, we long for the sweetness of your
+favour, may be understood from this fact alone, that after such
+serious injuries and such grievous bloodshed as you have inflicted on
+us, we still come forward to ask for peace with you, as if none of
+your servants had ever wronged us. We have suffered such things as
+might move the indignation even of our enemies, who must know that
+they have attacked us without our guilt, have hated us without our
+fault, have despoiled us without our owing them anything. Nor can it
+be said that the blow has been so slight that no account need be taken
+of it, since it has been struck not in the Provinces alone but in Rome
+[or Italy] herself, the Capital of the World[703]. Think how great
+must be our pain at this, which nevertheless we banish from memory in
+order that we may obtain justice at your hands. Such disturbance has
+been made as the whole world speaks of[704] [and condemns], and it
+deserves to be so composed by you that all men may admire your spirit
+of equity.
+
+[Footnote 703: 'Non in provinciis tantum sed in ipso rerum capite
+probatur inflictum.']
+
+[Footnote 704: 'Talis res effecta est quam mundus loquatur.' The
+commentator Fornerius absurdly understands this of Mundus, the general
+of Justinian in Dalmatia, who had already fallen in battle before the
+accession of Witigis.]
+
+'If vengeance on King Theodahad be the thing required, I [who have put
+him to death] merit your love. If you desire to honour the blessed
+memory of Queen Amalasuentha, think of her daughter[705], who has
+reached [by our means] that royal station to which your soldiers might
+well have striven to exalt her, in order that all the nations might
+see how faithful you remained to the old friendship.
+
+[Footnote 705: Matasuentha, now wife of Witigis.]
+
+'This fact too ought to influence you, that by the ordering of
+Providence we were permitted to make your acquaintance before our
+accession to the throne, that the remembrance of our favourable
+reception at your Court, and the sight of your person in that splendid
+position, might move us to love and reverence.
+
+'Even now you can undo all that has been misdone, since the continual
+expectation of favours to come, makes perseverance in affection
+easy[706]. Therefore, soliciting your Clemency with all due respect,
+we inform you that we have appointed A and B our ambassadors to the
+Wisdom of your Serenity, that you may, according to your custom, duly
+weigh all these considerations, that the two Republics may persevere
+in restored harmony, and that all which hath been settled in past
+times by Sovereigns of blessed memory may, by God's help, be increased
+and made more prosperous under your dominion.
+
+[Footnote 706: 'Quando non est difficile illum in affectu retinere,
+qui gratiam constat desideranter expetere.' Very nearly, but not
+quite, the modern proverb which says that gratitude is 'a lively sense
+of favours to come.']
+
+'The rest of their commission will be more fully explained to your
+Serenity by the aforesaid ambassadors.'
+
+
+33. KING WITIGIS TO THE MASTER OF THE OFFICES [AT CONSTANTINOPLE].
+
+[Sidenote: Embassy to Constantinople.]
+
+'In sending our two ambassadors to the most serene Emperor, it is
+fitting also to send letters of salutation[707] to your Greatness. May
+your prudence support our reasonable requests with the Emperor. You
+can easily correct those things [the war against the Gothic people]
+which you ought never to have allowed to take place; and all things
+can now be arranged in the most friendly manner, since a
+reconciliation between men who have fought out their quarrel is often
+the surest ground of friendship. An unknown man might possibly have
+been shunned by you; but I, who have seen the magnificence of your
+Republic, who have known the hearts of so many of your noble
+statesmen, have no desire to quarrel with your most pious Emperor, if
+he will only cherish thoughts of justice towards me. If another
+[Theodahad] deserved the anger of the Emperor, I ought to be looked
+upon with the highest favour, who have executed vengeance on that
+hateful predecessor. I have carried your intentions into effect, and
+therefore I deserve reward, not punishment. Let all hatred be buried
+in the grave of the sinner; and even if you think nothing of our
+deservings, think of the liberty of the Romans, which is everywhere
+suffering amid the clash of arms. A few words to a man of your wisdom
+are sufficient.'
+
+[Footnote 707: 'Salutiferos apices.' See x. 15.]
+
+
+34. KING WITIGIS TO HIS BISHOPS.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'If we owe honour to Priests even when unknown to us, how much more so
+to you whom we have seen and spoken to, and with whom we have had
+frequent and familiar intercourse.
+
+'By the ambassadors who are bearing our letters to the most serene
+Emperor we send a message of reverence to your Holiness, hoping that
+you will pray for us and set them forward on their journey with all
+necessary assistance, since you are bound to wish well to those whom
+you know to be united to you by the ties of religion.'
+
+
+35. KING WITIGIS TO THE PRAEFECT OF THESSALONICA.
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'We are sending two ambassadors to the most serene Emperor, who will
+salute your Greatness. We earnestly hope that your Excellency will
+speed them on their journey.'
+
+
+
+
+BOOK XI.
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+'The necessity for a Preface often arises from some contrariety in an
+Author's position which prevents him from writing as he would wish to
+write. It is admitted that it is not fair to expect the same degree of
+excellence from a busy man which we may reasonably look for in a man
+of leisure. But a man in high official position cannot be a man of
+leisure. It would be the highest disgrace to him if he were, since
+even his so-called privy-chamber[708] resounds with the noise of
+clamorous litigants.
+
+[Footnote 708: 'Secretum.']
+
+'I can well understand that a man of few occupations will object
+against me, here that a word has been thrown out with ill-considered
+haste, there that a commonplace sentiment has not been dressed up in
+sufficiently ornamental language, or there that I have not complied
+with the rules of the Ancients by making my persons speak "in
+character." But the busy man, hurried from one cause to another, and
+constantly under the necessity of dictating to one man and replying to
+another, will not make these objections, because the consciousness of
+his own literary perils will make him tender in his judgments. And yet
+there is something even in the pressure of business which sometimes
+promotes briskness of mind, since the art of speaking is one which is
+placed very much in our own power[709].
+
+[Footnote 709: Here follows a sentence which I do not understand:
+'Remanet itaque ad excusandum brevitas insperata librorum, quam nemo
+purgat diutius, nisi qui bene creditur esse dicturus.']
+
+'If anyone objects that I, placed in the height of the Praetorian
+dignity, should have dictated so few decisions of a legal kind, let
+him know that this was the result of my associating with myself that
+most prudent man Felix[710], whose advice I have followed in every
+case. He is a man of absolute purity of character, of surpassing
+knowledge of the law, of distinguished accuracy of speech; a young man
+with the gravity of age, a sweet pleader, a measured orator; one who
+by his graceful discharge of his official duties has earned the
+favourable opinion of the public.
+
+[Footnote 710: This can hardly be the Consul of A.D. 511, since he is
+called in the next sentence 'senilis juvenis.']
+
+'Had it not been for his help, overwhelmed by so great a multitude of
+causes, I must either have been found unequal to the burden, or else
+perchance have seemed arrogant [in my disregard of previously settled
+decisions]. But, what was more important still, relieved by his
+labours from this duty, I was able to give such attention to the
+higher affairs of the State, that I could not fail to win approbation
+even in those arduous duties.
+
+'I have therefore subjoined two books, in which I myself speak in my
+capacity as Praefect, to the ten in which I have spoken by the mouth
+of the King; for it seemed absurd to me to be silent in my
+newly-acquired dignity, who had so often spoken on behalf of others.
+
+'Then, after these twelve books had been brought to their long-desired
+end, my friends compelled me to discuss the substance and the powers
+of the Soul, that I might say something _about_ that faculty
+_through_ which I had already said so much[711].
+
+[Footnote 711: 'De Animae substantia vel de virtutibus ejus amici me
+disserere coegerunt: ut per quam multa diximus, de ipsa quoque dicere
+videremur.']
+
+'Now then, learned men! view these letters with indulgence. If there
+be no eloquence in them, attribute it to my many occupations, which
+have prevented my reading as much as I would gladly have done. Cicero,
+that fountain of eloquence, when he was one day asked to speak,
+excused himself on the ground that he had read nothing the day before.
+The barn must be constantly refilled if it is not to become empty. All
+that is good in our minds is the fruit of study, and soon withers if
+it be separated from reading, which is the parent stem. Great
+indulgence therefore should be shown to us if we have often had to
+write when we were busy, to be read by others when we had no leisure
+to read, ourselves. And now enough of excuses, lest too elaborate a
+defence should rather injure our cause.'
+
+
+
+
+BOOK XI.
+
+CONTAINING THIRTY-NINE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN HIS OWN NAME
+AS PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO, AND ONE ON BEHALF OF THE ROMAN SENATE.
+
+
+1. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME
+(A.D. 534)[712].
+
+[Footnote 712: This letter, which was not composed immediately after
+Cassiodorus' accession to office, most have been written after the
+death of the Frankish King Theodoric, which occurred, according to
+Clinton, early in 534, and before October 2 of the same year, the date
+of the death of Athalaric. Notwithstanding the obscurity of many of
+the allusions in it, this document is one of our best authorities for
+the history of Amalasuentha's regency, and is therefore translated
+almost verbatim.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cassiodorus on his promotion to the Praefecture.]
+
+'If I can only be sure that my advancement is acceptable to you,
+Conscript Fathers, I shall not doubt of its being approved by God and
+popular with all good men.
+
+'It is in the nature of things to love a colleague, and you are in
+fact exalting your own honour when you approve of a dignity given to a
+_Senator_[713].
+
+[Footnote 713: Partly a pun on his name, partly an allusion to his
+rank.]
+
+'After our Sovereigns there is none to whom I so much desire to
+commend myself as you. To me honour will ever be the sole test of
+advantage. Justice, like a handmaid, will wait upon my actions; and
+the power, which I have not myself bought from our virtuous Sovereign,
+I in my turn shall sell to no man. You have heard, noble Sirs, the
+panegyrics[714] passed upon me at my entrance into office. These
+praises I will not dare to call false, but I will say that they lay
+upon me a heavy responsibility to show that they are not unmerited.
+
+[Footnote 714: The letter written by Cassiodorus himself, in the name
+of Athalaric, to announce his elevation to the Praefecture (Var. ix.
+25).]
+
+'Happy fortune of our time in which, while the Sovereign himself takes
+holiday, the love of his mother rules and covers us all with the robe
+of her universal charity! Happy for the young Ruler, who in this
+difficult position learns first to triumph over his impetuous
+impulses, and attains in the springtime of his life that self-control
+which hoary age with difficulty acquires!
+
+[Sidenote: Praises of Amalasuentha.]
+
+'As for the Mother whom he so dutifully obeys, her most fittingly do
+all kingdoms venerate, whom to behold is to adore, to listen to is to
+witness a miracle. Of what language is she not a perfect mistress? She
+is skilled in the niceties of Attic eloquence; she shines in the
+majesty of Roman speech; she glories in the wealth of the language of
+her fathers. She is equally marvellous in all these, and in each the
+orator in his own especial tongue feels himself surpassed by her. A
+great safeguard and a great excellence is this in the ruler of so many
+nationalities. None needs an interpreter with his accomplished
+mistress. No ambassador need wait, or hear his words slowly filtered
+through the mind of a go-between. Everyone feels that his own words
+are listened to, and receives his answer from her lips in the language
+of his forefathers.
+
+'To these accomplishments, as a splendid diadem, is added that
+priceless knowledge of Literature, by which the treasures of ancient
+learning are appropriated, and the dignity of the throne is ever
+enhanced.
+
+'Yet, while she rejoices in such perfect mastery of language, on
+public occasions she is so taciturn that she might be supposed to be
+indolent. With a few words she unties the knots of entangled
+litigations, she calmly arranges hot disputes, she silently promotes
+the public welfare. You do not hear her announce beforehand what will
+be her course of action in public; but with marvellous skill she
+attains, by feigning, those points which she knows require to be
+rapidly gained[715].
+
+[Footnote 715: 'Et temperamento mirabili dissimulando peragit quod
+accelerandum esse cognoscit.']
+
+[Sidenote: Comparison to Placidia.]
+
+'What case like this can be produced from the annals of revered
+Antiquity? Placidia's care for her purple-clad son has often been
+celebrated; but by Placidia's lax administration of the Empire its
+boundaries were unbecomingly retrenched. She gained for him a wife and
+for herself a daughter-in-law[716] by the loss of Illyricum; and thus
+the union of Sovereigns was bought by a lamentable division of the
+Provinces[717]. The discipline of the soldiers was relaxed by too long
+peace; and, in short, Valentinian, under the guardianship of his
+mother, lost more than he could have done if he had been a helpless
+orphan.
+
+[Footnote 716: 'Eudoxia.']
+
+[Footnote 717: 'Nurum denique sibi amissione Illyrici comparavit:
+factaque est conjunctio Regnantis, divisio dolenda provinciis.' On
+this alleged loss of Illyricum by the Western Empire, see Gibbon, cap.
+xxxiii. note 6. One may doubt, however, whether Cassiodorus has been
+correctly informed concerning it. Noricum and Pannonia at the time of
+Valentinian's marriage must have been entirely in the possession of
+the Huns; and on the dissolution of their monarchy Noricum at any rate
+seems to be connected with the Western rather than the Eastern Empire.
+As for Dalmatia, or the _Province_ (as distinct from the
+_Praefecture_) of Illyricum, the retirement thither of the Emperor
+Nepos in 475, and the previous history of his uncle Marcellinus, point
+towards the conclusion that this Province was then considered as
+belonging _de jure_ to the Caesar of Rome rather than to him of
+Constantinople.]
+
+[Sidenote: Relations with the East.]
+
+'But under this Lady, who can count as many Kings as ancestors in her
+pedigree, our army by Divine help is a terror to foreign nations.
+Being kept in a prudent equipoise it is neither worn away by continual
+fighting nor enervated by unbroken peace. In the very beginnings of
+the reign, when a new ruler's precarious power is apt to be most
+assailed, contrary to the wish of the Eastern Emperor she made the
+Danube a Roman stream. Well known is all that the invaders suffered,
+of which I therefore omit further mention, that the shame of defeat
+may not be too closely associated with the thought of the Emperor, our
+ally. Still, what he thought of your part of the Empire is clear from
+this, that he conceded to our attack that peace which he has refused
+to the abject entreaties of others. Add this fact, that though we have
+rarely sought him he has honoured us with so many embassies, and that
+thus his unique majesty has bowed down the stately head of the Orient
+to exalt the lords of Italy[718].
+
+[Footnote 718: 'Et singularis illa potentia, ut _Italicos Dominos_,
+erigeret, reverentiam Eoi culminis ordinavit.' This somewhat favours
+the notion that Theodoric and his successors called themselves Kings
+of Italy.]
+
+[Sidenote: Expedition against the Franks.]
+
+'The Franks also, overmighty by their victories over so many barbarous
+tribes--by what a great expedition were they harassed! Attacked, they
+dreaded a contest with our soldiers; they who had leaped unawares upon
+so many nations and forced them into battle. But though that haughty
+race declined the offered conflict, they could not prevent the death
+of their own King. For Theodoric[719], he who had so often availed
+himself of the name of our glorious King as an occasion for triumph,
+now fell vanquished in the struggle with disease--a stroke of Divine
+Providence surely, to prevent us from staining ourselves with the
+blood of our kindred, and yet to grant some revenge to the army which
+had been justly called out to war. Hail! thou Gothic array, happy
+above all other happiness, who strikest at the life of a Royal foe,
+yet leavest us not the poorer by the life of one of the least of our
+soldiers[720].
+
+[Footnote 719: Theodoric I, son of Clovis, King of the Franks,
+reigning at Metz, died, as before stated, in 534.]
+
+[Footnote 720: 'Et nobis nec unius ultimi facta subducis (?).']
+
+[Sidenote: League with the Burgundians.]
+
+'The Burgundian too, in order to receive his own again, crouched in
+devotion, giving up his whole self that he might receive a trifle. For
+he chose to obey with unimpaired territories, rather than to resist
+with these cut short; and thus, by laying aside his arms, he most
+effectually defended his kingdom, recovering by his prayers what he
+had lost by the sword[721].
+
+[Footnote 721: 'Burgundio quinetiam, ut sua reciperet, devotus
+effectus est: reddens se totum dum accepisset exiguum. Elegit quippe
+integer obedire, quam imminutus obsistere: tutius tunc defendit regnum
+quando arma deposuit. Recuperavit enim prece, quod amisit in acie.'
+The meaning of these mysterious words, as interpreted by Binding
+(268-270) and Jahn (ii. 252), is that Godomar, King of the
+Burgundians, received back from Amalasuentha (probably about 530, or a
+little later) the territory between the Durance and the Isere, which
+Theodoric had wrested from his brother in 523. The occasion of this
+cession was probably some league of mutual defence against the Franks,
+which Cassiodorus could without dishonesty represent as a kind of
+vassalage of Burgundy to Ostrogothia. If so, it availed Godomar
+little, as his territories were overrun by the Frankish Kings in 532,
+and the conquest of them was apparently completed by 534 (Jahn ii.
+68-78).]
+
+'Happy Princess, whose enemies either fall by the hand of God, or else
+by your bounty are united with your Empire! Rejoice, Goths and Romans
+alike, and hail this marvel, a being who unites the excellences of
+both the sexes! As woman she has given birth to your illustrious King,
+while with manly fortitude of mind she has maintained the bounds of
+your Empire.
+
+'And now, if leaving the realm of war we enter the inner courts of her
+moral goodness, a hundred tongues will not suffice to sound forth all
+her praises. Her justice is as great as her goodwill, but even greater
+is her kindness than her power. You, Senators, know the heavenly
+goodness which she has shown to your order, restoring those who had
+met with affliction to a higher state than that from which they had
+fallen[722], and exalting to honour those who were still uninjured.
+
+[Footnote 722: 'Afflictos statu meliore restituit.' An allusion,
+probably, to her kindness to the families of Boethius and Symmachus.]
+
+'Look at the case of the Patrician Liberius[723], Praefect of the
+Gauls--a man of charming manners, of distinguished merit, a soldier
+with honourable scars--who even while absent in his Praefecture has
+received the _fasces_ and a patrimony from her.
+
+[Footnote 723: No doubt the same Liberius who nobly defended the
+character of Amalasuentha at the Court of Justinian (Procopius, De
+Bello Gotthico i. 4). Apparently he was made Consul, but his name does
+not appear in the Fasti at this time.]
+
+'What can I say of her strength of mind and tenacity of purpose, in
+which she excels even philosophers? I speak of this from my own
+experience. You know, oh Conscript Fathers, what influences were
+arrayed against me[724]. Neither gold nor the prayers of great men
+availed: all things were tried, and tried in vain, to prove the
+glorious constancy of that wisest Lady.
+
+[Footnote 724: Probably to prevent his obtaining the Praefecture.]
+
+[Sidenote: Virtues of the Amal Kings.]
+
+'And here the rules of rhetoric would require me to compare her with a
+long line of Empresses in the past. But if men cannot vie with her
+glory, what is the use of adducing female examples? If we look at the
+Royal Cohort of her ancestors, we shall see that she, like a pure
+mirror, reflects all their excellences. For Amal[725] was conspicuous
+for his good fortune, Ostrogotha for his patience, Athal for mildness,
+Munitarius [Winithar] for justice, Unimund for beauty, Thorismuth for
+chastity, Unalamer [Walamir] for faith, Theudimer for warmth of
+heart[726], and Theodoric, the renowned father of Amalasuentha, as ye
+have all seen, for patience. Each of these would recognise in her his
+own special attribute, but all would acknowledge that in these very
+attributes they are excelled by her.
+
+[Footnote 725: This and the following names belong to the ancestors of
+Amalasuentha, and are found with slight variations in the treatise of
+Jordanes on the History of the Goths, which was founded on a similar
+treatise by Cassiodorus.]
+
+[Footnote 726: 'Pietate Theudimer.']
+
+'You will now perhaps expect me to praise our young King, but in
+extolling the author of his being, I have abundantly extolled him, her
+offspring. You will remember that excellent saying of the eloquent
+Symmachus, "I hesitate to praise the beginning of his career because I
+am confidently hoping for his advance in virtue[727]." Come to my
+help, Conscript Fathers, and render to your Lords and mine your united
+thanks for my promotion.'
+
+[Footnote 727: 'Specto feliciter virtutis ejus augmenta, qui differo
+laudare principia.' The annotator says that these words are not to be
+found in the extant writings of Symmachus [the orator]. It was
+probably the younger Symmachus, the father-in-law of Boethius, who
+uttered them. At this time Athalaric was killing himself by his
+debaucheries.]
+
+
+2. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO POPE JOHN[728].
+
+[Footnote 728: Pope John II (a Roman, son of Projectus, and originally
+named Mercurius) succeeded Boniface II Jan. 1, 533. His pontificate
+lasted till May 26, 535. His successor was Agapetus. This letter
+appears to have been written at a time of scarcity in Rome.]
+
+[Sidenote: Salutations to the Pope.]
+
+'Your prayers are assuredly the cause of our promotion. Your fastings
+have procured plenty for the citizens. Saluting you therefore with all
+due reverence, we pray you to continue your prayers for long life to
+our rulers, for peace and plenty to the State, and for an increase of
+heavenly wisdom to me. Let the Judge in public life be such as the
+Catholic Church has trained her son to be. I am indeed a Judge of the
+Palace, but I shall not cease to be your disciple[729]. Cast not off
+upon me the whole care of this City, which you watch over with a
+father's love, but take thought both for its bodily and spiritual
+wants, and admonish me whenever you think I am erring. Your See is an
+object of admiration through all lands, and your charity is
+world-wide; but yet you have also an especial, local love for the
+sheep of your own flock.
+
+[Footnote 729: 'Sum quidem Judex Palatinus, sed vester non desinam
+esse discipulus.']
+
+'Rome has in her own borders those shrines of martyrdom[730] of the
+Apostles [Peter and Paul] which the whole world longs to behold. With
+such patrons, if only your prayers ascend, we need fear no evil.'
+
+[Footnote 730: 'Confessiones.']
+
+
+3. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO DIVERS BISHOPS.
+
+[Sidenote: Salutations to the Bishops.]
+
+'Fathers after the flesh delight in the advancement of their sons.
+Even so do ye, my spiritual fathers, diligently pray to the Holy
+Trinity that He may make my candle to give light to all that are in
+the house; yea, and that He may so purge and enlighten mine own
+conscience that I may not, while an accurate Judge over other men, be
+a deceiver of mine own self.
+
+'I beg of you to declare a fast, and supplicate the Lord that He will
+prolong the life of our Sovereigns[731], for the happiness of the
+realm; that He will defend our State from the assaults of its enemies,
+will give us all tranquillity in our time, and will deign to make me
+worthy of your love.
+
+[Footnote 731: This was written, no doubt, when Athalaric was on his
+deathbed.]
+
+'Watch narrowly the acts of the subordinates whom I send among you,
+and inform me of anything which they do amiss. I cannot be held
+responsible for deeds of which I know nothing. And if they take bribes
+they at least cannot justify themselves by saying that they have first
+had to pay money for their offices.
+
+'Continue to afford your wonted solace to the widow and orphan; yet
+beware that your pity does not lead you to seek to set aside the laws
+even for these. Oh, most holy men, banish to the home of all other
+unclean spirits violence, avarice, hatred, rapine; and root out from
+among your people luxury, which is the depopulator of the human race.
+Let the Bishop teach, that the Judge may have a maiden assize[732]. If
+only your preaching he continued, the penal course of law must
+necessarily come to an end.
+
+[Footnote 732: 'Episcopus doceat, ne judex possit invenire quod
+puniat.']
+
+'I therefore commend my dignity to your prayers, and end my letter
+with a salutation of love and honour to your Holinesses.'
+
+
+4. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO HIS DEPUTY[733] AMBROSIUS, AN
+ILLUSTRIS.
+
+[Footnote 733: 'Agenti vices.' Bethmann Hollweg (Gerichtsverfassung
+des sinkenden roemischen Reichs, pp. 49-50) remarks: 'The relation of
+the _Vices Magistratuum agentes_ does not belong to the _Jurisdictio
+mandata_. They are lieutenants (Stellvertreter) who are substituted
+provisionally in the room of an ordinary official of the Empire or of
+a Province, on account of his being temporarily disqualified or
+suspended from office by the Emperor or Praetorian Praefect. The
+municipal magistrates were also represented by _vices agentes_. But
+the extant authorities give us no very clear information as to their
+position.' Unfortunately this letter, relating to a _vices agens_ of
+the Praetorian Praefect himself, does not add much to our
+information.]
+
+[Sidenote: Functions of the Praefect's Deputy.]
+
+'We have formed a high opinion of you from long observation of your
+career as an Advocate, and feel sure that you will justify that
+opinion by your conduct in the office to which we are now calling you.
+The Forum has long resounded to your eloquence: now your turn is come
+to sit upon the magistrate's bench. Hitherto you have assisted the
+officers of the court: now you are yourself called upon to play the
+part of a Judge. Even when you are absent from me, you will be deemed
+to be sitting by my side; but whatever credit you may earn when
+hearing a case by yourself will be reckoned to you alone.
+
+'We therefore ordain that the official staff which waits upon our
+orders shall be at your disposal, to carry your decisions into effect,
+and to see that none treat them with contempt.
+
+'If you shall think it necessary to hand over any [insolvent] persons
+to those who have become security for them, assume that right with
+confidence, because that will most effectually relieve my mind when I
+shall learn that this matter has been finally disposed of by you[734].
+For if I were present you might give me words only; but now in my
+absence you owe me, rather, deeds.
+
+[Footnote 734: I suggest this with hesitation as the translation of a
+difficult sentence: 'Si quos etiam fidejussoribus committere
+necessarium aestimaveris, confidenter assume: quia illud magis
+relevare potest animum nostrum, si aliquid per vos cognoscimus
+impletum.' Cassiodorus seems to be urging his deputy not to shrink
+from the exercise of even the most stringent rights inherent in his
+office, in order that causes may be terminated without reference to
+him. But is there authority for such a translation of the words
+'fidejussoribus committere?']
+
+'Think, then, of all that is involved in your high office. Let your
+toil procure me rest from all men. Avoid the rocks on either side of
+you. These warnings come rather from my over-particularity[735] than
+from any distrust of you, for I believe that with God's help you will
+order all things as shall be best for our fame and for the Republic.'
+
+[Footnote 735: 'Curiositas.']
+
+
+5. THE SAME TO THE SAME.
+
+[On the occasion of a scarcity in Rome, either existing or dreaded.
+See the letter to Pope John II (xi. 2).]
+
+[Sidenote: Grain distributions for Rome.]
+
+'I am sure that you will rejoice with me if the needs of the Roman
+people can be satisfied by our means, and thus we can testify our
+gratitude for the hospitality which we have both received from that
+City. To this end have we endured the discomforts of travel, for this
+purpose have we racked our brains with anxious thought, that that
+people, which tasted such delights of old in the happy days of its
+former rulers, may now see its necessities relieved and again enjoy
+its former prosperity.
+
+'Their poverty and hunger we make our own. Therefore, with all speed,
+let stores of grain in good condition be at once collected, so that
+the bread cooked therefrom may be a delight and not a horror. Let just
+weight be given. Flee all thought of unholy profit from this source.
+My own soul is wounded if anyone dares to transgress in this matter of
+the food-supply of the people. Not favour nor popular applause is my
+aim; but to be permitted, by God's help, to accomplish my own heart's
+desire.
+
+'I love all my fellow-countrymen, but the Roman citizens deserve more
+than ordinary love from me. Theirs is a City adorned with so many
+illustrious Senators, blest with such a noble commonalty, a City so
+well fitted to celebrate the victories of our glorious rulers. When
+the question of my promotion hung in suspense, it was the good wishes
+of these citizens which turned the scale in my favour with the lords
+of the world[736], who complied with the universal desire of the Roman
+people. Come, then; so act that this goodwill of theirs to me may
+continue. Let us all beseech the mercy of the Most High to bless us
+with an abundant harvest; and let us resolve that, if we are thus
+favoured, no negligence of ours shall diminish, no venality divert
+from its proper recipients, the bounty of Heaven[737].'
+
+[Footnote 736: Athalaric and Amalasuentha.]
+
+[Footnote 737: In the last sentence but one, 'Fidem meam promitto: sed
+cum ipsis Divinitatis dona sustineo, cautelam offero,' I would suggest
+_ipsius_ for 'ipsis,' making _cum_ = 'when,' not 'with.' There does
+not seem to be any antecedent plural to which 'ipsis' can refer.]
+
+
+6. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO JOANNES, CANCELLARIUS.
+
+[An interesting letter, as showing the lowly original of the office
+from whence have sprung the mediaeval and modern Chancellors.]
+
+[Sidenote: Functions of the Cancellarius.]
+
+'Your rare merit causes you to enjoy a position beyond that which of
+right belongs to you in the official hierarchy[738]. Those who are
+above you cheerfully manifest to you a deference which you might be
+required to show to them; and thus you, while keeping your inferiors
+in their proper place, take without presumption precedence of many of
+your superiors.
+
+[Footnote 738: 'Transgressio matriculae actio tua est.']
+
+'This laudable prejudice has assigned to you, from the twelfth
+Indiction[739], the dignity of Cancellarius[740].
+
+[Footnote 739: September 1, 533.]
+
+[Footnote 740: 'Hoc igitur laudabili praejudicium a duodecima
+Indictione cancellorum tibi decus attribuit.']
+
+'Guard then the secrets of our Consistory with incorruptible fidelity.
+Through your intervention the petitioner for justice has to approach
+me. On your acts depends in great measure the opinion which men shall
+form of me; for as a house is judged by its front towards the street,
+and men by the trimness or shabbiness of their raiment, so are we high
+officials judged by the demeanour of our subordinates who represent us
+to the crowd. Therefore, if such officials do anything which redounds
+to their master's dishonour, they put themselves altogether outside
+the pale of his clemency.
+
+'Remember your title, _Cancellarius_. Ensconced behind the
+lattice-work (cancelli) of your compartment, keeping guard behind
+those windowed doors, however studiously you may conceal yourself, it
+is inevitable that you be the observed of all observers[741]. If you
+step forth, _my_ glances range all over you: if you return to your
+shelter, the eyes of the litigants are upon you. This is where
+Antiquity ruled that you should be placed, in order that your actions
+should be visible to all.
+
+[Footnote 741: 'Respice quo nomine nuncuperis. Latere non potest quod
+inter cancellos egeris. Tenes quippe lucidas fores, claustra patentia,
+fenestratas januas; et quamvis studiose claudas, necesse est ut te
+cunctis aperias.']
+
+'Attend now to this advice which I have given you, and let it not
+merely filter through your mind, like water through a pipe, but let it
+sink down into your heart, and, safely stored up there, let it
+influence the actions of your life.'
+
+
+7. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO ALL THE JUDGES OF THE PROVINCES.
+
+[Sidenote: Duties of the Collectors of Taxes.]
+
+'It is an excellent thing that the yearly taxes should be regularly
+paid. What confidence does the consciousness of this give to the
+taxpayer, who can march boldly through the Forum, feeling that he owes
+nothing to anybody and need not fear the face of any official! One can
+only enjoy an estate if one has no fear of the process-server making
+his appearance upon it.
+
+'Therefore, in the Diocese of your Excellency[742], we desire you and
+your staff at the beginning of this twelfth Indiction[743], with all
+proper gentleness, to impress upon the cultivator of the soil that he
+must pay his land-tax[744] and end those long arrears, which were
+introduced not for the assistance of the taxpayer, but for the corrupt
+profit of the tax-collector. For the officials who in this way
+professed to relieve the burdens of the people, really imposed upon
+them a heavier and more hateful weight in the shape of douceurs[745]
+to themselves.
+
+[Footnote 742: 'Dicationis tuae.' A peculiar and untranslatable form
+of respect.]
+
+[Footnote 743: September 1, 533.]
+
+[Footnote 744: 'Trina illatio' (See Var. ii. 24). So called because it
+was collected three times in the year. See Dahn, Koenige der Germanen
+iii. 140; and Sartorius, Regierung der Ostg. 200. The latter seems
+however to confuse it with the 'tertiae,' from which Dahn very
+properly distinguishes it.]
+
+[Footnote 745: 'Nundinationes.']
+
+'Let then this hateful swindling be henceforth banished. Let the
+cultivator pay nothing more than his lawful debt to the Treasury, and
+let him pay it at the appointed time, thus removing the confusion in
+which the slowness of collection has involved our accounts.
+
+'Make up, therefore, the abstracts of accounts[746] at the stated
+times, and forward them to the proper bureaux[747], according to old
+law and the authority of this present edict; and if you neglect any of
+these injunctions, know that you do so at your peril. To quicken your
+diligence we have appointed A and B, persons of tried merit in the
+past, to supervise the proceedings of yourself and your staff, that
+this double check may prevent the possibility of negligence.
+
+[Footnote 746: 'Breves.']
+
+[Footnote 747: 'Scrinia.']
+
+'Act then with justice if you wish to receive further promotion. Only
+those gains are to be sought for which the cultivator gladly offers
+and which the public servant can securely accept. If you take bribes
+you will be miserable ever after, through fear of discovery; but if
+you act uprightly, you will have in me a willing spectator and
+rewarder of your merits. I am most anxious to be your friend; do not
+force me against my will to become your enemy.'
+
+
+8. EDICT PUBLISHED THROUGH THE PROVINCES BY SENATOR, PRAETORIAN
+PRAEFECT.
+
+[Sidenote: Edict announcing Cassiodorus' principles of
+administration.]
+
+'The custom of the ancients was for a new ruler to promulgate a new
+set of laws to his subjects, but now it is sufficient praise to a
+conscientious ruler that he adheres to the legislation of Antiquity.
+
+'Do you all study to perform good actions, and shrink from deeds of
+lawlessness and sedition, and you will have nothing to fear from your
+Governors. I know that some fear, however irrational, is felt in the
+presence of the Judge; but as far as my purpose can avail, with the
+help of God and the rulers of the State[748], I can promise you that
+all things shall be done with justice and moderation.
+
+[Footnote 748: 'Juvante Deo, rerumque Dominis regnantibus.']
+
+'Venality, that greatest stain upon a Judge's character, will be
+unknown in me; for I should think scorn to sell the words that go out
+of my lips, like clothes in the market-place.
+
+'In exercising the right of pre-emption we shall be solely guided by
+the wants of the State, buying nothing at a forced price in order to
+sell it again[749].
+
+[Footnote 749: 'Sperari a vobis aliquid sola specierum indigentia
+faciet, non malitiosa venalitas ... nec ad taxationem trahimus quae
+necessaria non habentur.']
+
+'Be cheerful and of good courage, therefore, with reference to the new
+administration. No soldier or civil servant shall harass you for his
+own pleasure. No tax-collector shall load you with burdens of his own
+imposition. We are determined to keep not only our own hands clean,
+but also those of our officials. Otherwise, vainly does a good Judge
+guard himself from receiving money, if he leaves to the many under him
+licence to receive it on their own account. But we, both by precept
+and example, show that we aim at the public good, not at private and
+fraudulent gains.
+
+'We know what prayers you put up for us, how anxiously you watched for
+our elevation, and we are determined that you shall not be
+disappointed. Our Praetorium, which no base action has ever denied,
+shall be open to all. No servile throng shall lord it over you. You
+shall come straight to us, making your requests known to us through no
+hired interpreter, and none shall leave our presence poorer than he
+entered it. With God's help we trust we shall so act as to conform to
+the instructions which we have received from our Sovereign[750]; and
+we trust that you, by your loyalty, will enable us to be rather the
+Father of our Provinces than their Judge. You have patiently obeyed
+governors who fleeced you; how much more ought you to obey one who, as
+you know, loves you mightily! Pay the regular fees to the officials
+who are labouring in your midst; for there is no such excuse for
+high-handed oppression as the fact that a man is not receiving his
+covenanted salary. Obey the rule of reason, and you will not have to
+fear the armed man's wrath.
+
+[Footnote 750: 'Quemadmodum a rerum Dominis mandata suscepimus.']
+
+'We wish that you should enjoy the privileges conceded to you by
+former rulers without any encroachment by violent men.
+
+'And now be of good heart; I pledge myself for your righteous
+government. Had I been present with you face to face, ye could not
+have seen my mind; but ye can read it in this letter, which is the
+mirror of my heart, the true image of my will, and ye can see that it
+desires only your prosperity.'
+
+
+9. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE JUDGES OF THE PROVINCES.
+
+[Sidenote: Exhortation to the Judges to govern in conformity with the
+Edict.]
