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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/18553-8.txt b/18553-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cee2f44 --- /dev/null +++ b/18553-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,6237 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of From Isolation to Leadership, Revised, by +John Holladay Latane + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: From Isolation to Leadership, Revised + A Review of American Foreign Policy + +Author: John Holladay Latane + +Release Date: June 11, 2006 [EBook #18553] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP *** + + + + +Produced by Al Haines + + + + + + + + + + +FROM ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP + +REVISED + + +A Review of American Foreign Policy + + +BY + +JOHN HOLLADAY LATANE, PH.D., LL.D. + + PROFESSOR OF AMERICAN HISTORY AND DEAN OF THE + COLLEGE FACULTY IN THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY + + + + Author of + "The United States and Latin America" + "America as a World Power" + Etc. + + + +GARDEN CITY ------ NEW YORK + +DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY + +1922 + + + + +COPYRIGHT, 1918, 1922, BY + +DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY + + +ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THAT OF + +TRANSLATION INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES, + +INCLUDING THE SCANDINAVIAN + + + + +PREFACE + +The first edition of this book appeared in October, 1918, a few weeks +before the signing of the Armistice, when the United States was at the +high tide of its power and influence. In view of the subsequent course +of events, some of my readers may question the propriety of the +original title. In fact, one of my friends has suggested that a more +appropriate title for the new edition would be "From Isolation to +Leadership, and Back." But I do not regard the verdict of 1920 as an +expression of the final judgment of the American people. The world +still waits on America, and sooner or later we must recognize and +assume the responsibilities of our position as a great world power. + +The first nine chapters are reprinted with only a few verbal changes. +Chapter X has been rewritten, and chapters XI and XII have been added. + +JOHN H. LATANÉ. + +Baltimore, June 10, 1922. + + + + +CONTENTS + + +CHAPTER + + I. ORIGIN OF THE POLICY OF ISOLATION + II. FORMULATION OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE + III. THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE EUROPEAN BALANCE OF POWER + IV. INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION WITHOUT THE SANCTION OF FORCE + V. THE OPEN-DOOR POLICY + VI. ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS + VII. IMPERIALISTIC TENDENCIES OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE + VIII. THE NEW PAN-AMERICANISM + IX. THE FAILURE OF NEUTRALITY AND ISOLATION + X. THE WAR AIMS OF THE UNITED STATES + XI. THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES + XII. THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE + INDEX + + + + +From Isolation to Leadership + +I + +ORIGIN OF THE POLICY OF ISOLATION + +The Monroe Doctrine and the policy of political isolation are two +phases of American diplomacy so closely related that very few writers +appear to draw any distinction between them. The Monroe Doctrine was +in its origin nothing more than the assertion, with special application +to the American continents, of the right of independent states to +pursue their own careers without fear or threat of intervention, +domination, or subjugation by other states. President Monroe announced +to the world that this principle would be upheld by the United States +in this hemisphere. The policy of isolation was the outgrowth of +Washington's warning against _permanent_ alliances and Jefferson's +warning against _entangling_ alliances. Both Washington and Jefferson +had in mind apparently the form of European alliance common in their +day, which bound one nation to support another both diplomatically and +by force in any dispute that might arise no matter whether it concerned +the interests of the first state or not. Such alliances were usually +of the nature of family compacts between different dynasties, or +between different branches of the same dynasty, rather than treaties +between nations. In fact, dynastic aims and ambitions were frequently, +if not usually, at variance with the real interests of the peoples +affected. It will be shown later that neither Washington nor Jefferson +intended that the United States should refrain permanently from the +exercise of its due influence in matters which properly concern the +peace and welfare of the community of nations. Washington did not +object to temporary alliances for special emergencies nor did Jefferson +object to special alliances for the accomplishment of definite objects. +Their advice has, however, been generally interpreted as meaning that +the United States must hold aloof from world politics and attend +strictly to its own business. + +The Monroe Doctrine was a perfectly sound principle and it has been +fully justified by nearly a century of experience. It has saved South +America from the kind of exploitation to which the continents of Africa +and Asia have, during the past generation, fallen a prey. The policy +of isolation, on the other hand, still cherished by so many Americans +as a sacred tradition of the fathers, is in principle quite distinct +from the Monroe Doctrine and is in fact utterly inconsistent with the +position and importance of the United States as a world power. The +difference in principle between the two policies can perhaps best be +illustrated by the following supposition. If the United States were to +sign a permanent treaty with England placing our navy at her disposal +in the event of attack from Germany or some other power, on condition +that England would unite with us in opposing the intervention of any +European power in Latin America, such a treaty would not be a violation +of the Monroe Doctrine, but a distinct recognition of that principle. +Such a treaty would, however, be a departure from our traditional +policy of isolation. Of the two policies, that of avoiding political +alliances is the older. It was announced by Washington under +circumstances that will be considered in a moment. + +In the struggle for independence the colonies deliberately sought +foreign alliances. In fact, the first treaty ever signed by the United +States was the treaty of alliance with France, negotiated and ratified +in 1778. The aid which France extended under this treaty to our +revolutionary ancestors in men, money, and ships enabled them to +establish the independence of our country. A few years later came the +French Revolution, the establishment of the French Republic followed by +the execution of Louis XVI, and in 1793 the war between England and +France. With the arrival in this country of Genet, the minister of the +newly established French Republic, there began a heated debate in the +newspapers throughout the country as to our obligations under the +treaty of alliance and the commercial treaty of 1778. President +Washington requested the opinions in writing of the members of his +cabinet as to whether Genet should be received and the new government +which had been set up in France recognized, as to whether the treaties +were still binding, and as to whether a proclamation of neutrality +should be issued. Hamilton and Jefferson replied at great length, +taking as usual opposite sides, particularly on the question as to the +binding force of the treaties. Hamilton took the view that as the +government of Louis XVI, with which the treaties had been negotiated, +had been overthrown, we were under no obligations to fulfill their +stipulations and had a perfect right to renounce them. Jefferson took +the correct view that the treaties were with the French nation and that +they were binding under whatever government the French people chose to +set up. This principle, which is now one of the fundamental doctrines +of international law, was so ably expounded by Jefferson that his words +are well worth quoting. + +"I consider the people who constitute a society or nation as the source +of all authority in that nation, as free to transact their common +concerns by any agents they think proper, to change these agents +individually, or the organization of them in form or function whenever +they please: that all the acts done by those agents under the authority +of the nation, are the acts of the nation, are obligatory on them, and +enure to their use, and can in no wise be annulled or affected by any +change in the form of the government, or of the persons administering +it. Consequently the Treaties between the United States and France +were not treaties between the United States and Louis Capet, but +between the two nations of America and France, and the nations +remaining in existence, tho' both of them have since changed their +forms of government, the treaties are not annulled by these changes." + +The argument was so heated that Washington was reluctant to press +matters to a definite conclusion. From his subsequent action it +appears that he agreed with Jefferson that the treaties were binding, +but he held that the treaty of alliance was purely defensive and that +we were under no obligation to aid France in an offensive war such as +she was then waging. He accordingly issued his now famous proclamation +of neutrality, April, 1793. Of this proclamation W. E. Hall, a leading +English authority on international law, writing one hundred years +later, said: "The policy of the United States in 1793 constitutes an +epoch in the development of the usages of neutrality. There can be no +doubt that it was intended and believed to give effect to the +obligations then incumbent upon neutrals. But it represented by far +the most advanced existing opinions as to what those obligations were; +and in some points it even went farther than authoritative +international custom has up to the present time advanced. In the main, +however, it is identical with the standard of conduct which is now +adopted by the community of nations." Washington's proclamation laid +the real foundations of the American policy of isolation. + +The very novelty of the rigid neutrality proclaimed by Washington made +the policy a difficult one to pursue. In the Revolutionary and +Napoleonic wars, which lasted for nearly a quarter of a century, the +United States was the principal neutral. The problems to which this +situation gave rise were so similar to the problems raised during the +early years of the World War that many of the diplomatic notes prepared +by Jefferson and Madison might, with a few changes of names and dates, +be passed off as the correspondence of Wilson and Lansing. +Washington's administration closed with the clouds of the European war +still hanging heavy on the horizon. Under these circumstances he +delivered his famous Farewell Address in which he said: + +"The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in +extending our commercial relations to have with them as little +_political_ connection as possible. So far as we have already formed +engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us +stop. + +"Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very +remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, +the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, +therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial +ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary +combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. + +"Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a +different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient +government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury +from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will +cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously +respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making +acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us +provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided +by justice, shall counsel. + +"Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our +own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny +with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in +the toils of European ambitions, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? + +"It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any +portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty +to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing +infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less +applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the +best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in +their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be +unwise to extend them. + +"Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a +respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary +alliances for extraordinary emergencies." + +It will be observed that Washington