+
+'Knowing that past suffering makes men anxious and timid as to the
+future, we have put forth an edict [the preceding document] in order
+to reassure the minds of the Provincials, and to deliver them from the
+torment of ever-present fear.
+
+'Therefore we call upon your Excellency[751] to cause this edict to be
+exposed in all the places which are most resorted to. Thus let the
+love and devotion of all classes be excited towards our happy
+Sovereigns[752], that as our thoughts towards the people are entirely
+thoughts of goodwill, so their dispositions towards the rulers who
+govern them in righteousness may be only loyal[753].
+
+[Footnote 751: 'Dicatio tua.']
+
+[Footnote 752: 'Circa Dominos felices.']
+
+[Footnote 753: 'Ita se et illi devotos debent _pie regnantibus_
+exhibere.' Compare again Claudian's words:
+
+ 'Nunquam libertas gratior exstat,
+ Quam sum _rege pio_.']
+
+'It now rests with you, by your just government of the Provincials, to
+carry our promises into effect.
+
+'Remember that the official staff standing by, is a witness of the
+acts of every one of you; and so comport yourselves, that both they
+and all others may see that you in your own conduct obey the laws
+which you administer.
+
+'Be more anxious to remedy the poverty of the Provincials than to
+inflict punishment upon them. So act that when you are giving an
+account of your stewardship your year of office may be felt to have
+been all too short[754]. If you have acted justly, and earned the
+goodwill of your Provincials, you will have no need of gifts to stave
+off accusations.
+
+[Footnote 754: 'Sic agite ut cum justitia probata quaeritur, annus
+vester brevis esse videatur.']
+
+'We do not appoint any spies upon your actions, and we pray you so to
+act that this most humiliating expedient may not be necessary.
+
+'If you meet with any who pertinaciously set themselves up against the
+authority of your _fasces_, send us at once a messenger with your
+report; or, if you cannot spare such an one, send the report alone, as
+you have authority to use the public postal-service[755]. Thus all
+excuse for remissness on your part is taken away, since you can either
+wield your power or explain to us the hindrances which beset you.'
+
+[Footnote 755: 'Quando et evectiones publicas accepistis et nobis
+gratum sit audire de talibus.']
+
+
+10. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO BEATUS, VIR CLARISSIMUS AND
+CANCELLARIUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Davus is invalided to the Mons Lactarius.]
+
+'Our lord the King[756] (whose prayer it is that he may ever rejoice
+in the welfare of all his subjects), when he reflected upon the
+impaired health of his servant Davus[757], ordered him to seek to the
+healing properties of the Mons Lactarius[758], for the cure which
+medical aid seemed powerless to bestow. A frequent cough resounded
+from his panting chest, his limbs were becoming emaciated, and the
+food which he took seemed to have lost all power to nourish his frame.
+Persons in this state can neither feed nor endure to fast, and their
+bodies seem like leaky casks, from which all strength must soon
+dribble away.
+
+[Footnote 756: 'Rerum Domini clementia.']
+
+[Footnote 757: Or David, according to some MSS.]
+
+[Footnote 758: This is no doubt the mountain on whose skirts was
+fought the decisive battle between Narses and Teias in 553, now known
+as Monte Lettere. It is a spur of the range reaching from Sorrento to
+Salerno, which attains its highest elevation in Monte San Angelo
+(4,690 feet high). It rises opposite to Mount Vesuvius on the
+south-east, the ruins of Pompeii and the valley of the Sarno (formerly
+the Draco) lying between the two.]
+
+[Sidenote: The milk-cure, a remedy for consumption.]
+
+'As an antidote to this cruel malady Heaven has given us the Mons
+Lactarius, where the salubrious air working together with the fatness
+of the soil has produced a herbage of extraordinary sweetness. The
+cows which are fed on this herbage give a milk which seems to be the
+only remedy for consumptive patients who have been quite given over by
+their physicians. As sleep refreshes the weary limbs of toil, so does
+this milk fill up the wasted limbs and restore the vanished strength.
+Strange is it to see the herds feeding on this abundant pasture. They
+look as if it did not profit them at all. Thin and scraggy, as they
+wander through the thickets they look like the patients who seek their
+aid; yet their milk is so thick that it sticks to the milker's
+fingers.
+
+'Do you therefore supply the invalid when he arrives, with the
+appointed rations and pecuniary allowance, that he may be suitably
+maintained in that place while he is recreating his exhausted energies
+with the food of infancy.
+
+'And, oh! all ye who are suffering under the like grievous malady,
+lift up your hearts. There is hope for you. By no bitter antidote, but
+by a delicious draught, you shall imbibe life--life, in itself the
+sweetest of all things.'
+
+
+11. EDICT CONCERNING PRICES TO BE MAINTAINED AT RAVENNA.
+
+[Sidenote: Prices at Ravenna.]
+
+'The price at which provisions are sold ought to follow, in a
+reasonable way, the circumstances of the times, that there may be
+neither cheapness in a dear season, nor dearness in a cheap one, and
+that the grumblings of both buyers and sellers may be avoided, by
+fairness being observed towards both.
+
+'Therefore, after careful consideration, we have fixed in the
+subjoined schedule the prices of the various articles of produce,
+which prices are to remain free from all ambiguity.
+
+'If any vendor does not observe the prices named in the present edict,
+he will be liable to a fine of six solidi (L3 12s.) for each violation
+of the law, and may be visited by corporal punishment[759].'
+
+[Footnote 759: 'Per singulos excessus sex solidorum mulctam a se
+noverit exigendam et fustuario posse subjacere supplicio.']
+
+[The schedule mentioned in this letter is unfortunately not preserved.
+Few documents that Cassiodorus could have handed down to posterity
+would have been more valuable. If we could have compared it with the
+celebrated Edict of Stratonicea (cir. A.D. 301), we should have seen
+what changes had been wrought in the value of the precious metals and
+the distribution of wealth during the two centuries of disturbance and
+barbaric invasion which had elapsed since the reign of Diocletian.
+But, unfortunately, Cassiodorus believed that his rhetoric and his
+natural history would be more interesting to us than these vulgar
+facts.]
+
+
+12. EDICT CONCERNING PRICES ALONG THE FLAMINIAN WAY.
+
+[Sidenote: Prices per Viam Flaminiam.]
+
+'If prices need to be fixed for the leisurely inhabitant of a town,
+much more for the traveller, whose journey may otherwise become a
+burden instead of a pleasure. Let strangers therefore find that they
+are entertained by you at fixed prices. To fawn upon them with feigned
+politeness and then terrify them with enormous charges is the act of
+a highway robber. Do you not know how much better moderate prices
+would suit your own purpose? Travellers would gladly flock to your
+accommodation-houses[760] if they found that you treated them fairly.
+
+[Footnote 760: This is, I believe, the expression used in some of the
+Australian colonies for what Cassiodorus calls _commoda vestra_.]
+
+'Let no one think that because he is a long way off, his extortion
+will escape notice, for people are arriving here every day with tales
+of your rapacity.
+
+'An official despatched for the purpose will, after deliberation with
+the citizens and Bishops of each place, decide what prices are to be
+charged there; and then whosoever dares to ask higher prices will have
+to pay a fine of six solidi (L3 12s.) and will be afflicted by the
+laceration of his body.
+
+'Honest gains at the expense of your fellow-citizens ought to suffice
+for all of you. One would think that the highways were beset with
+brigands.'
+
+
+13. THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN.
+
+[Sidenote: Supplications of the Senate to Justinian.]
+
+'It seems a right and proper thing that we should address our prayers
+for the safety of the Roman Republic to a dutiful Sovereign[761], who
+can only desire what will benefit our freedom. We therefore beseech
+you, most clement Emperor, and from the bosom of the Curia we stretch
+forth our two hands to you in prayer, that you will grant a most
+enduring peace to our King. Spurn not us, who ever seemed certain of
+your love. It is in truth the Roman name that you are commending, if
+you grant gracious terms to our lords. May your league with them
+assure the peace of Italy; and if our prayers be not sufficient to
+accomplish this thing, imagine that you hear our country break forth
+with these words of supplication: "If ever I was acceptable to thee,
+love, oh most dutiful Sovereign, love my defenders! They who rule me
+ought to be in harmony with thee, lest otherwise they begin to do such
+deeds towards me as thou least of all men wouldest desire. Be not to
+me a cause of death, thou who hast ever ministered unto me the joys of
+life. Lo, while at peace with thee I have doubled the number of my
+children, I have been decked with the glory of my citizens. If thou
+sufferest me to be wounded, where is thy dutiful name of Son? What
+couldest even thou do more for me [than these rulers], seeing that my
+religion and thine thus flourish under their rule?
+
+[Footnote 761: 'Pio Principi.']
+
+'"My Senate grows in honour and is incessantly increasing in wealth.
+Do not dissipate in quarrels what thou oughtest rather to defend with
+the sword. I have had many Kings; but none so trained in letters as
+this one. I have had foreseeing statesmen, but none so powerful in
+learning and religion. I love the Amal, bred up as he has been at my
+knees, a strong man, one who has been formed by my conversation, dear
+to the Romans by his prudence, venerable to the nations by his valour.
+Join rather thy prayers to his; share with him thy counsels: so that
+any prosperity which I may earn may redound to thy glory. Do not woo
+me in the only fashion in which I may not be won. Thine am I already
+in love, if thou sendest none of thy soldiers to lacerate my limbs.
+For if Africa has deserved through thee to recover freedom, it were
+hard that I should from the same hand lose that freedom which I have
+ever possessed. Control the emotions of anger, oh illustrious
+conqueror! The claims urged upon thee by the general voice of the
+people ought to outweigh the offence which the ingratitude of any
+private individual may have occasioned to thy heart."
+
+'Thus Rome speaks while, through her Senators, she makes supplications
+to you. And if that be not enough, let the sacred petition of the
+blessed Apostles Peter and Paul be also taken into your account. For
+surely they, who are proved to have so often defended the peace of
+Rome from her enemies, deserve that your Sovereignty should yield
+everything to their merits. The venerable man, our most pious King's
+ambassador to your Clemency, will further set forth our prayers.'
+
+[It is not easy to fix the exact occasion on which this petition was
+likely to be sent from the Senate to the Emperor. The allusion to the
+conquest of Africa shows that it was after the Vandal War, which ended
+in March, 534. On the other hand, the language put into the mouth of
+the Senate implies that the Imperial troops had not yet landed in
+Italy or Sicily, and the petition is therefore of an earlier date than
+the summer of 535. During the whole of these fourteen months the
+relations between Empire and Kingdom were more or less strained, the
+causes of complaint on the part of Constantinople beginning with the
+occupation of Lilybaeum and ending with the murder of Amalasuentha. I
+fear that the nattering portrait drawn of 'the Amal' can apply to no
+one but Theodahad, the terms used being hopelessly inapplicable to a
+boy like Athalaric. Who then are 'our lords' ('nostri Domini'), in
+whose name peace is besought. The best that we can hope, for the sake
+of the reputation of Cassiodorus, is that they are Amalasuentha and
+Theodahad, the letter being written between October 2, 534 (when
+Athalaric died), and April 30, 535 (when Amalasuentha was imprisoned).
+Upon the whole this seems the most probable conclusion. If written
+after Amalasuentha's death, in the few months or weeks which
+intervened between that event and the landing of Belisarius in Sicily,
+the language employed reflects deep discredit on the writer. In that
+case, 'nostri Domini' must mean Theodahad and Gudelina.]
+
+
+14. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO GAUDIOSUS, CANCELLARIUS OF THE
+PROVINCE OF LIGURIA.
+
+[Sidenote: Praises of Como. Relief of its inhabitants.]
+
+'The City of Como[762] is visited by so many travellers that the
+cultivators of the soil declare that they are quite worn out with
+requisitions for post-horses[763]. Wherefore we direct that by Royal
+indulgence they be favoured in this matter[764], that this city, so
+beautifully situated, do not become a solitude for want of
+inhabitants.
+
+[Footnote 762: Thus called by Cassiodorus; not Comum.]
+
+[Footnote 763: 'Se possessores paraveredorum assiduitate suggerunt
+esse fatigatos.']
+
+[Footnote 764: 'Quibus indultu Regali beneficium praecipimus jugiter
+custodiri.' These words do not make it clear how the inhabitants were
+relieved by the Royal decree; but it was probably by some gift of
+money like that which is announced in the next letter.]
+
+'Como, with its precipitous mountains and its vast expanse of lake,
+seems placed there for the defence of the Province of Liguria; and
+yet, again, it is so beautiful that one would think it was created for
+pleasure only. To the south lies a fertile plain with easy roads for
+the transport of provisions; on the north a lake sixty miles long,
+abounding in fish, soothing the mind with delicious recreation.
+
+'Rightly is it called _Como_, because it is adorned (compta) with such
+gifts. The lake lies in a shell-like valley, with white margins. Above
+rises a diadem of lofty mountains, their slopes studded with bright
+villas[765], a girdle of olives below, vineyards above, while a crest
+of thick chestnut-woods adorns the very summit of the hills. Streams
+of snowy clearness dash from the hill-sides into the lake. On the
+eastern side these unite to form the river Addua, so called because it
+contains the _added_ volume of two streams. It plunges into the lake
+with such force that it keeps its own colour[766] (dark among the
+whiter waters) and its own name far along the northern shore[767], a
+phenomenon often seen with rivers flowing into the ocean, but surely
+marvellous with one flowing into an inland lake. And so swift is its
+course as it moves through the alien waves, that you might fancy it a
+river flowing over the solid plains.
+
+[Footnote 765: 'Praetoriorum luminibus decenter ornata.']
+
+[Footnote 766: So Claudian (De VI Consolata Honorii 196), 'et Addua
+visu caerulus.']
+
+[Footnote 767: 'Ut nomen retinens et colorem in Septentrionem obesiore
+alvei ventre generetur.']
+
+'So delightful a region makes men delicate and averse to labour.
+Therefore the inhabitants deserve especial consideration, and for this
+reason we wish them to enjoy perpetually the royal bounty.'
+
+
+15. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE LIGURIANS.
+
+[Announcing the despatch of money to relieve the necessities of the
+Province, possibly after some incursions of the Franks. This would fit
+in pretty well with the mention of _Astensis Civitas_ as having
+suffered the most.]
+
+[Sidenote: Relief of the necessities of Liguria.]
+
+'It is the privilege of a King to increase the happiness of his
+subjects. Not to postpone your joy by too long a preface, I will come
+to the point at once, and inform you that our most glorious Lords,
+taking the necessities of their loyal Liguria into account, have sent
+100 lbs. of gold [L4,000] by the hands of A and B, officers of the
+Royal Bedchamber. _You_ are to say how the money is to be spent,
+indicating the persons who are in the greatest necessity; but as we
+are informed that the city of Asti has been more heavily weighted than
+others, it is our wish that it should be chiefly helped by this
+disbursement. Now, do you who are tributaries, reflect upon the
+clemency of your lords, who are inverting the usual order of things,
+and paying out to you from the Treasury what they are accustomed to
+receive. Let us know at once how much you think each taxpayer ought
+to receive, that we may deduct it from his first instalment of
+land-tax [768].
+
+[Footnote 768: 'Sed ut beneficia Dominorum _subtractis exactionum,
+incommodis_ augeantur, celerius relatio vestra nos instruat, quid
+unicuique de hac summa relaxandum esse judicetis, ut tantum de _prima
+illatione_ faciamus _suspendi_ quantum ad nos notitia directa
+vulgaverit.' The meaning of Cassiodorus seems quite clear, though it
+is not easy to understand how far the actual gift of money was
+supplemented by, or independent of, remission of land-tax.]
+
+'And put up your prayers for your most affectionate Sovereigns, that
+they may receive back again from Heaven the favour which they are
+conferring on you.'
+
+
+16. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE LIGURIANS.
+
+[Sidenote: Oppressions practised on the Ligurians to be remedied.]
+
+'In thanking me so earnestly for a recent benefit [probably the
+present mentioned in the preceding letter] you invited me to further
+favours, and the implied promise which I then gave you I now fulfil.
+
+'You complain that you are burdened with unjust weights and measures,
+and I therefore declare that this iniquity shall cease, and that no
+tax-collector or tithe-collector[769], shall dare to use too long a
+measure or too heavy a weight [in the collection of the King's
+revenue].
+
+[Footnote 769: 'Exactores atque susceptores.' For the latter office,
+see Cod. Theod. xii. 6.]
+
+'Also that their accounts shall be promptly balanced, and that any
+overcharge that may be detected shall be at once repaid.
+
+'Now then, your minds being freed from anxiety on this score, turn
+your attention to the supply of the wants of our most flourishing
+army, and show your zeal for the public good, since we have satisfied
+you that it is not for private and fraudulent gains that you are to
+pay your contributions.'
+
+
+17. ON THE PROMOTIONS IN THE OFFICIAL STAFF OF THE PRAETORIAN
+PRAEFECT, MADE ON CHRISTMAS DAY[770].
+
+[Footnote 770: This letter was probably addressed to the Princeps, the
+highest person in the whole Officium, as it contains the words '_unus_
+quisque ... _tua designatione vulgetur_.']
+
+[Sidenote: Promotions in Officium of Praefectus Praetorio.]
+
+'On this day of general rejoicing, when by the kindness of Heaven the
+way of salvation was opened to all mankind, we wish that the members
+of our staff should also be glad. For to rejoice, ourselves, when
+those around us are mourning, is a kind of sacrilege. Hence some
+philosophers have held that the whole human race is one being, the
+various members of which are constrained to share one another's
+feelings of joy or sadness. Therefore let every official in our staff
+according to his grade[771] get promotion on this day, not only rising
+himself, but creating a vacancy which enables those below him to rise
+also.'
+
+[Footnote 771: 'Juxta matriculae seriem.']
+
+[All the Letters from 18 to 35 are documents, for the most part very
+short ones, relating to these promotions.
+
+For an explanation of the terms used in these letters, and of the
+whole subject of the staff of the Praetorian Praefect, see chapter iv.
+of the Introduction.]
+
+In Letter 18, Antianus, who is vacating the office of CORNICULARIUS,
+receives the rank of _Spectabilis_, and has a place assigned him among
+the Tribuni and Notarii, where he may 'adore the presence of his
+Sovereign[772]'.
+
+[Footnote 772: 'Inter Tribunos et Notarios ad adorandos aspectus
+properet Principales.']
+
+In Letter 19 the successor of Antianus in the office of CORNICULARIUS
+receives his appointment.
+
+In Letter 20 the retiring PRIMISCRINIUS also receives the rank of
+_Spectabilis_, and takes his place among the Tribuni and Notarii, 'to
+adore the Purple of Royalty.'
+
+In Letter 21 Andreas is rewarded for his faithful service on the
+Praetorian staff[773], by being promoted to the office of
+PRIMISCRINIUS.
+
+[Footnote 773: 'Qui Praetorianis fascibus inculpabiliter noscitur
+obsecutus.']
+
+In Letter 22 Catellus, who stands next in grade for this
+promotion[774], obtains the post of SCRINIARIUS ACTORUM.
+
+[Footnote 774: 'Quem matriculae series fecit accedere.']
+
+In Letter 23 Constantinian, to whose virtues Cassiodorus himself bears
+witness, receives the charge of letters relating to the collection of
+Land-Tax (CURA EPISTOLARUM CANONICARUM).
+
+In Letter 24 Lucillus is appointed a clerk in the War-Office
+(SCRINIARIUS CURAE MILITARIS).
+
+In Letter 25 Patricius is appointed chief of the shorthand writers
+(PRIMICERIUS EXCEPTORUM).
+
+In Letter 26 Justus obtains a place as member of the Sixth Schola
+(SEXTUS SCHOLARIS[775]).
+
+[Footnote 775: I am unable to suggest any explanation of this title.]
+
+In Letter 27 Joannes, whom we saw in the Sixth Letter of this Book
+entrusted with the duties of Cancellarius, is rewarded for his
+faithful discharge of those duties by receiving the place of
+PRAEROGATIVARIUS[776].
+
+[Footnote 776: I have not found any explanation of this title, which
+is apparently unknown to the Notitia, to Lydus, and to the Theodosian
+Code.]
+
+In Letter 28 Cheliodorus[777] is appointed to the place of
+COMMENTARIENSIS (Magistrates' clerk).
+
+[Footnote 777: Note the corrupt form of the name Heliodorus.]
+
+In Letter 29 Cart(h)erius is promoted to the office of REGERENDARIUS
+(Secretary of the Post-Office), in the hope that this promotion will
+render him yet more earnest in the discharge of his Praetorian
+labours.
+
+In Letter 30 Ursus is appointed PRIMICERIUS DEPUTATORUM, and Beatus
+(probably the Cancellarius addressed in Letter 10) is made PRIMICERIUS
+AUGUSTALIUM.
+
+In Letter 31 Urbicus, on vacating the post of PRIMICERIUS
+SINGULARIORUM (Chief of the King's Messengers), is placed among the
+Body-guards (Domestici et Protectores), where he may adore the Royal
+Purple, that, being made illustrious by gazing on the Sovereign, he
+may rejoice in his liberation from official harassment.
+
+[As the Singularii did not form part of the learned staff (Militia
+Litterata), their chief on retiring receives a guardsman's place, but
+still one which gives him access to royalty.]
+
+In Letter 32 Pierius receives the post of PRIMICERIUS SINGULARIORUM
+which is thus vacated.
+
+[Sidenote: Delegatoria.]
+
+In Letter 33 Cassiodorus, expanding the proverb 'Bis dat qui cito
+dat,' agrees that the _Delegatoria_[778] (or Delegatiorius), the
+letter conferring on the receiver the right to receive the increase of
+rations due to his promotion, should not be long delayed.
+
+[Footnote 778: We get this sense of Delegatio in Cod. Theod. vii. 4.
+35: '_Annonas omnes_, quae universis officiis atque Sacri Palatii
+Ministeriis et Sacris Scriniis ceterisque cunctarum adminiculis
+dignitatum adsolent _delegari_.']
+
+In Letter 34 Antianus, the retired Cornicularius of Letter 18,
+receives a somewhat evasive answer to a petition which apparently
+affected the rights of those below him in the official hierarchy[779].
+
+[Footnote 779: In this letter occurs a sentence of tantalising
+obscurity: 'Sola nos Alpha complectitur ubi ea littera non timetur.']
+
+In Letter 35 we have an example of the _Delegatoria_ alluded to in
+Letter 33. It is concerned with a PRINCEPS, apparently the Princeps of
+the AGENTES IN REBUS; and, after extolling the zeal and alacrity of
+those officers, who are constantly intent on enforcing obedience to
+the Imperial decrees and reverence for the authority of the Praetorian
+Praefect, he observes that it would be impiety to delay the reward of
+such labour.
+
+'Therefore let your Experience[780] pay, out of the third instalment
+of land-tax[781] from such and such a Province, those monies which the
+wisdom of Antiquity directed should be paid to the Princeps
+Augustorum[782]. Let this be done at once to those who are chargeable
+on the accounts of the thirteenth Indiction (Sept. 1, 534--Sept. 1,
+535). Let there be no venal delays. Behave to the out-going public
+servant as you would wish that others should behave to you on your
+retirement from office. All men should honour the veteran, but
+especially they who are still toiling in the public service.'
+
+[Footnote 780: It is not clear to whom the letter is addressed.]
+
+[Footnote 781: 'Ex illatione tertia.']
+
+[Footnote 782: The marginal note says: 'i.e. Agentium in Rebus.']
+
+
+36. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO ANAT(H)OLIUS, CANCELLARIUS OF THE
+PROVINCE OF SAMNIUM.
+
+[Sidenote: The retirement of a Cornicularius on a superannuation
+allowance justified on astronomical grounds.]
+
+'As all things else come to an end, so it is right that the laborious
+life of a civil servant should have its appointed term.
+
+'The heavenly bodies have their prescribed time in which to complete
+their journeyings. Saturn in thirty years wanders over his appointed
+portion of space. Jupiter in twelve years finishes the survey of his
+kingdom. Mars, with fiery rapidity, completes his course in eighteen
+months. The Sun in one year goes through all the signs of the Zodiac.
+Venus accomplishes her circuit in fifteen months; the rapid Mercury in
+thirteen months. The Moon, peculiar in her nearer neighbourhood,
+traverses in thirty days the space which it takes the Sun a year to
+journey over[783].
+
+[Footnote 783: As might be expected from an observer who did not
+understand the earth's motion in its orbit, the periods assigned to
+the _inferior_ planets in this paragraph are all wrong, while those
+assigned to the _superior_ planets are pretty nearly right.
+
+_Periods according to Cassiodorus_. _True Periods_.
+
+Saturn 30 years 29 years 174 days.
+Jupiter 12 " 11 " 317 "
+Mars 1 year 182 days 1 year 321 "
+Venus 1 " 91 " 224 "
+Mercury 1 " 30 " 88 "]
+
+'All these bodies, which, as philosophers say, shall only perish with
+the world, have an appointed end to their journeyings. But they
+complete their course that they may begin it again: the human race
+serves that it may rest from its ended labours. Therefore, since the
+Cornicularius in my Court has completed his term of office, you are to
+pay him without any deduction this 1st September 700 solidi (L420)
+from the revenues of the Province of Samnium, taking them out of the
+third instalment of land-tax[784]. He commanded the wings of the army
+of the Praefect's assistants, from whence he derived his name[785].
+When he handed us the inkstand, we wrote, unbribed, those decrees
+which men would have paid a great price to obtain[786]. We gratified
+him whom the laws favoured, we frowned on him who had not justice on
+his side. No litigant had cause to regret his success, since it came
+to him unbought. You know all this that we are saying to be true, for
+our business was all transacted in the office, not in the bedchamber.
+What we did, the whole troop of civil servants knew[787]. We were
+private persons in our power of harming, Judges in our power of doing
+good. Our words might be stern, our deeds were kindly. We frowned
+though mollified; we threatened though intending no evil; and we
+struck terror that we might not have to strike. You have had in me, as
+you were wont to say, a most clean-handed Judge: I shall leave behind
+in you my most uncorrupted witnesses.'
+
+[Footnote 784: 'Per illam Indictionem de Samnii provincia ex illatione
+tertia sine ambiguitate contrade.']
+
+[Footnote 785: 'Praefuit enim Cornibus Secretarii Praetoriani, unde ei
+nomen est derivatum.']
+
+[Footnote 786: 'Eo ministrante caliculum scripsimus inempti quod
+magnis pretiis optabatur impleri.']
+
+[Footnote 787: 'Quod egimus cohortes noverunt.' Observe the military
+character of the service, 'cohortes.']
+
+
+37. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE CLARISSIMUS LUCINUS,
+CANCELLARIUS OF CAMPANIA.
+
+[Sidenote: Payment of retiring Primiscrinius.]
+
+'It was well ordered by Antiquity that the servants of the Public
+should receive a due reward for their labours; and who of all these
+are more deserving than the officers of the Praetorian Praefect
+(Praetoriani). Theirs is the difficult task of waiting on the
+necessities of the army. They must demand accounts, often minute and
+intricate, from great officers whom they dare not offend. They must
+collect the stores of food for the Roman people from the Provincials
+without giving them cause for complaint[788]. Their acts constitute
+our true glory; and in the formation of their characters, work, hard
+work, that stern and anxious pedagogue[789], is better than all
+literary or philosophic training.
+
+[Footnote 788: 'Eorum est etiam sudoribus applicandum, quod victuales
+expensae longe quidem positae, _sed tamquam in urbe Regia natae_ [I do
+not quite understand this antithesis] sine querela Provincialium
+congregantur.']
+
+[Footnote 789: 'Labores, violenti magistri, solliciti paedagogi, per
+quos cautior quis efficitur dum incurri pericula formidantur.']
+
+'Such men ought assuredly to receive their stipulated rewards; and
+therefore we order you to pay regularly so many solidi of the third
+instalment, from the land-tax of the Province of Campania[790], to
+such and such a person, who has now just completed his term of service
+as Primiscrinius.'
+
+[Footnote 790: 'Ex canone provinciae Campaniae tertiae illationis tot
+solidos solenniter te dare censemus.']
+
+
+38. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO JOANNES, CANONICARIUS[791] OF
+THUSCIA.
+
+[Footnote 791: Tax-collector.]
+
+[Sidenote: Praises of paper.]
+
+'Rightly did Antiquity ordain that a large store of paper should be
+laid in by our Bureaux (Scrinia), that litigants might receive the
+decision of the Judge clearly written, without delay, and without
+avaricious and impudent charges for the paper which bore it[792].
+
+[Footnote 792: Lydus (De Magistratibus iii. 14) makes a similar
+remark, but says that in his time the copying clerks (Exceptarii, or
+Exceptores) supplied disgracefully bad paper made of grass, and
+charged a fee for doing so.]
+
+'A wonderful product in truth is this wherewith ingenious Memphis has
+supplied all the offices in the world. The plants of Nile arise, a
+wood without leaves or branches, a harvest of the waters, the fair
+tresses of the marshes, plants full of emptiness, spongy, thirsty,
+having all their strength in their outer rind, tall and light, the
+fairest fruit of a foul inundation.
+
+'Before Paper was discovered, all the sayings of the wise, all the
+thoughts of the ancients, were in danger of perishing. Who could write
+fluently or pleasantly on the rough bark of trees, though it is from
+that practice that we call a book _Liber_? While the scribe was
+laboriously cutting his letters on the sordid material, his very
+thought grew cold: a rude contrivance assuredly, and only fit for the
+beginnings of the world.
+
+'Then was paper discovered, and therewith was eloquence made possible.
+Paper, so smooth and so continuous, the snowy entrails of a green
+herb; paper which can be spread out to such a vast extent, and yet be
+folded up into such a little space; paper, on whose white expanse the
+black characters look beautiful; paper which keeps the sweet harvest
+of the mind, and restores it to the reader whenever he chooses to
+consult it; paper which is the faithful witness of all human actions,
+eloquent of the past, a sworn foe to oblivion.
+
+'Therefore for this thirteenth Indiction[793] pay so many solidi from
+the land-tax of the Tuscan Province to our Bureau, that it may be able
+to keep in perpetuity a faithful record of all its transactions.'
+
+[Footnote 793: Sept. 1, 534. The reading 'de tertiae decimae
+Indictionis rationibus' seems required by the sense, instead of
+'tertiam de decimae Indictionis rationibus.' It is quite clear that
+Cassiodorus was not Praetorian Praefect at the tenth Indiction.]
+
+
+39. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE CLARISSIMUS VITALIAN,
+CANCELLARIUS OF LUCANIA AND BRUTTII.
+
+[Sidenote: Payment by Province of Bruttii of commuted cattle-tax.]
+
+'The vast numbers of the Roman people in old time are evidenced by the
+extensive Provinces from which their food supply was drawn, as well as
+by the wide circuit of their walls, the massive structure of their
+amphitheatre, the marvellous bigness of their public baths, and the
+enormous multitude of mills, which could only have been made for use,
+not for ornament.
+
+'It was to feed this population, that mountainous Lucania paid her
+tribute of swine, that fertile Bruttii furnished her droves of oxen.
+It was a glorious privilege for them thus to feed the Roman people:
+yet the length of roads over which the animals had to be driven made
+the tribute unnecessarily burdensome, since every mile reduced their
+weight, and the herdsman could not possibly obtain credit at the
+journey's end for the same number of pounds of flesh which he
+possessed at its beginning. For this reason the tribute was commuted
+into a money payment, one which no journeyings can diminish and no
+toil can wound. The Provinces should understand and respond to this
+favourable change, and not show themselves more slack than their
+ancestors were, under far more burdensome conditions. Your Diligence
+has now collected both these taxes[794] at the appointed periods; and
+I am glad of it, that my countrymen, who have served alien
+magistrates with praiseworthy diligence, might not seem negligent
+under my rule. These Provinces, which I, my grandfather, and my
+great-grandfather have benefited as private persons, I have
+endeavoured to help yet more earnestly while I bore the majesty of the
+_fasces_, that they who have rejoiced in my exaltation might see that
+I still retained my love for our common country. Let them pay the tax
+then, not from fear but from love. I have prevailed on the royal
+generosity to limit its amount; for whereas it used to be 1,200 solidi
+[L720] annually, it is henceforward to be 1,000 [L600][795].'
+
+[Footnote 794: 'Ambos titulos.']
+
+[Footnote 795: This sum seems ridiculously small for the Province of
+Bruttii. Can it be the sum assessed on each district?]
+
+
+40. AN INDULGENCE [OR AMNESTY TO PRISONERS ON SOME GREAT FESTIVAL OF
+THE CHURCH, PROBABLY EASTER].
+
+[Sidenote: General Amnesty.]
+
+'All the year we are bound to tread in the path of Justice, but on
+this day we secure our approach to the Redeemer by the path of
+Forgiveness. Therefore we forswear punishments of all kinds, we
+condemn the torture, and thus feel ourselves, in forgiving, to be more
+truly than ever a Judge.
+
+'Hail to thee, O Clemency[796], patroness of the human race! thou
+reignest in the heavens and on the earth: and most fitting is it that,
+at sacred seasons like this, thou shouldest be supreme.
+
+[Footnote 796: 'Indulgentia.']
+
+'Therefore, O Lictor, thou who art allowed to do with impunity the
+very thing for which other men are punished, put up thy axe; let it be
+henceforth bright, not bloody. Let the chains which have been so often
+wet with tears now grow rusty. The prison--that house of Pluto, in
+which men suffer a living death, from its foul odours, from the sound
+of groaning which assails their ears, from the long fastings which
+destroy their taste, from the heavy weights which weary their hands,
+from the endless darkness which makes their eyes grow dim--let the
+prison now be filled with emptiness. Never is it so popular as when it
+is seen to be deserted.
+
+'And you, its denizens, who are thus in a manner transplanted to
+Heaven from Hell, avoid the evil courses which made you acquainted
+with its horrors. Even animals shun the things which they have once
+found harmful. Cattle which have once fallen into a pit seek not again
+the same road. The bird once snared shuns bird-lime. The pike buries
+himself in deep sand, that he may escape the drag-net, and when it has
+scraped his back leaps nimbly into the waves and expresses by his
+gambols his joy for his deliverance. When the wrasse[797] finds that
+he is caught in an osier trap, he moves himself slowly backwards till
+he can leave his tail protruding, that one of his fellows, perceiving
+his capture, may pull him out from his prison.
+
+[Footnote 797: 'Scarus.']
+
+'So too the Sauri (?), a clever race of fish, named from their speed,
+when they have swum into a net, tie themselves together into a sort of
+rope; and then, tugging backwards with all their might, seek to
+liberate their fellow-prisoners.
+
+'Many facts of the same kind would be discovered on enquiry. But my
+discourse must return to thee, O Gaoler. Thou wilt be miserable in the
+general joy, because thou art wont to derive thy gladness from the
+affliction of many. But as some consolation for thy groans, we leave
+to thee those prisoners whom the Law, for very pity's sake, cannot set
+free--the men found guilty of outrageous crimes, whose liberation
+would make barbarous deeds frequent. Over these thou mayest still
+exert thy power.'
+
+
+
+
+BOOK XII.
+
+CONTAINING TWENTY-EIGHT LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN HIS OWN NAME
+AS PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
+
+
+1. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE VARIOUS CANCELLARII OF THE
+SEVERAL PROVINCES.
+
+[Sidenote: General instructions to the Cancellarii.]
+
+'It is generally supposed that long attendance at the Courts of Law
+increases the love of justice. The character of the Judge also is in
+some degree estimated by that of his officers[798], as that of a
+philosophical teacher by his disciples. Thus your bad actions might
+endanger our reputation, while, on the other hand, with no effort on
+our part, we earn glory from all that you do well. Beware, therefore,
+lest by any misconduct of yours, which is sure to be exaggerated by
+popular rumour, you rouse anger in us, who as your Judge will be sure
+to exact stern recompence for all the wrong you have done to our
+reputation. Study this rather, that you may receive praise and
+promotion at our hands, and go forth, with Divine help, on this
+Indiction, to such and such a Province, adorned with the pomp of the
+Cancelli, and girt about with a certain proud gravity. Remember the
+honour of the _fasces_ which are borne before you, of the Praetorian
+seat whose commands you execute.
+
+[Footnote 798: 'Per milites suos judex intelligitur.']
+
+'Fly Avarice, the Queen of all the vices, who never enters the human
+heart alone, but always brings a flattering and deceiving train along
+with her. Show yourself zealous for the public good; do more by reason
+than by terror. Let your person be a refuge for the oppressed, a
+defence of the weak, a stronghold for him who is stricken down by any
+calamity. Never do you more truly discharge the functions of the
+Cancelli than when you open the prison doors to those who have been
+unjustly confined.'
+
+
+2. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO ALL THE JUDGES OF THE PROVINCES
+(A.D. 534-535).
+
+[Sidenote: General instructions to the Provincial Governors.]
+
+'God be thanked, the Provincials have attended to all my admonitions,
+and I have kept all my promises to them. You, as Judges, have
+admirably copied my own freedom from corruption, and I can only desire
+that you will go on as you have begun.
+
+'Let the peasant pay cheerfully his share of the public taxes, and I
+on my part will guarantee him the administration of justice in the
+courts[799].
+
+[Footnote 799: 'Possessor mihi publicas pecunias libens inferat: ego
+illi in conventus justitiae tributa persolvam.']
+
+'It was evidently the intention of the legislators that you should be
+imitators of our dignity, since they have given you almost the same
+jurisdiction in the Provinces as ourselves.
+
+'What avails the reputation of being a rich man? It confers no glory.
+But to be known as a just man wins the praise of all. Nothing mean or
+avaricious is becoming in a Judge. All his faults are made more
+conspicuous by his elevation. Better were it to be absolutely unknown,
+than to be marked out for the scorn of all men. Let us keep our own
+brews clear from shame; then can we rebuke the sins of others. A
+terrible leveller is iniquity: it makes the Judge himself feel like
+the culprit who is tried before him. All these considerations,
+according to my custom, I bring before you in this my yearly address,
+since it is impossible ever to have too much of a good thing[800].
+
+[Footnote 800:'Haec nos annuo sermone convenit loqui: quia bonarum
+rerum nulla satietas est.']
+
+'Now, to proceed to business. Do you and your official staff impress
+upon all the cultivators of the soil the absolute necessity of their
+paying their land-tax[801] for this thirteenth Indiction[802] at the
+appointed time. Let there be no pressing them to pay before the time,
+and no venal connivance at their postponement of payment after the
+time. What kindness is there in delay? The money must be paid, sooner
+or later.
+
+[Footnote 801: 'Trina Illatio.']
+
+[Footnote 802: Sept. 1, 534, to Sept. 1, 535.]
+
+'Prepare also a full and faithful statement of the expenditure for
+every four months[803], and address it to our bureaux[804], that there
+may be perfect clearness in the public accounts.
+
+[Footnote 803: 'Expensarum fidelem notitiam quaternis mensibus
+comprehensam.' As the receipts of the _Trina Illatio_ had to be
+gathered in every four months, the account of Provincial expenditure
+covered the same period.]
+
+[Footnote 804: 'Ad scrinia nostra dirigere maturabis.']
+
+'In order to help you, we send A and B, members of our official staff,
+to examine your accounts. See that you come up to the standard of duty
+here prescribed for you.'
+
+
+3. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO ALL THE SAJONES WHO HAVE BEEN
+ASSIGNED TO THE CANCELLARII.
+
+[Sidenote: General instructions to the Sajones.]
+
+'There must be fear of the magistrate in the heart of the citizen,
+else the laws would never be obeyed. But as in medicine various
+remedies are required by various constitutions, so in the
+administration of the laws sometimes force and sometimes gentleness
+has to be used. Wisdom is required to decide which is the best mode
+of dealing with each particular case.
+
+'Therefore we despatch your Devotion[805] to attend upon A B,
+Clarissimus Cancellarius. Be terrible to the lawless, but to them
+alone. Above all things see to the punctual collection of the taxes.
+Do not study popularity. Attend only to those cases which are
+entrusted to your care, and work them thoroughly. No greater disgrace
+can attach to an officer of Court than that a Judge's sentence should
+be left unexecuted[806]. Do not swagger through the streets exulting
+in the fact that nobody dares meet you. Brave men are ever gentle in
+time of peace, and there is no greater lover of justice than he who
+has seen many battles. When you return to your parents and friends let
+it not be brawls that you have to boast of, but good conduct. We also
+shall in that case welcome you back with pleasure, and not leave you
+long without another commission. And the King too, the lord of
+all[807], will entrust higher duties to him who returns from the lower
+with credit and the reward of a good conscience.'
+
+[Footnote 805: 'Devotio tua' was the technical way of addressing the
+_fortis Sajo_.]
+
+[Footnote 806: 'In executore illud est pessimum, si judicis relinquat
+arbitrium.']
+
+[Footnote 807: 'Rerum Dominus.']
+
+
+4. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE CANONICARIUS[808] OF THE
+VENETIAE.
+
+[Footnote 808: Revenue-officer.]
+
+[Sidenote: Praise of Acinaticium, a red wine of Verona.]
+
+'A well furnished royal table is a credit to the State. A private
+person may eat only the produce of his own district; but it is the
+glory of a King to collect at his table the delicacies of all lands.
+Let the Danube send us her carp, let the _anchorago_ (?) come from the
+Rhine, let the labour of Sicily furnish the _exormiston_[809], let the
+sea of Bruttii send its sweet _acerniae_ (?); in short, let
+well-flavoured dishes be gathered from all coasts. It becomes a King
+so to regale himself that he may seem to foreign ambassadors to
+possess almost everything.
+
+[Footnote 809: 'Perhaps a kind of lamprey' (White and Riddle's
+Latin-English Dictionary).]
+
+'And therefore, not to neglect home-produce also, as our fertile Italy
+is especially rich in wines, we must have these also provided for the
+King's table. Now the report of the Count of the Patrimony informs us
+that the stock of _Acinaticium_[810] has fallen very low in the royal
+cellars. We therefore order you to visit the cultivators of Verona,
+and offer them a sufficient price for this product of theirs, which
+they ought to offer without price to their Sovereign.
+
+[Footnote 810: Apparently a kind of raisin wine; from _acina_, a grape
+or berry.]
+
+'It is in truth a noble wine and one that Italy may be proud of.
+Inglorious Greece may doctor her wines with foreign admixtures, or
+disguise them with perfumes. There is no need of any such process with
+this liquor. It is purple, as becomes the wine of kings. Sweet and
+strong[811], it grows more dense in tasting it, so that you might
+doubt whether it was a liquid food or an edible drink[812].
+
+[Footnote 811: What are we to make of 'Stipsis nescio qua firmitate
+roboratur?']
+
+[Footnote 812: 'Tactus ejus densitate pinguescit: ut dicas esse aut
+carneum liquorem aut edibilem potionem.' Questionable praise,
+according to the ideas of a modern wine-grower.]
+
+'I have a mind to describe the singular mode of manufacturing this
+wine. The grape cluster, gathered in autumn, is hung up under the roof
+of the house to dry till December. Thus exuding its insipid humours it
+becomes much sweeter. Then in December, when everything else is bound
+by the frost of winter, the chilly blood of these grapes is allowed to
+flow forth. It is not insultingly trodden down by the feet, nor is any
+foul admixture suffered to pollute it; its stream of gem-like
+clearness is drawn forth from it by a noble provocation. It seems to
+shed tears of joy, and delights the eye by its beauty as much as the
+palate by its flavour. Collect this wine as speedily as possible, pay
+a sufficient price for it, and hand it over to the _Cartarii_ who are
+charged with this business.
+
+'And this point is not to be forgotten, that it is to be served up in
+goblets of a milky whiteness. Lilies and roses thus unite their
+charms, and a pleasure is ministered to the eye, far beyond the mere
+commonplace facts that the wine has a pleasant taste, and that it
+restores the strength of the drinker.
+
+'We rely on you to provide both the wine and the drinking vessels[813]
+with all despatch.'
+
+[Footnote 813: We might have expected to find wine-bottles rather than
+wine-glasses thus requisitioned; but I think the words of Cassiodorus,
+'quod lacteo poculo relucescit,' oblige us to adopt the latter
+translation.]
+
+
+5. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO VALERIAN, VIR SUBLIMIS.
+
+[Written probably in the autumn or winter of 535, when Belisarius was
+in Sicily threatening the Southern Provinces of Italy.]
+
+[Sidenote: Measures for relief of Lucania and Bruttii.]
+
+'The ruler's anxiety for the common good of all over whom he is
+placed, may allowably show itself in an especial manner towards the
+dwellers in his own home, and that pre-eminently at a time when they
+need his succour from peril.
+
+'The numerous army which was destined for the defence of the Republic
+is said to have laid waste the cultivated parts of Lucania and
+Bruttii, and to have diminished the abundance of those regions by its
+love of rapine.
+
+'Now since they must take and you must give, and since the cultivator
+must not be robbed nor the army starved, know that the prices of
+provisions are fixed by the order of the Lord of the State at a much
+lower figure than you have been wont to sell at[814].
+
+[Footnote 814: 'Pretia quae antiquus ordo constituit ex jussione rerum
+Domini cognoscite temperata, ut multo arctius quam vendere solebatis
+in assem publicum praebita debeant imputari.']
+
+'Be not therefore anxious. You have escaped the hands of the
+tax-collector. The present instrument takes away from you the
+liability to tribute. In order that your knowledge may be made more
+complete, we have thought it better that the amounts of the provisions
+for which you are held responsible should be expressed in the
+below-written letters[815], that no one may sell you a benefit which
+you know to be conferred by the public generosity.
+
+[Footnote 815: 'Sed quo facilius instrueretur vestra notitia,
+_imputationum summas infra scriptis brevibus credidimus exprimendas._'
+Apparently the ordinary taxes for the two Provinces are remitted, but
+a certain quantity of provisions has to be furnished to the army,
+perhaps by each township; and besides this, the commissariat officers
+have a right of pre-emption at prices considerably below the market
+rate.]
+
+'Repress, therefore, the unruly movements of the cultivators[816].
+While the Gothic army is fighting, let the Roman peasant enjoy in
+quiet the peace for which he sighs. According to the King's command,
+admonish the several tenants on the farms, and the better sort of
+peasants, not to mingle in the barbarism of the strife, lest the
+danger to public tranquillity be greater than any service they can
+render in the wars[817]. Let them lay hands to the iron, but only to
+cultivate their fields; let them grasp the pointed steel, but only to
+goad their oxen.
+
+[Footnote 816: 'Continete ergo possessorum intemperantes motus.']
+
+[Footnote 817: 'Ex Regia jussione singulos conductores massarum et
+possessores validos admonete, ut nullam contrahant in concertatione
+barbariem: ne non tantum festinent bellis prodesse quantum quiete
+confundere.' Evidently the rustics are dissuaded from taking up arms
+lest they should use them on the side of Belisarius.]
+
+'Let the Judges be active: let the tribunals echo with their
+denunciations of crime. Let the robber, the adulterer, the forger, the
+thief, find that the arm of the State is still strong to punish their
+crimes. True freedom rejoices when these men are made sad. Here, in
+this civil battle, is full scope for your energies: attend to this,
+and enjoy the thought that others are fighting the battle with the
+foreign foe for you.
+
+'Exercise great care in calculating the rations of the soldiers, that
+no trickery may succeed in defrauding the soldier of his due.
+
+'The officers of the army are by the rulers of the State placed under
+my authority, and you are therefore to admonish them if they go wrong,
+while redressing all their real grievances. They, in their turn, must
+uphold discipline, which is the most powerful weapon of an army. Rise
+to the dignity of the occasion, and show that you are able to govern a
+Province in a disturbed condition of public affairs, since anyone can
+govern it while all things are quiet.
+
+'The royal household is specially ordered to pay the same obedience to
+this rescript as all the rest of the Province; and as for my own
+dependants, I say expressly that, though I wish them well, I ask for
+no favour for them which I would not grant to all the other
+inhabitants of the Province.'
+
+
+6. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO ALL THE SUBORDINATE GOVERNORS OF
+THE PRAEFECTURE[818].
+
+[Footnote 818: 'Universis Praefecturae titulos administrantibus.']
+
+[Sidenote: General instructions to subordinate Governors.]
+
+'The exhortations addressed to you by the inborn piety of our Lords
+ought to suffice; but nevertheless, that we may be doubly assured, we
+will address to you our threats against all who shall wield their
+power unrighteously. Cease from avarice, from arrogance, from
+venality. What will your money avail you when the day of inquisition
+comes? _We_ shall not be tempted by it. Let it be clearly understood
+that we shall not sell pardons to unjust Judges, but shall hunt them
+to their ruin.
+
+'But all you, good and honest rulers, continue to serve the State
+without fear. No rival will buy your offices over your heads; you are
+secure in your seats so long as you do well, until the time fixed by
+our Lords expires. Be earnest, therefore, that my good deeds may be
+imitated and receive their due meed of praise in your persons.'
+
+
+7. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE TAX-COLLECTOR OF THE VENETIAN
+PROVINCE[819].
+
+[Footnote 819: 'Canonicario Venetiarum.']
+
+[Sidenote: Remission of taxes on account of invasion by the Suevi.]
+
+'A good Sovereign will always exert himself to repair fortuitous
+disasters, and will allow those who have paid their taxes punctually
+in prosperity, considerable liberty in times of barbaric invasion. On
+this ground, and on account of the incursions of the Suevi, the King
+grants for this year, the fifteenth Indiction[820], a discharge of all
+claims by the Fiscus preferred against A and B. And in all similar
+cases where you shall be satisfied that the property has really been
+laid waste by those Barbarians, you are at liberty to remit the taxes
+for this Indiction. Afterwards you will use all the ordinary methods,
+in order that you may be able to pay over the stipulated sum to the
+Royal Treasurer. But meanwhile the poor cultivator has the best of all
+arguments against paying you, namely, that he has nothing left him
+wherewith to pay. Thus is his calamity his best voucher for
+payment[821]; and we do not wish that he who has been already alarmed
+by the arms of the robber should further tremble at the official robe
+of the civil servant[822].
+
+[Footnote 820: Sept. 1, 536, to Sept. 1, 537.]
+
+[Footnote 821: 'Validas contra te apochas invenerunt.']
+
+[Footnote 822: 'Chlamydes non pavescant, qui arma timuerunt.']
+
+
+8. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE CONSULARIS OF THE PROVINCE OF
+LIGURIA.
+
+[Sidenote: Permission to pay taxes direct to Royal Treasury.]
+
+'It is a new and delightful kind of profit to be able to grant the
+request of a petitioner without feeling any loss oneself. The present
+suitor, complaining that he is vexed by the exactions of the
+tax-gatherer on account of certain farms mentioned in the subjoined
+letter, offers to bring the amount due from them himself to our
+Treasurers[823]. We are willing to grant this request, on condition
+that the Fiscus does not suffer thereby; and therefore desire your
+Respectability to warn all _Curiales_, _Compulsores_, and all other
+persons concerned, to remove for this Indiction every kind of legal
+process from the before-mentioned properties; the condition of this
+immunity being that he shall, before the kalends of such and such a
+month produce the receipts[824] of the _Arcarius_, showing that he has
+discharged his debt to the State. Otherwise the debt must be exacted
+by ordinary process. But it is delightful to us whenever the tax is
+paid without calling in the aid of the _Compulsor_. Would that the
+peasant would always thus freely anticipate the needs of the
+Treasury!'
+
+[Footnote 823: 'Arcarii.']
+
+[Footnote 824: 'Apochae.']
+
+
+9. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO PASCHASIUS, PRAEFECT OF THE
+CORN-DISTRIBUTIONS[825].
+
+[Footnote 825: 'Praefectus Annonae.']
+
+[Sidenote: African claims to succeed to estate of an intestate
+countryman.]
+
+[To make this letter intelligible we must presuppose a custom,
+certainly a very extraordinary one, by which on the death of an
+African without heirs, any other African in Italy was allowed to claim
+the inheritance. By 'African,' no doubt, we must understand one of the
+indigenous inhabitants of Africa, perhaps a man of Negro race. The
+custom certainly cannot have applied to African Provincials of Roman
+descent. It was perhaps based on some old tribal notions of joint
+possession and mutual inheritance.]
+
+'It is a work of wondrous kindness to oblige a foreign race with
+public benefits, and not only to invite blood relations to enjoy the
+advantages of property, but to permit even strangers to share them.
+This kind of heirship is independent of the ties of kindred,
+independent of succession from parents, and requires nothing else
+save only power to utter the speech of the fatherland.
+
+'This is the privilege which, as the African asserts, was of old
+bestowed on his race. By virtue thereof they lawfully demand the
+inheritance of others, and thus obtain a right which the Roman in a
+similar case could never claim. Nor have they this benefit in their
+own land; but here they are for this purpose looked upon as all
+related to one another.
+
+'The whole nation, in what relates to the advantages of succession, is
+regarded as one family.
+
+'Your Experience is therefore to submit the subject of this man's
+petition to a diligent examination, and if it shall turn out, as he
+alleges, that the deceased has left no sons nor other persons who
+might reasonably claim to succeed him, your official staff is to
+induct him into the aforesaid property according to the established
+usage.
+
+'He will thus cease to be a foreigner, and will acquire the status of
+a native possessor, and therewith the usual liability to pay tribute.
+He is inferior to other owners only in this one point, that he lacks
+the power of alienating his property. Let him who has derived so much
+benefit from our commiseration now relieve others. Fortunate and
+enviable has turned out his captivity[826], which enables him at one
+and the same time to enjoy the citizenship of Rome and the privileges
+of the African.'
+
+[Footnote 826: 'Felix illi contigit et praedicanda captivitas.' A
+little before, we read, 'Resumat facultatem quam se suspiraverat
+amississe.' These sentences suggest the idea that the petitioner had
+been brought over in the train of the lately deceased person as a
+slave. This a little lessens the difficulty of his being admitted to
+the inheritance. Compare Gen. xv. 3, where Abraham, before the birth
+of a son, says, 'And one born in my house' (i.e. a slave) 'is mine
+heir.']
+
+
+10. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO DIVERS CANCELLARII IN THE
+PROVINCES.
+
+[Sidenote: Taxes to be punctually enforced.]
+
+'Arrears of tribute are like bodily diseases, serious and enfeebling
+when they become chronic. A man who is under a load of debt cannot be
+called free: he has abandoned the power of controlling his actions to
+another. Your supposed indulgence to the taxpayer is no real kindness.
+There comes a time when the whole arrear of debt has to be claimed,
+and then these venal delays of yours make the demand seem twice as
+heavy in the eyes of the unfortunate taxpayer. Cease then to trade
+upon the peasants' losses. Exact the whole amount of taxes for the
+coming Indiction, and pay them in on the appointed day to the
+Treasurer[827] of the Province; or else it will be the worse for you,
+and you will have to return, stripped of all official rank[828], into
+the Province which you are conscious of having badly administered.
+
+[Footnote 827: 'Arcarius.']
+
+[Footnote 828: 'Degeniatus.']
+
+'I shall not _speak_ again on this subject, but shall, if necessary,
+extract the sums from you by an irrevocable act of distraint.'
+
+
+11. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO PETER, VIR CLARISSIMUS,
+DISTRIBUTOR OF RELISHES[829].
+
+[Footnote 829: 'Erogatori obsoniorum.']
+
+[Sidenote: Distribution of relishes to Roman citizens.]
+
+'The liberality of a good Sovereign must not be discredited by fraud
+and carelessness in the person charged with its distribution. Even
+molten gold contracts a stain if not poured into an absolutely clean
+vessel. How sweet is it to see a stream flowing clear and unpolluted
+over a snow-white channel! Even so must you see that the gifts of the
+Sovereign of the State reach the Roman people as pure and as copious
+as they issue forth from him.
+
+'All fraud is hateful; but fraud exercised upon the people of Romulus
+is absolutely unbearable. That quiet and easily satisfied people,
+whose existence you might forget except when they testify their
+happiness by their shouts; noisy without a thought of sedition; whose
+only care is to shun poverty without amassing wealth; lowly in fortune
+but rich in temper--it is a kind of profanation to rob such people as
+these.
+
+'We therefore entrust to you the task of distributing the
+relishes[830] to the Roman people from this Indiction. Be true to the
+citizens, else you will become as an alien unto us. Do not be bribed
+into allowing anyone to pass as a Latin who was not born in Latium.
+
+[Footnote 830: 'Obsonia.']
+
+'These privileges belong to the Quirites alone: no slave must be
+admitted to share them. That man sins against the majesty of the Roman
+people, who defiles the pure river of their blood by thrusting upon
+them the fellowship of slaves.'
+
+
+12. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO ANASTASIUS, CANCELLARIUS OF
+LUCANIA AND BRUTTII.
+
+[Sidenote: Praise of the cheese and wine of Bruttii.]
+
+'When we were dining, according to our wonted custom, with the
+Sovereign of the State[831], the conversation happened to turn upon
+the delicacies of various Provinces, and we praised the wines of
+Bruttii and the cheese of the district around Mount Sila[832].
+
+[Footnote 831: 'Cum apud rerum Dominum solemni more pranderemus.']
+
+[Footnote 832: 'Silanum.' Mount Sila is a range of hills in Calabria
+immediately to the north of Squillace, forty miles from north to
+south, and twenty miles from east to west, and occupying the whole of
+the projecting portion of the south-east side of Italy between the
+Gulf of Squillace and the Bay of Taranto. The highest peaks, which are
+about 5,700 feet high, are covered with snow during half the year. It
+is said that from the beginning of June till far on into October,
+15,000 head of cattle and 150,000 sheep, besides horses and mules,
+graze in these uplands. (See Gael-Fells: Unter Italien, p. 721.)]
+
+'The _cheese_, which retains in its pores the milk which has been
+collected there, recalls by its taste the fragrant herbs upon which
+the cattle have fed; by its texture it reminds us of the softness of
+oil, from which it differs in colour by its snowy whiteness. Having
+been carefully pressed into a wide cask and hardened therein, it
+retains permanently the beautiful round shape which has thus been
+given to it[833].
+
+[Footnote 833: From the description of Cassiodorus, it seems to have
+been a kind of cream cheese.]
+
+'The _wine_, to which Antiquity gave the name of praise, Palmatiana,
+must be selected not of a rough but sweet kind[834]. Though last [in
+geographical position] among the wines of Bruttii, it is by general
+opinion accounted the best, equal to that of Gaza, similar to the
+Sabine, moderately thick, strong, brisk, of conspicuous whiteness,
+distinguished by the fine aroma, of which a pleasant after-taste is
+perceived by the drinker[835]. It constrains loosened bowels, dries up
+moist wounds, and refreshes the weary breast.
+
+[Footnote 834: 'Non stipsi asperum sed gratum suavitate perquire.' The
+same peculiar word, _stipsis_, which we had in Letter xii. 4. What
+meaning are we to assign to the word?]
+
+[Footnote 835: 'Magnis odoribus singulare:--quod ita redolet ore
+ructatum ut merito illi a palma nomen videatur impositum.']
+
+'Let it be your care to provide as speedily as possible a stock of
+both these products of our country, and send them in ships to the
+Royal residence. For a temporary supply we have drawn on our own
+cellars, but we look to you to choose specimens of the genuine quality
+for the King. We cannot be deceived, who retain the true taste in our
+patriotic memory; and at your peril will you provide any inferior
+article to that which our cellars will have supplied[836].'
+
+[Footnote 836: Baronius (Ad Ann. 591) quotes this letter of
+Cassiodorus to explain an allusion in the life of Pope Gregory the
+Great, who refused to receive a present of 'Palmatiana' from the
+Bishop of Messina, and insisted on paying for it.]
+
+
+13. AN EDICT.
+
+[Sidenote: Frauds committed by the revenue officers on the Churches of
+Bruttii and Lucania.]
+
+'The generous gifts of Kings ought to be respected by their subjects.
+
+'Long ago the constitutions of the Emperors enriched the holy
+Churches of Bruttii and Lucania with certain gifts. But since the
+sacrilegious mind is not afraid of sinning against the Divine
+reverence, the Canonicarii (officers of the Exchequer) have robbed
+these ecclesiastical positions of a certain portion of their revenue
+in the name of the Numerarii of the Praetorian Praefect's staff; but
+these latter, with righteous indignation, declare that they have
+received no part of the spoils thus impiously collected in their name.
+
+'Thus have the Canonicarii turned the property of the clergy into a
+_douceur_ for the laity[837]. Oh, audacity of man! what barriers can
+be erected against thee? Thou mightest have hoped to escape human
+observation, but why commit crimes which the Divinity cannot but
+notice?
+
+[Footnote 837: 'Facientes laicum commodum substantiam clericorum.']
+
+'Therefore we ordain by this edict that anyone who shall hereafter
+commit this kind of fraud shall lose his own private gains, and shall
+forfeit his place in the public service[838].
+
+[Footnote 838: 'Edictali programmate definimus, ut qui in hac fuerit
+ulterius fraude versatus et militia careat et compendium propriae
+facultatis amittat.' The last clause is perhaps purposely vague. We
+should have expected to hear something about restitution, but the
+words will not bear that meaning.]
+
+'Let the poor keep the gifts which God has put it into the heart of
+Kings to bestow upon them. It is cruel above all other cruelty to wish
+to become rich by means of the scanty possessions of the mendicant.'
+
+
+14. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO ANASTASIUS, CANCELLARIUS OF
+LUCANIA AND BRUTTII.
+
+[Sidenote: Plea for gentle treatment for citizens of Rhegium.]
+
+'The citizens of Rhegium (so called from the Greek word [Greek:
+rhegnumi], to break, because their island has been broken off from
+Sicily by the violence of the waves) complain that they are being
+unfairly harassed by the tax-gatherers. I, as an eyewitness, can
+confirm the truth of their statement that their territory does not
+bring forth the produce which is claimed at their hands. It is a rocky
+and mountainous country, too dry for pasture, though sufficiently
+undulating for vineyards; bad for grain-crops, though well suited for
+olives. The shade has to be all provided by the industry of man, who
+has planted there the tree of Pallas [the olive], which prospers in
+even the driest soil, because it sends its roots down into the very
+depths of the earth.
+
+'The corn has to be watered by hand, like pot-herbs in a garden. You
+seldom see the husbandman bending beneath his load as he returns from
+the threshing-floor. A few bushels full are all that he can boast of,
+even in an abundant harvest[839].
+
+[Footnote 839: I do not understand the following sentences: 'In hortis
+autem rusticorum agmen habetur operosum: quia olus illic omne saporum
+est marina irroratione respersum. Quod humana industria fieri
+consuevit, hoc cum nutriretur accepit.' Can they have watered any
+herbs with salt water?]
+
+'Contrary to the opinion of Virgil [who speaks of the bitter roots of
+the endive[840]], the fibres of endive are here extremely sweet, and
+encircled by their twisting leaves are caked together with a certain
+callous tenderness[841].
+
+[Footnote 840:
+
+ 'Nec tamen, haec quum sint hominumque boumque labores
+ Versando terram experti, nihil improbus anser,
+ Strymoniaeque grues, et _amaris intuba fibris_
+ Officiunt.'--Georgic i. 118-121.]
+
+[Footnote 841: I must renounce the attempt to translate the rest of
+the sentence: 'Unde in morem nitri aliquid decerptum frangitur, dum a
+fecundo cespite segregatur.' There is an alternative reading, _vitri_
+for _nitri_; but I am still unable to understand the author's
+meaning.]
+
+'In the treasures of the deep that region is certainly rich; for the
+Upper and Lower Sea meet there. The _exormiston_[842], a sort of king
+among fishes, with bristly nostrils and a milky delicacy of flavour,
+is found in these waters. In stormy weather it is tossed about on the
+top of the waves, and seems to be too tired or too indolent to seek a
+refuge in the deeper water[843]. No other fish can be compared to it
+in sweetness[844].
+
+[Footnote 842: Apparently a kind of lamprey. See the fourth letter of
+this book.]
+
+[Footnote 843: Perhaps Cassiodorus means to say this makes it more
+easy of capture, but he does not say so.]
+
+[Footnote 844: The praises of the exormiston are not only foreign to
+the main subject of the letter, but to a certain extent weaken the
+writer's argument on behalf of his countrymen; but, as a good
+Bruttian, he cannot help vaunting the products of his country.]
+
+'These are the products--I speak from my own knowledge--of the Rhegian
+shore. Therefore you must not seek to levy a tribute of wheat or lard
+from the inhabitants under the name of "coemptio."
+
+'I may add that they are so troubled by the constant passage of
+travellers entering Italy or leaving it, that it would have been right
+to excuse them even if those products had been found there in
+abundance[845].'
+
+[Footnote 845: The passage to and fro of travellers no doubt brought
+with it burdensome duties for the inhabitants in connection with the
+_Cursus Publicus_. It was therefore a reason for mitigating other
+taxes.]
+
+
+15. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO MAXIMUS, VIR CLARISSIMUS,
+CANCELLARIUS OF LUCANIA AND BRUTTII[846].
+
+[Footnote 846: This letter, being the description by Cassiodorus of
+his native place, is translated entire.]
+
+[Sidenote: Praises of the author's birthplace, Scyllacium.]
+
+'Scyllacium, the first city of Bruttii, which Ulysses the destroyer of
+Troy is believed to have founded, is said to be unreasonably vexed by
+the exorbitant demands of purveyors[847]. These injuries grieve us all
+the more on account of our patriotic love for the place.
+
+[Footnote 847: 'Irrationabiliter dicitur praesumentium nimietate
+vexari.']
+
+'The city of Scyllacium, which is so placed as to look down upon the
+Hadriatic Gulf, hangs upon the hills like a cluster of grapes: not
+that it may pride itself upon their difficult ascent, but that it may
+voluptuously gaze on verdant plains and the blue back of the sea. The
+city beholds the rising sun from its very cradle, when the day that is
+about to be born sends forward no heralding Aurora; but as soon as it
+begins to rise, the quivering brightness displays its torch. It
+beholds Phoebus in his joy; it is bathed in the brightness of that
+luminary, so that it might be thought to be itself the native land of
+the sun, the claims of Rhodes to that honour being outdone.
+
+'It enjoys a translucent air, but withal so temperate that its winters
+are sunny, and its summers cool; and life passes there without sorrow,
+since hostile seasons are feared by none. Hence, too, man himself is
+here freer of soul than elsewhere, for this temperateness of the
+climate prevails in all things.
+
+'In sooth, a hot fatherland makes its children sharp and fickle, a
+cold one slow and sly; it is only a temperate climate which composes
+the characters of men by its own moderation. Hence was it that the
+ancients pronounced Athens to be the seat of sages, because, enriched
+with an air of the greatest purity, it prepared with glad liberality
+the lucid intellects of its sons for the contemplative part of life.
+Assuredly for the body to imbibe muddy waters is a different thing
+from sucking in the transparency of a sweet fountain. Even so the
+vigour of the mind is repressed when it is clogged by a heavy
+atmosphere. Nature herself hath made us subject to these influences.
+Clouds make us feel sad; and again a bright sky fills us with joy,
+because the heavenly substance of the soul delights in everything that
+is unstained and pure.
+
+'Scyllacium has also an abundant share of the delicacies of the sea,
+possessing near it those gates of Neptune which we ourselves
+constructed. At the foot of the Moscian Mount we hollowed out the
+bowels of the rock, and tastefully[848] introduced therein the eddying
+waves of Nereus. Here a troop of fishes, sporting in free captivity,
+refreshes all minds with delight, and charms all eyes with admiration.
+They run greedily to the hand of man, and before they become his food
+seek dainties from him. Man feeds his own dainty morsels, and while he
+has that which can bring them into his power, it often happens that
+being already replete he lets them all go again.
+
+[Footnote 848: 'Decenter.']
+
+'The spectacle moreover of men engaged in honourable labour is not
+denied to those who are sitting tranquilly in the city. Plenteous
+vineyards are beheld in abundance. The fruitful toil of the
+threshing-floor is seen. The face of the green olive is disclosed. No
+one need sigh for the pleasures of the country, when it is given him
+to see them all from the town.
+
+'And inasmuch as it has now no walls, you believe Scyllacium to be a
+rural city, though you might judge it to be an urban villa; and thus
+placed between the two worlds of town and country, it is lavishly
+praised by both.
+
+'This place wayfarers desire frequently to visit, and as they object
+to the toil of walking, the citizens, called upon to provide them with
+post-horses, and rations for their servants, have to pay heavily in
+purse for the pleasantness of their city. Therefore to prevent this,
+for the future we decide that all charges for providing post-horses
+and rations shall be debited to the public account. We cut up, root
+and branch, the system of paying _Pulveratica_[849] to the Judge; and
+we decide, according to ancient custom, that rations for three days
+only shall be given on their arrival to the great Dignitaries of the
+State, and that any more prolonged delay in their locomotion be
+provided for by themselves.
+
+[Footnote 849: Dust-money.]
+
+'To relieve your city of its heaviest burdens will be, according to
+our injunctions, an act of judicial impartiality, not of laxity. Live,
+by God's help, a mirror of the justice of the age, delighting in the
+security of all. Some people call the Isles of the Atlantic
+'Fortunate:' I would rather give that name to the place where you do
+now dwell.'
+
+
+16. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO A REVENUE OFFICER[850].
+
+[Footnote 850: 'Canonicario.']
+
+[This interesting letter is one of the few written by Cassiodorus as
+Praetorian Praefect which we can date with certainty. It is written
+apparently at the beginning of the first Indiction, i.e. Sept. 1, 537.
+Witigis and the Goths have been for nearly six months besieging Rome,
+and are beginning to be discouraged as to its capture. Cassiodorus is
+probably at Ravenna, directing the machine of government from that
+capital.]
+
+[Sidenote: Payment of Trina Illatio.]
+
+'Time, which adapts itself incessantly to the course of human affairs,
+and reconciles us even to adversity[851], has brought round again the
+period for collecting the _Trina Illatio_ from the taxpayer. Let the
+peasant (_possessor_) pay in your Diocese, for this first Indiction,
+his instalment of the tax freely, not being urged too soon nor allowed
+to postpone it too late, so that he may plead that he has been let off
+from payment[852]. Let none exceed the fair weight, but let him use a
+just pound: if once the true weight is allowed to be exceeded, there
+is no limit to extortion[853].
+
+[Footnote 851: 'Dum res nobis etiam asperas captata semper opinione
+conciliat.' Apparently a veiled allusion to the disasters of the
+Goths.]
+
+[Footnote 852: 'Nec iterum remissione lentata quisquam se dicat esse
+praeteritum.']
+
+[Footnote 853: This mention of the just weight of course suits a tax
+paid in kind, not in money.]
+
+'Let a faithful account of the expenses of collection be rendered
+every four months to our office[854], that, all error and obscurity
+being removed, truth may be manifest in the public accounts.
+
+[Footnote 854: 'Expensarum quoque fidelem notitiam per quaternos
+menses ad scrinia nostra solemniter destinabis.']
+
+'That you may, with God's help, be the better able to fulfil our
+instructions, I have ordered A and B, servants of our tribunal, who
+are mindful of their own past responsibilities, to assist you and your
+staff[855]. Beware therefore, lest you incur the blame of corruptly
+discharging the taxpayer, or of sluggish idleness in the discharge of
+your duties, in which case your own fortunes will suffer from your
+neglect.'
+
+[Footnote 855: 'Illum atque illum sedis nostrae milites, tibi
+officioque tuo periculorum suorum memores praecipimus imminere.']
+
+
+17. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO JOHN, SILIQUATARIUS[856] OF
+RAVENNA.
+
+[Footnote 856: Collector of the Siliquaticum, or tax of one
+twenty-fourth on sales. See ii. 30, iii. 35, iv. 19.]
+
+[Sidenote: Defence of Ravenna.]
+
+'In times of peace, by contact with foreigners who swarm in our
+cities, we learn what will be our best defence in war. Who can tell
+with what nation we may be next at war? Therefore, to be on the safe
+side, make such preparations as our future enemies, whosoever they may
+be, will dislike to hear of. Accordingly you are to order the peasants
+to dig a series of pits with wide mouths near the mountains of
+Caprarius and the parts round about the walls[857]; and let such a
+chasm yawn there that there shall be no possibility of entrance that
+way.
+
+[Footnote 857: No doubt the walls of Ravenna. I cannot identify the
+Mons Caprarius. The name Caprera is a common one in Italy.]
+
+'If strangers want to enter the city, why do they not enter it in the
+right way--by the gates--instead of going skulking about these
+bye-paths? Henceforth, anyone trying to take any such short cut to our
+city will probably find that he loses his life in consequence[858].'
+
+[Footnote 858: One may conjecture that this letter was written in 535,
+when war with the Empire was imminent, but before it was actually
+declared.]