warned his countrymen against +_permanent_ alliances. He expressly said that we might "safely trust +to _temporary_ alliances for extraordinary emergencies." Further than +this many of those who are continually quoting Washington's warning +against alliances not only fail to note the limitations under which the +advice was given, but they also overlook the reasons assigned. In a +succeeding paragraph of the Farewell Address he said: + +"With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our +country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to +progress without interruption to that degree of strength and +consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the +command of its own fortunes." + +The expression "entangling alliances" does not occur in the Farewell +Address, but was given currency by Jefferson. In his first inaugural +address he summed up the principles by which he proposed to regulate +his foreign policy in the following terms: "Peace, commerce, and honest +friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none." + +During the brief interval of peace following the treaty of Amiens in +1801, Napoleon undertook the reëstablishment of French power in Santo +Domingo as the first step in the development of a colonial empire which +he determined upon when he forced Spain to retrocede Louisiana to +France by the secret treaty of San Ildefonso in 1800. Fortunately for +us the ill-fated expedition to Santo Domingo encountered the opposition +of half a million negroes and ultimately fell a prey to the ravages of +yellow fever. As soon as Jefferson heard of the cession of Louisiana +to France, he instructed Livingston, his representative at Paris, to +open negotiations for the purchase of New Orleans and West Florida, +stating that the acquisition of New Orleans by a powerful nation like +France would inevitably lead to friction and conflict. "The day that +France takes possession of New Orleans fixes the sentence which is to +restrain her forever within her low water mark. It seals the union of +two nations who in conjunction can maintain exclusive possession of the +ocean. From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet +and nation. We must turn all our attentions to a maritime force, for +which our resources place us on very high grounds: and having formed +and cemented together a power which may render reinforcement of her +settlements here impossible to France, make the first cannon, which +shall be fired in Europe the signal for tearing up any settlement she +may have made, and for holding the two continents of America in +sequestration for the common purposes of the united British and +American nations. This is not a state of things we seek or desire. It +is one which this measure, if adopted by France, forces on us, as +necessarily as any other cause, by the laws of nature, brings on its +necessary effect." + +Monroe was later sent to Paris to support Livingston and he was +instructed, in case there was no prospect of a favorable termination of +the negotiations, to avoid a rupture until the spring and "in the +meantime enter into conferences with the British Government, through +their ambassador at Paris, to fix principles of alliance, and leave us +in peace until Congress meets." Jefferson had already informed the +British minister at Washington that if France should, by closing the +mouth of the Mississippi, force the United States to war, "they would +throw away the scabbard." Monroe and Livingston were now instructed, +in case they should become convinced that France meditated hostilities +against the United States, to negotiate an alliance with England and to +stipulate that neither party should make peace or truce without the +consent of the other. Thus notwithstanding his French proclivities and +his warning against "entangling alliances," the author of the immortal +Declaration of Independence was ready and willing in this emergency to +form an alliance with England. The unexpected cession of the entire +province of Louisiana to the United States made the contemplated +alliance with England unnecessary. + +The United States was no more successful in its effort to remain +neutral during the Napoleonic wars than it was during the late war, +though the slow means of communication a hundred years ago caused the +struggle for neutral rights to be drawn out for a much longer period of +time. Neither England nor France regarded us as having any rights +which they were bound to respect, and American commerce was fairly +bombarded by French decrees and British orders in council. There was +really not much more reason why we should have fought England than +France, but as England's naval supremacy enabled her to interfere more +effectually with our commerce on the sea and as this interference was +accompanied by the practice of impressing American sailors into the +British service, we finally declared war against her. No effort was +made, however, to form an alliance or even to coöperate with Napoleon. +The United States fought the War of 1812 without allies, and while we +gained a number of single-ship actions and notable victories on Lake +Erie and Lake Champlain, we failed utterly in two campaigns to occupy +Canada, and the final result of the conflict was that our national +capitol was burned and our commerce absolutely swept from the seas. +Jackson's victory at New Orleans, while gratifying to our pride, took +place two weeks after the treaty of Ghent had been signed and had, +consequently, no effect on the outcome of the war. + + + + +II + +FORMULATION OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE + +The international situation which gave rise to the Monroe Doctrine was +the most unusual in some respects that modern history records. The +European alliance which had been organized in 1813 for the purpose of +bringing about the overthrow of Napoleon continued to dominate the +affairs of Europe until 1823. This alliance, which met at the Congress +of Vienna in 1815 and held later meetings at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, +at Troppau in 1820, at Laybach in 1821, and at Verona in 1822, +undertook to legislate for all Europe and was the nearest approach to a +world government that had ever been tried. While this alliance +publicly proclaimed that it had no other object than the maintenance of +peace and that the repose of the world was its motive and its end, its +real object was to uphold absolute monarchy and to suppress every +attempt at the establishment of representative government. As long as +England remained in the alliance her statesmen exercised a restraining +influence, for England was the only one of the allies which professed +to have a representative system of government. As Castlereagh was +setting out for the meeting at Aix-la-Chapelle Lord Liverpool, who was +then prime minister, warned him that, "The Russian must be made to feel +that we have a parliament and a public, to which we are responsible, +and that we cannot permit ourselves to be drawn into views of policy +which are wholly incompatible with the spirit of our government." + +The reactionary spirit of the continental members of the alliance was +soon thoroughly aroused by the series of revolutions that followed one +another in 1820. In March the Spanish army turned against the +government of Ferdinand VII and demanded the restoration of the +constitution of 1812. The action of the army was everywhere approved +and sustained by the people and the king was forced to proclaim the +constitution and to promise to uphold it. The Spanish revolution was +followed in July by a constitutional movement in Naples, and in August +by a similar movement in Portugal; while the next year witnessed the +outbreak of the Greek struggle for independence. Thus in all three of +the peninsulas of Southern Europe the people were struggling for the +right of self-government. The great powers at once took alarm at the +rapid spread of revolutionary ideas and proceeded to adopt measures for +the suppression of the movements to which these ideas gave rise. At +Troppau and Laybach measures were taken for the suppression of the +revolutionary movements in Italy. An Austrian army entered Naples in +March, 1821, overthrew the constitutional government that had been +inaugurated, and restored Ferdinand II to absolute power. The +revolution which had broken out in Piedmont was also suppressed by a +detachment of the Austrian army. England held aloof from all +participation in the conferences at Troppau and Laybach, though her +ambassador to Austria was present to watch the proceedings. + +The next meeting of the allied powers was arranged for October, 1822, +at Verona. Here the affairs of Greece, Italy, and in particular Spain +came up for consideration. At this congress all five powers of the +alliance were represented. France was especially concerned about the +condition of affairs in Spain, and England sent Wellington out of +self-defense. The Congress of Verona was devoted largely to a +discussion of Spanish affairs. Wellington had been instructed to use +all his influence against the adoption of measures of intervention in +Spain. When he found that the other powers were bent upon this step +and that his protest would be unheeded, he withdrew from the congress. +The four remaining powers signed the secret treaty of Verona, November +22, 1822, as a revision, so they declared in the preamble, of the +Treaty of the Holy Alliance, which had been signed at Paris in 1815 by +Austria, Russia, and Prussia. This last mentioned treaty sprang from +the erratic brain of the Czar Alexander under the influence of Baroness +Krüdener, and is one of the most remarkable political documents extant. +No one had taken it seriously except the Czar himself and it had been +without influence upon the politics of Europe. The text of the treaty +of Verona was never officially published, but the following articles +soon appeared in the press of Europe and America: + +"Article I.--The high contracting powers being convinced that the +system of representative government is equally as incompatible with the +monarchical principles as the maxim of the sovereignty of the people +with the divine right, engage mutually, in the most solemn manner, to +use all their efforts to put an end to the system of representative +governments, in whatever country it may exist in Europe, and to prevent +its being introduced in those countries where it is not yet known. + +"Article II.--As it cannot be doubted that the liberty of the press is +the most powerful means used by the pretended supporters of the rights +of nations, to the detriment of those of Princes, the high contracting +parties promise reciprocally to adopt all proper measures to suppress +it, not only in their own states, but, also, in the rest of Europe. + +"Article III.--Convinced that the principles of religion contribute +most powerfully to keep nations in the state of passive obedience which +they owe to their Princes, the high contracting parties declare it to +be their intention to sustain, in their respective states, those +measures which the clergy may adopt, with the aim of ameliorating their +own interests, so intimately connected with the preservation of the +authority of Princes; and the contracting powers join in offering their +thanks to the Pope, for what he has already done for them, and solicit +his constant coöperation in their views of submitting the nations. + +"Article IV.--The situation of Spain and Portugal unite unhappily all +the circumstances to which this treaty has particular reference. The +high contracting parties, in confiding to France the care of putting an +end to them, engage to assist her in the manner which may the least +compromise them with their own people and the people of France, by +means of a subsidy on the part of the two empires, of twenty millions +of francs every year, from the date of the signature of this treaty to +the end of the war." + +Such was the code of despotism which the continental powers adopted for +Europe and which they later proposed to extend to America. It was an +attempt to make the world safe for autocracy. Wellington's protest at +Verona marked the final withdrawal of England from the alliance which +had overthrown Napoleon and naturally inclined her toward a +rapprochement with the United States. The aim of the Holy Allies, as +the remaining members of the alliance now called themselves, was to +undo the work of the Revolution and of Napoleon and to restore all the +peoples of Europe to the absolute sway of their legitimate sovereigns. +After the overthrow of the constitutional movements in Piedmont, +Naples, and Spain, absolutism reigned supreme once more in western +Europe, but the Holy Allies felt that their task was not completed so +long as Spain's revolted colonies in America remained unsubjugated. +These colonies had drifted into practical independence while Napoleon's +brother Joseph was on the throne of Spain. Nelson's great victory at +Trafalgar had left England supreme on the seas and neither Napoleon nor +Joseph had been able to establish any control over Spain's American +colonies. When Ferdinand was restored to his throne in 1814, he +unwisely undertook to refasten on his colonies the yoke of the old +colonial system and to break up the commerce which had grown up with +England and with the United States. The different colonies soon +proclaimed their independence and the wars of liberation ensued. By +1822 it was evident that Spain unassisted could never resubjugate them, +and the United States after mature deliberation recognized the new +republics and established diplomatic intercourse with them. England, +although enjoying the full benefits of trade with the late colonies of +Spain, still hesitated out of regard for the mother country to take the +final step of recognition. + +In the late summer of 1823 circular letters were issued inviting the +powers to a conference at Paris to consider the Spanish-American +question. George Canning, the British foreign secretary, at once +called into conference Richard Rush, the American minister, and +proposed joint action against the schemes of the Holy Alliance. Rush +replied that he was not authorized to enter into such an agreement, but +that he would communicate the proposal at once to his government. As +soon as Rush's dispatch was received President Monroe realized fully +the magnitude of the issue presented by the proposal of an +Anglo-American alliance. Before submitting the matter to his cabinet +he transmitted copies of Rush's dispatch to ex-Presidents Jefferson and +Madison and the following interesting correspondence took place. In +his letter to Jefferson of October 17th, the President said: + +"I transmit to you two despatches, which were receiv'd from Mr. Rush, +while I was lately in Washington, which involve interests of the +highest importance. They contain two letters from Mr. Canning, +suggesting designs of the holy alliance, against the Independence of +So. America, & proposing a co-operation, between G. Britain & the U +States, in support of it, against the members of that alliance. The +project aims, in the first instance, at a mere expression of opinion, +somewhat in the abstract, but which, it is expected by Mr. Canning, +will have a great political effect, by defeating the combination. By +Mr. Rush's answers, which are also enclosed, you will see the light in +which he views the subject, & the extent to which he may have gone. +Many important considerations are involved in this proposition. 1st +Shall we entangle ourselves, at all, in European politicks, & wars, on +the side of any power, against others, presuming that a concert, by +agreement, of the kind proposed, may lead to that result? 2d If a case +can exist in which a sound maxim may, & ought to be departed from, is +not the present instance, precisely that case? 3d Has not the epoch +arriv'd when G. Britain must take her stand, either on the side of the +monarchs of Europe, or of the U States, & in consequence, either in +favor of Despotism or of liberty & may it not be presum'd that, aware +of that necessity, her government has seiz'd on the present occurrence, +as that, which it deems, the most suitable, to announce & mark the +commenc'ment of that career? + +"My own impression is that we ought to meet the proposal of the British +govt. & to make it known, that we would view an interference on the +part of the European powers, and especially an attack on the Colonies, +by them, as an attack on ourselves, presuming that, if they succeeded +with them, they would extend it to us. I am sensible however of the +extent & difficulty of the question, & shall be happy to have yours, & +Mr. Madison's opinions on it." + +Jefferson's reply dated Monticello, October 24th, displays not only a +profound insight into the international situation, but a wide vision of +the possibilities involved. He said: + +"The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most +momentous which has ever been offered to my contemplation since that of +Independence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass and points +the course which we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on +us. And never could we embark on it under circumstances more +auspicious. Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to +entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second, never to +suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North +and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and +peculiarly her own. She should therefore have a system of her own, +separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last is laboring to +become the domicil of despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make +our hemisphere that of freedom. One nation, most of all, could disturb +us in this pursuit; she now offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in +it. By acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the bands, +bring her mighty weight into the scale of free government, and +emancipate a continent at one stroke, which might otherwise linger long +in doubt and difficulty. Great Britain is the nation which can do us +the most harm of any one, or all on earth; and with her on our side we +need not fear the whole world. With her then, we should most +sedulously cherish a cordial friendship; and nothing would tend more to +knit our affections than to be fighting once more, side by side, in the +same cause. Not that I would purchase even her amity at the price of +taking part in her wars. But the war in which the present proposition +might engage us, should that be its consequence, is not her war, but +ours. Its object is to introduce and establish the American system, of +keeping out of our land all foreign powers, of never permitting those +of Europe to intermeddle with the affairs of our nations. It is to +maintain our own principle, not to depart from it. And if, to +facilitate this, we can effect a division in the body of the European +powers, and draw over to our side its most powerful member, surely we +should do it. But I am clearly of Mr. Canning's opinion, that it will +prevent instead of provoking war. With Great Britain withdrawn from +their scale and shifted into that of our two continents, all Europe +combined would not undertake such a war. For how would they propose to +get at either enemy without superior fleets? Nor is the occasion to be +slighted which this proposition offers, of declaring our protest +against the atrocious violations of the rights of nations, by the +interference of any one in the internal affairs of another, so +flagitiously begun by Bonaparte, and now continued by the equally +lawless Alliance, calling itself Holy." + +Madison not only agreed with Jefferson as to the wisdom of accepting +the British proposal of some form of joint action, but he went even +further and suggested that the declaration should not be limited to the +American republics, but that it should express disapproval of the late +invasion of Spain and of any interference with the Greeks who were then +struggling for independence from Turkey. Monroe, it appears, was +strongly inclined to act on Madison's suggestion, but his cabinet took +a different view of the situation. From the diary of John Quincy +Adams, Monroe's secretary of state, it appears that almost the whole of +November was taken up by cabinet discussions on Canning's proposals and +on Russia's aggressions in the northwest. Adams stoutly opposed any +alliance or joint declaration with Great Britain. The composition of +the President's message remained in doubt until the 27th, when the more +conservative views of Adams were, according to his own statement of the +case, adopted. He advocated an independent course of action on the +part of the United States, without direct reference to Canning's +proposals, though substantially in accord with them. Adams defined his +position as follows: "The ground that I wish to take is that of earnest +remonstrance against the interference of the European powers by force +with South America, but to disclaim all interference on our part with +Europe; to make an American cause and adhere inflexibly to that." +Adams's dissent from Monroe's position was, it is claimed, due partly +to the influence of Clay who advocated a Pan-American system, partly to +the fact that the proposed coöperation with Great Britain would bind +the United States not to acquire some of the coveted parts of the +Spanish possessions, and partly to the fear that the United States as +the ally of Great Britain would be compelled to play a secondary part. +He probably carried his point by showing that the same ends could be +accomplished by an independent declaration, since it was evident that +the sea power of Great Britain would be used to prevent the reconquest +of South America by the European powers. Monroe, as we have seen, +thought that the exigencies of the situation justified a departure from +the sound maxim of political isolation, and in this opinion he was +supported by his two predecessors in the presidency. + +The opinions of Monroe, Jefferson, and Madison in favor of an alliance +with Great Britain and a broad declaration against the intervention of +the great powers in the affairs of weaker states in any part of the +world, have been severely criticised by some historians and ridiculed +by others, but time and circumstances often bring about a complete +change in our point of view. After the beginning of the great world +conflict, especially after our entrance into it, several writers raised +the question as to whether, after all, the three elder statesmen were +not right and Adams and Clay wrong. If the United States and England +had come out in favor of a general declaration against intervention in +the concerns of small states and established it as a world-wide +principle, the course of human history during the next century might +have been very different, but Adams's diary does not tell the whole +story. On his own statement of the case he might be justly censured by +posterity for persuading the president to take a narrow American view +of a question which was world-wide in its bearing. An important +element in the situation, however, was Canning's change of attitude +between the time of his conference with Rush in August and the +formulation of the president's message. Two days after the delivery of +his now famous message Monroe wrote to Jefferson in explanation of the +form the declaration had taken: "Mr. Canning's zeal has much abated of +late." It appears from Rush's correspondence that the only thing which +stood in the way of joint action by the two powers was Canning's +unwillingness to extend immediate recognition to the South American +republics. On August 27th, Rush stated to Canning that it would +greatly facilitate joint action if England would acknowledge at once +the full independence of the South American colonies. In communicating +the account of this interview to his government Mr. Rush concluded: +"Should I be asked by Mr. Canning, whether, in case the recognition be +made by Great Britain without more delay, I am on my part prepared to +make a declaration, in the name of my government, that it will not +remain inactive under an attack upon the independence of those states +by the Holy Alliance, the present determination of my judgment is that +I will make such a declaration explicitly, and avow it before the +world." About three weeks later Canning, who was growing restless at +the delay in hearing from Washington, again urged Rush to act without +waiting for specific instructions from his government. He tried to +show that the proposed joint declaration would not conflict with the +American policy of avoiding entangling alliances, for the question at +issue was American as much as European, if not more. Rush then +indicated his willingness to act provided England would "immediately +and unequivocally acknowledge the independence of the new states." +Canning did not care to extend full recognition to the South American +states until he could do so without giving unnecessary offense to Spain +and the allies, and he asked if Mr. Rush could not give his assent to +the proposal on a promise of future recognition. Mr. Rush refused to +accede to anything but immediate acknowledgment of independence and so +the matter ended. + +As Canning could not come to a formal understanding with the United +States, he determined to make a frank avowal of the views of the +British cabinet to France and to this end he had an interview with +Prince Polignac, the French ambassador at London, October 9, 1823, in +which he declared that Great Britain had no desire to hasten +recognition, but that any foreign interference, by force, or by menace, +would be a motive for immediate recognition; that England "could not go +into a joint deliberation upon the subject of Spanish America upon an +equal footing with other powers, whose opinions were less formed upon +that question." This declaration drew from Polignac the admission that +he considered the reduction of the colonies by Spain as hopeless and +that France "abjured in any case, any design of acting against the +colonies by force of