+
+
+18. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO CONSTANTIAN, VIR
+EXPERIENTISSIMUS.
+
+[Sidenote: Repair of Flaminian Way.]
+
+'Great is the reward of those who serve Kings efficiently; as severe
+is the punishment of those who neglect their duties towards them.
+
+'How delightful is it to journey without obstacles over a well-made
+road[859], to pass doubtful places without fear, to ascend mountainous
+steeps by a gentle incline, to have no fear of the planking of a
+bridge when one crosses it[860], and in short to accomplish one's
+journey so that everything happens to one's liking!
+
+[Footnote 859: 'Videre judicia diligentia.' I leave this clause
+untranslated, as I cannot understand it.]
+
+[Footnote 860: 'In pontibus contrabium non tremere.']
+
+'This is the pleasure which you can now prepare for your Sovereign.
+Therefore, as the Flaminian Way is furrowed by the action of torrents,
+join the yawning chasms by the broadest of bridges; clear away the
+rough woods which choke the sides of the highway; procure the
+stipulated number of post-horses, and see that they have all the
+points which are required in a good steed; collect the designated
+quantities of provisions without plundering the peasants. A failure in
+any one of these particulars will ruin your whole service.
+
+[Sidenote: Supply of delicacies for the King's table.]
+
+'Collect, too, with the utmost diligence the spices which are needed
+for the King's table. What avails it to have satisfied the army, if
+the King's own board lack proper care. Let all the Provincials attend
+to your admonitions: let the cities furnish the stores set forth in
+the accompanying letters. Then, when they have put the Sovereign in a
+good humour, they may ask him for benefits to some purpose.
+
+'Think of me as present and as judging of all your deeds. I shall have
+to bear the blame of your failures at Court; so act rather as to set
+my mind at rest, to cover me and yourselves with glory, and to entitle
+me to receive on your behalf the thanks of the whole army.'
+
+[This letter was probably written in the autumn of 535, when Theodahad
+was preparing to march to Rome. The mention of the delicacies for the
+royal table suggests that that King, in addition to the other
+excellencies of his character, was probably an epicure.]
+
+
+19. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO MAXIMUS, VICARIUS OF THE CITY OF
+ROME.
+
+[Sidenote: Bridge of boats across the Tiber.]
+
+'As all great events in Nature have their heralding signs, so is the
+approaching visit of the King announced to you even by the concourse
+of wayfarers to your City. We, however, have to order you to clothe
+the waves of Tiber with a bridge [of boats]. The boat, thus used, is
+no longer moved by slowly hauled ropes, as it is wont to be. Fixed
+itself, it affords a means of transit to others. The joining of its
+planks gives the desired appearance of solidity; all the terror of the
+waves is removed by its likeness to the land, and the traveller
+passing over it unharmed only wishes that the bridge were longer.
+
+'Let a safe bulwark of lattice-work shield the bridge on the right
+side and on the left. See that you give no cause for misadventure of
+any kind. You have a noble opportunity of distinguishing yourself in
+the presence of so many Senators and of the King himself, the rewarder
+of every well-done work. On the other hand, if you do it badly and put
+him out of humour, woe be unto you!
+
+'We send A B, a servant of our Praefecture[861], to assist you and
+your staff and bring us report of the accomplishment of the work; for
+so heavy is our responsibility in this matter that we dare not leave
+anything to chance.'
+
+[Footnote 861: 'Illum sedis nostrae militem.']
+
+[The King whose advent to Rome is here announced may be Witigis, after
+his election in the plains of Regeta (August, 536). But the fact that
+he is apparently approaching Rome by the northern bank of the Tiber,
+coupled with the directions in the preceding letter for the repair of
+the Flaminian Way, makes it more probable that some visit of Theodahad
+(probably in the year 535), when he would come from Ravenna to Rome,
+is here in prospect.]
+
+
+20. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THOMAS AND PETER, VIRI CLARISSIMI
+AND ARCARII.
+
+[Sidenote: Sacred vessels mortgaged by Pope Agapetus to be restored to
+the stewards of the Papal See.]
+
+'You will remember, most faithful Sirs, that when the holy Agapetus,
+Pope of the City of Rome, was sent as ambassador to the Sovereign of
+the East[862], he received so many pounds of gold from you for the
+expenses of the journey, for which he gave his bond[863] and deposited
+some of the Church plate as security[864]. The provident ruler thus
+lent him money in his necessity, and now, far more gloriously, returns
+as a free gift those pledges which the Pope might well have thanked
+him for taking.
+
+[Footnote 862: He was sent by Theodahad; entered Constantinople
+February 20, 536, and died there 21st April of the same year.]
+
+[Footnote 863: 'Facto pictacio.']
+
+[Footnote 864: 'Vasa sanctorum.' One would think this must refer to
+the vessels used in celebrating mass; but I do not quite see how the
+meaning is to be got out of the words.]
+
+'Therefore, in obedience to these instructions of ours, and fortified
+by the Royal order, do you return without any delay to the
+stewards[865] of the holy Apostle Peter the vessels of the saints
+together with the written obligation, that these things may be felt to
+be profitably restored and speedily granted, that the longed-for means
+of performing their world-famous ministrations may be replaced in the
+hands of the Levites. Let that be given back which was their own,
+since that is justly received back by way of largesse which the Priest
+had legally mortgaged.
+
+[Footnote 865: 'Actoribus.']
+
+'Herein is the great example of King Alaric surpassed. He, when
+glutted with the spoil of Rome, having received the vessels of the
+Apostle Peter from his men, when he heard the story of their seizure,
+ordered them to be carried back across the sacred threshold, that so
+the remembrance of the cupidity of their capture might be effaced by
+the generosity of their restoration.
+
+'But our King, with religious purpose, has restored the vessels which
+had become his own by the law of mortgage. In recompense for such
+deeds frequent prayer ought to ascend, and Heaven will surely gladly
+grant the required return for such good actions[866].'
+
+[Footnote 866: Baronius not unfairly argues that if the Roman See was
+so poor that the Church plate had to be pawned to provide for the
+Pope's journey to Constantinople, the _wealth_ of the Pope cannot have
+largely contributed to that great increase of his influence which
+marked the early years of the Sixth Century.]
+
+[There are in this letter several extremely obscure sentences as to
+the generosity of Theodahad. As the Papal journey was undertaken by
+Theodahad's orders, it was a piece of meanness, quite in keeping with
+that King's character, to treat the advance of money for the journey
+as a loan, and to insist on a bond and the deposit of the Church plate
+as a security for repayment. Cassiodorus evidently feels this; and
+very probably the restoration of the vessels and the quittance of the
+debt had been insisted on by him. But the more he despises his
+master's shabbiness, the more he struggles through a maze of almost
+nonsensical sentences, to prove that he has committed some very
+glorious action in lending the money and then forgiving the debt.]
+
+
+21. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO DEUSDEDIT, A SCRIBE OF RAVENNA.
+
+[Sidenote: Duties of a Scribe.]
+
+'The Scribe's office is the great safeguard of the rights of all men.
+The evidence of ownership may be destroyed by fire or purloined by
+dishonest men, but the State by making use of the Scribe's labours is
+able to make good the loss so sustained. The Scribe is more diligent
+in other men's business than they are in their own. His
+muniment-chest is the refuge of all the oppressed, and the repository
+of the fortunes of all men[867].
+
+[Footnote 867: 'Armarium ipsius fortuna cunctorum est.']
+
+'In testimony of your past integrity, and in the hope that no change
+will mar this fair picture, we appoint you to this honourable office.
+Remember that ancient Truth is committed to your keeping, and that it
+often really rests with you, rather than with the Judge, to decide the
+disputes of litigants. When your indisputable testimony is given, and
+when the ancient voice of charters proceeds from your _sanctum_,
+Advocates receive it with reverence, and suitors, even
+evil-intentioned men, are constrained into obedience.
+
+'Banish, therefore, all thoughts of venality from your mind. The worst
+moth that gets into papers and destroys them is the gold of the
+dishonest litigant, who bribes the Scribes to make away with evidence
+which he knows to be hostile. Thus, then, be ready always to produce
+to suitors genuine old documents; and, on the other hand, transcribe
+only, do not compose ancient proceedings[868]. Let the copy correspond
+to the original as the wax to the signet-ring, that as the face is the
+index of the emotions[869] so your handwriting may not err from the
+authentic original in anything.
+
+[Footnote 868: 'Translator esto, non conditor antiquorum gestorum.']
+
+[Footnote 869: Compare Cassiodorus' treatise De Anima, chapters x. and
+xi., in which he enumerates the various points in which the faces of
+good men and bad men differ from one another.]
+
+'If a claimant succeed in enticing you even once from the paths of
+honesty, vainly will you in any subsequent case seek to obtain his
+credence for any document that you may produce; for he will always
+believe that the trick which has been played once may be played again.
+Keep to the line of justice, and even his angry exclamations at the
+impossibility of inducing you to deviate therefrom, will be your
+highest testimonial. Your whole career is public, and the favour or
+disgrace which awaits you must be public also.'
+
+
+22. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE PROVINCIALS OF ISTRIA.
+
+[This letter was written Sept. 1, 537, probably in consequence of the
+scarcity which the operations of Belisarius were already causing at
+Ravenna. Apparently the whole taxes levied from a Province at an
+Indiction were divided into two heads: so much for the central
+authority, and so much for the Province. Cassiodorus in this and the
+following letter says in effect: 'All the State's share of the taxes
+we will take not in money, but in your staple products, corn, wine,
+and oil. The rest goes as usual to the Province; but owing to the
+scarcity at Ravenna we shall be glad to buy all that can be spared
+either by the authorities of the Province or by individuals, whether
+farmers or merchants.']
+
+'The true way to prevent the requirements of the public revenue from
+becoming oppressive, is to order each Province to supply those
+products in which it is naturally most fertile.
+
+[Sidenote: Requisition from Province of Istria.]
+
+'Now I have learned by conversation with travellers that the Province
+of Istria is this year especially blessed in three of its crops--wine,
+oil, and corn. Therefore let her give of these products the equivalent
+of ... solidi, which are due from you in payment of tribute for this
+first Indiction[870]: while the remainder we leave to that loyal
+Province for her own regular expenses. But since we require a larger
+quantity of the above-mentioned products, we send ... solidi from our
+state chest for the purchase of them, that these necessaries may be
+collected for us with as little delay as possible. Often when you are
+desirous to sell you cannot find a purchaser, and suffer loss
+accordingly. How much better is it to obey the requirements of your
+Lords than to supply foreigners; and to pay your debts in the fruits
+of the soil, rather than to wait on the caprices of a buyer!
+
+[Footnote 870: The first Indiction was from September 1, 537, to
+September 1, 538.]
+
+'We will ourselves out of our love of justice state a fact of which
+you might otherwise remind us, that we can afford to be liberal in
+price because we are not burdened by the payment of freights [on
+account of your nearness to the seat of government]. For what Campania
+is to Rome, Istria is to Ravenna--a fruitful Province abounding in
+corn, wine, and oil; so to speak, the cupboard of the capital. I might
+carry the comparison further, and say that Istria can show her own
+Baiae in the lagunes with which her shores are indented[871], her own
+Averni in the pools abounding in oysters and fish. The palaces, strung
+like pearls along the shores of Istria, show how highly our ancestors
+appreciated its delights[872]. The beautiful chain of islands with
+which it is begirt, shelter the sailor from danger and enrich the
+cultivator. The residence of the Court in this district delights the
+nobles and enriches the lower orders; and it may be said that all its
+products find their way to the Royal city. Now let the loyal Province,
+which has often tendered her services when they were less required,
+send forward her stores freely.
+
+[Footnote 871: Here follows this sentence: 'Haec loca garismatia plura
+nutriunt.' Garum seems to have been a sauce something like our
+anchovy-sauce. Garismatium is evidently a garum-supplying place.]
+
+[Footnote 872: We have a special allusion in Martial (iv. 25) to the
+villas of Altinum, and he too compares them to those of Baiae.]
+
+'To guard against any misunderstanding of our orders, we send
+Laurentius, a man of great experience, whose instructions are
+contained in the annexed letter.
+
+'We will publish a tariff of moderate prices when we next address you,
+and when we have ascertained what is the yield of the present crops;
+for we should be deciding quite at random before we have received that
+information.'
+
+
+23. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO LAURENTIUS, VIR
+EXPERIENTISSIMUS[873].
+
+[Footnote 873: Evidently 'the annexed letter' referred to in No. 22.]
+
+[Sidenote: The same subject.]
+
+'Anyone can discharge the duties of the Commissariat in a time of
+abundance. It is a mark of our high appreciation of your experience
+and efficiency, that we select you for this service in a time of
+scarcity. We therefore direct you to repair to the Province of Istria,
+there to collect stores of wine, oil, and corn, equivalent to ...
+solidi, due from the Province for land-tax[874], and with ... solidi
+which you have received from our Treasurer to buy these products
+either from the merchants or from the peasants directly, according to
+the information prepared for you by the Cashiers[875]. Raise your
+spirits for this duty, and discharge it in a manner worthy of your
+past reputation. Make to us a faithful report of the yield of the
+coming harvest, under these three heads[876], that we may fix a tariff
+of prices which shall be neither burdensome to the Provincials nor
+injurious to the public service.'
+
+[Footnote 874: 'Ut in tot solidos vini, olei, vel tritici species de
+tributario solido debeas procurare.']
+
+[Footnote 875: 'Sicut te a Numerariis instruxit porrecta Notitia.'
+Note this use of the word 'Notitia,' as illustrating the title of the
+celebrated document bearing that name.]
+
+[Footnote 876: Corn, wine, and oil.]
+
+
+24. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE TRIBUNES OF THE MARITIME
+POPULATION[877].
+
+[Footnote 877: Written shortly after Sept. 1, 537. This is the
+celebrated letter to which Venetian historians point as evidence of
+the existence of their city (or at least of the group of settlements
+out of which their city sprang) in the Sixth Century. We may set side
+by side with it the words of the Anonymous Geographer of Ravenna (in
+the Seventh Century), 'In patria vero Venetiae sunt aliquantae
+insulae, quae hominibus habitantur.'
+
+The address, _Tribunis Maritimorum_, looks as if there were something
+like a municipal government established in these islands. Tribunus was
+at this time generally, but not exclusively, a military title. Compare
+the Tribunus Fori Suarii and Tribunus Rerum Nitentium of the Notitia
+(Occidens iv. 10 and iv. 17). But there can be no doubt, from the tone
+of this letter, that the islanders were subjects of the Ostrogothic
+King.]
+
+[Sidenote: First historical notice of Venice.]
+
+'We have previously given orders that Istria should send wine and oil,
+of which there are abundant crops this year, to the Royal residence
+at Ravenna. Do you, who possess numerous ships on the borders of the
+Province, show the same devotion in forwarding the stores which they
+do in supplying them.
+
+'Be therefore active in fulfilling this commission in your own
+neighbourhood, you who often cross boundless distances. It may be said
+that [in visiting Ravenna] you are going through your own
+guest-chambers, you who in your voyages traverse your own home[878].
+This is also added to your other advantages, that to you another route
+is open, marked by perpetual safety and tranquillity. For when by
+raging winds the sea is closed, a way is opened to you through the
+most charming river scenery[879]. Your keels fear no rough blasts;
+they touch the earth with the greatest pleasure, and cannot perish
+however frequently they may come in contact with it. Beholders from a
+distance, not seeing the channel of the stream, might fancy them
+moving through the meadows. Cables have been used to keep them at
+rest: now drawn by ropes they move, and by a changed order of things
+men help their ships with their feet. They draw their drawers without
+labour, and instead of the capricious favour of sails they use the
+more satisfactory steps of the sailor.
+
+[Footnote 878: An obscure sentence: 'Per hospitia quodammodo vestra
+discurritis qui per patriam navigatis.' The idea seems to be: 'You
+have to sail about from one room to another of your own house, and
+therefore Ravenna will seem like a neighbouring inn.']
+
+[Footnote 879: The next four sentences describe the movement of the
+ships when towed along the channels of the streams (Brenta, Piave,
+Tagliamento, &c.) the deposits from which have made the lagunes.]
+
+'It is a pleasure to recall the situation of your dwellings as I
+myself have seen them. Venetia the praiseworthy[880], formerly full of
+the dwellings of the nobility, touches on the south Ravenna and the
+Po, while on the east it enjoys the delightsomeness of the Ionian
+shore, where the alternating tide now discovers and now conceals the
+face of the fields by the ebb and flow of its inundation. Here after
+the manner of water-fowl have you fixed your home. He who was just now
+on the mainland finds himself on an island, so that you might fancy
+yourself in the Cyclades[881], from the sudden alterations in the
+appearance of the shore.
+
+[Footnote 880: 'Venetiae praedicabiles.' An allusion, no doubt, as
+other commentators have suggested, to the reputed derivation of
+Venetia from [Greek: Ainetoi], 'the laudable.']
+
+[Footnote 881: Alluding probably to the story of the floating island
+of Delos.]
+
+'Like them[882] there are seen amid the wide expanse of the waters
+your scattered homes, not the product of Nature, but cemented by the
+care of man into a firm foundation[883]. For by a twisted and knotted
+osier-work the earth there collected is turned into a solid mass, and
+you oppose without fear to the waves of the sea so fragile a bulwark,
+since forsooth the mass of waters is unable to sweep away the shallow
+shore, the deficiency in depth depriving the waves of the necessary
+power.
+
+[Footnote 882: 'Earum similitudine.' Does Cassiodorus mean 'like the
+water-fowl,' or 'like the Cyclades?']
+
+[Footnote 883: The reading of Nivellius (followed by Migne),
+'Domicilia videntur sparsa, quae Natura non protulit sed hominum cura
+fundavit,' seems to give a better sense than that of Garet, who omits
+the 'non.']
+
+'The inhabitants have one notion of plenty, that of gorging themselves
+with fish. Poverty therefore may associate itself with wealth on equal
+terms. One kind of food refreshes all; the same sort of dwelling
+shelters all; no one can envy his neighbour's home; and living in this
+moderate style they escape that vice [of envy] to which all the rest
+of the world is liable.
+
+'Your whole attention is concentrated on your salt-works. Instead of
+driving the plough or wielding the sickle, you roll your cylinders.
+Thence arises your whole crop, when you find in them that product
+which you have not manufactured[884]. There it may be said is your
+subsistence-money coined[885]. Of this art of yours every wave is a
+bondservant. In the quest for gold a man may be lukewarm: but salt
+every one desires to find; and deservedly so, since to it every kind
+of meat owes its savour.
+
+[Footnote 884: 'Inde vobis fructus omnis enascitur, quando in ipsis,
+et quae non facitis possidetis.']
+
+[Footnote 885: 'Moneta illic quodammodo percutitur victualis.' Some
+have supposed that these words point to a currency in salt; but I
+think they are only a Cassiodorian way of saying 'By this craft ye
+have your wealth.']
+
+'Therefore let your ships, which you have tethered, like so many
+beasts of burden, to your walls, be repaired with diligent care: so
+that when the most experienced Laurentius attempts to bring you his
+instructions, you may hasten forth to greet him. Do not by any
+hindrance on your part delay the necessary purchases which he has to
+make; since you, on account of the character of your winds, are able
+to choose the shortest sea-track[886].'
+
+[Footnote 886: This is the only translation I can suggest of 'quatenus
+expensas necessarias nulla difficultate tardetis, qui pro qualitate
+aeris compendium vobis eligere potestis itineris.']
+
+
+25. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO HIS DEPUTY[887] AMBROSIUS, AN
+ILLUSTRIS.
+
+[Footnote 887: 'Agenti vices.' See note on xi. 4.]
+
+[This letter appears to have been written in the early autumn of 538,
+about a year after the three last letters, and also after Letters 27
+and 28, which precede it in order of date, though they follow it in
+this collection. For an account of the terrible famine in Italy, the
+beginning of which is here described, see Procopius, De Bello Gotthico
+ii. 20.]
+
+[Sidenote: Famine in Italy.]
+
+'Since the world is not governed by chance, but by a Divine Ruler who
+does not change His purposes at random, men are alarmed, and naturally
+alarmed, at the extraordinary signs in the heavens, and ask with
+anxious hearts what events these may portend. The Sun, first of stars,
+seems to have lost his wonted light, and appears of a bluish colour.
+We marvel to see no shadows of our bodies at noon, to feel the mighty
+vigour of his heat wasted into feebleness, and the phenomena which
+accompany a transitory eclipse prolonged through a whole year.
+
+'The Moon too, even when her orb is full, is empty of her natural
+splendour. Strange has been the course of the year thus far. We have
+had a winter without storms, a spring without mildness, and a summer
+without heat. Whence can we look for harvest, since the months which
+should have been maturing the corn have been chilled by Boreas? How
+can the blade open if rain, the mother of all fertility, is denied to
+it? These two influences, prolonged frost and unseasonable drought,
+must be adverse to all things that grow. The seasons seem to be all
+jumbled up together, and the fruits, which were wont to be formed by
+gentle showers, cannot be looked for from the parched earth. But as
+last year was one that boasted of an exceptionally abundant harvest,
+you are to collect all of its fruits that you can, and store them up
+for the coming months of scarcity, for which it is well able to
+provide. And that you may not be too much distressed by the signs in
+the heavens of which I have spoken, return to the consideration of
+Nature, and apprehend the reason of that which makes the vulgar gape
+with wonder.
+
+'The middle air is thickened by the rigour of snow and rarefied by the
+beams of the Sun. This is the great Inane, roaming between the heavens
+and the earth. When it happens to be pure and lighted up by the rays
+of the sun it opens out its true aspect[888]; but when alien elements
+are blended with it, it is stretched like a hide across the sky, and
+suffers neither the true colours of the heavenly bodies to appear nor
+their proper warmth to penetrate. This often happens in cloudy weather
+for a time; it is only its extraordinary prolongation which has
+produced these disastrous effects, causing the reaper to fear a new
+frost in harvest, making the apples to harden when they should grow
+ripe, souring the old age of the grape-cluster.
+
+[Footnote 888: 'Vestros (?) veraciter pandit aspectus.']
+
+'All this, however, though it would be wrong to construe it as an omen
+of Divine wrath, cannot but have an injurious effect on the fruits of
+the earth. Let it be your care to see that the scarcity of this one
+year does not bring ruin on us all. Even thus was it ordained by the
+first occupant of our present dignity[889], that the preceding plenty
+should avail to mitigate the present penury.'
+
+[Footnote 889: Joseph, Praetorian Praefect of Egypt under Pharaoh.]
+
+
+26. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO PAULUS, VIR STRENUUS[890].
+
+[Footnote 890: Paulas was probably a Sajo.]
+
+[Sidenote: Remission of taxes for Province of Venetia in consequence
+of the famine.]
+
+'We are glad when we can reconcile the claims of the public service
+with the suggestions of pity. The Venerable Augustin, a man
+illustrious by his life and name, has brought under our notice the
+lamentable petition of the Venetians, to the effect that there have
+been in their Province no crops of wine, wheat, or millet, and that
+they must be ruined unless the Royal pity succours them.
+
+'In these circumstances it would be cruel to exact the customary
+supplies from them, and we therefore remit the contributions of wine
+and wheat for the use of the army which we had ordered from the cities
+of Concordia, Aquileia, and Forojulii[891], exacting only the meat, as
+shown by the accompanying letter[892].
+
+[Footnote 891: Now Cividale in Friuli. Notice the terminations of
+these names: 'ex Concordiense, Aquileiense, et Forojuliense
+civitatibus' ('e,' not 'i').]
+
+[Footnote 892: The letter here alluded to does not appear to be
+preserved.]
+
+'We shall send from hence a sufficient supply of wheat when the time
+comes; and as we are told that there is a plentiful crop of wine in
+Istria, you can buy there the wine that would have been furnished by
+the three cities. Be sure that you ask for no fee in this matter.
+This remission of taxes is absolutely gratuitous on our part.'
+
+
+27. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO DATIUS[893], BISHOP OF MILAN.
+
+[Footnote 893: Cassiodorus, like Procopius, spells this name with a
+'t.' Some of the ecclesiastical writers spell it with a 'c.']
+
+[Sidenote: Relief of famine-stricken citizens of Ticinum and Dertona.]
+
+'It is most fitting that good and holy men should be made the stewards
+of the Royal bounty. We therefore request your Holiness, in accordance
+with the King's commands, to open the granaries at Ticinum[894], and
+Dertona[895], and sell millet thereat to the starving people at the
+rate of 20 modii per solidum[896]. We are anxious that you should do
+this, lest the work should fall into venal hands which would sell the
+King's bounty to those who are able to provide for themselves. It is
+the poor, not the rich, that we wish to help: we would pour our bounty
+into empty vessels. Let not then your Holiness think this work of
+compassion, unworthy of your sacred office. In order to assist you we
+have sent A and B, who will simply obey the orders of your Holiness,
+doing nothing of their own motion.
+
+[Footnote 894: Pavia.]
+
+[Footnote 895: Tortona.]
+
+[Footnote 896: Twelve shillings for twenty pecks, or about nineteen
+shillings and twopence a quarter; not a very low price, one would
+think, for such a grain as millet.
+
+Datius is ordered to sell _tertiam portionem_ of this millet. Probably
+this expression has the same meaning as the 'tertia illatio' of xi.
+37.
+
+In the similar letter, x. 27, 'tertia portio' (whether of wheat or
+millet is not stated) is to be sold at 25 modii per solidum.]
+
+'Send us an account of the solidi received in payment for the said
+millet, that they may be stored up with our Treasurer[897], in order
+to replace the before-mentioned grain, and thus provide a reserve for
+future times of scarcity; like a garment taken to pieces that it may
+be made up again as good as new.'
+
+[Footnote 897: 'Arcarius.']
+
+[It is not very easy to assign a date to this letter. The mention of
+the famine would incline us to assign it to 538, as that seems to have
+been the year when the full force of the famine was felt in Italy (see
+Procopius, De Bello Gotthico ii. 20, where 538 and 539 seem to be
+marked as the two great famine years). But very early in 538 the
+Bishop of Milan, the same Datius to whom this letter is addressed,
+visited Rome to entreat Belisarius to send a small garrison to occupy
+Milan, which had already revolted, or was on the verge of revolting,
+from the Gothic King. As soon as the siege of Rome was raised
+Belisarius complied with this request, and sent 1,000 men, under
+Mundilas, to escort Datius back to Milan. This expedition set forth
+probably in April 538, and as soon as it arrived at Milan that city
+openly proclaimed its defection from Witigis and its allegiance to the
+Emperor. It was soon besieged by Uraias, nephew of Witigis, by whom in
+the following year (539) it was taken. The city, we are informed, was
+rased to the ground, and Bishop Datius escaped to Constantinople.
+Evidently we have here a continuous chain of events, which makes it
+impossible for us to date this letter in 538 or any subsequent year.
+
+We ought probably therefore to assign it to the autumn of 537, and to
+look upon it as an attempt (unsuccessful, as it proved) to retain
+Datius and the citizens of Milan on the side of the Goths. We know
+from the Twenty-second Letter of this book that signs of scarcity had
+already shown themselves in Italy by the 1st September, 537; and in an
+interesting passage of the 'Historia Miscella' (Book xvi.), famine in
+Liguria, the year 537, and the name of Datius are all combined.
+'Praeter belli instantiam angebatur insuper Roma famis penuria: tanta
+siquidem per universum mundum eo anno [the year of the siege of Rome],
+_maxime apud Liguriam_ fames excreverat, ut _sicut vir sanctissimus
+Datius Mediolanensis antistes retulit_, pleraeque matres infelicium
+natorum membra comederent.' I owe this reference to Baronius.]
+
+
+28. AN EDICT [ADDRESSED TO THE LIGURIANS].
+
+[Sidenote: Relief of inhabitants of Liguria.]
+
+'Divine Providence uses adversity as a means of testing our
+characters. Famine has afflicted the Provinces, but the result of it
+has been that they have proved more fully than before the bounty of
+their King. Rejoice herein, oh ye Ligurians! For when, as you will
+remember, on a previous occasion the savage temper of your neighbours
+was aroused, and Aemilia and your Liguria were shaken by an incursion
+of the Burgundians, who waged a sneaking campaign by reason of their
+nearness to your territory, suddenly the renown of the insulted
+Empire[898] arose like the sun in his strength. The enemy mourned the
+ruin which was caused by his own presumption, when he learned that
+that man was Ruler of the Gothic race whose rare valour he had
+experienced when he was still a private soldier[899]. How often did
+the Burgundian wish that he had never left his own frontiers to be
+compelled to fight with such an adversary as our Sovereign; for though
+he found with relief that he escaped his actual presence in the field,
+none the less did his rashness bring him in contact with the good
+fortune of his arms. For when with redoubled fortitude[900] the Goths
+turned to the prosecution of the war, with such successfully combined
+operations did they strike the bands of the rebels, that you would
+have thought those were all armed men, these were all
+defenceless[901]. Such was the just judgment of God, that the robber
+should perish in those very plains which he had presumed to desolate.
+Exult now, oh Province, adorned with the carcases of thine
+adversaries! rejoice, oh Liguria, at the heap of dead bodies! If the
+harvest of corn is denied thee, the harvest of dead enemies shall not
+be wanting. Tribute thou mayest not be able to offer to thy King, but
+the triumphs which are won in thy land thou canst offer with pride.
+
+[Footnote 898: Literally, 'of the present Empire:' 'subito praesentis
+Imperii tanquam solis ortus fama radiavit.' I avoid the word
+'present,' because of its ambiguity. Observe the use of 'Imperii'
+applied to the Gothic Kingdom.]
+
+[Footnote 899: 'Quando illum cognovit nominatae (?) gentis esse
+Rectorem, quem sub militis nomine probaverat esse singularem.' This
+evident allusion to Witigis obliges us to place the date of this
+Burgundian invasion not much earlier than the summer of 536, when
+Witigis was raised to the throne. Apparently the Burgundians were
+already in Italy when they heard the news of that event.]
+
+[Footnote 900: 'Ut Gothi ad belli studium gemina se fortitudine
+contulerunt.' These words perhaps allude to the necessity of fighting
+two enemies at once, Belisarius and the Burgundians; or perhaps to the
+existence of two Gothic armies, whose combined operations are
+indicated by the following words, 'prospera concertatione.']
+
+[Footnote 901: 'Quasi inde nudos hinc stare contigisset armatos.'
+'Hinc' and 'inde' refer to geographical position, not to the order of
+the words in the sentence.]
+
+'[902]To these triumphs must be added the lately foiled plunder-raid
+of the Alamanni, so checked in its very first attempts that their
+entrance and exit were almost one event, like a wound well and
+opportunely cauterised. Thus were the excesses of the presumptuous
+invader punished, and the subjects of our King were saved from
+absolute ruin. I might indeed enumerate to you what crowds of the
+enemy fell in other places, but I turn rather--such is human
+nature--to more joyful themes, and revert to the point with which I at
+first commenced, namely that the Sovereign who has saved you from the
+hostile sword is determined now to avert from your Province the perils
+of famine.
+
+[Footnote 902: See von Schubert's 'Unterwerfung der Alamannen,' pp.
+57-59, for a careful analysis of the following paragraph.]
+
+'In this new war the citadels are well-stored granaries; Starvation is
+the dreaded foe: if they are closed she enters; by opening them wide
+she is put to flight. I know not what the world in general may think
+of the relative merit of these two campaigns of our King. For my part,
+though I recognise it as the mark of a brave man to have fought a
+winning battle, I think it is something above mere human valour to
+have conquered penury.
+
+'In addition to these benefits the King has remitted one-half of the
+taxes of the Province, that he might not sadden with the one hand
+those whom he was gladdening with the other. Herein he compares
+favourably with Joseph, who sold corn to the Egyptians, but on such
+terms that they lost their personal freedom. Doubtless that holy man
+was placed in a dilemma between the necessity of satisfying a covetous
+King on the one hand, and that of rescuing a starving people on the
+other. Still I must think that the Egyptian, whose life was preserved,
+groaned over the loss of his liberty; and if I may say so, with all
+respect to so great a patriarch[903], far nobler is it to sell corn to
+freemen who remain freemen, and to lighten their taxes on account of
+poverty. This is really a gratuitous distribution, when both the money
+with which to buy is handed over to you [by the abatement of tribute],
+and a price is fixed on purpose to please you.
+
+[Footnote 903: 'Pace tanti patris dixerim.']
+
+'The generosity of the State therefore will sell 25 modii, when the
+peasant has lost his crops, at the price at which 10 are usually
+sold[904]. Humanity has altered the usual course of affairs, and by a
+strange kind of chaffering, but one which truly becomes a King, just
+when the famished peasant is willing to offer us an enhanced price
+for food, we are directed to offer it to him for a smaller one.
+
+[Footnote 904: Probably one solidus: making the largesse price 15s.
+4d. a quarter (about four shillings less than the price named in the
+preceding letter for millet); while the market price was 38s. 4d. a
+quarter. I read these sentences thus: 'Vendit itaque largitas publica
+vicenos quinque modios, dum possessor invenire non possit, ad denos.
+Ordinem rerum saeculi mutavit humanitas.' The construction is harsh
+and elliptical, but this makes sense, which the ordinary punctuation,
+throwing 'ad denos' into the following sentence, does not.]
+
+'The King himself had seen your calamity, and thereupon bestowed on
+you previously one favour. Now, on hearing of its continuance, he adds
+to it a second. Happy calamity, which forced itself on the notice of
+such an eye-witness!
+
+'Now, oh Ligurian, rejoice in the good fortune which has come to thee.
+Compare thy lot with the Egyptian's and be happy. He was fed, but lost
+his freedom; thou art fed, and at the same time defended from thy
+enemies. Joseph gave back the purchase-money to his brethren in their
+sacks, showing a greater kindness to his kindred than to his subjects.
+Our King shows no such partiality, but bestows on all the taxpayers
+larger benefits than he did on his brethren. Happy age! in which Kings
+may be likened, not to Kings, but to Prophets, and yet bear away the
+palm.
+
+'But that we may not longer detain you from the desired enjoyment of
+the Royal benefits, know that our commands have been given to those
+whose business it is to attend to this affair, that, according to the
+tenour of this edict, the generosity of the Sovereign may penetrate
+into your homes.'
+
+[The same considerations which were applied to the date of the
+preceding letter seem to require that this also be dated in 537. After
+the raising of the siege of Rome (March, 538), by the despatch of
+Imperial troops into Liguria, and the enthusiastic adherence of that
+Province to the Imperial cause, a new state of things was established,
+and one to which the language of this letter would have been utterly
+inapplicable.
+
+There are two events of which we have no other knowledge than that
+furnished by this letter: the invasion of the Burgundians, and the
+ravages of the Alamanni in the Province of Liguria.
+
+(1) The invasion of the Burgundians seems, as stated in a previous
+note, to have occurred in the spring or early summer of 536; so that
+Cassiodorus could represent the invaders as surprised and disheartened
+by learning of the elevation of Witigis. It no doubt formed part of
+those hostile operations of the Frankish Kings described by Procopius
+(De Bello Gotthico i. 13), the termination of which was purchased by
+Witigis by the cession of Provence and the payment of a subsidy. It is
+interesting to observe, however, that the Burgundians, notwithstanding
+their subjugation in 534, and their incorporation in the Frankish
+monarchy, are still spoken of as conducting an invasion on their own
+account. This is just like the invasion of Italy in 553 by the
+Alamannic brethren, and is quite in keeping with the loosely compacted
+character of the Merovingian monarchy, in which it was copied by the
+Anglian and Saxon Kingdoms.
+
+(2) For the ravages of the Alamanni consult, as before stated, von
+Schubert's monograph. This passage quite confirms his view of the
+events connected with the overthrow of the Alamannic Kingdom by
+Clovis. A remnant of the people, settled as refugees in Raetia under
+Theodoric's protection, now, in the decline of the Ostrogothic
+monarchy throw off their allegiance to his successors, and press
+forward over the Alps to share the spoil of Italy. Witigis, however,
+notwithstanding his struggle with Belisarius, is still able promptly
+to repel this incursion; but it co-operates with the Burgundian
+invasion and the inclement spring and summer of 537 to bring about the
+famine in Liguria in the autumn of that year.]
+
+
+THE END.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX OF PERSONS
+
+TO WHOM THE LETTERS ARE ADDRESSED.
+
+
+A.
+
+Abundantius, Praetorian Praefect, v. 16, 17, 23, 34; ix. 4.