arms." This admission was a distinct victory for +Canning, in that it prepared the way for ultimate recognition by +England, and an account of the interview was communicated without delay +to the allied courts. The interview was not communicated to Rush until +the latter part of November, and therefore had no influence upon the +formation of Monroe's message. + +The Monroe Doctrine is comprised in two widely separated paragraphs +that occur in the message of December 2, 1823. The first, relating to +Russia's encroachments on the northwest coast, and occurring near the +beginning of the message, was an assertion to the effect that the +American continents had assumed an independent condition and were no +longer open to European colonization. This may be regarded as a +statement of fact. No part of the continent at that time remained +unclaimed. The second paragraph, relating to Spanish America and +occurring near the close of the message, was a declaration against the +extension to the American continents of the system of intervention +adopted by the Holy Alliance for the suppression of popular government +in Europe. + +The language used by President Monroe is as follows: + +1. "At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through +the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and +instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States +at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective +rights and interests of the two nations on the north-west coast of this +continent. A similar proposal had been made by His Imperial Majesty to +the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. +The Government of the United States has been desirous by this friendly +proceeding of manifesting the great value which they have invariably +attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to +cultivate the best understanding with his Government. In the +discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the +arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged +proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests +of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the +free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, +are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization +by any European powers." + +2. "In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to +themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our +policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously +menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. +With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more +immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all +enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the +allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of +America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their +respective Governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been +achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the +wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have +enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, +therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the +United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any +attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this +hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing +colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered +and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared +their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, +on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could +not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or +controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in +any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition +toward the United States." + +The message made a profound impression on the world, all the more +profound for the fact that Canning's interview with Polignac was known +only to the chancelleries of Europe. To the public at large it +appeared that the United States was blazing the way for democracy and +liberty and that Canning was holding back through fear of giving +offense to the allies. The governments of Europe realized only too +well that Monroe's declaration would be backed by the British navy, and +all thought of intervention in Latin America was therefore abandoned. +A few months later England formally recognized the independence of the +Spanish-American republics, and Canning made his famous boast on the +floor of the House of Commons. In a speech delivered December 12, +1826, in defense of his position in not having arrested the French +invasion of Spain, he said: "I looked another way--I sought for +compensation in another hemisphere. Contemplating Spain, such as our +ancestors had known her, I resolved that, if France had Spain, it +should not be Spain _with the Indies_. I called the New World into +existence to redress the balance of the Old." + + + + +III + +THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE EUROPEAN BALANCE OF POWER + +President Monroe said in effect that the western hemisphere must be +made safe for democracy. It was reserved for our own generation and +for President Wilson to extend the declaration and to say that the +world must be made safe for democracy. President Monroe announced that +we would uphold international law and republican government in this +hemisphere, and as _quid pro quo_ he announced that it was the settled +policy of the United States to refrain from all interference in the +internal affairs of European states. He based his declaration, +therefore, not mainly on right and justice, but on the doctrine of the +separation of the European and American spheres of politics. The +Monroe Doctrine and the policy of isolation thus became linked together +in the public mind as compensating policies, neither one of which could +stand without the other. Even Secretary Olney as late as 1895 declared +that "American non-intervention in Europe implied European +non-intervention in America." It is not strange, therefore, that the +public at large should regard the policy of isolation as the sole +justification for the Monroe Doctrine. There is, however, neither +logic nor justice in basing our right to uphold law and freedom in this +hemisphere on our promise not to interfere with the violation of law +and humanity in Europe. The real difficulty is that the Monroe +Doctrine as interpreted in recent years has developed certain +imperialistic tendencies and that the imperialistic implications of the +policy resemble too closely the imperialistic aims of the European +powers. + +For three quarters of a century after Monroe's declaration the policy +of isolation was more rigidly adhered to than ever, the principal +departure from it being the signature and ratification of the +Clayton-Bulwer Treaty in 1850. By the terms of this treaty we +recognized a joint British interest in any canal that might be built +through the isthmus connecting North and South America, undertook to +establish the general neutralization of such canal, and agreed to +invite other powers, European and American, to unite in protecting the +same. Owing to differences that soon arose between the United States +and England as to the interpretation of the treaty, the clause +providing for the adherence of other powers was never carried out. + +For nearly a hundred years we have successfully upheld the Monroe +Doctrine without a resort to force. The policy has never been +favorably regarded by the powers of continental Europe. Bismarck +described it as "an international impertinence." In recent years it +has stirred up rather intense opposition in certain parts of Latin +America. Until recently no American writers appear to have considered +the real nature of the sanction on which the doctrine rested. How is +it that without an army and until recent years without a navy of any +size we have been able to uphold a policy which has been described as +an impertinence to Latin America and a standing defiance to Europe? +Americans generally seem to think that the Monroe Doctrine has in it an +inherent sanctity which prevents other nations from violating it. In +view of the general disregard of sanctities, inherent or acquired, +during the early stages of the late war, this explanation will not hold +good and some other must be sought. Americans have been so little +concerned with international affairs that they have failed to see any +connection between the Monroe Doctrine and the balance of power in +Europe. The existence of a European balance of power is the only +explanation of our having been able to uphold the Monroe Doctrine for +so long a time without a resort to force. Some one or more of the +European powers would long ago have stepped in and called our bluff, +that is, forced us to repudiate the Monroe Doctrine or fight for it, +had it not been for the well-grounded fear that as soon as they became +engaged with us some other European power would attack them in the +rear. A few illustrations will be sufficient to establish this thesis. + +The most serious strain to which the Monroe Doctrine was ever subjected +was the attempt of Louis Napoleon during the American Civil War to +establish the empire of Maximilian in Mexico under French auspices. He +was clever enough to induce England and Spain to go in with him in 1861 +for the avowed purpose of collecting the claims of their subjects +against the government of Mexico. Before the joint intervention had +gone very far, however, these two powers became convinced that Napoleon +had ulterior designs and withdrew their forces. Napoleon's Mexican +venture was deliberately calculated on the success of the Southern +Confederacy. Hence, his friendly relations with the Confederate +commissioners and the talk of an alliance between the Confederacy and +Maximilian backed by the power of France. Against each successive step +taken by France in Mexico Mr. Seward, Lincoln's Secretary of State, +protested. As the Civil War drew to a successful conclusion his +protests became more and more emphatic. Finally, in the spring of +1866, the United States Government began massing troops on the Mexican +border and Mr. Seward sent what was practically an ultimatum to the +French Emperor; he requested to know when the long-promised withdrawal +of the French troops would take place. Napoleon replied, fixing the +dates for their withdrawal in three separate detachments. + +American historians have usually attributed Napoleon's backdown to +Seward's diplomacy supported by the military power of the United +States, which was, of course, greater then than at any previous time in +our history. All this undoubtedly had its effect on Napoleon's mind, +but it appears that conditions in Europe just at that particular moment +had an even greater influence in causing him to abandon his Mexican +scheme. Within a few days of the receipt of Seward's ultimatum +Napoleon was informed of Bismarck's determination to force a war with +Austria over the Schleswig-Holstein controversy. Napoleon realized +that the territorial aggrandizement of Prussia, without any +corresponding gains by France, would be a serious blow to his prestige +and in fact endanger his throne. He at once entered upon a long and +hazardous diplomatic game in which Bismarck outplayed him and +eventually forced him into war. In order to have a free hand to meet +the European situation he decided to yield to the American demands. As +the European situation developed he hastened the final withdrawal of +his troops and left Maximilian to his fate. Thus the Monroe Doctrine +was vindicated! + +Let us take next President Cleveland's intervention in the Venezuelan +boundary dispute. Here surely was a clear and spectacular vindication +of the Monroe Doctrine which no one can discount. Let us briefly +examine the facts. Some 30,000 square miles of territory on the border +of Venezuela and British Guiana were in dispute. Venezuela, a weak and +helpless state, had offered to submit the question to arbitration. +Great Britain, powerful and overbearing, refused. After Secretary +Olney, in a long correspondence ably conducted, had failed to move the +British Government, President Cleveland decided to intervene. In a +message to Congress in December, 1895, he reviewed the controversy at +length, declared that the acquisition of territory in America by a +European power through the arbitrary advance of a boundary line was a +clear violation of the Monroe Doctrine, and asked Congress for an +appropriation to pay the expenses of a commission which he proposed to +appoint for the purpose of determining the true boundary, which he said +it would then be our duty to uphold. Lest there should be any +misunderstanding as to his intentions he solemnly added: "In making +these recommendations I am fully alive to the responsibility incurred +and keenly realize all the consequences that may follow." Congress +promptly voted the appropriation. + +Here was a bold and unqualified defiance of England. No one before had +ever trod so roughly on the British lion's tail with impunity. The +English-speaking