+
+Acretius, _see_ Eutropius.
+
+Adeodatus, iii. 46.
+
+Adila, Vir Spectabilis, Comes, ii. 29.
+
+Aemilianus, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, iv. 31.
+
+Aestunae, Possessores, Defensores, and Curiales dwelling at, iii. 9.
+
+Agapitus, Praefectus Urbis,
+ Vir Illustris atque Patricius, i. 6, 23, 32, 33, 41; ii. 6.
+
+Alaric (II), King of the Visigoths (484-507), iii. 1.
+
+Albienus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, i. 20;
+ Praefectus Praetorio, viii. 20.
+
+Albinus and Albienus, Viri Illustres atque Patricii, i. 20.
+
+Albinus, Vir Illustris, Patricius, iv. 30.
+
+Albinus, Actores of, iv. 35.
+
+Aloisius, Architect, ii. 39.
+
+Amabilis, Exsecutor, i. 8;
+ Vir Devotus (? Sajo) and Comes, iv. 5.
+
+Ambrosius, Quaestor, viii. 13;
+ Vir Illustris Agens Vices (Praefecti Praetorio), xi. 4, 5; xii. 25.
+
+Ampelius, Despotius, and Theodulus, Viri Spectabiles, ii. 23.
+
+Ampelius, Count Luvirit and, v. 35.
+
+Ampelius and Liveria, v. 39.
+
+Anastasius, Emperor (491-518), i. 1; ii. 1.
+
+Anastasius, Consularis, v. 8.
+
+Anastasius, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xii. 12, 14.
+
+Anat(h)olius, Cancellarius of Province of Samnium, xi. 36.
+
+Andreas, Primiscrinius, xi. 21.
+
+Andreas, _see_ Maximian.
+
+Annas, Vir Spectabilis and Comes, iv. 18.
+
+Antianus, Vir Spectabilis, ex-Cornicularius, xi. 18, 34.
+
+Antonius, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop of Pola, iv. 44.
+
+Apronianus, Vir Illustris, Comes Privatarum, iii. 53.
+
+Arator, Vir Illustris, Comes Domesticorum, viii. 12.
+
+Arelate (_Arles_), Possessores of, iii. 44.
+
+Argolicus, Vir Illustris,
+ Praefectas Urbis, iii. 11, 29, 30, 33; iv. 22, 25, 29, 42.
+
+Arigern, Vir Illustris, Comes, iii. 36, 45; iv. 23.
+
+Artemidorus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius,
+ Praefectus Urbis, i. 42; ii. 34; iii. 22.
+
+Assuin (Assius, or Assum), Vir Illustris, Comes, i. 40.
+
+Aurigenes, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, iii. 14.
+
+Avilf, Sajo, v. 20.
+
+
+B.
+
+Baion (Coion, or Goinon), Vir Spectabilis, i. 38.
+
+Beatus, Vir Clarissimus and Cancellarius, xi. 10;
+ Primicerius Augustalium, xi. 30.
+
+Benenatus, Vir Spectabilis, iv. 15.
+
+Bergantinus, Vir Illustris and Patrician,
+ Comes Patrimonii, viii. 23; ix. 3.
+
+Boetius, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, i. 10, 45; ii. 40.
+
+Brandila, v. 32.
+
+
+C.
+
+Cancellarii diversi Provinciarum Singularum, xii. 1, 10.
+
+Canonicarius Venetiarum, xii. 4, 7.
+
+Capuanus, Vir Spectabilis, v. 21.
+
+Carinus, Vir Illustris, v. 28.
+
+Cart(h)erius, Regerendarius, xi. 29.
+
+Cassiodorus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius
+ (father of Cassiodorus Senator), i. 3; iii. 28.
+
+Catana, City of,
+ Honorati Possessores, Defensores, and Curiales of, iii. 49.
+
+Catellus, Scriniarius Actorum, xi. 22.
+
+Cheliodorus, Commentariensis, xi. 28.
+
+Clovis, _see_ Luduin.
+
+Coelianus and Agapitus, Viri Illustres et Patricii, i. 23.
+
+Colossaeus, Vir Illustris, Comes, Governor of Pannonia, iii. 23.
+
+Comes Siliquatariorum et Portus Curas Agens, ii. 12.
+
+Constantian, Vir Experientissimus, xii. 18.
+
+Constantinian, Cura Epistolarum Canonicarum, xi. 23.
+
+Consularis, Vir Illustris, iii. 52.
+
+Consularis Liguriae, xii. 8.
+
+Crispianus, i. 37.
+
+Cunigast, Vir Illustris, viii. 28.
+
+Cyprian, Comes Sacrarum Largitionum and Patrician, v. 40; viii. 21.
+
+
+D.
+
+Dalmatia and S(u)avia, all the Goths and Romans in, ix. 9.
+
+Daniel, iii. 19.
+
+Datius, Bishop of Milan, xii. 27.
+
+Decius, Vir Illustris, Patricius, ii. 33.
+
+Decoratus, Vir Devotus, v. 31.
+
+Dertona (_Tortona_), all Goths and
+ Romans abiding (consistentes) at, i. 17.
+
+Despotius, _see_ Ampelius.
+
+Densdedit, Scriba Ravennas, xii. 21.
+
+Domitianus and Willias, i. 18.
+
+Dromonarii, the, ii. 31.
+
+Duda, Vir Spectabilis and Comes, iv. 28;
+ Sajo, iv. 32, 34.
+
+Dumerit, Sajo, viii. 27.
+
+
+E.
+
+Ecdicius (or Benedictus), Vir Honestus, ii. 4.
+
+Elpidius (or Hespidius), Deacon, iv. 24.
+
+Epiphanius, Vir Spectabilis, Consularis of Dalmatia, v. 24.
+
+Episcopi et Honorati (?), ix. 5.
+
+Episcopi sui, x. 34;
+ diversi, xi. 3.
+
+Eugenius (Eugenites, or Eugenes), Vir Illustris,
+ Magister Officiorum, i. 12.
+
+Eusebius, Vir Illustris, iv. 48.
+
+Eustorgius, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop of Milan, i. 9.
+
+Eutropius and Acretius, v. 13.
+
+
+F.
+
+Faustus, Praefectus Praetorio
+ (in the edition of Nivellius his title is
+ given as Praepositus), i. 14, 26, 34, 35; ii. 5, 9, 26, 30, 37, 38;
+ Vir Illustris, iii. 21;
+ Praefectus Praetorio, iii. 47, 51; iv. 36, 38, 50.
+
+Felix, Vir Clarissimus, i. 7;
+ Vir Illustris, Consul (511), ii. 2; iii. 39.
+
+Felix, Quaestor, viii. 18.
+
+Feltria (_Feltre_), Possessors of, v. 9.
+
+Ferrocinctus, _see_ Grimoda.
+
+Festus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, i. 15, 39; ii. 22; iii. 10.
+
+Florentinus (or Florentianus), Vir Devotus, Comitiacus, viii. 27.
+
+Florianus, Vir Spectabilis, i. 5.
+
+Forum Livii (_Forli_), Honorati Possessores, and Curiales of, iv. 8.
+
+Fruinarith, Sajo, ii. 13.
+
+
+G.
+
+Gaudiosus, Cancellarius of Province of Liguria, xi. 14.
+
+Gaul, all the Provincials of, iii. 17, 42; viii. 7.
+
+Geberich, Vir Spectabilis, iv. 20.
+
+Gemellus, Vir Spectabilis,
+ Governor of Gaul, iii. 16, 18, 32; iv. 12, 19, 21.
+
+Genesius, Vir Spectabilis, viii. 30.
+
+Gepidae, ad Gallias destinati, v. 11.
+
+Gesila, Sajo, iv. 14.
+
+Gildias, Vir Spectabilis, Count of Syracuse, ix. 11, 14.
+
+Goths, all the, i. 24; x. 31;
+ settled in Italy, viii. 5.
+
+Goths, all the, and Romans, i. 28.
+
+Goths, all the, and Romans,
+ and those who hold the harbours and mountain-passes, ii. 19.
+
+Grimoda, Sajo, and Ferrocinctus, Apparitor, iii. 20.
+
+Gudila, Bishop, ii. 18.
+
+Gudinand, Sajo, v. 19.
+
+Gudisal, Sajo, iv. 47.
+
+Guduim, Sajo, v. 27;
+ Vir Sublimis and Dux, v. 30.
+
+Gundibad, King of the Burgundians (473-516), i. 46; iii. 2.
+
+
+H.
+
+Haesti, the, v. 2.
+
+Herminafrid, King of the Thuringians, iv. 1.
+
+Heruli, King of the, iv. 2.
+
+Heruli, Warni, and Thoringi, Kings of the, iii. 3.
+
+Hilderic, King of the Vandals (523-531), ix. 1.
+
+Honoratus, Vir Illustris, Quaestor, v. 3.
+
+Honorius, Praefectus Urbis, x. 30.
+
+
+I.
+
+Ida (perhaps Ibbas), Vir Sublimis and Dux, iv. 17.
+
+Importunus, Vir Illustris, Patricius, iii. 5.
+
+Istria, Provincials of, xii. 22.
+
+
+J.
+
+Januarius, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop of Salona, iii. 7.
+
+Jews, all the, residing in Genoa, ii. 27; iv. 33.
+
+Joannes, Vir Spectabilis, Consularis Campaniae, iii. 27; iv. 10.
+
+Joannes, Vir Spectabilis, Referendarius, viii. 25.
+
+Joannes, Vir Clarissimus, Arcarius, v. 7.
+
+Joannes, Canonicarius of Thuscia, xi. 38.
+
+Joannes, Cancellarius, xi. 6;
+ Praerogativarius, xi. 27.
+
+Joannes, Siliquatarius of Ravenna, xii. 17.
+
+Joannes, Apparitor, ii. 21;
+ Arch-Physician, iv. 41.
+
+John II, Pope (533-535), ix. 15; xi. 2.
+
+Judges, all the, of the Provinces, ix. 20; xi. 7, 9; xii. 2.
+
+Julianus, Comes Patrimonii, i. 16.
+
+Justin, Emperor (518-527), viii. 1.
+
+Justinian, Emperor (527-566),
+ x. 1, 2, 8, 9, 15, 19, 22, 24, 25, 26, 32; xi. 13.
+
+Justus, Sextus Scholaris, xi. 26.
+
+
+L.
+
+Laurentius, Vir Experientissimus, xii. 23.
+
+Liberius, Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls, viii. 6.
+
+Ligurians, the, xi. 15, 16; xii. 28.
+
+Liveria, _see_ Ampelius.
+
+Lucillus, Scriniarius Curae Militaris, xi. 24.
+
+Lucinus, Vir Clarissimus, Cancellarius of Campania, xi. 37.
+
+Lucristani (Lustriani?), the,
+ settled (constituti) on the river Sontius (_Isonzo_), i. 29.
+
+Luduin (Clovis), King of the Franks (481-511), ii. 41; iii. 4.
+
+Luvirit, Count, and Ampelius, v. 35.
+
+
+M.
+
+Magister Officiorum (at Constantinople), x. 33.
+
+Mannila, Sajo, v. 5.
+
+Marabad, Vir Illustris and Comes, iv. 12, 46.
+
+Marcellus, Vir Spectabilis, Advocatus Fisci, i. 22.
+
+Massilia (_Marseilles_), citizens of, iii. 34; iv. 26.
+
+Maximian, Vir Illustris, and Andreas, Vir Spectabilis, i. 21.
+
+Maximus, Vir lllustris, Consul, v. 42;
+ Vir Illustris and Domesticus, x. 11.
+
+Maximus, Vir Clarissimus,
+ Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xii. 15.
+
+Maximus, Vicarius Urbis Romae, xii. 19.
+
+Milan, the Jews of, v. 37.
+
+
+N.
+
+Neudes, Vir Illustris, v. 29.
+
+Noricum, Provincials of, iii. 50.
+
+Nursia, _see_ Reate.
+
+
+O.
+
+Opilio, Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, viii. 16.
+
+Osun (Osuin, or Osum), Vir Illustris, Comes, iii. 26; iv. 9; ix. 8.
+
+
+P.
+
+Pannonia, all the Barbarians and Romans settled in, iii. 24.
+
+Parma, Honorati Possessores, and Curiales of, viii. 29.
+
+Paschasius, Praefectus Annonae, xii. 9.
+
+Patricius, Vir Illustris and Quaestor, x. 6.
+
+Patricius, Primicerius Exceptorum, xi. 25.
+
+Paulinas, Vir Clarissimus and Consul, ix. 22.
+
+Paulus, Vir Strenuus, xii. 26.
+
+Peter, Bishop, iii. 37.
+
+Peter, Vir Clarissimus, Erogator Obsoniorum, xii. 11;
+ Arcarius, xii. 20.
+
+Picenum and Samnium, all the Goths settled in, v. 26.
+
+Pierius, Primicerius Singulariorum, xi. 32.
+
+Possessores, universi, v. 38.
+
+Provinus (Probinus), Vir Illustris, Patricius, ii. 11;
+ Actores of, iv. 40.
+
+
+R.
+
+Reate and Nursia, all the inhabitants of, viii. 26.
+
+Reparatus, Praefectus Urbis, ix. 7.
+
+Roman Church, Clergy of, viii. 24.
+
+Romans, all the, i. 28;
+ in Italy and the Dalmatias, viii. 4.
+
+Roman people, the, i. 31; viii. 3; x. 14, 17.
+
+Rome, people of the City of, i. 44.
+
+Romulus (? ex-Emperor), iii. 35.
+
+
+S.
+
+Sabinianus, Vir Spectabilis, i. 25.
+
+Sajones, universi, qui sunt Cancellariis deputati, xii. 3.
+
+Salvantius, Vir Illustris, Praefectus Urbis, ix. 16, 17.
+
+Samnium, _see_ Picenum.
+
+Saturninus and Verbusius, Viri Illustres, Senatores, i. 19.
+
+Senarius, Vir Illustris, Comes Patrimonii, iv. 3;
+ Comes Privatarum, iv. 7, 11, 13.
+
+Senate of the City of Rome,
+ i. 4, 13, 30, 43; ii. 3, 16, 24, 32; iii. 6, 12, 31;
+ iv. 4, 16, 43; v. 4, 22, 41; viii. 2, 10, 11, 14, 15, 17, 19, 22;
+ ix. 19, 21, 23, 25; x. 3, 4, 7, 12, 13, 16, 18; xi. 1.
+
+SENATOR (MAGNUS AURELIUS CASSIODORUS),
+ Praetorian Praefect, ix. 24; x. 27, 28.
+
+Servatus, Dux Raetiarum, i. 11.
+
+Severianus (or Severinus), Vir Illustris, v. 14.
+
+Severus, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, ii. 8.
+
+Severus, Vir Spectabilis, viii. 31, 32, 33.
+
+Simeon, Vir Illustris, Comes, iii. 25.
+
+Speciosus, i. 27; Vir Devotus, Comitiacus, ii. 10.
+
+Stabularius, Comitiacus, v. 6.
+
+Starcedius, Vir Sublimis, v. 36.
+
+Stephanus, Vir Spectabilis,
+ Comes Primi Ordinis et ex-Princeps nostri Ordinis, ii. 28.
+
+S(u)avia, all the Provincials and Capillati, Defensores and Curiales,
+ residing in, iv. 49;
+ all the Possessores in, v. 15;
+ all the Goths and Romans in, ix. 9.
+
+Sunhivad, Vir Spectabilis, iii. 13.
+
+Sura (or Suna), Vir Illustris, Comes, ii. 7.
+
+Symmachus, Vir Illustris and Patricius, ii. 14; iv. 6, 51.
+
+Syracuse, all the Provincials of the City of, ix. 10.
+
+
+T.
+
+Tancila, Vir Spectabilis, ii. 35.
+
+Tezutzat, Sajo, iv. 27.
+
+Theodagunda, Illustris Femina, iv. 37.
+
+Theodahad, Vir Spectabilis, iii. 15;
+ Vir Illustris, iv. 39; v. 12.
+
+Theodora, Augusta, x. 10, 20, 21, 23.
+
+Theodosius, Homo Theodahadi (?), x. 5.
+
+Theodulus, _see_ Ampelius.
+
+Theon (or Theonius), Vir Sublimis, i. 2.
+
+Theriolus, Vir Spectabilis, i. 36.
+
+Thessalonica, Praefect of, x. 35.
+
+Thomas, Vir Clarissimus, Arcarius, xii. 20.
+
+Thoringi (Thuringians). _see_ Heruli.
+
+Ticinum (_Pavia_), Comites, Defensores, and Curiales of, iv. 45.
+
+Transmund (or Thrasamund), King of the Vandals, v. 43, 44.
+
+Tribuni Maritimorum, xii. 24.
+
+Tridentinae Civitatis,
+ Honorati Possessores, Defensores, et Curiales, ii. 17.
+
+Tulum, Patrician, viii. 9.
+
+
+U.
+
+Unigis, Spatarius, iii. 43.
+
+Uniligis (or Wiligis), Sajo, ii. 20.
+
+Urbicus, ex-Primicerius Singulariorum, xi. 31.
+
+Ursus, Primicerius Deputatorum, xi. 30.
+
+
+V.
+
+Valerian, Vir Sublimis, xii. 5.
+
+Vandals, King of the, v. 1, 43, 44; ix. 1.
+
+Venantius, Vir Illustris, ii. 15;
+ Spectabilis, Corrector of Lucania and Bruttii, iii. 8.
+
+Veranus, Sajo, v. 10.
+
+Verbusius, _see_ Saturninus.
+
+Verruca, fort of, all Goths and Romans living near, iii. 48.
+
+Victor, Vir Spectabilis, Censitor of Sicily, ix. 12.
+
+Victorinus, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, viii. 8.
+
+Vitalian, Vir Clarissimus,
+ Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xi. 39.
+
+
+W.
+
+Wandil (Vuandil), iii. 38.
+
+Warni (Guarni), _see_ Heruli.
+
+Wilitanch, Duke, v. 33.
+
+Willias, i. 18; v. 18;
+ Vir Illustris, Comes Patrimonii, ix. 13.
+
+Winusiad, Count, x. 29.
+
+Witigisclus (or Wigisicla), Vir Spectabilis,
+ Censitor of Sicily, ix. 12.
+
+
+
+
+GENERAL INDEX.
+
+[NOTE.--_The references to the Introduction and to the Notes are by
+the page (thus, 106-108); references to the 'Variae' are by the
+numbers of the Book and Letter (thus, v. 16, 17). The FORMULAE are
+printed in small capitals._]
+
+
+A.
+
+Ab Actis (Registrar), officer in Court of Praetorian Praefect, 106-108;
+ origin of the name, 107;
+ compared to Referendarius, 312.
+
+Abundantius, Praetorian Praefect,
+ instructions to, as to forming a navy, v. 16, 17;
+ to provide ships, and rations for young recruits, v. 23;
+ instructions to, in the case of Frontosus, v. 34;
+ to allow a family of Curials to degrade into Possessores, ix. 4.
+
+Acinaticium, red wine of Verona, praises of, and account of its
+manufacture, xii. 4.
+
+Actores (Representatives, Attorneys), of Albinus, iv. 35;
+ of the holy Apostle Peter, xii. 20;
+ of Probinus, iv. 40;
+ of Spes, ii. 21;
+ of Theodahad, viii. 23.
+
+Addua, River (_Adda_), derivation of the name, xi. 14.
+
+Adeodatus,
+ forced by torture to confess himself guilty of rape, iii. 46;
+ the sentence against him partially cancelled, iii. 46.
+
+Adjutores, general word for assistants, 97, 102-104;
+ is Adjutor equivalent to Primiscrinius? 103;
+ a lower class of Exceptores seem to have been called Adjutores, 111;
+ of Magister Officiorum, vi. 6.
+
+Admissionales, Ushers of the Praefectoral Court, 112.
+
+Adriana, petition of Curiales of, as to taxation, i. 19.
+
+Adulterer slain by the injured husband, case of, i. 37.
+
+Adultery, punishment of (Edictum Athalarici), ix. 18.
+
+Aemilia, Province of, invaded by Burgundians, xii. 28.
+
+Aemilianus, Bishop, ordered to finish the aqueduct which he has begun,
+iv. 31.
+
+Aestii, _see_ Haesti.
+
+Aestunae (?), inhabitants of, ordered to send marbles to Ravenna, iii.
+9.
+
+AETATIS VENIA, FORMULA GRANTING, vii. 41;
+ letter relating to, i. 38.
+
+Aetheria, a widow, re-married, accused of wasting her children's
+property, iv. 12.
+
+African. Singular custom by which an African was allowed to claim
+estate of a fellow-countryman dying without heirs, xii. 9.
+
+Agapetus, Pope (June 3, 535--April 21, 536),
+ Cassiodorus seeks to persuade him to found a School of Theology at
+ Rome, 56;
+ ordered by Theodahad and Gudelina to give his answer to Justinian's
+ ambassador promptly, x. 19, 20, 25;
+ mortgaged the Church plate to defray expenses of his journey to
+ Constantinople, xii. 20.
+
+Agapita (or Agapeta), Foemina Spectabilis,
+ wife of Basilius, and a person of feeble intellect ii. 11;
+ affair of her abduction, ii. 10, 11;
+ further light on this affair, iv. 40.
+
+Agapitus, with Coelianus, seems to have had special jurisdiction in
+cases affecting Patricians, i. 23, 27.
+
+Agathias on Theodoric's protection of the Alamanni, 195.
+
+Agenantia, widow of Campanianus, ix. 4.
+
+_Agens Vices_ (Deputy), functions of, 460 _n_; xii. 25.
+
+Agentes in Rebus, Schola of, emissaries of the Magister Officiorum, 36;
+ Princeps of, xi. 35.
+
+Agnellus, Patrician, chooses Festus to defend his interests in his
+absence, i. 15.
+
+Agnellus, fidei-jussor of Crispianus, i. 37.
+
+Agnellus, house of, in Castrum Lucullanum given to Joannes, viii. 25.
+
+Agrimensor, a Roman, description of, iii. 52.
+
+Alamanni, date of Clovis' victory over, 23, 24, 195;
+ Theodoric congratulates Clovis on his victory over, ii. 41;
+ directed to exchange their cattle with Noricans, iii. 50;
+ plundering incursion of, into Liguria, xii. 28; 527.
+
+Alaric I, clemency of, at siege of Rome, 28; xii. 20.
+
+Alaric II,
+ letters intended to avert war between Alaric and Clovis, iii. 1-4;
+ possessions granted by, to Church of Narbonne, iv. 17;
+ taxation in the time of, v. 39;
+ reception of his son Gesalic by Thrasamund, v. 43, 44.
+
+Albienus, Vir Illustris and Patrician,
+ deputed to select a Pantomimist, i. 20, 33;
+ appointed Praetorian Praefect (527), viii. 20.
+
+Albinus, Vir Illustris and Patrician,
+ deputed to select a Pantomimist, i. 20, 33;
+ allowed to erect 'fabricae' overlooking the Forum, iv. 30;
+ accused by Cyprian of treason, 289, 291.
+
+Albinus, an extravagant minor, case of, iv. 35.
+
+Allecticii, Symmachus' oration on behalf of, 74;
+ probable explanation of the term, 78.
+
+Alpes Cottiae, Provincials of, to be relieved from taxation, iv. 36.
+
+Alsuanum (?), transport of timber to, iv. 8.
+
+Altinum, villas of, 514 _n_.
+
+Amal race, glorified by Cassiodorus in his Gothic History, 29, 30, 33;
+ 'Amali sanguinis purpurea dignitas,' ix. 1.
+
+Amal race, glory of, viii. 2, 5;
+ 'consuetudinis est lex, cum imperio [Romano] amicitiam Amalos semper
+ habuisse,' x. 11.
+
+Amalus (according to Jordanes, Amala), ancestor of Theodoric,
+'felicitate enituit,' xi. 1.
+
+Amalabirga, niece of Theodoric, married to Herminafrid, King of the
+Thuringians, iv. 1.
+
+Amalafrida, Queen of the Vandals, sister of Theodoric, wife of King
+Thrasamund, put to death by his successor Hilderic, ix. 1.
+
+Amalasuentha, daughter of Theodoric, mother of Athalaric,
+ her regency, 38, 42-43;
+ associates Theodahad in the kingship on the death of her son,
+ 44; x. 1-4;
+ dethroned and put to death by Theodahad, 45;
+ praises of her character, x. 4; xi. 1;
+ sends present of marbles to Justinian, x. 8;
+ writes warmly to Theodora, x. 10;
+ a doubtful allusion to her death, x. 20 (_see_ note on p. 433).
+
+Amandianus, Clarissimus, heirs of, defrauded by Theodahad, v. 12.
+
+AMBASSADORS, FORMULA RESPECTING, vii. 33.
+
+Amber, nature of, described, v. 2.
+
+Ambrosius, son of Faustinus,
+ addressed by Ennodius in 'Paraenesis Didascalica,' 358;
+ Count of the Sacred Largesses, viii. 13;
+ appointed Quaestor, viii. 13, 14.
+
+Ambrosius, Illustris (probably the same as preceding),
+ appointed 'Vices Agens' to Cassiodorus as Praetorian Praefect, xi. 4;
+ instructions to, xii. 25.
+
+Amphitheatre, sports of, described and condemned, v. 42.
+
+Anastasius, Emperor, date of letter to, in the 'Variae,' 23;
+ his wrath against Apion and Macedonius, 105;
+ relations between him and Theodoric, i. 1 _n_;
+ informed of elevation of Felix to Consulship, ii. 1;
+ as to introduction of Heruli into Italy, 258 _n_.
+
+Anchorago, a fish caught in the Rhine, xii. 4.
+
+Andreas, intestacy of widow of, v. 24.
+
+Andreas, defaulting taxpayer in Apulia, v. 31.
+
+'Anecdoton Holderi,' MS. containing information as to Cassiodorus and
+his friends, 73-84.
+
+Anicii, dignity of the family of, x. 11.
+
+Annonae, of soldiers stationed in passes near Aosta, ii. 5;
+ of garrisons on the Durance, iii. 41, 43;
+ is _praebendae_ equivalent to? 219;
+ to be regularly supplied, v. 13 (_see_ Praefectus Annonae).
+
+Anonymus Valesii (an unknown chronicler of the Sixth Century, whose
+fragments are generally edited along with the history of Ammianus
+Marcellinus), quoted, 291, 363, 369.
+
+Anthimus, Patriarch of Constantinople (535-536), deposition of, by
+Pope Agapetus, 436 _n_.
+
+Antianus, ex-Cornicularius, made a Spectabilis, xi. 18;
+ evasive reply to, xi. 19.
+
+Antiochus, apparently a tax-collector, ii. 4.
+
+Antiquarius, transcriber of manuscripts, Cassiodorus on the functions
+of, 60.
+
+Apion, anger of Anastasius against, 105.
+
+Apocha, a voucher for payment of taxes, xii. 7, 8.
+
+Aponus (_Abano_, six miles from Padua), marvellous qualities of
+hot-springs at, ii. 39.
+
+Apparitores, attendants on the great Ministers of War, 114;
+ Joannes, Apparitor, ii. 21;
+ Ferrocinctus, Apparitor, iii. 20.
+
+Applicitarii, officers of arrest, 114;
+ under orders of Commentariensis, 104.
+
+Apulia, Conductores of, despoiled by hostile invaders, i. 16;
+ merchants similarly despoiled, ii. 38;
+ crops from, not forwarded expeditiously, i. 35;
+ corn-merchants of, ii. 26;
+ farms of Thomas in, transferred to his son-in-law Joannes, v. 6, 7;
+ arrears of Siliquaticum in, v. 31.
+
+'Apuli idonei,' viii. 33.
+
+Aqua Claudia, Roman aqueduct, description of, vii. 6.
+
+Aqua Virgo, Roman aqueduct, description of, vii. 6.
+
+Aqueducts of Rome, abuses connected with, iii. 31;
+ glory of, vii. 6.
+
+Aqueduct begun by Bishop Aemilianus must be finished by him, iv. 31.
+
+Aqueduct of Ravenna protected, v. 38.
+
+Aqueduct constructed by Theodoric for City of Parma, viii. 30.
+
+Aquileia, contributions of wine and wheat from, remitted, xii. 26.
+
+Arator, Vir Illustris,
+ sent by Provincials of Dalmatia to Theodoric, viii. 12;
+ made Comes Domesticorum, viii. 12.
+
+Arcadius, Emperor (395-408), change effected by him in relation of
+Praetorian Praefect to Master of the Offices, 99.
+
+Arcarius, Treasurer or Steward, v. 7; x. 28 (_see_ p. 440); xii. 8,
+11, 27.
+
+Archery, practice in, for young soldiers, v. 23.
+
+Archiatrus, Arch-Physician, iv. 41 (_see_ Comes Archiatrorum).
+
+Architect, duties of, vii. 5.
+
+ARCHITECT, PUBLIC, FORMULA FOR THE APPOINTMENT OF, vii. 15.
+
+Archotamia, 'Illustris Femina,' accuses her grandson's widow of
+wasting her children's property, iv. 12.
+
+Arelate (_Arles_), remission of taxation to inhabitants of, iii. 32;
+ 'glorious defence of,' iii. 32;
+ its walls to be repaired and its citizens fed, iii. 44;
+ fight for possession of covered bridge at, viii. 10.
+
+Arethusa, Fountain of, site of, near Squillace, 72;
+ qualities of, described, viii. 32.
+
+Argolicus, Vir Illustris,
+ made Praefect of the City of Rome, iii. 11, 12;
+ his ancestry and character, ii. 11, 12;
+ ordered to repair Cloacae of Rome, iii. 30;
+ other references to, iii. 29, 30; iv. 22, 25; iv. 42;
+ his tardiness rebuked, iv. 29;
+ heirs of, defrauded by Theodahad, v. 12.
+
+Arigern, Vir Illustris and Comes,
+ Governor of the new Gaulish Provinces, iv. 16;
+ appointed Comes Urbis Romae (?), iv. 16;
+ instructions to, iii. 45; iv. 23;
+ report by, iv. 43.
+
+Armentarius, Clarissimus, appointed Referendus Curiae, iii. 33;
+ informs against Argolicus, Praefect of the City, iv. 29.
+
+Armourers (ARMORUM FACTORES), Formulae of, vii. 18, 19.
+
+Arsenals of Italy, under the Magister Officiorum, 37.
+
+Artemidorus, Illustris and Patrician,
+ a relation of Emperor Zeno, and friend of Theodoric, i. 43;
+ Tribunus Voluptatum (?), i. 43;
+ Praefectus Urbis, i. 42, 44;
+ detects embezzlement by persons employed for repair of walls of Rome,
+ ii. 34;
+ invited to Theodoric's Court, iii. 22.
+
+Assertor Libertatis (of the Theodosian Code, iv. 8), a possible
+allusion to, iii. 43.
+
+Astensis Civitas (_Asti_), to be especially helped in relief of
+necessities of Liguria, xi. 15.
+
+Astronomy, reasons derived from, for pensioning off civil servants,
+xi. 36.
+
+Athala, ancestor of Theodoric, 'mansuetudine enituit,' xi. 1.
+
+Athalaric, grandson of Theodoric, date of birth of, 29 _n_;
+ accession of (Aug. 30, 526), 37;
+ manner of his education, 42;
+ his death (Oct. 2, 534), 43;
+ letters announcing his accession, viii. 1-7;
+ edict of, ix. 2;
+ his death announced to Justinian, x. 1;
+ praises of, by Cassiodorus, xi. 1.
+
+Athens (_Adige_), flows past fort of Verruca, iii. 48.
+
+Attila, defeat of, in Catalaunian plains, 28; iii. 1;
+ embassy of Cassiodorus (grandfather of Senator) to, i. 4.
+
+Augiensis, Codex, of 'Anecdoton Holderi,' 73.
+
+Augmentum, super-assessment,
+ remitted by Athalaric for Dalmatia and Suavia, ix. 9;
+ for Syracuse, ix. 10.
+
+Augusta (_Turin_, or _Aosta_), Bishop of,
+ falsely accused of treason, i. 9;
+ fastnesses (clusurae) of, soldiers stationed at, ii. 5.
+
+Augustales, highest class of Exceptores (shorthand writers), 104 _n_,
+110; xi. 30.
+
+Augustin, Vir Venerabilis (probably a bishop), brings the scarcity in
+Venetia under the notice of the King, xii. 26.
+
+Augustus, builder of the Circus Maximus, iii. 51;
+ his survey of the 'Orbis Romanus,' iii. 52.
+
+Aurarii, persons liable to payment of 'lustralis auri collatio,' ii.
+26.
+
+Auraria Pensio = probably 'lustralis auri collatio,' ii. 30.
+
+Avenio (_Avignon_), Gothic troops not to molest citizens of, iii. 38.
+
+
+B.
+
+Bacauda, Vir Sublimis, Tribunes Voluptatum, v. 25.
+
+Bacaudae, insurgent peasantry of Gaul, v. 25.
+
+Baiae, baths of, praises of, ix. 6; xii. 22.
+
+Balthae, royal house of the Visigoths, was Athalaric descended from?
+viii. 5.
+
+Balzani, Ugo, on Cassiodorus, 121.
+
+Barbarians, checked by fear, not honour, ii. 5.
+
+Barbaria, probably the name of the mother of Romulus Augustulus, 216.
+
+Barbarian Kings, intellects of, subdued by diplomacy, iv. 3;
+ do not use the grammatical art, ix. 21.
+
+Baronius, Cardinal, author of 'Annales Ecclesiae,' quoted, 500 _n_,
+511 _n_.
+
+Basilius (No. 1), Vir Spectabilis, claims restoration of his wife's
+property from Probinus, ii. 10, 11; iv. 40.
+
+Basilius (No. 2), accused of magical practices, iv. 22, 23 (_see_ note
+on p. 246).
+
+Basilius (No. 3, possibly same as No. 2),
+ Opilio connected with him by marriage, viii. 17;
+ concerned in accusation of Boethius (?), 364 _n_.
+
+Baths, gratuitous admission to, at Spoletium, ii. 37;
+ of Turasius, at Spoletium, iv. 24;
+ at Baiae, ix. 6.
+
+Baudi de Vesme, fragments of oration of Cassiodorus (?), published by,
+117.
+
+Beatus, Vir Clarissimus and Cancellarius,
+ ordered to supply rations to invalided officer, xi. 10;
+ made Primicerius Augustalium, xi. 30.
+
+Belisarius, Imperial general, his capture of Neapolis, 48;
+ his campaign in Southern Italy, 492;
+ his recovery and loss of Milan, 522;
+ his entry into Ravenna, 51.
+
+Bellum (war), derived from King Belus, i. 30.
+
+Benedict, St., not alluded to by Cassiodorus, 55;
+ relation of his rule to that of Cassiodorus, 57, 59.
+
+Benedictus, a civil officer of some kind in the City of Pedon,
+guardianship of his children assigned to Theriolus, i. 36.
+
+Bethmann Hollweig, his 'Gerichtsverfassung des sinkenden roemischen
+Reichs,' 41, 95, 109 _n._
+
+Bigamy, punishment of, according to Edictum Athalarici, ix. 18.
+
+Bina, a kind of tax, iii. 8.
+
+BINA ET TERNA, FORMULAE FOR THE COLLECTION OF, vii. 20, 21, 22.
+
+Birds, habits of, i. 21;
+ the hawk's way of teaching her young to fly, i. 24;
+ the eagle and her young, i. 38;
+ filial piety of the stork, ii. 14;
+ instinct of young partridges towards their mother, ii. 14;
+ the vulture protects little birds from attacks of the hawk, ii. 19;
+ gulls fly inland when they foresee a storm, iii. 48;
+ cranes when about to cross the sea clasp pebbles with their claws,
+ iv. 47;
+ the turtle-dove once widowed never takes another mate, v. 33;
+ flight of cranes suggested to Mercury shapes of letters, viii. 12;
+ thrushes, storks, and doves gregarious, the greedy hawk loves
+ solitude, viii. 31;
+ orderly evolutions of cranes, ix. 2.
+
+Bishops, King Witigis' exhortations to, x. 34;
+ Cassiodorus' exhortations to, xi. 4.
+
+Blue party in the Circus, rivalry of, with the Greens, iii. 51.
+
+Bodily signs by which character may be discerned, vi. 9 (_compare_
+also Cassiodorus, 'De Anima,' capp. 10 and 11, referred to p. 53).