public on both sides of the Atlantic was stunned and +amazed. Outside of diplomatic circles few persons were aware that any +subject of controversy between the two countries existed, and no one +had any idea that it was of a serious nature. Suddenly the two nations +found themselves on the point of war. After the first outburst of +indignation the storm passed; and before the American boundary +commission completed its investigation England signed an arbitration +agreement with Venezuela. Some persons, after looking in vain for an +explanation, have concluded that Lord Salisbury's failure to deal more +seriously with Mr. Cleveland's affront to the British Government was +due to his sense of humor. + +But here again the true explanation is to be found in events that were +happening in another quarter of the globe. Cleveland's Venezuelan +message was sent to Congress on December 17th. At the end of the year +came Dr. Jameson's raid into the Transvaal and on the third of January +the German Kaiser sent his famous telegram of congratulation to Paul +Kruger. The wrath of England was suddenly diverted from America to +Germany, and Lord Salisbury avoided a rupture with the United States +over a matter which after all was not of such serious moment to England +in order to be free to deal with a question involving much greater +interests in South Africa. The Monroe Doctrine was none the less +effectively vindicated. + +In 1902 Germany made a carefully planned and determined effort to test +out the Monroe Doctrine and see whether we would fight for it. In that +year Germany, England, and Italy made a naval demonstration against +Venezuela for the purpose of forcing her to recognize as valid certain +claims of their subjects. How England was led into the trap is still a +mystery, but the Kaiser thought that he had her thoroughly committed, +that if England once started in with him she could not turn against +him. But he had evidently not profited by the experience of Napoleon +III in Mexico. Through the mediation of Herbert Bowen, the American +minister, Venezuela agreed to recognize in principle the claims of the +foreign powers and to arbitrate the amount. England and Italy accepted +this offer and withdrew their squadrons. Germany, however, remained +for a time obdurate. This much was known at the time. + +A rather sensational account of what followed next has recently been +made public in Thayer's "Life and Letters of John Hay." Into the +merits of the controversy that arose over Thayer's version of the +Roosevelt-Holleben interview it is not necessary to enter. The +significant fact, that Germany withdrew from Venezuela under pressure, +is, however, amply established. Admiral Dewey stated publicly that the +entire American fleet was assembled at the time under his command in +Porto Rican waters ready to move at a moment's notice. Why did Germany +back down from her position? Her navy was supposed to be at least as +powerful as ours. The reason why the Kaiser concluded not to measure +strength with the United States was that England had accepted +arbitration and withdrawn her support and he did not dare attack the +United States with the British navy in his rear. Again the nicely +adjusted European balance prevented the Monroe Doctrine from being put +to the test of actual war. + +While England has from time to time objected to some of the corollaries +deduced from the Monroe Doctrine, she has on the whole been not +unfavorably disposed toward the essential features of that policy. The +reason for this is that the Monroe Doctrine has been an open-door +policy, and has thus been in general accord with the British policy of +free trade. The United States has not used the Monroe Doctrine for the +establishment of exclusive trade relations with our southern neighbors. +In fact, we have largely neglected the South American countries as a +field for the development of American commerce. The failure to +cultivate this field has not been due wholly to neglect, however, but +to the fact that we have had employment for all our capital at home and +consequently have not been in a position to aid in the industrial +development of the Latin-American states, and to the further fact that +our exports have been so largely the same and hence the trade of both +North and South America has been mainly with Europe. There has, +therefore, been little rivalry between the United States and the powers +of Europe in the field of South American commerce. Our interest has +been political rather than commercial. We have prevented the +establishment of spheres of influence and preserved the open door. +This situation has been in full accord with British policy. Had Great +Britain adopted a high tariff policy and been compelled to demand +commercial concessions from Latin America by force, the Monroe Doctrine +would long since have gone by the board and been forgotten. Americans +should not forget the fact, moreover, that at any time during the past +twenty years Great Britain could have settled all her outstanding +difficulties with Germany by agreeing to sacrifice the Monroe Doctrine +and give her rival a free hand in South America. In the face of such a +combination our navy would have been of little avail. + + + + +IV + +INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION WITHOUT THE SANCTION OF FORCE + +President Monroe's declaration had a negative as well as a positive +side. It was in effect an announcement to the world that we would not +use force in support of law and justice anywhere except in the Western +Hemisphere, that we intended to stay at home and mind our own business. +Washington and Jefferson had recommended a policy of isolation on +grounds of expediency. Washington, as we have seen, regarded this +policy as a temporary expedient, while Jefferson upon two separate +occasions was ready to form an alliance with England. Probably neither +one of them contemplated the possibility of the United States shirking +its responsibilities as a member of the family of nations. Monroe's +message contained the implied promise that if Europe would refrain from +interfering in the political concerns of this hemisphere, we would +abstain from all intervention in Europe. From that day until our +entrance into the World War it was generally understood, and on +numerous occasions officially proclaimed, that the United States would +not resort to force on any question arising outside of America except +where its material interests were directly involved. We have not +refrained from diplomatic action in matters not strictly American, but +it has always been understood that such action would not be backed by +force. In the existing state of world politics this limitation has +been a serious handicap to American diplomacy. To take what we could +get and to give nothing in return has been a hard rule for our +diplomats, and has greatly circumscribed their activities. Diplomatic +action without the use or threat of force has, however, accomplished +something in the world at large, so that American influence has by no +means been limited to the western hemisphere. + +During the first half of the nineteenth century the subject of slavery +absorbed a large part of the attention of American statesmen. The fact +that they were not concerned with foreign problems outside of the +American hemisphere probably caused them to devote more time and +attention to this subject than they would otherwise have done. Slavery +and isolation had a very narrowing effect on men in public life, +especially during the period from 1830 to 1860. As the movement +against slavery in the early thirties became world-wide, the retention +of the "peculiar institution" in this country had the effect of +increasing our isolation. The effort of the American Colonization +Society to solve or mitigate the problem of slavery came very near +giving us a colony in Africa. In fact, Liberia, the negro republic +founded on the west coast of Africa by the Colonization Society, was in +all essentials an American protectorate, though the United States +carefully refrained in its communications with other powers from doing +more than expressing its good will for the little republic. As Liberia +was founded years before Africa became a field for European +exploitation, it was suffered to pursue its course without outside +interference, and the United States was never called upon to decide +whether its diplomatic protection would be backed up by force. + +The slave trade was a subject of frequent discussion between the United +States and England during the first half of the nineteenth century, and +an arrangement for its suppression was finally embodied in Article VIII +of the Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842. The only reason why the two +countries had never been able to act in accord on this question before +was that Great Britain persistently refused to renounce the right of +impressment which she had exercised in the years preceding the War of +1812. The United States therefore refused to sign any agreement which +would permit British naval officers to search American vessels in time +of peace. In 1820 the United States declared the slave trade to be a +form of piracy, and Great Britain advanced the view that as there was +no doubt of the right of a naval officer to visit and search a ship +suspected of piracy, her officers should be permitted to visit and +search ships found off the west coast of Africa under the American flag +which were suspected of being engaged in the slave trade. The United +States stoutly refused to acquiesce in this view. In the +Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842 it was finally agreed that each of the +two powers should maintain on the coast of Africa a sufficient squadron +"to enforce, separately and respectively, the laws, rights, and +obligations of each of the two countries for the suppression of the +slave trade." It was further agreed that the officers should act in +concert and coöperation, but the agreement was so worded as to avoid +all possibility of our being drawn into an entangling alliance. + +The United States has upon various occasions expressed a humanitarian +interest in the natives of Africa. In 1884 two delegates were sent to +the Berlin conference which adopted a general act giving a recognized +status to the Kongo Free State. The American delegates signed the +treaty in common with the delegates of the European powers, but it was +not submitted to the Senate for ratification for reasons stated as +follows by President Cleveland in his annual message of December 8, +1885: + +"A conference of delegates of the principal commercial nations was held +at Berlin last winter to discuss methods whereby the Kongo basin might +be kept open to the world's trade. Delegates attended on behalf of the +United States on the understanding that their part should be merely +deliberative, without imparting to the results any binding character so +far as the United States were concerned. This reserve was due to the +indisposition of this Government to share in any disposal by an +international congress of jurisdictional questions in remote foreign +territories. The results of the conference were embodied in a formal +act of the nature of an international convention, which laid down +certain obligations purporting to be binding on the signatories, +subject to ratification within one year. Notwithstanding the +reservation under which the delegates of the United States attended, +their signatures were attached to the general act in the same manner as +those of the plenipotentiaries of other governments, thus making the +United States appear, without reserve or qualification, as signatories +to a joint international engagement imposing on the signers the +conservation of the territorial integrity of distant regions where we +have no established interests or control. + +"This Government does not, however, regard its reservation of liberty +of action in the premises as at all impaired; and holding that an +engagement to share in the obligation of enforcing neutrality in the +remote valley of the Kongo would be an alliance whose responsibilities +we are not in a position to assume, I abstain from asking the sanction +of the Senate to that general act." + +The United States also sent delegates to the international conference +held at Brussels in 1890 for the purpose of dealing with the slave +trade in certain unappropriated regions of Central Africa. The +American delegates insisted that prohibitive duties should be imposed +on the importation of spirituous liquors into the Kongo. The European +representatives, being unwilling to incorporate the American proposals, +framed a separate tariff convention for the Kongo, which the American +delegates refused to sign. The latter did, however, affix their +signatures to the general treaty which provided for the suppression of +the African slave trade and the restriction of the sale of firearms, +ammunition, and spirituous liquors in certain parts of the African +continent. In ratifying the treaty the Senate reaffirmed the American +policy of isolation