+
+Boethius (or Boetius), Illustris and Patrician,
+ receives orders to choose a harper to be sent to Clovis, 23, 24;
+ ii. 40;
+ information as to his life in the 'Anecdoton Holderi,' 74, 79-84;
+ really author of the theological treatises which have passed current
+ with his name, 74, 80-83;
+ and of a 'Bucolic Poem,' 74, 83;
+ difficulty caused by the non-Christian character of his 'Consolations
+ of Philosophy,' 81, 83;
+ consulted as to depreciation of currency, i. 10;
+ ordered to prepare water-clock and sundial for King of Burgundians,
+ i. 45.
+
+Boethius, as to character of Basilius, 246 _n_;
+ as to character of Decoratus, 267 _n_;
+ character of his accuser Cyprian, v. 40, 41; viii. 21, 22;
+ character of Opilio, viii. 17.
+
+Boethus, Bishop of Byzacene Province in Africa, author, according to
+M. Jourdain, of the theological treatises attributed to Boethius, 82.
+
+Bormiae Aquae (_Baths of Bormio_), Count Winusiad recommended to
+visit, x. 29.
+
+Brandila, husband of Procula, story of his intrigue with Regina, wife
+of Patzenes, v. 32, 33.
+
+Breones, a Raetian freebooting tribe living near the Brenner pass, i.
+11.
+
+Bribery repressed, xii. 2, 6, 21, 26.
+
+Bridge of boats ordered to be built across the Tiber, xii. 19.
+
+Brosse, Pierre, notes of, on Cassiodorus, 117.
+
+Bruttii and Lucania, Venantius Corrector of, iii. 8, 46, 47;
+ his misgovernment of, 221;
+ the praises of, viii. 31; xii. 15;
+ 'opulenti Bruttii,' viii. 33;
+ gold-mining to be commenced in, ix. 3;
+ abundance of cattle in, ii. 39;
+ measures for relief of, during presence of Gothic army, xii. 5;
+ praise of the wine of, xii. 12;
+ Canonicarii of, rebuked for despoiling the churches, xii. 13.
+
+Buat, Count, on the life and ancestry of Cassiodorus, 118;
+ as to Theodora's share in the murder of Amalasuentha, 433 _n_.
+
+Burgundians, King of (_see_ Gundibad);
+ cease to be 'Gentiles' under Gundibad, i. 46;
+ boundary of, with Ostrogothic kingdom, iii. 41;
+ dispute with Franks, viii. 10;
+ league with Amalasuentha, xi. 1 (_see_ 456 _n_);
+ invasion of Liguria and Aemilia, xii. 28; 527.
+
+Butilianus, Presbyter, land allotment given by Theodoric to, in
+neighbourhood of Trient, ii. 17.
+
+
+C.
+
+Caduca bona, property to which no heir is forthcoming, and which is
+therefore claimed by the State, v. 24; vi. 8.
+
+Caelianus, one of the Quinque-viri appointed to try Basilius and
+Praetextatus, iv. 22, 23.
+
+Calabria, crops from, not forwarded expeditiously, i. 35;
+ regulations for corn-traffic in, ii. 26;
+ arrears of Siliquaticum in, v. 31.
+
+'Calabri peculiosi,' viii. 33.
+
+Calogenitus, sent by Amalasuentha to Justinian with a present of
+marbles, x. 8, 9.
+
+Campania, practice of _pignoratio_ prevalent in, iv. 10;
+ suffers from eruption of Vesuvius, iv. 50;
+ 'industriosa Campania,' viii. 33;
+ Cancellarius of, to pay pension to retiring Primiscrinius, xi. 37;
+ the cupboard of Rome ('urbis regiae cella penaria'), xii. 22.
+
+Campanianus, of Lucania, widow and family of, permitted to step down
+from rank of Curiales, ix. 4.
+
+Cancellarius,
+ an officer of humble rank in the Court of the Praetorian
+ Praefect, 111, 112;
+ origin of the name, 112;
+ his functions described, xi. 6;
+ of Faustus, desired to forward corn from Apulia, i. 35;
+ Beatus (Vir Clarissimus) ordered to supply rations to invalided
+ officer, xi. 10;
+ Gaudiosus, Cancellarius of Province of Inguria, xi. 14;
+ Anatholius, Cancellarius of Samnium, xi. 36;
+ Lucinus, Cancellarius of Campania, xi. 37;
+ Vitalian, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xi. 39;
+ admonition to various Cancellarii, xii. 1, 10;
+ Sajones ordered to wait upon Cancellarii, xii. 3;
+ Anastasius, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, ordered to send
+ cheese and wine for royal table, xii. 12;
+ the same, ordered to be gentle with the citizens of Rhegium, xii. 14;
+ Maximus, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xii. 15.
+
+Canonicarii, tribute-collectors under Comes Rerum Privatarum, vi. 8;
+ to collect the Trina Illatio, xii. 16;
+ of Thuscia, xi. 38;
+ of Venetia, xii. 4, 6;
+ of Bruttii, rebuked for robbing the churches, xii. 13.
+
+Candac, King of Alani, mentioned by Jordanes, 164.
+
+Candax, apparently next of kin to a man slain by Crispianus, i. 37.
+
+Capillati (?) of Suavia, iv. 49.
+
+Capitularii horreariorum et tabernariorum, farmers of revenue derived
+from granaries and taverns, x. 28.
+
+Caprarius, Mons (situation of doubtful, but near Ravenna), xii. 17;
+ works of defence to be constructed near, xii. 17.
+
+Capuanus, Senator, appointed Rector Decuriarum, v. 21, 22;
+ his character, v. 22.
+
+Cardinalis = chief officer of Court, vii. 31.
+
+Carpentum, official chariot of Praetorian Praefect, vi. 3;
+ of Praefect of the City, vi. 4;
+ of Consularis of a Province, vi. 20.
+
+CARTARIUS (or Cartularius), Clerk in the Record Office, FORMULA
+APPROVING APPOINTMENT OF, vii. 43.
+
+Cartarii ordered to prepare transfers of property to Theodahad,
+ viii. 23;
+ to receive the wine collected for the royal table, xii. 4.
+
+Casa Arbitana taken from heirs of Argolicus and Amandianus, v. 12.
+
+Casa Areciretina, deed of gift of, from Agapita to Probinus,
+ annulled, ii. 11;
+ this decree revoked, iv. 40.
+
+Cassian, one of the founders of Western Monachism, Cassiodorus'
+qualified praises of, 55.
+
+Cassiodorus (1), an Illustris,
+ great-grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator, 3;
+ history of, i. 4.
+
+Cassiodorus (2), grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator,
+ Tribunus and Notarius under Valentinian III,
+ his embassy to Attila, 3;
+ history of, i. 4.
+
+Cassiodorus (3), father of Cassiodorus Senator,
+ Comes Privatarum Rerum and Comes Sacrarum Largitionum under
+ Odovacar, 3;
+ Consularis of Sicily, 4;
+ Corrector of Bruttii and Lucania, 4;
+ Praetorian Praefect (cir. 500), 4, 12;
+ Patrician (cir. 504), 4;
+ frequently confused with his son, 11;
+ his praises, i. 3, 4;
+ a man of tried integrity and pure fidelity, i. 26;
+ invited to visit Court of Theodoric, iii. 28.
+
+CASSIODORUS, MAGNUS AURELIUS SENATOR, his position in history, 1, 2;
+ his name, Cassiodorus or Cassiodorius (?), 5;
+ Senator not a title, 5;
+ his birthplace, Scyllacium, 6;
+ date of his birth (cir. 480), 9-12;
+ his love of Natural History, 12; ix. 24;
+ appointed Consiliarius under his father, 12;
+ his panegyric on Theodoric, 13, 16;
+ appointed Quaestor, 14; ix. 24;
+ his special utility, as Quaestor, to Theodoric, 15;
+ his official correspondence, the 'VARIAE,' 16-19, 22-24;
+ statesmanlike insight which led him to second Theodoric's policy,
+ 20, 21;
+ his religious tolerance, 22;
+ duration of his Quaestorship, 25;
+ his Consulship (514), 25;
+ restores harmony between clergy and people of Rome, 25;
+ Patrician, 27;
+ his 'Chronicon,' its defective character, 27-29;
+ his Gothic History, 29-35; ix. 25;
+ appointed Magister Officiorum, 36; ix. 24;
+ his services to the regent Amalasuentha, 38;
+ provides ships and soldiers for the state, 38;
+ appointed Praefectus Praetorio, 39; ix. 24;
+ letters during his Praefecture, 42;
+ continues in office after murder of Amalasuentha, 46;
+ announces the elevation of Witigis, 49;
+ his position during the first five years of the Gothic War, 50;
+ he retires from office (538 or 539?), 51;
+ probably did not meet Procopius, 51;
+ edits the 'Variae,' 51, 52;
+ writes the treatise 'De Anima,' 53, 450, 512;
+ his reasons for publishing the 'Variae,' 133-140;
+ letter written by himself to himself on receiving the Praetorian
+ Praefecture, describing his many virtues, ix. 24;
+ letters to the Senate on the same subject, ix. 25; xi. 1;
+ his account of his occupations as Praetorian Praefect, 450;
+ issues his Edict, xi. 8, 9;
+ his own and his ancestors' services to Bruttii and Lucania, xi. 39;
+ his praises of Scyllacium, xii. 15;
+ resides at Ravenna (?) during the war, 506;
+ retires to Scyllacium and founds two monasteries there, 54;
+ probably never Abbot, 56;
+ devotes the leisure of his monks to literature, 57;
+ his relation to the Benedictines, 59;
+ his merits as a transcriber of the Scriptures, 60;
+ his Commentary on the Psalms, 60;
+ on the Epistles, 61;
+ his Tripartite History, 61;
+ his 'Institutiones Divinarum et Humanarum Lectionum,' 62-65;
+ his 'De Orthographia, 65, 66;
+ his death, (575?), 66;
+ his knowledge of Greek probably slight, 61;
+ information derived from the 'Anecdoton Holderi' as to his life,
+ 74, 84;
+ editions of his works, 115-121;
+ chronology of the life of, 122-130.
+
+Castellius, Mons, near Scyllacium, monastery founded by Cassiodorus
+at, 55.
+
+Castorius unjustly deprived of his property by Faustus, iii. 20.
+
+Castrensis, Butler or Seneschal, 88, 91.
+
+Catabulenses, freighters, transport masters, iv. 47;
+ ordered to transport marbles from Pincian Hill to Ravenna, iii. 10.
+
+Catana, walls of, to be repaired with stones of amphitheatre, iii. 49.
+
+Cathalia (?), petition of inhabitants of, as to collection of Tertiae,
+i. 14.
+
+Catos, the mob of the circus is not precisely a congregation of, i. 27;
+ 'the father of Felix was the Cato of our times,' ii. 3.
+
+Cellaritae, provision dealers (?), x. 28.
+
+Celsina, _see_ Curritana.
+
+Censitores, tax-collectors, ix. 12.
+
+Cethegus, Rufus Petronius Nicomachus, Consul (504), Magister
+Officiorum, Patrician, probably the person to whom the 'Anecdoton
+Holderi' was addressed, 76.
+
+Chameleon, appearance and habits of, v. 34.
+
+Chance, the world not governed by, xii. 25.
+
+Chariot-race, effect of, on spectators, iii. 51;
+ picture of, from Cilurnum gem, 231.
+
+Cheese of Mount Sila described, xii. 12.
+
+Chorda, the lyre so called 'quia facile corda moveat,' ii. 40.
+
+Christmas Day (Natale Domini), promotions of Praefect's staff upon,
+xi. 17.
+
+'Chronicon' of Cassiodorus, faulty character of the work, 28, 29.
+
+Chrysargyron, tax on traders = 'lustralis auri collatio,' ii. 26 _n_.
+
+Church, Dean, author of article on Cassiodorus, 121.
+
+Cilurnum (_Chesters_ in Northumberland), gem found at, representing
+chariot-race, 231.
+
+Circus, factions of the, i. 20, 27, 30, 31; iii. 51.
+
+Circus Maximus, description of, iii. 51;
+ plan of, 227.
+
+City and country life contrasted, viii. 31.
+
+Civilitas, Theodoric's anxious care for, 20;
+ description of, iv. 33;
+ Theodahad exhorted to observe, iv. 39;
+ for the sake of it even Jews are to be protected, v. 37;
+ references to, iv. 41, 44; v. 31; vi. 5; ix. 14, 18, 19.
+
+CLARISSIMUS, FORMULA CONFERRING RANK OF, vii. 38.
+
+Clarissimus, title of ministers of the third rank, 91;
+ epithet of Clarissimus conferred on all Senators, 91.
+
+Clavicularii, gaolers, 114;
+ under orders of Commentariensis, 104.
+
+Climate, influence of, on character, xii. 15.
+
+Cloacae of Rome, description of, iii. 30.
+
+Clovis (Luduin), King of the Franks, date of letters to, 23, 24;
+ Theodoric marches his troops against (508), i. 24;
+ a harper sent to, chosen by Boethius, ii. 40;
+ congratulated on victory over Alamanni, ii. 41;
+ letter dissuading from war with Alaric II, iii. 3;
+ called 'regius juvenis' by Theodoric, iii. 2;
+ his overthrow of the Alamannic kingdom, 527.
+
+Clusurae, mountain fastnesses, ii. 5, 19.
+
+Codicilli Vacantes, vi. 10.
+
+Coelianus, with Agapitus, seems to have had special jurisdiction in
+cases affecting Patricians, i. 23, 27.
+
+Coemptio (purveyance) of wheat or lard not to be claimed from the
+citizens of Rhegium, xii. 14.
+
+Cognitor, trier of causes, viii. 12; ix. 14, 18.
+
+Cohortes, used of civil servants of Praetorian Praefect, xi. 36.
+
+Coloni, apparent case of, reduced to slavery, viii. 28;
+ 'coloni sunt qui agros jugiter colunt,' viii. 31.
+
+Colossaeus, Illustris and Comes,
+ appointed Governor of Pannonia Sirmiensis, iii. 23;
+ pun on his name, iii. 24;
+ rations ordered for him and his suite, iv. 13.
+
+Colosseum described, v. 42.
+
+COMES ARCHIATRORUM, FORMULA OF, vi. 19.
+
+Comes, a Spectabilis, nature of his office (military), 90 _n_;
+ relation of Comes to his Principes, vii. 25, 28.
+
+COMES DOMESTICORUM (VACANS), FORMULA OF, vi. 11;
+ Arator receives the rank of, viii. 12.
+
+Comes Domorum, his functions, 88.
+
+COMES FORMARUM, FORMULA OF, vii. 6.
+
+COMES GOTHORUM, FORMULA OF, vii. 3;
+ servants of, have oppressed Provincials of Suavia, v. 14;
+ his dignity almost the only one peculiar to the Gothic state, 320.
+
+COMES NEAPOLITANUS, FORMULA OF, vi. 23;
+ reference to, vi. 24.
+
+COMES PATRIMONII, FORMULA OF, vi. 9;
+ references to, iv. 3, 15;
+ Bergantinus as, ordered to transfer property to Theodahad, viii. 23;
+ ordered to commence gold-mining in Bruttii, ix. 3;
+ Willias (Comes Patrimonii) ordered to increase the pay of the
+ Domestici, ix. 13.
+
+COMES PORTUS URBIS ROMAE, FORMULA OF, vii. 9.
+
+COMES PRIMI ORDINIS, FORMULA OF, vi. 12, 13;
+ letter addressed to, ii. 28.
+
+COMES PRINCIPIS MILITUM (?), FORMULA OF, vi. 25.
+
+COMES PROVINCIAE, FORMULA OF, vii. 1.
+
+COMES RAVENNAS, FORMULA OF, vii. 14.
+
+COMES RERUM PRIVATARUM, FORMULA OF, vi. 8;
+ an Illustris, 86; iv. 7;
+ his functions, 89;
+ office of, held by father of Argolicus, iii. 12;
+ held by Senarius (510), iv. 13.
+
+COMES ROMANUS, FORMULA OF, vii. 13.
+
+Comes Sacrae Vestis, Keeper of the Wardrobe, 88.
+
+COMES SACRARUM LARGITIONUM, FORMULA OF, vi. 7;
+ an Illustris, 86;
+ his functions, 88;
+ orders given to, ii. 31;
+ reports remissness of Venantius, iii. 8;
+ office of, held by grandfather of Argolicus, iii. 12;
+ Bina and Terna to be collected under his superintendence, vii. 21;
+ Ambrosius held office of, viii. 13;
+ Opilio, father and son, held office of, viii. 16;
+ Cyprian held office of, v. 40.
+
+COMES SECUNDI ORDINIS, FORMULA OF, vii. 26.
+
+COMES SYRACUSANUS, FORMULA OF, vi. 22 (_see_ also ix. 11, 14).
+
+Comitatus of the King,
+ litigants summoned to, i. 7; iv. 44, 45; v. 12, 32;
+ presence of in Liguria requires extraordinary supply of provisions,
+ ii. 20;
+ the place 'ubi et innocentia perfugium et calumniatores jus possunt
+ invenire districtum,' iv. 9;
+ meant to be a blessing to his subjects, iv. 40;
+ recourse to it by a distant suitor not compulsory, iv. 40;
+ journey of the Heruli to, iv. 45;
+ always ready for redress of grievances, v. 15;
+ Nimfadius journeying to, viii. 32.
+
+Comites of Pavia, iv. 45.
+
+COMITIACUS (officer of the law courts),
+ FORMULA BESTOWING HONORARY RANK ON, vi. 13;
+ Stabularius, Comitiacus, v. 6;
+ Florentinus, Vir Devotus, Comitiacus, viii. 7.
+
+Commentariensis (or Commentarisius), officer in Court of Praetorian
+ Praefect, nature of his functions, 104-106;
+ Cheliodorus appointed, xi. 28.
+
+Commonitorium, iii. 19; vii. 22.
+
+Como, City and Lake of, the praises of, xi. 14.
+
+COMPETITORES, FORMULA CONCERNING, vii. 44.
+
+Compulsor, officer employed to compel payment of taxes, xii. 8.
+
+Compurgation, evidences of a practice similar to, ix. 14 (p. 397).
+
+Computus Paschalis, tract on determination of Easter, attributed to
+Cassiodorus, 10, 11.
+
+Comum (_Como_), theft of brazen statue at, ii. 35, 36.
+
+Concordia (_Caorle_), contributions of wine and wheat from, remitted,
+xii. 26.
+
+Conductores, farmers of royal domain, losses of, in Apulia, i. 16;
+ in Spain, v. 39.
+
+Confiscated property, manner of asserting claims of Crown to, iv. 32.
+
+Consiliarius (Assessor), nature of the office, 12, 13;
+ Cassiodorus appointed to office of, 12.
+
+Constantinople, character of diplomatists of, ii. 6;
+ Cyprian's mission to, v. 41.
+
+Constantius, Bishop, his petition as to spoliation of the Church, iv.
+20.
+
+Constantius, a farmer, unjustly reduced to slavery by Tanca, viii. 28.
+
+CONSULARIS, FORMULA OF, vi. 20;
+ of Liguria, xii. 8.
+
+CONSULSHIP, FORMULA OF, vi. 1;
+ of Cassiodorus (514), 25-26;
+ of reigning Emperors, 28 _n_;
+ of Felix, ii. 1, 2, 3;
+ of Maximus, not to prevent his filling lower offices afterwards,
+ x. 12.
+
+Consuls, Eastern and Western, order of precedence of, in the Fasti,
+122.
+
+Consumption cured by milk of the cows on Mons Lactarius, xi. 10.
+
+Corn, restraints on exportation of, i. 34;
+ traffic in, for Southern Italy, regulated, ii. 26;
+ traffic in, from western coast of Italy to Gaul, iv. 5, 7;
+ traffic in, from Spain to Rome, v. 35;
+ forestalling and regrating of, prohibited, ix. 5;
+ sale of, at reduced price, in Liguria and Venetia, x. 27;
+ distribution of, in Rome, xi. 5;
+ sale of, at reduced price, to citizens of Milan, xii. 27.
+
+Cornicularius,
+ his position on the official staff of the Praetorian Praefect, 97;
+ nature of his functions, 97-102;
+ must be chosen from the Augustales, 110;
+ Antianus vacates office of, xi. 18, 19;
+ retired, to be pensioned, xi. 36.
+
+Corrector (lowest grade of Provincial Governor) of Bruttii and
+Lucania, iii. 8.
+
+Cosilinum (? _Padula_), a city of Lucania, viii. 33.
+
+Costula, a free Goth, complains that servile tasks are imposed on him
+by Guduim, v. 30.
+
+Cubiculum = royal treasury, v. 44;
+ 'libra cubiculi nostri' = the standard pound, v. 39.
+
+Cunigast (or Conigast), Vir Illustris,
+ evil character of, according to Boethius, 376;
+ ordered to administer justice between Tanca and his poorer
+ neighbours, viii. 28.
+
+Cura Epistolarum, officer charged with copying letters on fiscal
+matters, 109.
+
+Cura Epistolarum Canonicarum, Constantinian appointed, xi. 23.
+
+CURA PALATII, FORMULA OF, vii. 5.
+
+CURATOR OF A CITY, FORMULA OF, vii. 12.
+
+Curia, called by Antiquity Minor Senatus, ii. 18; vi. 3; ix. 2.
+
+CURIALIS, FORMULA DIRECTING SALE OF PROPERTY OF, vii. 47.
+
+Curiales, condition of, ii. 18;
+ conflict between Curial and Ecclesiastical obligations, ii. 18;
+ have to make good the Senators' deficiencies in payment of taxes,
+ ii. 24;
+ 'sordid burdens' = Curial obligations (?), ii. 28;
+ of Aestunae, iii. 9;
+ penalty on Jovinus for killing a fellow-curial, iii. 47;
+ might be punished with stripes by Praetorian Praefect, vi. 3;
+ oppression of, forbidden by Edictum Athalarici, ix. 2;
+ of Adriana, i. 19;
+ of Catana, iii. 49; of Forum Livii, iv. 8;
+ of Velia (?), iv. 11;
+ of Ticinum, iv. 45;
+ of Suavia, iv. 49; v. 14;
+ of Neapolis, vi. 24;
+ of Liguria, xii. 8;
+ FORMULA ADDRESSED TO, vii. 27;
+ family of, permitted to descend from the Curia, ix. 4.
+
+Currency, wickedness of depreciating, i. 10; vii. 32.
+
+CURRITANA INSULA ET CELSINA (two of the Lipari Islands), FORMULA FOR
+THE COMES OF, vii. 16.
+
+Cursus Publicus, Postal-service, 37;
+ transferred from Praetorian Praefect to Magister Officiorum, 99, 302;
+ vi. 3, 6;
+ under Regerendarius, 109;
+ letter as to, i. 29;
+ abuses of, to be reformed by the Sajo Gudisal, iv. 47;
+ by Sajo Mannila, v. 5;
+ abuses of, in Spain, v. 39;
+ citizens of Scyllacium not to be harassed by, xii. 15.
+
+Cyprian, Vir Illustris, Count of the Sacred Largesses (524-525),
+ his character and appointment to above office, v. 40, 41; viii. 16;
+ his services as Referendarius, v. 40;
+ his mission to Constantinople, v. 40;
+ his accusation of Albinus and Boethius, 289, 291, 363, 369;
+ raised to honour of Patricate, viii. 21, 22.
+
+
+D.
+
+Dahn, Felix (author of 'Koenige der Germanen'), quoted, 119, 152, 155,
+165, 177, 180, 182, 183, 184, 197, 198, 202, 204, 206, 207, 209, 216,
+221, 236, 240, 242, 248, 269, 282, 287, 320, 341, 350 _n_, 353 _n_,
+356, 361, 370 _n_, 372, 375, 401, 403, 435, 437 _n_.
+
+Daila, a free Goth, complains that servile tasks are imposed on him by
+Duke Guduim, v. 30.
+
+Dalmatia,
+ Simeon appointed to collect arrears of taxation from, iii. 25;
+ iron mining in, iii. 25;
+ Epiphanius Consularis of, v. 24;
+ address of Athalario to Goths settled in, viii. 4;
+ Arator sent on an embassy from Provincials of, to Theodoric, viii. 12;
+ Osuin appointed Governor of, ix. 8, 9.
+
+Danube, River, 'made a Roman stream by Amalasuentha, xi. 1.
+
+Datius, Bishop of Milan, made steward of the King's bounty to the
+citizens, xii. 27. (For his history, _see_ 522.)
+
+Davus receives sick-leave to visit Mons Lactarius, xi. 10.
+
+Death, the inconvenience of, 'comperimus dromonarios viginti et unum
+de constituto numero _mortis incommodo_ fuisse subtractos,' iv. 15.
+
+Decennonium, Marsh of, drained by Decius, ii. 32, 33.
+
+Decennovial Canal mentioned by Procopius, 188.
+
+Decii, Lay of the, recited at school, iii. 6;
+ family of Liberius and Paulinas descended from, ix. 22, 23.
+
+Decius, Caecina Maurus Basilius, Illustris, ex-Praefect of the City,
+ and ex-Praetorian Praefect,
+ undertakes to drain the Marsh of Decennonium, ii. 32, 33;
+ one of the Quinque-viri appointed to try Basilius and Praetextatus
+ (?), iv. 22, 23.
+
+Decoratus (Vir Devotus), brother of Honoratus, appointed Quaestor,
+ his character and early death, v. 3, 4;
+ conflicting testimony of Boethius and Ennodius as to, 267 _n_;
+ instructions to, as to arrears of Siliquaticum, v. 31.
+
+Decuriae, guilds of copying-clerks, &c., connected with administration
+of justice, 277.
+
+Defensor, Gothic soldier of a Roman noble, iv. 27, 28.
+
+DEFENSOR OF A CITY, FORMULA OF, vii. 11.
+
+Defensores of Church of Milan, ii. 30;
+ of Aestunae, iii. 9;
+ of the sacrosanct Roman Church, iii. 45;
+ of Catena, iii. 49;
+ of Ticinum, iv. 45;
+ of Suavia, iv. 49; v. 14.
+
+'Defloratis prosperitatibus,' meaning of this phrase, used by
+Cassiodorus of his Gothic History, 137 _n_.
+
+Degeniatus = (apparently) stripped of official rank, xii. 10.
+
+Delegatoria, warrant for increased rations consequent on promotion,
+xi. 33, 35.
+
+Denarius, puzzling passage as to relation of to solidus, i. 10.
+
+Deputati, fifteen shorthand writers of the highest class, appropriated
+to the Emperor's service, 111; xi. 30.
+
+Dertona (_Tortona_), fortification of, i. 17;
+ corn warehouse at, to be opened, x. 27; xii. 27.
+
+Diceneus, philosopher-king of Dacia, perhaps Cassiodorus' ideal of a
+king, 32.
+
+Dionysius 'Exiguus,' author of our present chronology, a colleague of
+Cassiodorus in his literary enterprises, 64.
+
+Dionysius of Halicarnassus, chief authority on the Roman
+chariot-races, 230.
+
+Discussores, assessors of taxes, iv. 38.
+
+Documents not to be tampered with by the Scribe, xii. 21.
+
+Domestici, life-guardsmen attached to the Provincial Governors, to
+receive larger pay, ix. 13.
+
+Domitian, office of Master of the Horse abolished by, 99.
+
+Domitius, Spectabilis, has received a concession for drainage of land
+ which he is too parsimonious to take full advantage of, ii. 21;
+ complains of seizure of his estates by Theodahad, iv. 39.
+
+Domus Palmata, near the Forum, iv. 30.
+
+Donativum, _see_ Largesse.
+
+Drainage concession to Spes and Domitius, ii. 21.
+
+Drill, need of, exemplified, i. 40.
+
+Dromonarii, rowers in express boats, ii. 31;
+ twenty-one dead, iv. 15.
+
+Dromones, express boats, one thousand to be built, v. 16.
+
+Druentia (_Durance_), River,
+ frontier of Ostrogothic and Burgundian Monarchies, 218;
+ provisions for garrisons upon, iii. 41.
+
+Dux, a military officer of the rank of Spectabilis, his relation to
+the Comes, 90 _n_.
+
+DUX RAETIARUM, FORMULA OF, vii. 4.
+
+
+E.
+
+Eastern Empire, Amalasuentha's relations with, xi. 1.
+
+Ecclesiastical privileges and immunities, i. 9, 26; ii. 29, 30;
+ iii. 14, 37, 45; iv. 17, 20; viii. 24; ix. 15, 16; x. 26, 34;
+ xii. 13, 20;
+ conflict between Ecclesiastical and Curial obligations, ii. 18.
+
+Ecdicius, sons of, allowed to leave Rome to bury their father, ii. 22.
+
+Edictum Athalarici, ix. 2, 18, 19, 20.
+
+Edictum Theodorici,
+ published by Nivellius, from a MS. belonging to Pithou, 116;
+ punishment for adulterers according to, 283, 403;
+ permission to parents to sell their children, 382 _n_.
+
+Egregii, fifth rank in Imperial service, 92;
+ not mentioned by Cassiodorus, 92.
+
+Elephant, natural history of the, x. 30;
+ brazen images of, in Via Sacra, x. 30.
+
+Eloquence the special product of Rome--'Aliae regiones vina, balsama
+et olentia thura transmittant: Roma tradit eloquium, quo suavius nil
+sit auditum,' x. 7.
+
+Endive of Bruttii has not the bitter fibres spoken of by Virgil, xii.
+14.
+
+Ennodius, Magnus Felix, Bishop of Ticinum (died 516),
+ information given by, as to Boethius, 79 _n_;
+ information as to Alamannic refugees, 195;
+ his testimony to character of Decoratus, 267 _n_;
+ addressed his 'Paraenesis' to Ambrosius, 358.
+
+Epiphanius employed by Cassiodorus to assist him in the compilation of
+'Historia Tripartita,' 61.
+
+Eufrasius the Acolyte sold a house at Rome to Pope Simplicius, iii.
+45.
+
+Eugenius, Vir Illustris,
+ receives the dignity of Master of the Offices, i. 12, 13;
+ possibly alluded to, viii. 19 (_see_ note).
+
+Euric, King of the Visigoths (466-485), father of Alaric II, taxation
+in his time, v. 39.
+
+Eustorgius, Bishop of Milan, his petition for protection to Milanese
+Church granted, ii. 29.
+
+Eutharic, husband of Amalasuentha, Consulship of (519), 27, 28;
+ adopted as son in arms by Justin, viii. 1.
+
+Evans, Arthur J., on the topography of Squillace, 9, 68-72.
+
+Exceptores, shorthand writers, 104, 110, 111; xi. 25;
+ charged a fee for the bad paper which they supplied to suitors,
+ 483 _n_.
+
+Exormiston, a kind of lamprey (?), xii. 4, 14.
+
+Expeditio, derivation of, i. 17.
+
+
+F.
+
+Famine, provisions for relief of, x. 27;
+ unusual appearances foreboding the famine of 538, xii. 25;
+ in Liguria to be relieved, xii. 28.
+
+Faustus, Praetorian Praefect, Illustris,
+ rebuked for his delay in sending corn from south of Italy to Rome,
+ 17-19; i. 35;
+ embassy of, to Constantinople (493), 23;
+ Consulship of, 122;
+ severely censured for his oppression of Castorius, iii. 20, 28;
+ sent into the country for change of air, iii. 21;
+ oppression of Joannes (?), iii. 27.
+
+Faustus the younger, son of the above, i. 41;
+ enquiry into character of, on his admission to the Senate, i. 41.
+
+Faventia (_Faenza_), blocks of marble to be forwarded to Ravenna from,
+v. 8.
+
+Felix III, Pope (526-530), election of, in deference to recommendation
+of Theodoric, viii. 15.
+
+Felix (apparently a native of Milan),
+ appointed Quaestor (527), viii. 18, 19;
+ his pedigree, viii. 19.
+
+Felix, Vir Clarissimus, accused by Venantius of defrauding the minor
+Plutianus, i. 7, 8.
+
+Felix, Consul with Secundinus (511),
+ his character and elevation to the Consulship, ii. 1, 2, 3;
+ ordered to give largesse to charioteers of Milan, iii. 39.
+
+Felix, Consul with Taurus (428), 173.
+
+Felix, an assistant (probably Vices Agens), to Cassiodorus in the
+discharge of his duties as Praetorian Praefect, 450.
+
+Feltria (_Feltre_), inhabitants of, to assist in erection of new city
+in district of Tridentum, v. 9.
+
+Festus, embassy of, to Constantinople (497), 23;
+ chosen by Agnellus to defend his interests in his absence, i. 15;
+ his claims against Paulinus, i. 23.
+
+Fidei-jussor, guarantor, i. 37; ii. 13; xi. 4.
+
+Filagrius, Vir Spectabilis, petition of, as to his nephew's detention
+in Rome, i. 39.
+
+'Filius per arma,' adoption of, iv. 2.
+
+Firminus, complaints of, against Venantius, iii. 36.
+
+Fiscus Gothorum, rights of, i. 19;
+ its claims not to be pressed unduly, i. 22.
+
+Fiscus, rights of, as to Castrum Lucullanum, viii. 25;
+ rights of, to estates of deceased persons (Fiscus Caducus), ix. 14.
+
+Fishermen, not to be enlisted for the navy, v. 16;
+ their nets not to be allowed to hinder navigation of rivers,
+ v. 17, 20.
+
+Fishes, natural history of:
+ the echeneis or sucking-fish, 18; i. 35;
+ shell-fish of Indian Ocean, their power of arresting vessels, 18;
+ i. 35;
+ torpedo, its numbing touch, 18; i. 35;
+ dolphins, habits of, iii. 48;
+ echinus, 'that honey of flesh, that dainty of the deep,' iii. 48;
+ the strange habits of the pike and the wrasse, xi. 40;
+ in the fishponds (vivaria) of Scyllacium, xii. 15;
+ the anchorage, exormiston, &c., xii. 4, 14.
+
+Flaminian Way, edict regulating prices upon the, xi. 12;
+ to be put in order for the King's passage, xii. 18.
+
+Flavianus, Virius Nicomachus, Consul Suffectus (394),
+ ancestor of Symmachus, 78;
+ a leader of the heathen party in the Senate, 78;
+ author of a Roman History, 78.
+
+Formulae, reasons given by Cassiodorus for composing, 138.
+
+Fornerius, notes of, on Cassiodorus, 116.
+
+Forojulii (_Cividale_), contributions of wine and wheat from,
+remitted, xii. 26.
+
+Forum Livii (_Forli_), inhabitants of, to transport timber to
+Alsuanum, iv. 8.
+
+Franks, the, dispute of with Burgundians (533), viii. 10;
+ war between Amalasuentha and, xi. 1.
+
+Franz, Adolph, author of 'M. Aurel. Cassiodorius Senator,' 119.
+
+Fraudulent shipowners punished, v. 35.
+
+Frontinus (cir. A.D. 97), author of 'Strategematicon' and 'De
+Aquaeductibus,' quoted by Lydus, 97.
+
+Frontosus has embezzled a large sum of public money, v. 34;
+ his evasions and slippery character, v. 34.
+
+'Furtivae actiones,' those concerned in, to be punished, v. 39.
+
+Fuscus, appointed Praetorian Praefect by Domitian, 99.
+
+
+G.
+
+Garet, F.J., his edition of Cassiodorus, 117;
+ his ecclesiastical bias, 217.
+
+Garismatium, a place supplying garum, 514 _n_.
+
+Garum, a kind of sauce, 514 _n_.
+
+Gaul, summons to the Goths to take up arms for invasion of, i. 24;
+ Gemellus appointed Governor of, iii. 16;
+ address to Theodoric's subjects in, iii. 17;
+ remission of taxation in, iii. 32, 40; iv. 19, 36;
+ especial desire of Theodoric for good government of, iii. 38;
+ famine in, to be relieved from Italy, iv. 5, 7;
+ placed under government of Arigern (probably before Gemellus),
+ iv. 16;
+ Gepid troops ordered for defence of, v. 10, 11;
+ peace of, disturbed by Gesalic, v. 43;
+ Athalaric's accession announced to his subjects in, viii. 6, 7.
+
+Gemellus, Senator, appointed Governor of Gaul, iii. 16, 17;
+ instructions to, iii. 32, 41; iv. 12, 19, 21.
+
+Genesius, Vir Spectabilis, directed to reform the sanitary condition
+of Parma, viii. 30.
+
+Genoa, Jews living at, ii. 27.
+
+Gensemund, an example of fidelity to the Amal race, viii. 9;
+ his history mysterious, 354 _n_.
+
+Gentilis, barbarian, i. 46; ii. 16; viii. 22.
+
+Gentilitas, barbarism, misery of, iii. 17.
+
+Geometry, origin of, iii. 52.
+
+Gepidae, ordered for defence of Gaul,
+ to march peaceably through Northern Italy, v. 10, 11;
+ extraordinarily high rate of pay of (?), v. 11.
+
+Germanus, his complaint against Bishop Peter, iii. 37.
+
+Gesalic, natural son of Alaric II, sheltered by Thrasamund, King of
+the Vandals, v. 43, 44.
+
+Getae, confusion of, with Goths, 31, 32.
+
+Gibbon, on the 'Variae,' 120;
+ as to character of accusers of Boethius, 365;
+ as to Theodoric's participation in murder of Amalasuentha, 433 _n_.
+
+Gildias, Vir Spectabilis, Count of Syracuse, rebuked for oppression of
+the Sicilians, ix. 14 (_see_ also ix. 11).
+
+Godomar, King of the Burgundians (524-534), 456 _n_.
+
+Gold-mining in Bruttii, ix. 3.
+
+Gothic History of Cassiodorus,
+ estimate of, by its author, 29, 30, 137; ix. 25;
+ purpose of, 30;
+ Jordanes' abstract of, 34.
+
+Gothic law for Gothic men (?), vii. 3; viii. 3;
+ not for Romans, ix. 14.
+
+Goths, delight of in war, i. 24;
+ manner of training young, i. 38;
+ disputes between, and Romans, in Samnium, to be settled by Sunhivad,
+ iii. 13;
+ Pannonia of old the dwelling of, iii. 23;
+ in Picenum and Tuscia evading payment of taxes, iv. 14;
+ ancestors of (Guttones), dealers in amber, 266;
+ in Picenum and Samnium summoned to royal presence, v. 26, 27;
+ free Gothic warriors enslaved, v. 29, 30;
+ degrading services not to be claimed from, v. 39;
+ disputes with Romans, how to be decided, vii. 3;
+ relation of Gothic Comes to his Roman staff, vii. 25;
+ oath between, and Romans on Athalaric's accession, viii. 7;
+ settled at Reate and Nursia, viii. 26;
+ indignant at the murder of Amalafrida, ix. 1;
+ 'Gothorum laus est civilitas custodita,' ix. 14;
+ dissensions between Gothic soldiers and Roman populace, x. 14;
+ raise Witigis on the shield as King, 'indicamus parentes nostros
+ Gothos inter procinctuales gladios, more majorum, scuto supposito,
+ regalem nobis contulisse, praestante Deo, dignitatem,' x. 31.
+
+Gout, a living death, x. 29.
+
+Graius (?), Senatorial rank conferred on, vi. 14.
+
+Grammarians, twelve eminent, quoted by Cassiodorus, 65;
+ salaries of, to be increased, ix. 21.
+
+Granaries in Rome, repair of, iii. 29.
+
+Gravasiani (?), iv. 38.
+
+Green party in the Circus, complaint made by, i. 20;
+ complaint against Theodoric (the Patrician) and Importunus, i. 27;
+ mentioned, i. 32, 33;
+ rivalry of with the Blues, iii. 51.
+
+Gregory of Tours, incompleteness of his history of Clovis, 24.
+
+Gregory the Great, Pope (590-604), as to wine called Palmatiana, 500
+_n_.
+
+Griffins dig for gold, and delight in contemplation of that metal, ix.
+3.
+
+GUARD AT THE GATES OF A CITY, FORMULA RESPECTING, vii. 29.
+
+Guardianship of orphans delegated by Theodoric, i. 36;
+ of the young Hilarius not to be protracted, i. 38.
+
+Gudelina, wife of Theodahad, letters of, to Theodora, x. 20, 21, 23;
+ letter of, to Justinian, x. 24;
+ doubtful allusion of, to murder of Amalasuentha, x. 20.
+
+Gudila accused of enslaving Ocer, a blind Goth, v. 29.
+
+Guduim, Sajo, v. 27;
+ Vir Sublimis and Dux, v. 30;
+ accused of imposing servile tasks on Costula and Daila, v. 30.
+
+Gundibad (Gundobad), King of the Burgundians (473-516),
+ Theodoric sends him a water-clock and sundial, i. 45, 46;
+ Theodoric asks him to assist in reconciling Clovis and Alaric,
+ iii. 2;
+ called 'senex' by Theodoric, iii. 2.
+
+
+H.
+
+Haesti, or Aestii, inhabitants of Esthonia, send present of amber to
+Theodoric, v. 2.
+
+Hannibal, death of, iii. 47.
+
+Hasdingi (Hasdirigi?), or Asdingi, royal family of the Vandals,
+honoured by alliance with the Amals, ix. 1.
+
+Heliodorus, a relative of Cassiodorus, Praefect in the Eastern Empire,
+i. 4.
+
+Helladius, candidate for office of Pantomimist, i. 20;
+ ordered to come forth and amuse the people, i. 32.
+
+Heracleanus, Presbyter, messenger from Justinian to Theodahad, x. 25.
+
+Herminafrid, King of the Thuringians, married to Amalabirga, niece of
+Theodoric, iv. 1.
+
+Heruli, King of,
+ appealed to by Theodoric to prevent war between Clovis and Alaric,
+ iii. 3;
+ King of, adopted as Theodoric's son by right of arms, iv. 2;
+ to receive provisions at Ticinum on their journey to Ravenna, iv. 45.
+
+Hilarius, a young Goth, grandson of Baion, i. 38;
+ to be allowed to enter on enjoyment of his property, i. 38.
+
+Hilderic, King of the Vandals (523-531), murders Amalafrida, widow of
+his predecessor, ix. 1.
+
+Histrius (or Historius), ii. 9.
+
+Homer quoted, as to travels of Ulysses, i. 39;
+ as to Priam's request for the body of Hector, ii. 22.
+
+Homo; Theodosius is addressed by Theodahad as _Homo suus_; meaning of
+the term (?), x. 5.
+
+'Honesta missio' of the Theodosian Code illustrated by, v. 36.
+
+Honoratus, Vir Illustris, brother of Decoratus, appointed Quaestor;
+his character, v. 3, 4.
+
+Hormisdas, Pope (514-523), election of during Consulship of
+Cassiodorus, 26.
+
+Horses, description of, sent as a present by the King of the
+Thuringians, iv. 1.
+
+Hostilia, on the Po, place of rendezvous for the dromonarii, ii. 31.
+
+Hot-springs of Abano described, ii. 39.
+
+Hydruntum, or Hydron (_Otranto_), chief seat of the purple
+manufacture, i. 2.
+
+
+I.
+
+Ibbas, General of Theodoric in Gaul (perhaps the person to whom iv. 17
+is addressed), 253.
+
+Ides of June (June 13th),
+ sailors and ships to meet at Ravenna on, v. 19, 20;
+ eighth day before (June 6th), Goths to come to Ravenna for their
+ largesse upon, v. 26.
+
+ILLUSTRATUS VACANS, FORMULA OF, vi. 11.
+
+Illustres, highest class of Ministers; who belonged to it? 86-90;
+ was an Illustris once, always an Illustris? 89;
+ were the Consuls Illustres? 90.
+
+Illyricum, alleged loss of, under Placidia, xi. 1.
+
+Imperium, used of the Gothic kingdom, xii. 28.
+
+Importunus, Illustris and Consul (509), accused of assaulting the
+Green party at the Circus, i. 27.
+
+Importunus, Vir Illustris and Patrician, Consul (509),
+ descended from the Decii, iii. 5;
+ incident of the recitation of Lay of the Decii, iii. 5.
+
+Indictions, mode of reckoning by, 123-125;
+ remission of taxes at, i. 16.
+
+Indulgentia, an amnesty to prisoners, xi. 40.
+
+Inquilina persists in harassing Benatus with litigation, iv. 37.
+
+Interpretium not to be exacted from Apulian corn-merchants, ii. 26.
+
+Intestate property of widow claimed by the State, v. 24
+ (_see_ also vi. 8);
+ property of an African claimed by a fellow-countryman, xii. 9.
+
+Iron, mines of, in Dalmatia, iii. 25;
+ praises of, iii. 25.
+
+Istria, Province of, large harvests of wine, oil, and corn in, xii. 22;
+ extraordinary requisition from, xii. 22;
+ plentiful yield of wine in, xii. 26.
+
+Italy, ought to enjoy her own products, ii. 12;
+ western coast of, exports corn to Gaul, iv. 5.
+
+
+J.
+
+Januarius, Secretary of Joannes, iv. 32.
+
+Januarius, Assessor of taxes, iv. 38.
+
+Jews, of Genoa,
+ permitted to rebuild but not enlarge their synagogue, ii. 27;
+ their privileges confirmed, iv. 33;
+ synagogue of, at Rome, burned by the mob, iv. 43;
+ Christian servants of, punished for murdering their masters, iv. 43;
+ of Milan, protected from molestation, v. 37.
+
+Joanna, widow of Andreas, intestacy of, v. 24.
+
+Joannes, Vir Spectabilis, Referendarius, receives gift of property at
+Castrum Lucullanum from Tulum, confirmed by Athalaric, viii. 25.
+
+Joannes, Cancellarius (533-534), xi. 6;
+ appointed Praerogativarius, xi. 27.
+
+Joannes, mortgagee of property of Tupha, iv. 32.
+
+Joannes, Vir Clarissimus, Arcarius (perhaps same as preceding), pays
+off the debt of his father-in-law Thomas, and takes his property in
+Apulia, v. 6, 7.
+
+Joannes, Arch-Physician, unjust judgment against, reversed, iv. 41.
+
+John II, Pope (Jan. 1, 533--May 27, 535),
+ letter to, against simony at Papal elections, ix. 15;
+ report from, as to imprisonment of Roman citizens, ix. 17;
+ Cassiodorus sends greeting to, on his promotion, xi. 2.
+
+John complains that the Bishop of Salona has taken 60 tuns of oil from
+him, iii. 7.
+
+John, Spectabilis, ordered to enquire into abuses connected with
+aqueducts of Rome, iii. 31.
+
+Jordanes, relation of his book 'De Rebus Geticis' to the Gothic
+ History of Cassiodorus, 34;
+ his quotations from Symmachus' History, 78;
+ as to 'Capillati' among the Getae, 260 _n_;
+ as to Goths by the Baltic Sea, 266;
+ as to threatened war between Goths and Franks, 402.
+
+Joseph, the Patriarch,
+ office of Praetorian Praefect derived from, vi. 3;
+ alluded to, x. 27;
+ precautions of, against Egyptian famine, xii. 25;
+ his bargain with the starving Egyptians criticised, xii. 28.
+
+Jovinus banished to the Lipari Islands for murder of a fellow-curial,
+iii. 47.
+
+Judges to visit each town once in the year, and not to claim more than
+three days' maintenance, v. 14.
+
+Julianus complains of injuries received from the servants of Bishop
+Aurigenes, iii. 14.
+
+Julian, Count and Illustris, Tata is ordered to conduct recruits to,
+v. 23.
+
+Justin, Emperor (518-527), Athalaric announces his accession to, viii.
+1.
+
+Justinian, Emperor (527-566), his negotiations with Amalasuentha, 43;
+ with Theodahad, 46, 47;
+ Amalasuentha announces her son's death and the association of
+ Theodahad to, x. 1, 2;
+ present of marbles from Amalasuentha to, x. 8, 9;
+ letters of Theodahad to, x. 15, 19, 22, 25, 26;
+ letter of Gudelina to, x. 24;
+ letter of Witigis to, x. 32;
+ his interference on bt half of a heavily taxed monastery, x. 26;
+ on behalf of Veranilda, a Catholic convert, x. 26;
+ petition of Senate to, xi. 13.
+
+
+L.
+
+Lactarius, Mons (_Monte Lettere_), description of, xi. 10;
+ health-resort for consumptive patients, xi. 10.
+
+Land surveying among the Romans, iii. 52.
+
+Lard not to be exported from Italy, ii. 12.
+
+Largesse (Regalia Dona, Donativum),
+ Goths summoned to Court to receive, on the Ides of June, v. 26, 27;
+ Starcedius' donative stopped on his retirement from service, v. 36.
+
+Laurentius, Presbyter, accused of rifling graves, iv. 18.
+
+Laurentius, Vir Experientissimus, ordered to collect in Istria stores
+of wine, oil, and corn for Ravenna, xii. 22, 23, 24.
+
+Lawsuits not to be interminable, i. 5.
+
+LEAVE OF ABSENCE, TEMPORARY, FORMULA COMMEATALIS AD TEMPUS, vii. 36.
+
+Lenormant, his work 'La Grande Grece' quoted, 7, 8, 71.
+
+Leodifrid, _see_ under Sajo.
+
+Leontius, Vir Spectabilis, his dispute about boundaries with
+Paschasius, iii. 52.
+
+Leontius, Praefecture of, 105.
+
+Letters, origin of, from imitation of flight of cranes, viii. 12.
+
+Leucothea, Fountain of, its marvellous qualities, viii. 33.
+
+Liber, derivation of, xi. 38.
+
+Liberius (1),
+ Praetorian Praefect under Theodoric (493-500), 16; ii. 15, 16;
+ his fidelity to Odovacar, ii. 16;
+ conduct in assignment of 'Tertiae,' ii. 16;
+ father of Venantius, ii. 15;
+ arranged gift from Theodoric to ex-Emperor (?) Romulus, iii. 35.
+
+Liberius (2), Spectabilis (possibly son of preceding), complains of
+unjust judgment by Marabad, iv. 47.
+
+Liberius (3), Senator, sent as ambassador by Theodahad to Justinian,
+45.
+
+Liberius (4, probably same as No. 3), Patrician, Praetorian Praefect
+of the Gauls (526), viii. 6; xi. 1.
+
+Liberius (5), second husband of Aetheria, iv. 12.
+
+Lictor, apostrophised by Cassiodorus in his 'Indulgentia,' xi. 40.
+
+Liguria, Province of, ships ordered from Ravenna to, ii. 20;
+ the Gepidae on their way to Gaul to march peaceably through,
+ v. 10, 11;
+ obscure allusion to troubles in, viii. 16;
+ famine in 'Liguria industriosa' to be relieved by corn-distribution,
+ x. 27;
+ relief of 'devota Liguria,' xi. 15, 16;
+ Consularis of, addressed, xii. 8;
+ invaded by the Burgundians, xii. 28;
+ plunder-raid of Alamanni into, xii. 28;
+ famine in, relieved, xii. 28.
+
+Lime, the praises of, vii. 17.
+
+Lime-kilns, President of, PRAEPOSITUS CALCIS, FORMULA OF, vii. 17.
+
+Lucania, Province of,
+ Eusebius is recommended to take holiday in, iv. 48;
+ rustics of, at Feast of St. Cyprian, viii. 33;
+ Campanianus, inhabitant of, ix. 4;
+ 'Montuosa Lucania' abounded in swine, xi. 39;
+ measures for relief of, during presence of Gothic army, xii. 5.
+ (_See_ also Bruttii.)
+
+Lucrine Port (?) to furnish tiles for repair of walls of Rome, i. 25.
+
+Lucullanum, Castrum (_Castel dell Ovo_, at Naples), property at, given
+by Theodoric to Tulum, and by Athalaric to Joannes, viii. 25 (_see_
+note, p. 374).
+
+Lydus, Joannes, civil servant in Constantinople under Justinian,
+ author of 'De Dignitatibus;'
+ his account of the dignity of the Praetorian Praefect, 40;
+ on the official staff of the Praetorian Praefect, 94-114;
+ his disappointment with the emoluments of the Cornicularius, 101;
+ as to salutation of Praetorian Praefect, 297;
+ as to Scholares, 302;
+ jealousy of Magistriani, 303;
+ as to supply of paper for law courts, xi. 38.
+
+
+M.
+
+Maffei, Scipione, author of 'Verona Illustrate,' on situation of
+Verruca, 224.
+
+Magic, trial of Roman Senators on accusation of practising, iv. 22, 23;
+ punishment of, according to Edictum Athalarici, ix. 18.
+
+MAGISTER OFFICIORUM, FORMULA OF, vi. 6;
+ nature of his office, 36, 37;
+ jealousy between his subordinates and those of the Praefectus
+ Praetorio, 100, 302;
+ Eugenius promoted to office of, i. 12, 13;
+ office of, held by grandfather of Argolicus, iii. 12;
+ as to Cursus Publicus, 99; iv. 47; vi. 6;
+ letter of Witigis to M.O. at Constantinople, x. 33.
+
+MAGISTER SCRINII, FORMULA OF, vi. 13.
+
+Magistriani, officers under Magister Officiorum, jealousy of, felt by
+members of Praefectoral staff, 303.
+
+Magistri Scriniorum, Spectabiles, 91.
+
+Magnus, a Spectabilis, of Gaul (?), to be reimbursed for losses
+sustained from the Franks, iii. 18.
+
+Major Domus, Steward of the Royal House; Theodahad calls Vacco
+'majorem domus nostrae,' and orders him to superintend the purchase of
+provisions for Gothic garrison of Rome, x. 18.
+
+Mancipes mutationum, servants at posting-stations, iv. 47.
+
+Maniarius, complaint of, as to abstraction of his slaves by the
+Breones, i. 11.
+
+Manso, author of 'Geschichte des Ostgothischen Reiches,' quoted, 333,
+336, 401.
+
+Mappa, why used to denote the signal for the races, iii. 51.
+
+Marabad, Vir Illustris and Comes,
+ appointed Governor of Marseilles, iii. 34;
+ instructions to, iv. 12, 46.
+
+Marcellinus Comes, chronicler in the reign of Justinian,
+ as to introduction of Heruli into Italy, 258 _n_;
+ as to eruption of Vesuvius, 261 _n_, 262 _n_.
+
+Marcellus on water-finding, iii. 53.
+
+Marcian, Vir Spectabilis, employed to collect grain for Italy in
+Spain, v. 35.
+
+Marcilianum (_Sala_, in Lucania), viii. 33.
+
+Marinus, his petition about the property of Tupha, iv. 32.
+
+Mark the Presbyter summoned for arrears of Siliquaticum, v. 31.
+
+MARRIAGE, CONFIRMATION OF, AND LEGITIMATION OF OFFSPRING, FORMULA FOR,
+vii. 40.
+
+MARRIAGE, FORMULA LEGITIMATING WITH FIRST COUSIN, vii. 46.
+
+Marriage law (Edictum Athalarici), ix. 18.
+
+Martinus, his son Romulus accused of parricide, ii. 14.
+
+Massa Palentiana, wrested from rightful owners by Theodahad, v. 12.
+
+Massa, a farm, viii. 23.
+
+Massilia (_Marseilles_),
+ inhabitants of, to welcome Count Marabad, iii. 34;
+ privileges confirmed to, and exemption from taxation granted to for
+ one year, iv. 26.
+
+Master of the Horse, office of, abolished by Domitian, 99.
+
+Matasuentha, granddaughter of Theodoric, married to Witigis, 49.
+
+Maurentius, an orphan, taken under the King's guardianship, iv. 9.
+
+Maximian, Vir Illustris, one of the Quinque-viri appointed to try
+Basilius and Praetextatus, iv. 22, 23.
+
+Maximus, Flavius Anicius, Vir Illustris, Consul (523),
+ encouraged to reward handsomely the _Venator_ in the amphitheatre,
+ v. 42;
+ appointed Primicerius Domesticorum (535), x. 11, 12;
+ married a wife of the Amal race, x. 11;
+ discussion as to his subsequent history, 424 _n_.
+
+Mercury, inventor of letters, viii. 12.
+
+Milan, Church of, immunities granted to, ii. 29, 30;
+ charioteers of, to receive largesse from Felix, iii. 39;
+ Bacauda, Tribunus Voluptatum at, v. 25;
+ Jews of, protected from molestation, v. 37;
+ famine in, to be relieved by Datius, xii. 27;
+ sieges and demolition of, 522.
+
+Militia, used of the purely civil service of the staff of the
+ Praetorian Praefect, 92; ii. 28;
+ obligations of the title, ii. 31;
+ used of service of Tribunus Voluptatum, v. 25;
+ of functions of Count of Sacred Largesses, vi. 7;
+ of functions of Comitiacus, vi. 13.
+
+Militia Litterata, the learned staff, 479.
+
+Millenarius (in Gothic, _thusundifaths_), captain of a thousand, v.
+27.
+
+Millet (panicum), to be sold to citizens of Milan at 20 modii per
+solidum, xii. 27.
+
+Minors, protection of, from fraud, iv. 35.
+
+MINT (MONETA) MASTER OF, FORMULA APPOINTING, vii. 32.
+
+Mommsen, Theodor, severe judgment of, on 'Chronicon' of Cassiodorus,
+29, 120.
+
+Monopoly, letters relating to, ii. 26, 30; iii. 19; x. 28.
+
+Montanarius, bearer of money to Bishop Severus, ii. 8.
+
+Mosaic, discription of, i. 6.
+
+Moscius, Mons, near Scyllacium, xii. 15.
+
+Mundus, General of Justinian, in Dalmatia, 446 _n_.
+
+Munitarius (Winithar), ancestor of Theodoric, 'aequitate enituit,' xi.
+1.
+
+Music, dissertation on, ii. 40.
+
+
+N.
+
+Narbonne, Church of, possessions granted by Alaric, wrested from, iv.
+17.
+
+Navy, Theodoric's directions as to raising, v. 16, 17.
+
+Neapolis (_Naples_), territory of,
+ suffers from eruption of Vesuvius, iv. 50;
+ FORMULA OF COUNT OF NAPLES, vi. 23;
+ FORMULA addressed HONORATIS POSSESSORIBUS, ET CURIALIBUS CIVITATIS
+ NEAPOLITANAE, vi. 24.
+
+Neotherius, a spendthrift, and brother of Plutianus, i. 7, 8.
+
+Nero, anecdote of, giving the signal for the chariot-race, iii. 51.
+
+Nicephorus Phocas, Emperor of the East (963-969), his work of
+restoration at Squillace, 71.
+
+Nicomachus, _see_ Cethegus.
+
+Nimfadius, Vir Sublimis, his adventure at the Fountain of Arethusa,
+viii. 32.
+
+Nivellius, Sebastianus, his edition of Cassiodorus, 115, 116.
+
+Nobilissimus, title given to nearest relatives of the Emperor, 85, 86.
+
+Nola, territory of, suffers from eruption of Vesuvius, iv. 50.
+
+Noricum, Provincials of, to exchange their cattle with the Alamanni,
+iii. 50.
+
+NOTARII, FORMULA OF, vi. 16.
+
+Notitia Utriusque Imperii,
+ general correspondence of, with the 'Variae,' 85;
+ on the official staff of the Praetorian Praefect, 94-114;
+ illustration of the name, xii. 23.
+
+Numerarii, cashiers in the Court of Praetorian Praefect, 96, 108;
+ spoliation of churches of Bruttii alleged to be committed in their
+ name, xii. 13;
+ referred to, xii. 23.
+
+Nursia, the birthplace of St. Benedict, 375;
+ colony of Goths settled at, viii. 26.
+
+
+O.
+
+Oath, mutual,
+ between Athalaric and his subjects on his accession, viii. 3;
+ between Goths and Romans, viii. 7.
+
+Obsonia (= relishes, anything eaten with bread, especially fish), to
+be distributed to the Roman people, xii. 11.
+
+Ocer, a blind Gothic warrior, reduced to slavery by Gudila and Oppas,
+v. 29.
+
+Odovacar (Odoacer), King (476-493),
+ faithful service of Liberius to, ii. 16;
+ possible allusion to times of, iii. 12;
+ buried in a stone chest, 207;
+ Tupha an officer of, 251;
+ moderate taxation under, iv. 38;
+ Opilio filled a place under (?), v. 41.
+
+Officium (official staff) of Praetorian Praefect, 93-114;
+ otherwise called Praetoriani, xi. 37;
+ to be fined if they disobey the King's orders, ii. 26;
+ duties of in collection of Bina and Terna, vii. 21;
+ promotion of, on Christmas Day, xi. 17;
+ their duties and rightful claims, xi. 37.
+
+Opilio, Count of Sacred Largesses, father of Cyprian, viii. 16, 17;
+ chosen for a place in household of Odovacar (?), v. 41.
+
+Opilio, son of above, Count of Sacred Largesses, viii. 16, 17;
+ ambassador from Theodahad to Justinian (535), 45;
+ evil character of, given by Boethius, 363.
+
+Oppas, accused of enslaving Ocer, a blind Goth, v. 29.
+
+Orthography, difficulties of Latin, in Sixth Century, 66.
+
+Ostrogotha, ancestor of Theodoric, 'patientia enituit,' xi. 1.
+
+Osuin (or Osum), Vir Illustris and Comes, made Governor of Dalmatia
+and Suavitt, ix. 8, 9.
+
+
+P.
+
+Padus (_Po_),
+ timber for navy to be collected upon the banks of, v. 17, 20;
+ stake-nets to be removed from mouth of, v. 17, 20.
+
+Palamediaci calculi = draughts, citizens fond of playing at, viii. 31.
+
+Palmatiana, wine of Bruttii, described, xii. 12.
+
+Panis, derivation of, from Pan, vi. 18.
+
+Pannonia Sirmiensis, Colossaeus appointed Governor of, iii. 23, 24;
+ an old habitation of the Goths, iii. 23.
+
+Pantomimist, dispute as to choice of, i. 20;
+ his menstruum (monthly allowance), i. 32, 33.
+
+Papal election, contested between Symmachus and Laurentius (498), 26;
+ of Felix III (526), viii. 15.
+
+Paper, praises of, xi. 38.
+
+Paraveredi, extra horses, v. 39. (_See Errata._)
+
+Parhippi, extra horses, iv. 47.
+
+Parma, sanitary measures in, viii. 29, 30.
+
+Parricide, the horror of, ii. 14.
+
+Paschasius, Vir Spectabilas, his dispute about boundaries with
+Leontius, iii. 52.
+
+PATRICIATE, FORMULA OF, vi. 2.
+
+Patricius, Vir Illustris, appointed Quaestor by Theodahad, x. 6, 7.
+
+Patzenes, husband of Regina, story of his wife's intrigue with
+Brandila during his absence on Gaulish campaign, v. 32, 33.
+
+Paula, an orphan, taken under the King's guardianship, iv. 9.
+
+Paulinus, Illustris and Patrician,
+ claims of Festus and Symmachus against, i. 23
+ [N.B. Compare the following passage from Boethius'
+ 'Philosophiae Consolatio' i. 4: 'Paulinum consularem virum
+ cujus opes palatini canes jam spe atque ambitione
+ devorassent, ab ipsis hiantium faucibus traxi.' Considering
+ the relationship between Boethius and Symmachus, it is
+ impossible that Symmachus could be one of these 'palatini
+ canes,' but perhaps not impossible that Festus may be here
+ aimed at. Paulinus was Consul 498];
+ Felix is praised for cultivating the friendship of, ii. 3;
+ allowed to repair and appropriate public granaries, iii. 29.
+
+Paulinas (Flavius Theodoras Paulinus Junior), Vir Clarissimus, son of
+Venantius, grandson of Liberius, chosen Consul for 534, ix. 22.
+
+Peace, praises of, i. 1.
+
+Pedatura, length of wall assigned to be built by soldiers, v. 9.
+
+Pedonensis Civitas (situation unknown), Benedictus a citizen of, i.
+36.
+
+Peraequatores, regulators of prices of provisions (?), vi. 6.
+
+Perfectissimi, fourth grade in the Imperial service, 92, 320;
+ not mentioned by Cassiodorus, 92.
+
+Pervasio, forcible appropriation of landed property, condemned by
+Edict of Athalaric, ix. 18.
+
+Peter, Consul (516) and rhetorician, ambassador from Justinian to
+Theodahad, 46, 47; x. 19, 22, 23, 24.
+
+Petrus, Vir Spectabilis, illustrious by descent,
+ allowed to enter the Senate, iv. 25;
+ his troubles with the Sajo assigned to him as his Defensor,
+ iv. 27, 28.
+
+Physician, duty of a good, vi. 19.
+
+Picenum, Province of, Goths resident in, iv. 14; v. 26, 27.
+
+Pietas = pity (very nearly), iv. 26.
+
+Pignoratio, lawless practice of, described and repressed, iv. 10.
+
+Pincian Hill, _see_ Rome.
+
+Pithoeus (Pierre Pithou), editor of Cassiodorus, attributes to him the
+'Computus Paschalis,' 11.
+
+Placentia, provision dealers at, x. 28.
+
+Placidia, unfavourable comparison of with Amalasuentha, xi. 1.
+
+Planets, periods of, xi. 36.
+
+Pliny, on amber, 266;
+ on the elephant, 443.
+
+Plutianus, a minor, Felix accused of defrauding, i. 7, 8.
+
+Pola, Antonius, Bishop of, iv. 44.
+
+Pollentia, battle of, represented as Gothic victory by Cassiodorus,
+28.
+
+Polyptycha, official registers, v. 14, 39.
+
+Pompeius Magnus, theatre of, the origin of his epithet, iv. 51.
+
+Pontonates (?), iv. 38.
+
+Popes, _see_ Agapetus, Felix III, Gregory the Great, John II,
+Symmachus, Vigilius.
+
+Porticus Curba (or Curiae), near the Forum, 'fabricae' to be erected
+above, iv. 30.
+
+Portus (_Porto_), quays and warehouses of,
+ under the Praefectus Urbis Romae, 87;
+ 'Portus Curas Agens,' ii. 12;
+ Comes Portus, vii. 9;
+ Vicarius Portus, vii. 23.
+
+Possessores, ii. 25; vi. 8;
+ of Aestunae, iii. 9;
+ of Arles, iii. 44;
+ of Velia, iv. 11.
+
+Possessores Honorati, of Catena, iii. 49;
+ of Forum Livii, iv. 8;
+ of Feltria, v. 9;
+ of Suavia, v. 14, 15;
+ of neighbourhood of Ravenna (?), v. 38;
+ of Sicily, vi. 22;
+ of Neapolis, vi. 24.
+
+POSSESSORES HONORATI, ET CURIALES, FORMULA ADDRESSED TO, vii. 27;
+ of Parma, viii. 29;
+ of Bruttii, exhorted to return to their cities, viii. 31.
+
+Possessores, Curiales permitted to become, ix. 4;
+ complain of abuses in corn-traffic, ix. 5.
+
+Potteries (figulinae), owners of, safeguarded, ii. 23.
+
+Praebendae, apparently = stipendia or annonae, 219;
+ claimed both in money and kind, v. 39.
+
+PRAEFECTUS ANNONAE, FORMULA OF, vi. 18;
+ office of, held by Paschasius, xii. 9.
+
+PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO, FORMULA OF, vi. 3;
+ FORMULA AS TO SUPERINTENDENCE OF ARMOURERS, vii. 19;
+ dignity of the office, 39-41, 134;
+ quotation from Lydus as to, 40;
+ his functions described by Bethmann-Hollweg, 41 _n_;
+ gradations of rank in his official staff, 93-114;
+ fine on, for disobeying King's orders, ii. 26;
+ not to be allowed to oppress men in humbler station, iii. 20, 27;
+ as to Cursus Publicus, 99; iv. 47; vi. 3;
+ Albienus appointed (527), viii. 20;
+ was Trigguilla his predecessor? 368.
+
+PRAEFECTUS URBIS ROMAE, FORMULA OF, vi. 4;
+ an Illustris, 86;
+ his functions described, 87, 88;
+ to punish insults against the Senate, i. 30, 31;
+ Artemidorus raised to dignity of, i. 42;
+ Argolicus raised to dignity of (510), iii. 11;
+ Quinque-viri associated with him for trial of Senators, iv. 22, 23;
+ his close companionship with the Praefectus Annonae, vi. 18;
+ Honorius ordered to see to preservation of brazen elephants at Rome,
+ x. 30.
+
+PRAEFECTUS VIGILUM URBIS ROMAE, FORMULA OF, vii. 7.
+
+PRAEFECTUS VIGILUM URBIS RAVENNATIS, FORMULA OF, vii. 8.
+
+Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi, an Illustris, 86;
+ his functions, 88;
+ to refund to Symmachus expense of restoration of Pompey's Theatre,
+ iv. 51.
+
+Praepositi (?) have special rights as to the Cursus Publicus, v. 5.
+
+Praerogativarius (?), Joannes appointed, xi. 27.
+
+PRAESES PROVINCIAE, FORMULA OF, vii. 2.
+
+Praetextatus, a Roman Senator, accused of magical practices, iv. 22,
+23.
+
+Prescription, title by, i. 18; ii. 27; v. 37.
+
+Prices, to be fixed by the Defensor of a city, vii. 11;
+ by the Curator, vii. 12;
+ tariff of, to be charged at Ravenna, xi. 11;
+ regulated along the Flaminian Way, xi. 12;
+ fixed in, Bruttii and Lucania, xii. 5;
+ tariff of, for Istria, xii. 22, 23;
+ of corn sold for relief of Ligurians in time of famine, x. 27;
+ xii. 27.
+
+Primicerius Augustalium, Beatus appointed, xi. 30 (_see_ Augustales).
+
+Primicerius Cubiculariorum, a Spectabilis, 88;
+ his functions, 88.
+
+Primicerius Deputatorum, Ursua appointed, xi. 30; (_see_ Deputati).
+
+Primicerius Domesticorum, Maximus appointed, x. 11, 12.
+
+Primicerius Exceptorum, chief of shorthand writers, Patricius
+appointed, xi. 25.
+
+Primicerius Notariorum, vi. 16;
+ a Spectabilis, 91;
+ his office (apparently) joined to that of Count of Sacred Largesses,
+ vi. 7.
+
+Primicerius Singulariorum, Pierius appointed, in the room of Urbicus,
+xi. 31, 32 (_see_ Singularii).
+
+Primiscrinii, officers of Court of Praetorian Praefect, 96, 103;
+ perhaps equivalent to Adjutores, 103;
+ might be chosen from the ordinary Exceptores, 110;
+ retiring Primiscrinius receives rank of Spectabilis, xi. 20;
+ Andreas obtains rank of, xi. 21;
+ retiring Primiscrinius to receive pension, xi. 37.
+
+Princeps, head of the Officium of the Praefectus Praetorio,
+ nature of his office, 96, 97, 477 _n_;
+ ex-Princeps, ii. 28;
+ title of, given to Magistriani, vi. 6;
+ FORMULA RECOMMENDING PRINCIPES TO COMES, vii. 25;
+ FORMULA ANNOUNCING APPOINTMENT OF COMES TO PRINCEPS, vii. 28.
+
+Princeps Augustorum, 96; xi. 35.
+
+Princeps Magistrianorum, 97, 99, 100.
+
+PRINCEPS DALMATIAE, FORMULA OF, vii. 24.
+
+PRINCEPS URBIS ROMAE, FORMULA OF, vii. 31.
+
+Prior, a military officer among the Goths, viii. 26;
+ perhaps equivalent to 'Hundafath,' 375.
+
+Probinus (or Provinus), Illustris and Patrician (perhaps same as Consul 489),
+ obtains property by undue influence from Agapita, ii. 11;
+ the transfer declared to be bona fide, iv. 40.
+
+Probus, Assessor of taxes, iv. 38.
+
+PROCERES PER CODICILLOS VACANTES, FORMULA OF, vi. 10.
+
+Proceres Chartarum (?), subordinate to Count of Sacred Largesses, vi.
+7.
+
+Procopius, his narrative of events in Italy in 534 and 535, 42-48;
+ makes no mention of the name of Cassiodorus, 51;
+ his statement of Justinian's argument as to the position of
+ Theodoric, 143 _n_;
+ his account of family of Venantius, 221;
+ attributes the death of Amalasuentha to Theodora, 433 _n_;
+ quoted, 370 _n_, 384 _n_, 390, 397, 431, 434, 518, 522, 527.
+
+Procula, wife of Brandila, her assault on Regina, v. 32.
+
+Prorogatores, purveyors (?), x. 28.
+
+Prosecutores frumentorum, petition of, as to loss of cargoes, iv. 7.
+
+Provincials, compensation to, for damage done by troops on march, ii.
+8.
+
+Publianus, Vir Illustris, messenger from the Senate to Court at
+Ravenna as to election of Pope (526), viii. 15.