in the following resolution: + +"That the United States of America, having neither possessions nor +protectorates in Africa, hereby disclaims any intention, in ratifying +this treaty, to indicate any interest whatsoever in the possessions or +protectorates established or claimed on that Continent by the other +powers, or any approval of the wisdom, expediency or lawfulness +thereof, and does not join in any expressions in the said General Act +which might be construed as such a declaration or acknowledgement; and, +for this reason, that it is desirable that a copy of this resolution be +inserted in the protocol to be drawn up at the time of the exchange of +the ratifications of this treaty on the part of the United States." + +The United States has always stood for legality in international +relations and has always endeavored to promote the arbitration of +international disputes. Along these lines we have achieved notable +success. It is, of course, sometimes difficult to separate questions +of international law from questions of international politics. We have +been so scrupulous in our efforts to keep out of political +entanglements that we have sometimes failed to uphold principles of law +in the validity of which we were as much concerned as any other nation. +We have always recognized international law as a part of the law of the +land, and we have always acknowledged the moral responsibilities that +rested on us as a member of the society of nations. In fact, the +Constitution of the United States expressly recognizes the binding +force of the law of nations and of treaties. As international law is +the only law that governs the relations between states, we are, of +course, directly concerned in the enforcement of existing law and in +the development of new law. When the Declaration of Paris was drawn up +by the European powers at the close of the Crimean War in 1856, the +United States was invited to give its adherence. The four rules +embodied in the declaration, which have since formed the basis of +maritime law, are as follows: First, privateering is, and remains, +abolished. Second, the neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the +exception of contraband of war. Third, neutral goods, with the +exception of contraband of war, are not liable to capture under the +enemy's flag. Fourth, blockades, in order to be binding, must be +effective. The United States Government was in thorough accord with +the second, third, and fourth rules but was unwilling, as matters then +stood, to commit itself to the first rule. It had never been our +policy to maintain a large standing navy. In the War of 1812, as in +the Revolution, we depended upon privateers to attack the commerce of +the enemy. In reply to the invitation to give our adherence to the +declaration, Secretary Marcy made a counter proposition, namely, that +the powers of Europe should agree to exempt all private property, +except of course contraband of war, from capture on the high seas in +time of war. He said that if they would agree to this, the United +States would agree to abolish privateering. The powers of Europe +refused to accept this amendment. We refrained from signing the +Declaration of Paris, therefore, not because it went too far, but +because it did not go far enough. + +During the Civil War the United States Government used its diplomatic +efforts to prevent the recognition of the independence of the +Confederacy and the formation of hostile alliances. It made no effort +to form any alliance itself and insisted that the struggle be regarded +as an American question. The dispute with England over the _Alabama_ +Claims came near precipitating war, but the matter was finally adjusted +by the Treaty of Washington. The most significant feature of this +treaty, as far as the present discussion is concerned, was the formal +adoption of three rules which were not only to govern the decision of +the "Alabama Claims," but which were to be binding upon England and the +United States for the future. It was further agreed that these rules +should be brought to the knowledge of other maritime powers who should +be invited to accede to them. The rules forbade the fitting out, +arming, or equipping within neutral jurisdiction of vessels intended to +cruise or carry on war against a power with which the neutral is at +peace; they forbade the use of neutral ports or waters as a base of +naval operations; and they imposed upon neutrals the exercise of due +diligence to prevent these things from being done. While these rules +have never been formally adopted by the remaining powers, they are +generally recognized as embodying obligations which are now incumbent +upon all neutrals. + +When the United States decided to accept the invitation of the Czar of +Russia to attend the first peace conference at The Hague in 1899, grave +misgivings were expressed by many of the more conservative men in +public life. The participation of the United States with the powers of +Europe in this conference was taken by many Americans to mark the end +of the old order and the beginning of a new era in American diplomacy. +The conference, however, was concerned with questions of general +international interest, and had no bearing upon the internal affairs of +any state, European or American. Lest there should be any +misapprehension as to the historic policy of the United States, the +final treaty was signed by the American delegation under the express +reservation of a declaration previously read in open session. This +declaration was as follows: + +"Nothing contained in this convention shall be so construed as to +require the United States of America to depart from its traditional +policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling itself in +the political questions or policy or internal administration of any +foreign state; nor shall anything contained in the said convention be +construed to imply a relinquishment by the United States of America of +its traditional attitude toward purely American questions." The +establishment of the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague which +resulted from the first conference was a notable achievement, although +the Court has accomplished less than its advocates hoped. This was the +most important occasion on which American delegates had sat together +with European diplomats in a general conference. Our delegation was +the object of considerable interest and was not without influence in +shaping the provisions of the final treaty. It was through the +personal influence of Andrew D. White that the Emperor of Germany was +persuaded to permit his delegation to take part in the proceedings +establishing the Court of Arbitration. + +The second Hague Conference revised the Convention for the Pacific +Settlement of International Disputes, drew up a plan for an +International Prize Court, and attempted a codification of the rules of +international law on a number of subjects relating to the conduct of +war and the rights of neutrals. The American delegates, headed by Mr. +Choate, not only took a prominent part in these proceedings, but, +acting under instructions from Secretary Root, they proposed to the +Conference the creation of a permanent international court of justice. +The creation of an international court of justice whose decisions would +have the force of law, as distinguished from an international court of +arbitration whose decisions are usually arrived at by a compromise of +conflicting legal or political points of view, had long been advocated +by advanced thinkers, but the proposition had always been held by +practical statesmen to be purely academic. The serious advocacy of the +proposition at this time by a great nation like the United States and +the able arguments advanced by Mr. Choate marked an important step +forward and made a profound impression. There were two difficulties in +the way of establishing such a court at the second Hague Conference. +In the first place, the delegation of the United States was the only +one which had instructions on this subject, and in the second place it +was found to be impossible to agree upon a method of selecting the +judges. The great world powers, with the exception of the United +States, demanded permanent representation on the court. The smaller +nations, relying on the doctrine of the equality of states, demanded +likewise to be represented. If each nation could have been given the +right to appoint a judge, the court could have been organized, but +there would have been forty-four judges instead of fifteen, the number +suggested in the American plan. The Draft Convention for the +Establishment of the Court of Arbitral Justice, as it was agreed the +new court should be designated, was submitted to the Conference and its +adoption recommended to the signatory powers. This Draft contained +thirty-five articles and covered everything except the method of +appointing judges. This question was to be settled by diplomatic +negotiation, and it was agreed that the court should be established as +soon as a satisfactory agreement with regard to the choice of judges +could be reached. After the adjournment of the Conference the United +States continued its advocacy of the international court of justice +through the ordinary diplomatic channels. The proposal was made that +the method of selecting judges for the Prize Court be adopted for the +court of justice, that is, that each power should appoint a judge, that +the judges of the larger powers should always sit on the court while +the judges of the other powers should sit by a system of rotation for +limited periods. It was found, however, that many of the smaller +states were unwilling to accept this suggestion, and as difficulties +which we will mention presently prevented the establishment of the +Prize Court, the whole question of the court of justice was postponed. + +Most of the conventions adopted by the second Hague Conference were +ratified by the United States without reservation. The fact, however, +that certain of these conventions were not ratified by all the powers +represented at the Conference, and that others were ratified with +important reservations, left the status of most of the conventions in +doubt, so that at the beginning of the World War there was great +confusion as to what rules were binding and what were not binding. The +Conference found it impossible to arrive at an agreement on many of the +most vital questions of maritime law. Under these circumstances the +powers were not willing to have the proposed International Prize Court +established without the previous codification of the body of law which +was to govern its decisions. + +In order to supply this need the London Naval Conference was convened +in December, 1908, and issued a few months later the Declaration of +London. The London Naval Conference was attended by representatives of +the principal maritime powers including the United States, and the +Declaration which it issued was avowedly a codification of the existing +rules of international law. This was not true, however, of all the +provisions of the Declaration. On several of the most vital questions +of maritime law, such as blockade, the doctrine of continuous voyage, +the destruction of neutral prizes, and the inclusion of food stuffs in +the list of conditional contraband, the Declaration was a compromise +and therefore unsatisfactory. It encountered from the start the most +violent opposition in England. In Parliament the Naval Prize Bill, +which was to give the Declaration effect, was discussed at considerable +length. It passed the House of Commons by a small vote, but was +defeated in the House of Lords. It was denounced by the press, and a +petition to the king, drawn up by the Imperial Maritime League +protesting against it, was signed by a long list of commercial +associations, mayors, members of the House of Lords, general officers, +and other public officials. One hundred and thirty-eight naval +officers of flag rank addressed to the prime minister a public protest +against the Declaration. In the debate in the House of Lords the main +objections to the Declaration were (1) that it made food stuffs +conditional contraband instead of placing them on the free list, (2) +that the clause permitting the seizure of conditional contraband bound +for a fortified place or "other place serving as a base for the armed +forces of the enemy" would render all English ports liable to be +treated as bases by an enemy, and (3) that it permitted the destruction +of neutral prizes. + +The refusal of England to ratify the Declaration of London sealed its +fate. The United States Senate formally ratified it, but this +ratification was, of course, conditional on the ratification of other +powers. At the beginning of the Great War the United States made a +formal proposal to the belligerent powers that they should agree to +adopt the Declaration for the period of the war in order that there +might be a definite body of law for all parties concerned. This +proposal was accepted by Germany and Austria, but England, France, and +Russia were