+
+Public property assigned on condition of improvement, vii. 44.
+
+Pulveratica (dust-money) not to be paid to a Judge on his journeys,
+xii. 15.
+
+Purple dye, history of the discovery of, i. 2.
+
+Pyctacium (pictacium or pittacium), delegatoris, bond or document of
+title, i. 18; iii. 35; xii. 20.
+
+Pythias, Count, pronounces decree in favour of liberty of Ocer, a
+blind Goth, v. 29.
+
+
+Q.
+
+QUAESTOR, FORMULA OF, vi. 5;
+ duties of the office of, 14, 135; v. 4; vi. 5;
+ other Quaestors besides Cassiodorus between 501 and 510, 25 _n_;
+ Ambrosius appointed (526), viii. 13;
+ Felix appointed (527), viii. 18;
+ Patricius appointed (534), x. 6.
+
+Quidila, son of Sibia, made 'Prior' of the Goths in Reate and Nursia,
+viii. 26.
+
+Quinque-viri associated with Praefectus Urbis to try two Senators
+accused of magical arts, iv. 22, 23.
+
+
+R.
+
+Raetia (Grisons and Tyrol), Servatus, Duke of, i. 11;
+ Alamannic refugees received in, ii. 41;
+ guarded by fortress of Verruca, iii. 48;
+ duties of the Duke of, vii. 4;
+ derivation of the name from _rete_, vii. 4.
+
+Rationales, bailiffs superintending the royal estates under the Comes
+Rerum Privatarum, vi. 8.
+
+Rationalii, persons charged with distribution of the annona, 114.
+
+Rations for three days only, to be given to Provincial Governors and
+others journeying to Scyllacium, xii. 15.
+
+Ravenna, Basilica of Hercules (?) at, i. 6;
+ mosaic ordered for, i. 6;
+ ships ordered round from, to Liguria, ii. 20;
+ favour bestowed on Church of, ii. 30;
+ marbles to be transported to, iii. 9, 10;
+ marble chests in which the citizens of Ravenna buried their dead,
+ iii. 19;
+ blocks of marble to be forwarded from Faventia to, v. 8;
+ fleet to be mustered at, v. 17, 19;
+ aqueduct of, to be kept clean, v. 38;
+ drinking water of, de-appetising, v. 38;
+ police of, vii. 8;
+ elevation of Athalaric at, viii. 2, 5;
+ provision dealers at, x. 28;
+ tariff of prices at, xi. 11;
+ siliquatarius of, xii. 17;
+ defences of, to be strengthened, xii. 17;
+ Deusdedit, a Scribe of, xii. 21;
+ wine, oil, and corn to be furnished by Provincials of Istria to,
+ xii. 22, 23, 24.
+
+Reate (_Rieti_, in the Sabine territory), Goths settled at, viii. 26.
+
+Rector Decuriarum, Governor of Guilds, v. 21, 22;
+ same as Judex Decuriarum of Theodosian Code, 278.
+
+RECTOR PROVINCIAE, FORMULA OF, vi. 21.
+
+Referendi Curiae, Armentarius and his son Superbus appointed, iii. 33.
+
+REFERENDARIUS, FORMULA OF, vi. 17;
+ Cyprian's services as, v. 40, 41; viii. 22;
+ Joannes, Vir Spectabilis, holds the post of, viii. 25.
+
+Regerendarius (or Regendarius),
+ officer charged with regulation of the postal-service, 109;
+ Cartherius appointed, xi. 29.
+
+Regina, wife of Patzenes, her intrigue with Brandila, v. 33;
+ assaulted by Brandila's wife, v. 32.
+
+Religious toleration practised by Theodoric, 21, 22;
+ principle of, stated, ii. 27; v. 37; x. 26.
+
+Remission of taxes, i. 16.
+
+Renatus complains that he is harassed by litigation of Inquilina, iv.
+37.
+
+Reparatus, brother of Pope Vigilius,
+ appointed Praefect of the City, ix. 7;
+ his subsequent history, 390.
+
+Restitutio in integrum, 252.
+
+Retentator, a wrongful detainer, ii. 10.
+
+Rhegium (_Reggio_) derivation of the name, xii. 14;
+ the citizens of, to be exempt from 'coemptio' of wheat and lard,
+ xii. 14.
+
+Roccella, near Squillace, probable site of Scyllacium, 68.
+
+Roman law only to be administered between Romans, ix. 14.
+
+Roman citizens, release of, imprisoned on suspicion of sedition, ix. 17.
+
+Rome, Theodoric's measures for embellishment of, i. 21; ii. 7;
+ walls of, to be repaired, i. 25, 28; ii. 34;
+ the nephews of Filagrius detained at, for their education, i. 39;
+ 'everyone's country,' i. 39;
+ blocks of marble lying about in, to be used, ii. 7;
+ sons of Ecdicius detained at, ii. 22;
+ marbles on the Pincian Hill to be transported to Ravenna, iii. 10;
+ repair of granaries in, iii. 29;
+ Cloacae of, iii. 30;
+ repair of aqueducts and temples in, iii. 31; vii. 6;
+ sons of Valerian detained at, iv. 6;
+ new buildings overlooking Forum of, iv. 30;
+ 'turris circi et locus amphitheatri' wrested from sons of Volusianus,
+ iv. 42;
+ burning of Jewish synagogue at, iv. 43;
+ theatre of Pompey restored by Symmachus, iv. 51;
+ to receive supplies of corn from Spain, v. 35;
+ brazen elephants in Via Sacra, x. 30;
+ police of, vii. 7;
+ statues of, vii. 13, 15;
+ dissensions between citizens of, and Gothic troops (535), x. 14;
+ a Gothic garrison for, x. 18;
+ owns the shrines of the Apostles, xi. 2;
+ scarcity in, relieved by corn-distributions, xi. 5;
+ Roman citizens, and they only, to receive _obsonia_, xii. 11;
+ high character given to the Roman populace, xii. 11.
+
+Romulus, assured that Theodoric's gift to him through the Patrician
+ Liberius shall not be revoked, iii. 35;
+ probably this is the ex-Emperor Romulus Augustulus, 216;
+ subsequent disposal of his palace, the Lucullanum, 374.
+
+Romulus accused of murder of his father, ii. 14.
+
+Rufinus, Praetorian Praefect under Arcadius, his usurpation caused
+some of Praetorian Praefect's powers to be transferred to the
+Magister, 99.
+
+Rusticiana, farm of, in Bruttii, gold discovered at, ix. 3.
+
+Rusticus, a priest and a friend of Theodahad, sent on return embassy
+with Peter to Justinian, 431 _n_; x. 20, 24.
+
+
+S.
+
+Sabinus, ex-Charioteer, his pension increased, ii. 9.
+
+Sacrilege, the folly of, xii. 13.
+
+St. Cyprian's fair (in Lucania) described, viii. 33.
+
+Sajo, Saio, or Sajus (henchman), description of his office, 177 _n_;
+ to go straight to object of his mission, and not to make pleasure
+ tours at the public expense, iv. 47;
+ Nandius, sent to summon Goths to war, i. 24;
+ to support Ecdicius in levying Siliquaticum, ii. 4;
+ Fruinarith to enquire into conduct of Venantius, ii. 13;
+ Grimoda ordered to redress the oppression of Faustus, iii. 20;
+ Leodifrid ordered to superintend building of houses near fort
+ Verruca, iii. 48;
+ Amabilis (?) ordered to superintend grain traffic from Italy to
+ Gaul, iv. 5;
+ Gesila ordered to make Gothic defaulters in Picenum and Tuscia pay
+ their taxes, iv. 14;
+ Tezutzat assigned as Defensor to Petrus, iv. 27;
+ Amara has wounded Petrus, whose Defensor he nominally was,
+ iv. 27, 28;
+ Duda (Vir Spectabilis and Comes), instructions to, iv. 28, 32, 34;
+ Gudisal ordered to reform abuses of _Cursus Publicus_, iv. 47;
+ Mannila receives like instructions, v. 5;
+ Veranus to see that the Gepidae march peaceably through Liguria,
+ v. 10;
+ Gudinand and Avilf ordered to muster sailors and collect timber for
+ navy, v. 19, 20;
+ Tata ordered to conduct recruits to Count Julian, v. 23;
+ Guduim ordered to summon Gothic captains to Court, v. 27;
+ Catellus and Servandus (?), 'Viri Strenui,' to collect fines from
+ fraudulent shipowners, v. 35;
+ a Sajo (unnamed) accused of rough treatment of a deacon, viii. 24;
+ Dumerit sent to repress robbery at Faventia, viii. 27;
+ Quidila sent with Athalaric's orders to Sicily, ix. 10;
+ to execute vengeance on Pervasores, ix. 18;
+ BOND FOR PROPER USE OF SAJO'S SERVICES, FORMULA OF, vii. 42;
+ was he necessarily the instrument by which 'tuitio regii nominis'
+ was given? 341;
+ Sajones assigned to various Cancellarii, xii. 3;
+ their duties and temptations, xii. 3;
+ Paulus, Vir Strenuus, perhaps a Sajo, xii. 26.
+
+Salamander, nature of, iii. 47.
+
+Salona (in Dalmatia), inhabitants of, to be armed and drilled, i. 40;
+ Bishop of, takes 60 tuns of oil from one John, iii. 7.
+
+Salt-works at Venice, xii. 24.
+
+Samaritans contest possession of a house in Rome with the Roman
+Church, iii. 45.
+
+Samnium, Province of, Sunhivad appointed Governor of, iii. 13;
+ practice of _pignoratio_ prevalent in, iv. 10;
+ Goths resident in, v. 26, 27;
+ Anatholius, Cancellarius of, xi. 36;
+ retiring allowance of Cornicularius charged on revenues of, xi. 36.
+
+Sarsena (?), Curia of, ii. 18.
+
+Scholares, household troops, under Magister Officiorum, v. 6.
+
+Scholaris, Sextus (?), Justus appointed, xi. 26.
+
+Schubert, von, author of 'Unterwerfung der Alamannen,' 120, 524, 527.
+
+Science, list of Greek men of, whose works were translated by Boetius,
+i. 45.
+
+Scribe, importance of the office of, xii. 21.
+
+Scrinia, the four, under the Magister Officiorum, 36, 112;
+ to provide themselves with paper, xi. 38.
+
+Scriniarii, vii. 21, 22.
+
+Scriniarius, 106.
+
+Scriniarius Curae Militaris, 109;
+ Lucillus appointed, xi. 24.
+
+Scrinium Memoriae, 102.
+
+Scriniarius Actorum, Catellus obtains rank of, xi. 22.
+
+Scyllacium (_Squillace_), birthplace of Cassiodorus, 6;
+ the Greek colony, Scylletion, 6, 7;
+ Roman colony, Minerva Scolacium, 7, 8;
+ appearance of, 8; xii. 15;
+ modern remains at, 9;
+ Cassiodorus founds his monasteries at, 55;
+ topography of, 68-73;
+ citizens of, not to be called on to contribute to the _Cursus
+ Publicus_, xii. 15.
+
+Scythian, vagueness of the term, which was often applied to the Goths,
+31, 32.
+
+Senarius, Vir Illustris, appointed Comes Patrimonii, iv. 3, 4;
+ instructions to, as Comes Privatarum Rerum, iv. 7, 11, 13.
+
+Senate of Rome, attitude of Theodoric and Cassiodorus towards, 26, 27;
+ flattery of, i. 13, 42; iii. 12; v. 41;
+ not to degrade themselves by altercations with the mob in the
+ Circus, i. 27, 30;
+ enquiry into character of candidates for admission to, i. 41;
+ iv. 25;
+ Senators' taxes in arrear, ii. 24;
+ Senators with Gothic names, ii. 29, 35; iii. 13;
+ proceedings on trial of Senators, iv. 22, 23; vi. 21;
+ addressed on election of Pope Felix III, viii. 15;
+ Theodahad's elevation announced to, x. 4;
+ chidden by Theodahad for not accepting his invitation to Ravenna,
+ x. 13;
+ Theodahad announces arrival of Gothic garrison to, x. 18;
+ ordered by Theodahad to communicate with Justinian, x. 19;
+ Cassiodorus writes to, on his elevation to the Praetorian
+ Praefecture, xi. 1;
+ petition of, to Justinian for peace, xi. 13.
+
+SENATOR, FORMULA CONFERRING THE RANK OF, vi. 14.
+
+Severinus (or Severianus), Vir Illustris,
+ appointed a Commissioner for Province of Suavia, to remedy financial
+ abuses, v. 14, 15;
+ again sent to Suavia and Dalmatia with Osuin, ix. 9.
+
+Severus, Vir Spectabilis, apparently Governor of Bruttii and Lucania,
+vii. 31-33.
+
+Sextarius, corn measure, ii. 26.
+
+Sicily, inhabitants of, suspicious,
+ and with difficulty won over to the rule of Theodoric, i. 3;
+ Filagrius, a citizen of Syracuse, asks leave to return to, i. 39;
+ possessions of Milanese Church in, ii. 29;
+ Valerian, a citizen of Syracuse, allowed to return thither, iv. 6;
+ FORMULA OF COUNT OF SYRACUSE, vi. 22;
+ _augmentum_ imposed by Theodoric remitted by Athalaric, ix. 10, 11,
+ 12;
+ oppressive acts of Censitores and Count of Syracuse rebuked, ix. 11,
+ 14.
+
+Sidonius, Apollinaris, possible quotation from, iii. 16.
+
+Sigismer, Illustris and Count, sent to administer to the Senate the
+oath of fidelity to Athalaric, viii. 2.
+
+Signine Channel, near Ravenna (?), shrubs growing in, to be rooted up,
+v. 38.
+
+Sila, Mount, in Bruttii, celebrated for its cheese, xii. 12.
+
+Silentiarii, thirty life-guards, 88.
+
+Siliqua, one-twenty-fourth of solidus, 173.
+
+Siliquaticum, a tax of one-twenty-fourth on sales in open market,
+ collection of, ii. 4;
+ exemption from, ii. 30; iv. 19;
+ collection of arrears of, in Dalmatia, iii. 25;
+ collection of arrears of, in Apulia and Calabria, v. 31.
+
+Siliquatarii, ii. 12, 26; xii. 17.
+
+Simeon, Vir Illustris and Comes, appointed to collect arrears of
+taxation in Dalmatia, iii. 25, 26.
+
+Simeonius (an Apulian or Calabrian), summoned for arrears of
+Siliquaticum, v. 31.
+
+Simony practised at Papal elections, edict against, ix. 15, 16.
+
+Simplicius, Pope (468-483), bought a house at Rome claimed by the
+Samaritans, iii. 45.
+
+Singularii, servants charged with conveying the orders of the
+ Praetorian Praefect into the Provinces, 113;
+ origin of their name, 113. (_See_ also, xi. 31, 32.)
+
+Sipontum in Apulia, merchants of, despoiled by Byzantine fleet (?),
+ii. 38.
+
+Sirmium, war of (504), Tulum's services in, viii. 10;
+ Cyprian's services in, viii. 22.
+
+Slave of a Senator, murderer of a freeborn citizen,
+ to be surrendered, i. 30;
+ as to levy of slaves for the navy, v. 16;
+ Gothic soldier made a slave wrongfully, v. 29;
+ degrading services (servitia famulatus) not to be claimed of
+ freeborn Goths, v. 30, 39;
+ Tanca is accused of unjustly enslaving two rustic neighbours,
+ viii. 28.
+
+Slaves, runaway, to be restored to their owners, iii. 43;
+ did free Italians sell their children as? viii. 33 _n_.
+
+Solidus, 'the ancients wished that it should consist of 6,000 denarii'
+(?), i. 10.
+
+Sona, Illustris, iii. 15.
+
+Sontius (_Isonzo_), River of, Theodoric's crossing of,
+ made an era in lawsuits as to landed property, i. 18;
+ the Lucristani (?) on, ordered to attend to the Cursus Publicus,
+ i. 29.
+
+Sors, land-allotment, ii. 17.
+
+Sors nascendi of the Curialis, ii. 18.
+
+Spain, to send corn-supplies to Rome, v. 35;
+ abuses in administration of, to be repressed, v. 39.
+
+Spatarius, sword-bearer, an officer in the royal household, iii. 43.
+
+Spectabiles, second class of Ministers, who belonged to it? 90, 91;
+ honour of, conferred on Stephanus, ii. 28;
+ Comes Primi Ordinis, highest of, vi. 12;
+ FORMULA CONFERRING RANK OF, vii. 37;
+ Antianus, ex-Cornicularius, receives rank of, xi. 18;
+ retiring Primiscrinius receives rank of, xi. 20.
+
+Spes, Spectabilis, has a concession for draining land, ii. 21.
+
+Spoletium (_Spoleto_), gratuitous admission to baths at, ii. 37;
+ rebuilding behind the Baths of Turasius at, iv. 24;
+ Honoratus, advocate at, v. 4.
+
+_Staletti_, near Squillace, near the site of Vivarian Monastery, 71.
+
+Starcedius, Vir Sublimis, allowed to retire from military service, but
+without a pension, v. 36.
+
+Statue, theft of brazen, at Comum, ii. 35, 36.
+
+Statues, care of, at Como, ii. 35, 36;
+ at Rome, vii. 13, 15.
+
+Ste. Marthe, Denys de, author of 'Vie de Cassiodore,' 118.
+
+Stephanus, killed by his servants and left unburied, ii. 19.
+
+Stephanus, petition of, against Bishop of Pola, iv. 44.
+
+Stratonicea, Edict of, by Diocletian, 'de pretiis venalium rerum,'
+470.
+
+Style, Cassiodorus on the different kinds of, 139.
+
+Suarii, pork-butchers, subject to Praefectus Annonae, vi. 18.
+
+S(u)avia (_Sclavonia_), Fridibad appointed Governor of, iv. 49;
+ order to be maintained in, iv. 49;
+ grievances of the Possossores of, to be redressed, v. 14;
+ Osuin appointed Governor of, ix. 8, 9.
+
+Subadjuvae, deputy cashiers (?), 109.
+
+Sublimis, epithet used in the 'Variae,' 91 _n_;
+ equivalent to Spectabilis (?), 91.
+
+Suevi (perhaps here the same as Alamanni) invade the Venetian Province
+(536), xii. 7.
+
+Sulcatoriae (?), some kind of merchant ships, ii. 20.
+
+SUMMONS, LETTERS OF, TO THE KING'S COURT, FORMULAE EVOCATORIAE, vii.
+34, 35.
+
+Sundial, description of, to be made by Boetius for Gundibad, i. 45.
+
+Superbus, son of Armentarius, appointed Referendus Curiae, iii. 33.
+
+Sustineo, technically used of the King's reception of his guests, iii.
+22 (and 28).
+
+Swords, description of, sent by King of the Vandals to Theodoric, v.
+1.
+
+Symmachus, Pope (498-514), contested election with Laurentius, 26.
+
+Symmachus the Elder,
+ orator and leader of the Pagan party in the Senate, 78;
+ was he also a historian? 78.
+
+Symmachus, Q. Aurelius Memmius, Consul (485), Patrician,
+ father-in-law of Boethius, information as to, in the 'Anecdoton
+ Holderi,' 74, 77-79;
+ his speech for the 'Allecticii,' 78;
+ his Roman History, 78;
+ his claims against Paulinus, i. 23;
+ one of the Quinque-viri appointed to try Barilius and Praetextatus,
+ iv. 22, 23;
+ commended for his restoration of buildings in Rome, iv. 51;
+ a saying of, xi. 1.
+
+
+T.
+
+Table of the King, provision of delicacies for, vi. 9; xii. 4, 18.
+
+Tabularii, Cashiers of a municipality, a lower class of Numerarii,
+108.
+
+Tacitus, on amber, quoted, v. 2.
+
+Tanca, a Goth (?), accused of unjustly enslaving free rustics, viii.
+28.
+
+Tarvisium (_Treviso_), corn-warehouse at, to be opened, x. 27.
+
+Taxation, arrears of, ii. 24, 25; iv. 14; v. 31;
+ immunity from, ii. 30;
+ remissness in tax-collectors condemned, iii. 8; xii. 10;
+ remission of, for citizens of Aries, iii. 32;
+ remission of, for all Provincials of Gaul, iii. 40; iv. 19;
+ remission of, for one year, for citizens of Marseilles, iv. 26;
+ weight of, to be lessened, iv. 38;
+ regulation of, for Province of Suavia, v. 14, 15;
+ abuses of, in Spain, corrected, v. 39;
+ collection of _Bina_ and _Terna_, vii. 20-22;
+ remission of super-assessment for Dalmatia, ix. 9;
+ similar remission for Sicily, ix. 10, 11, 12;
+ remission of, for a monastery, x. 26;
+ proper manner of collecting, xi. 7;
+ correction of abuses of, in Liguria, xi. 16;
+ commutation of cattle-tax for Lucania and Bruttii, xi. 39;
+ taxes to be paid punctually, xii. 2;
+ in Lucania and Bruttii in time of war, xii. 5;
+ remission of, for Venetia, on account of invasion of the Suevi,
+ xii. 7;
+ tax-gatherer allowed to make prepayment of his taxes, xii. 8;
+ _Trina Illatio_ to be collected regularly, xii. 16;
+ special requisition from Istria, xii. 22, 23;
+ contributions from Venetia remitted, xii. 26;
+ remission of half of, for Liguria, xii. 28.
+
+TAXES, FORMULA FOR REMISSION OF, WHERE THE TAXPAYER IS TOO HEAVILY
+ASSESSED, vii. 45.
+
+Teias, King of the Goths (552-663), his battle with Narses on Monte
+Lettere, 468 _n_.
+
+Tenues = the poor, ii. 24, 25.
+
+Terna, a kind of tax
+ (not to be confounded with the Tertiae or the Trina Illatio), iii. 8;
+ collection of, vii. 20, 21, 22.
+
+Terracina, inscription at, as to draining Marsh of Decennonium, 188.
+
+Tertiae, probably either the land assigned to the Goths in Italy or
+ the pecuniary equivalent paid by the Roman possessor for an
+ undivided 'Sors Barbarica,' 152;
+ (tax), to be collected at same time as ordinary tribute, i. 14;
+ (land), demarcation of, by Liberius, ii. 16;
+ (tax), immunity from, ii. 17.
+
+Theodagunda, Illustris Foemina, apparently a Gothic princess, ordered
+to do justice to Renatus, iv. 37.
+
+Theodahad, nephew of Theodoric,
+ associated in the sovereignty by Amalasuentha, 44; x. 1-4;
+ his character, 44;
+ he dethrones Amalasuentha (April 30, 535), and puts her to death, 45;
+ his negotiations with Justinian, 47;
+ his deposition and death, 49;
+ style of address in the 'Variae,' 86;
+ ordered to undertake a case of contumacy, iii. 15;
+ his avarice condemned, iv. 39; v. 12;
+ to receive farms which had belonged to his mother, viii. 23;
+ declares that his character has changed with his accession, x. 5;
+ chides the Senate for their suspicions of him, x. 13;
+ thinks himself much superior to Theodoric, x. 22;
+ intended journey of, to Rome, xii. 18, 19;
+ his questionable generosity in releasing his mortgage on the Church
+ plate to the Pope, xii. 20.
+
+Theodora, Augusta (married to Justinian 525, died 548),
+ letter of Amalasuentha to, x. 10;
+ letters of Gudelina to, x. 20, 21, 23;
+ alleged complicity of, in murder of Amalasuentha, 433, 435.
+
+Theodoric, King of the Goths and Romans (493-525),
+ his position in Italy, 16, 19;
+ story of his inability to write, 15;
+ relation of Cassiodorus to, 16, 19;
+ his religious tolerance, 21, 22;
+ his persecution of the Orthodox, 35;
+ condemnation of Boethius and Symmachus, 35;
+ death of (Aug. 30, 526), 37;
+ may _possibly_ have called himself King of Italy, 62 _n_; 455 _n_;
+ confusion between him and Theodoric II the Visigoth, 116;
+ letters written in the name of, 141-293;
+ learned in the Roman Republic the art of governing Romans with
+ equity, i. 1;
+ relations between him and Anastasius, i. 1;
+ allusion to his adoption by Zeno (?), i. 20;
+ his intervention in Gaul (508), i. 24;
+ his friendship for Artemidoras, i. 43;
+ motto for his reign, ii. 21;
+ inscription recording his drainage of Decennonial Marsh, 188;
+ his attempts to prevent war between Alaric and Clovis, iii. 1-4;
+ calls himself 'Romanus Princeps,' iii. 16;
+ his high purpose in ruling, iii. 43;
+ his alliance with the Thuringians, iv. 1;
+ his alliance with the Heruli, iv. 2;
+ his rides after the hours of business with Cyprian his
+ _Referendarius_, v. 40;
+ Cassiodorus speaks of his 'oculus imperialis,' viii. 18;
+ praises of, by Witigis, x. 31;
+ his especial characteristic was patience, xi. 1.
+
+Theodoric I, King of the Franks (511-534), death of, xi. 1; 452 _n_;
+455 _n_.
+
+Theodoric, or more probably Theodorus, Patrician, accused of
+assaulting the Green party in the Circus, i. 27.
+
+Theodorus, candidate for office of Pantomimist, i. 20.
+
+Theodoras, report of, as to gold in Bruttii, ix. 3.
+
+Theodosian Code, perhaps referred to in the words 'Statuta Divalium
+ sanctionum,' iv. 12;
+ as to Decuriae Librariorum, &c. 277;
+ as to Delegatio, 479 _n_.
+
+Theodosius, man of Theodahad (?), exhorted to abstain from violence,
+x. 5.
+
+Thessalonica, Praefect of, entreated by Witigis to speed his
+ambassadors on their way to Justinian, x. 35.
+
+Theudimer, father of Theodoric, 'pietate enituit,' xi. 1.
+
+Thomas, father of Germanus, iii. 37.
+
+Thomas, Vir Clarissimus, complains that he cannot collect arrears of
+taxes in Apulia, v. 31.
+
+Thomas, Vir Honestus, hopelessly in debt for taxes on Apulian farms,
+v. 6, 7.
+
+Thomas the Charioteer to receive a monthly allowance, iii. 51.
+
+Thorbecke, August, author of 'Cassiodorus Senator,' 119.
+
+Thorismuth, predecessor of Theodoric, 'castitate enituit,' xi. 1.
+
+Thuringians, King of,
+ appealed to by Theodoric to prevent war between Clovis and Alaric,
+ iii. 3;
+ Herminafrid, King of, married to Amalabirga, niece of Theodoric,
+ iv. 1.
+
+Tiber to be crossed by a bridge of boats, xii. 19.
+
+Ticinum (_Pavia_), inhabitants of,
+ ordered to provision the Heruli on their journey to King's Comitatus,
+ iv. 45;
+ corn warehouse at, to be opened, x. 27; xii. 27;
+ provision dealers at, x. 28;
+ Count Winusiad, Governor of, x. 29.
+
+Tituli, practice of affixing to property, condemned, ix. 18.
+
+Totila, words of, as to exceptional favour accorded to Sicily, 397.
+
+Trajan, oath taken by, to the Roman people, viii. 3;
+ noble saying of, to an orator, viii. 13.
+
+Transmund (Thrasamund), King of the Vandals (496-523),
+ complained of for sheltering Gesalic, Theodoric's enemy, v. 43;
+ the reconciliation, v. 44.
+
+Transmutation of metals (?), viii. 3.
+
+Treasure, buried, search for, iv. 34.
+
+TRIBUNATUS PROVINCIARUM, FORMULA OF, vii. 30.
+
+Tribuni Maritimorum (in islands of Venetia), xii. 24.
+
+TRIBUNUS VOLUPTATUM, MINISTER OF PUBLIC AMUSEMENT, FORMULA OF, vii. 10;
+ Bacauda appointed, at Milan, v. 25;
+ referred to, vi. 19.
+
+Tridentum (_Trient_), proprietors in district of, ii. 17;
+ new city to be erected in district of, v. 9;
+ corn warehouse at, to be opened, x. 27.
+
+Trigguilla, 'Regiae Praepositus Domus,' was he the Praetorian Praefect
+whose misgovernment is denounced, viii. 20?
+
+Trina Illatio, three instalments for payment of taxes, ii. 24; x. 27
+(?); xi. 7, 35, 36, 37; xii. 2, 16, 27 (?).
+
+Trittheim, John (Trithemius), Abbot of Spanheim,
+ his notice of date of Cassiodorus' birth, 9, 10, 66;
+ as to office of Abbot held by Cassiodorus, 56 _n_.
+
+TUITIO REGII NOMINIS, FORMULA BESTOWING, vii. 39;
+ promised to owner of potteries, ii. 23;
+ to Milanese Church, ii. 29;
+ to Maurentius and Paula, iv. 9;
+ alluded to in Edictum Athalarici, ix. 18 (p. 404).
+
+Tullianus, son of Venantius, 221.
+
+Tulum, Patrician, his early history and character, viii. 9, 10;
+ embassy to Constantinople (?), viii. 9;
+ share in the war of Sirmium, viii. 10;
+ in the Gaulish wars (508 and 523), viii. 10;
+ his escape from shipwreck, viii. 10;
+ marriage with an Amal princess, viii. 9;
+ letter written on his behalf to the Senate, viii. 11;
+ declared Patrician, viii. 9, 10, 11, 12;
+ receives Castrum Lucullanum from Theodoric and hands it over to
+ Joannes, viii. 25.
+
+Tupha (Tufa), an officer of Odovacar,
+ who deserted to Theodoric and then betrayed him, 251;
+ lawsuit about his property, confiscated to the Treasury, iv. 32.
+
+Tusciae (Thusciae) utraeque, iv. 14;
+ Goths resident in, iv. 14;
+ Canonicarius of, to buy a fitting quantity of paper, xi. 38.
+
+
+U.
+
+Ulpianus, guarantor for Venantius, has lost 400 solidi by his default,
+ii. 13. (As this occurred 'administrationis suae tempore,' Ulpianus
+must have held some kind of public office.)
+
+Ulysses, reputed founder of Scyllacium, xii. 15.
+
+Unalamer (Walamir), uncle of Theodoric, 'fide enituit,' xi. 1.
+
+Unimundus (Hunimund), collateral ancestor of Theodoric, 'forma
+enituit,' xi. 1.
+
+Uraias, nephew of King Witigis, his capture of Milan (539), xii. 27.
+
+Usener, Hermann, editor of 'Anecdoton Holderi,' 73-84, 119.
+
+
+V.
+
+Vacco, Major Domus to Theodahad, x. 18;
+ to superintend purchase of provisions for Gothic garrison, x. 18.
+
+Valentinian III, Emperor (425-455), quotation from Novellae of, ix. 18;
+ Placidia's guardianship of, xi. 1.
+
+Valerian, a Spectabilis, citizen of Syracuse, sons of, to be detained
+in Rome, iv. 6.
+
+Valeriana, Adeodatus condemned for rape of, iii. 46.
+
+Vandals, King of (Thrasamund), sends presents to Theodoric, v. 1.
+(_See_ also _Transmund_ and _Hilderic_.)
+
+Vandals, allusion to, v. 17.
+
+'VARIAE' of Cassiodorus, their style described, 16-19;
+ not arranged in chronological order, 22;
+ time and manner of their editing, 51, 52;
+ reason of the name, 138, 139.
+
+Velia (or Volia), dispute between Possessores and Curiales of, iv. 11.
+
+Venantius (1), guardian of Plutianus, his accusation of Felix, i. 7,
+8.
+
+Venantius (2), by his dishonesty has caused his guarantor Ulpianus to
+forfeit 400 solidi, ii. 13.
+
+Venantius (3), son of Liberius, Vir Illustris, praises of, ii. 15;
+ made Comes Domesticorum, ii. 15, 16;
+ rebuked for remissness in collection of taxes when Corrector of
+ Bruttii and Lucania, iii. 8;
+ complaints of Firminus against, iii. 36;
+ his alleged unjust judgment of Adeodatus, iii. 46;
+ descended from the ancient Decii, ix. 23;
+ congratulated on Consulship of his son Paulinus (534), ix. 23.
+
+Venerius, a farmer, unjustly reduced to slavery by Tanca, viii. 28.
+
+Venetia, Province of,
+ Gepidae on their way to Gaul to march peaceably through, v. 10, 11;
+ famine in 'devotae Venetiae' to be relieved by corn distribution,
+ x. 27;
+ Canonicarius of, ordered to collect wine for the King's table,
+ xii. 4;
+ taxes of, remitted, on account of invasion of the Suevi, xii. 7;
+ 'Venetiae praedicabiles,' xii. 24;
+ scarcity of crops in, xii. 26.
+
+Venice, letter containing first historical notice of (537), xii. 24.
+
+Veranilda, convert from Arianism to Catholic faith, interceded for by
+Justinian, x. 26.
+
+Vercelli, grant of freedom from taxation made to Church of, i. 26.
+
+Veredarii, drivers of the royal mail, ii. 31.
+
+Veredi, post-horses, not to be overworked, iv. 47.
+
+Verruca (perhaps _Dos Trento_), near Trient,
+ description of the fort of, iii. 48;
+ meaning of the word, 223, _n_ 1.
+
+Vesuvius, eruption of, iv. 50.
+
+Vicarius, a Spectabilis and Governor of a Diocese, 90; i. 37.
+
+Vicarius Praefectorum (?), title borne by Gemellus as Governor of
+Gaul, iii. 16.
+
+VICARIUS PORTUS, FORMULA OF, vii. 23.
+
+VICARIUS URBIS ROMAE, FORMULA OF, vi. 15;
+ limits of his jurisdiction, 88.
+
+Vice-dominus (?), servants of, have oppressed Provincials of Suavia,
+v. 14.
+
+Victor Tunnunensis, chronicler (died in 569), as to the death of
+Amalafrida, 384 _n_.
+
+Victor, Vir Spectabilis, Censitor of Sicily, severely rebuked for acts
+of oppression, ix. 12.
+
+Vigilus, Pope (537-555), allusion to by Cassiodorus, 6;
+ brother of Reparatus, 390;
+ perhaps alluded to by Gudelina, x. 20 (_see_ p. 433 _n_).
+
+Villiciorum Tuitio (?), removed in Spain, as being costly and
+unpopular, v. 39.
+
+Virgil quoted, 63 _n_; xii. 14.
+
+Vivarian Monastery, founded by Cassiodorus, near Scyllacium, 55;
+ site of, 71.
+
+Vivianus, Spectabilis, renouncing the world, foregoes the benefit of
+an unjust decree which he has obtained against Joannes, iv. 41.
+
+Volcanoes, nature of, iii. 47; iv. 50.
+
+Volusianus, one of the Quinque-viri appointed to try Basilius and
+ Praetextatus, iv. 22, 23;
+ died at Easter, iv. 42;
+ his sons robbed of their possessions by a heartless intriguer,
+ iv. 42.
+
+Vulcanian Islands (_Lipari_), a murderer banished to, iii. 47.
+
+
+W.
+
+Walamir (_see_ Unalamer).
+
+Warni (or Guarni), King of, appealed to by Theodoric to prevent war
+between Clovis and Alaric, iii. 3.
+
+Water-clock, description of, to be made by Boetius for Gundibad, i.
+45.
+
+Water-finder has come from Africa to Rome, iii. 53;
+ description of his art, iii. 53.
+
+Wine, Acinaticium, xii. 4;
+ Palmatiana, xii. 12;
+ of Gaza, xii. 12;
+ Sabine, xii. 12.
+
+Winithar (_see_ Munitarius).
+
+Winusiad, Comes, Governor of Ticinum, recommended to visit baths of
+Bormio, x. 29.
+
+Witigis (or Vitigis), King of the Goths (536-540),
+ proclamation announcing his accession, 49; x. 31;
+ letters written in the name of, x. 32-35;
+ his vengeance on Theodahad, x. 32;
+ his marriage with Matasuentha, x. 32;
+ his siege of Rome, 506;
+ possibly alluded to in xii. 19; 509;
+ the Burgundians' fear of him, xii. 28.
+
+Witigisclus (or Wigisicla), Vir Spectabilis, Censitor of Sicily,
+severely rebuked for acts of oppression, ix. 12.
+
+
+Z.
+
+Zeno, Emperor (474-491), his concessions to Theodoric, x. 22.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+_Printed at the University Press, Oxford_
+
+_By_ HORACE HART, _Printer to the University_
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Letters of Cassiodorus, by
+Cassiodorus (AKA Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator)
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