not willing to accept the Declaration of London without +modifications. The United States, therefore, promptly withdrew its +proposal and stated that where its rights as a neutral were concerned +it would expect the belligerent powers to observe the recognized rules +of international law and existing treaties. + +The Hague Conferences were concerned with questions of general +international interest, and had no bearing upon the internal affairs of +states. Such, however, was not the character of the conference which +convened at Algeciras, Spain, in December, 1905, for the purpose of +adjusting the very serious dispute that had arisen between France and +Germany over the status of Morocco. France had been engaged for some +years in the peaceful penetration of Morocco. By the terms of the +Entente of 1904 England recognized Morocco as being within the French +sphere of influence and France agreed to recognize England's position +in Egypt. The German Kaiser had no idea of permitting any part of the +world to be divided up without his consent. In March, 1905, while on a +cruise in the Mediterranean, he disembarked at Tangier and paid a visit +to the Sultan "in his character of independent sovereign." As the +Russian armies had just suffered disastrous defeats at the hands of the +Japanese, France could not count on aid from her ally and the Kaiser +did not believe that the recently formed Entente was strong enough to +enable her to count on English support. His object in landing at +Tangier was, therefore, to check and humiliate France while she was +isolated and to break up the Entente before it should develop into an +alliance. Delcassé, the French foreign minister, wanted to stand firm, +but Germany demanded his retirement and the prime minister accepted his +resignation. In recognition of this triumph, the German chancellor +Count von Bülow was given the title of Prince. Not satisfied with this +achievement, the Kaiser demanded a general European conference on the +Moroccan question, and, in order to avoid war, President Roosevelt +persuaded France to submit the whole dispute to the powers interested. +The Algeciras conference turned out to be a bitter disappointment to +Germany. Not only did France receive the loyal support of England, but +she was also backed by the United States and even by Italy--a warning +to Germany that the Triple Alliance was in danger. As the conference +was called nominally for the purpose of instituting certain +administrative reforms in Morocco, President Roosevelt decided, in view +of our rights under a commercial treaty of 1880, to take part in the +proceedings. The American delegates were Henry White, at that time +ambassador to Italy, and Samuel R. Gummeré, minister to Morocco. As +the United States professed to have no political interests at stake, +its delegates were instrumental in composing many of the difficulties +that arose during the conference and their influence was exerted to +preserve the European balance of power. The facts in regard to +America's part in this conference were carefully concealed from the +public. There was nothing in any published American document to +indicate that the participation of our representatives was anything +more than casual. André Tardieu, the well-known French publicist, who +reported the conference and later published his impressions in book +form, first indicated that President Roosevelt was a positive factor in +the proceedings. But it was not until the publication of Bishop's +"Theodore Roosevelt and His Time" that the full extent of Roosevelt's +activities in this connection became known. + +There can be no doubt that our participation in the Moroccan conference +was the most radical departure ever made from our traditional policy of +isolation. Roosevelt's influence was exerted for preserving the +balance of power in Europe. As we look back upon the events of that +year we feel, in view of what has since happened, that he was fully +justified in the course he pursued. Had his motives for participating +in the conference been known at the time, they would not have been +upheld either by the Senate or by public opinion. There are many +serious objections to secret diplomacy, but it cannot be entirely done +away with even under a republican form of government until the people +are educated to a fuller understanding of international politics. The +German Kaiser was relentless in his attempt to score a diplomatic +triumph while France was isolated. He was thwarted, however, by the +moral support which England, Italy, and the United States gave to +France. + +During the proceedings of the conference the American delegates +declared in open session that the United States had no political +interest in Morocco and that they would sign the treaty only with the +understanding that the United States would thereby assume no +"obligation or responsibility for the enforcement thereof." This +declaration did not satisfy the United States Senate, which no doubt +suspected the part that was actually played by America in the +conference. At any rate, when the treaty was finally ratified the +Senate attached to its resolution of ratification the following +declaration: + +"Resolved further. That the Senate, as a part of this act of +ratification, understands that the participation of the United States +in the Algeciras conference and in the formation and adoption of the +general act and protocol which resulted therefrom, was with the sole +purpose of preserving and increasing its commerce in Morocco, the +protection as to life, liberty, and property of its citizens residing +or traveling therein, and of aiding by its friendly offices and +efforts, in removing friction and controversy which seemed to menace +the peace between powers signatory with the United States to the treaty +of 1880, all of which are on terms of amity with this Government; and +without purpose to depart from the traditional American foreign policy +which forbids participation by the United States in the settlement of +political questions which are entirely European in their scope." + +The determination of the United States not to interfere in the internal +politics of European States has not prevented occasional protests in +the name of humanity against the harsh treatment accorded the Jews in +certain European countries. On July 17, 1902, Secretary Hay protested +in a note to the Rumanian government against a policy which was forcing +thousands of Jews to emigrate from that country. The United States, he +claimed, had more than a philanthropic interest in this matter, for the +enforced emigration of the Jews from Rumania in a condition of utter +destitution was "the mere transplantation of an artificially produced +diseased growth to a new place"; and, as the United States was +practically their only place of refuge, we had a clearly established +right of remonstrance. In the case of Russia information has +repeatedly been sought through diplomatic channels as to the extent of +destitution among the Jewish population, and permission has been +requested for the distribution of relief funds raised in the United +States. Such inquiries have been so framed as to amount to diplomatic +protests. In his annual message of 1904 President Roosevelt went +further and openly expressed the horror of the nation at the massacre +of the Jews at Kishenef. These protests, however, were purely +diplomatic in character. There was not the slightest hint at +intervention. During the early stages of the Great War in Europe the +Government of the United States endeavored to adhere strictly to its +historic policy. The German invasion of Belgium with its attendant +horrors made a deep impression upon the American people and aroused +their fighting spirit even more perhaps than the German policy of +submarine warfare, but it was on the latter issue, in which the +interests and rights of the United States were directly involved, that +we finally entered the war. + + + + +V + +THE OPEN-DOOR POLICY + +In the Orient American diplomacy has had a somewhat freer hand than in +Europe. Commodore Perry's expedition to Japan in 1852-1854 was quite a +radical departure from the general policy of attending strictly to our +own business. It would hardly have been undertaken against a country +lying within the European sphere of influence. There were, it is true, +certain definite grievances to redress, but the main reason for the +expedition was that Japan refused to recognize her obligations as a +member of the family of nations and closed her ports to all intercourse +with the outside world. American sailors who had been shipwrecked on +the coast of Japan had failed to receive the treatment usually accorded +by civilized nations. Finally the United States decided to send a +naval force to Japan and to force that country to abandon her policy of +exclusion and to open her ports to intercourse with other countries. +Japan yielded only under the threat of superior force. The conduct of +the expedition, as well as our subsequent diplomatic negotiations with +Japan, was highly creditable to the United States, and the Japanese +people later erected a monument to the memory of Perry on the spot +where he first landed. + +The acquisition of the Philippine Islands tended to bring us more fully +into the current of world politics, but it did not necessarily disturb +the balancing of European and American spheres as set up by President +Monroe. Various explanations have been given of President McKinley's +decision to retain the Philippine group, but the whole truth has in all +probability not yet been fully revealed. The partition of China +through the establishment of European spheres of influence was well +under way when the Philippine Islands came within our grasp. American +commerce with China was at this time second to that of England alone, +and the concessions which were being wrung from China by the European +powers in such rapid succession presented a bad outlook for us. The +United States could not follow the example of the powers of Europe, for +the seizure of a sphere of influence in China would not have been +supported by the Senate or upheld by public opinion. It is probable +that President McKinley thought that the Philippine Islands would not +only provide a market for American goods, which owing to the Dingley +tariff were beginning to face retaliatory legislation abroad, but that +they would provide a naval base which would be of great assistance in +upholding our interests in China. + +Talcott Williams made public some years later another explanation of +President McKinley's decision which is interesting and appears to be +well vouched for. He was informed by a member of McKinley's cabinet +that while the President's mind was not yet made up on the question, a +personal communication was received from Lord Salisbury who warned the +President that Germany was preparing to take over the Philippine +Islands in case the United States should withdraw; that such a step +would probably precipitate a world war and that in the interests of +peace and harmony it would be best for the United States to retain the +entire group. + +The famous open-door policy was outlined by Secretary Hay in notes +dated September 6, 1899, addressed to Great Britain, Germany, and +Russia. Each of these powers was requested to give assurance and to +make a declaration to the following effect: (1) that it would not +interfere with any treaty port or vested interests in its so-called +sphere of influence; (2) that it would permit the Chinese tariff to +continue in force in such sphere and to be collected by Chinese +officials; (3) that it would not discriminate against other foreigners +in the matter of port dues or railroad rates. Similar notes were later +addressed to France, Italy, and Japan. England alone expressed her +willingness to sign such a declaration. The other powers, while +professing thorough accord with the principles set forth by Mr. Hay, +avoided committing themselves to a formal declaration and no such +declaration was ever made. Mr. Hay made a skillful move, however, to +clinch matters by informing each of the powers to whom the note had +been addressed that in view of the favorable replies from the other +powers, its acceptance of the proposals of the United States was +considered "as final and definitive." + +Americans generally are under the impression that John Hay originated +the open-door policy and that it was successfully upheld by the United +States. Neither of these impressions is correct. A few months before +John Hay formulated his famous note Lord Charles Beresford came through +America on his return from China and addressed the leading chambers of +commerce from San Francisco to New York, telling Americans what was +actually taking place in China and urging this country to unite with +England and Japan in an effort to maintain the open door. Like the +Monroe Doctrine, the open-door policy was thus Anglo-American in +origin. There is little doubt that England and Japan were willing to +form an alliance with the United States for the purpose of maintaining +the open door in China, but our traditional policy of isolation +prevented our committing ourselves to the employment of force. +President McKinley, following the example of President Monroe, +preferred announcing our policy independently and requesting the other +powers to consent to it. Had John Hay been able to carry out the plan +which he favored of an alliance with England and Japan, the mere +announcement of the fact would have been sufficient to check the +aggressions of the powers in China. Instead of such an alliance, +however, we let it be known that while we favored the open door we +would not fight for it under any conditions. + +The utter worthlessness of the replies that were made in response to +Hay's note of September 6, 1899, became fully apparent in the +discussions that soon arose as to the status of consuls in the various +spheres of influence. Japan claimed that sovereignty did not pass with +a lease and that even if China should surrender jurisdiction over her +own people, the lessee governments could not acquire jurisdiction over +foreigners in leased territory. This position was undoubtedly correct +if the territorial integrity of China was really to be preserved, but +after negotiations with Russia and the other powers concerned Mr. Hay +wrote to Minister Conger on February 3, 1900, that "The United States +consuls in districts adjacent to the foreign leased territories are to +be instructed that they have no authority to exercise extra-territorial +consular jurisdiction or to perform ordinary non-judicial consular acts +within the leased territory under their present Chinese exequaturs." +Application was then made to the European powers for the admission of +American consuls in the leased territories for the performance of the +ordinary consular functions, but in no case were they to exercise +extra-territorial jurisdiction within a leased territory. + +The exploitation of China which continued at a rapid rate naturally +aroused an intense anti-foreign sentiment and led to the Boxer +uprising. Events moved with startling rapidity and United States +troops took a prominent part with those of England, France, Russia, and +Japan in the march to Peking for the relief of the legations. In a +note to the powers July 3, 1900, Secretary Hay, in defining the +attitude of the United States on the Chinese question, said: "The +policy of the government of the United States is to seek a solution +which may bring about permanent safety and peace to China, preserve +Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect all rights +guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international law, and +safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with +all parts of the Chinese empire." Mr. Hay's notes were skillfully +worded and had some influence in helping to formulate public opinion on +the Chinese question both in this country and abroad, but we know now +from his private letters which have recently been made public that he +realized only too fully the utter futility of his efforts to stay the +course of events. During the exciting days of June, 1900, when the +foreign legations at Peking were in a state of siege, Mr. Hay wrote to +John W. Foster as follows: + +"What can be done in the present diseased state of the public mind? +There is such a mad-dog hatred of England prevalent among newspapers +and politicians that anything we should now do in China to take care of +our imperiled interests would be set down to 'subservience to Great +Britain'. . . . Every Senator I see says, 'For God's sake, don't let +it appear we have any understanding with England.' How can I make +bricks without straw? That we should be compelled to refuse the +assistance of the greatest power in the world, in carrying out our own +policy, because all Irishmen are Democrats and some Germans are +fools--is enough to drive a man mad. Yet we shall do what we can." + +A little later (September 20, 1900) in confidential letters to Henry +Adams, he exclaimed: + +"About China, it is the devil's own mess. We cannot possibly publish +all the facts without breaking off relations with several Powers. We +shall have to do the best we can, and take the consequences, which will +be pretty serious, I do not doubt. 'Give and take'--the axiom of +diplomacy to the rest of the world--is positively forbidden to us, by +both the Senate and public opinion. We must take what we can and give +nothing--which greatly narrows our possibilities. + +"I take it, you agree with us that we are to limit as far as possible +our military operations in China, to withdraw our troops at the +earliest day consistent with our obligations, and in the final +adjustment to do everything we can for the integrity and reform of +China, and to hold on like grim death to the Open Door. . . ." + +Again, November 21, 1900: + +"What a business this has been in China! So far we have got on by +being honest and naïf. . . . At least we are spared the infamy of an +alliance with Germany. I would rather, I think, be the dupe of China, +than the chum of the Kaiser. Have you noticed how the world will take +anything nowadays from a German? Bülow said yesterday in +substance--'We have demanded of China everything we can think of. If +we think of anything else we will demand that, and be d--d to you'--and +not a man in the world kicks." + +During the long negotiations that followed the occupation of Peking by +the powers, the United States threw the weight of its influence on the +side of moderation, urging the powers not to impose too many burdens on +China and declaring that the only hope for the future lay in a strong, +independent, responsible Chinese government. Contrary to the terms of +the final protocol, however, Russia retained in Manchuria the troops +concentrated there during the Boxer movement with a view to exacting +further concessions from China. The open-door policy was again +ignored. The seriousness of the situation led England and Japan to +sign a defensive agreement January 30, 1902, recognizing England's +interest in China and Japan's interest in Korea, and providing that if +either party should be attacked in defense of its interest, the other +party would remain neutral, unless a third power joined in, in which +event the second party would come to the assistance of the first. A +formal protest made by the United States, February 1, against some of +the demands Russia was making on China led Russia to conclude that the +American government had an understanding with England and Japan, but +Mr. Hay gave the assurance that he had known nothing about the +Anglo-Japanese agreement until it was made public. He succeeded in +securing from Russia, however, a definite promise to evacuate +Manchuria, but as the time for the withdrawal of her troops drew near, +Russia again imposed new conditions on China, and deliberately +misrepresented to the United States the character of the new proposals. + +After the suppression of the Boxer uprising, China had agreed to extend +the scope of her commercial treaties with the powers. When the +negotiation of a new treaty with the United States was begun, our +representative demanded that at least two new ports in Manchuria be +opened to foreign trade and residence. The Chinese commissioners +declined to discuss the subject on the alleged ground that they had no +instructions to do so. It was evident that there was secret opposition +somewhere, and after considerable difficulty Mr. Hay finally secured +evidence that it came from Russia. When confronted with the evidence +the Russian Government finally admitted the facts. We were told that +we could not be admitted to one of the ports that we had designated +because it was situated within the Russian railway zone, and therefore +not under the complete jurisdiction of China, but that another port +would be substituted for it. Secretary Hay and President Roosevelt +were helpless. They accepted what they could get and kept quiet. "The +administrative entity" of China was again utterly ignored. The +difficulty was that we did not have a strong enough navy in the Pacific +to fight Russia alone, and President Roosevelt and Secretary Hay +realized that neither the Senate nor public opinion would consent to an +alliance with England and Japan. Had these three powers made a joint +declaration in support of the open-door policy, the exploitation of +China would have ceased, there would have been no Russo-Japanese war, +and the course of world history during the period that has since +intervened might have been very different. + +When we backed down and abandoned Manchuria to Russian exploitation +Japan stepped into the breach. After long negotiations the Japanese +Government finally delivered an ultimatum to Russia which resulted in +the rupture of diplomatic relations and war. After a series of notable +victories on land and sea Japan was fast approaching the end of her +resources, and it is now an open secret that the Emperor wrote a +personal letter to President Roosevelt requesting him to intervene +diplomatically and pave the way for peace. The President was quick to +act on the suggestion and the commissioners of Russia and Japan met at +Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Here President Roosevelt's intervention +should have ceased. The terms of the Treaty of Portsmouth were a +bitter disappointment to the Japanese people and the Japanese +commissioners undertook to shift the burden from their shoulders by +stating that President Roosevelt had urged them to surrender their +claim to the Island of Saghalien and to give up all idea of an +indemnity. Japanese military triumph had again, as at the close of the +Chino-Japanese War, been followed by diplomatic defeat, and for this +defeat Japanese public opinion held President Roosevelt responsible. +From the days of Commodore Perry and Townsend Harris to the Treaty of +Portsmouth, relations between the United States and Japan had been +almost ideal. Since the negotiations at Portsmouth there has been a +considerable amount of bad feeling, and at times diplomatic relations +have been subjected to a severe strain. + +Having fought a costly war in order to check the Russian advance in +Manchuria, the Japanese naturally felt that they had a paramount +interest in China. They consequently sharply resented the attempts +which the United States subsequently made, particularly Secretary +Knox's proposal for the neutralization of the railways of Manchuria, to +formulate policies for China. They took the position that we had had +our day and that we must henceforth remain hands off so far as China +was concerned. This attitude of mind was not unnatural and during the +World War the United States, in order to bind the Japanese government +more closely to the Allied Cause, agreed to recognize, in the +Lansing-Ishii agreement, the "special interests" of Japan in China. + + + + +VI + +ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS + +A few years ago George L. Beer, one of our leading students of British +colonial policy, said "It is easily conceivable, and not at all +improbable, that the political evolution of the next centuries may take +such a course that the American Revolution will lose the great +significance that is now attached to it, and will appear merely as the +temporary separation of two kindred peoples whose inherent similarity +was obscured by superficial differences resulting from dissimilar +economic and social conditions." This statement does not appear as +extravagant to-day as it did ten years ago. As early as 1894, Captain +Mahan, the great authority on naval history, published an essay +entitled "Possibilities of an Anglo-American Reunion," in which he +pointed out that these two countries were the only great powers which +were by geographical position exempt from the burden of large armies +and dependent upon the sea for intercourse with the other great nations. + +In a volume dealing with questions of American foreign policy, +published in 1907, the present writer concluded the last paragraph with +this statement: "By no means the least significant of recent changes is +the development of cordial relations with England; and it seems now +that the course of world politics is destined to lead to the further +reknitting together of the two great branches of the Anglo-Saxon race +in bonds of peace and international sympathy, in a union not cemented +by any formal alliance, but based on community of interests and of +aims, a union that will constitute the highest guarantee of the +political stability and moral progress of the world." + +The United States has very naturally had closer contact with England +than with any other European power. This has been due to the fact that +England was the mother country, that after independence was established +a large part of our trade continued to be with the British Isles, that +our northern boundary touches British territory for nearly four +thousand miles, and that the British navy and mercantile marine have +dominated the Atlantic Ocean which has been our chief highway of +intercourse with other nations. Having had more points of contact we +have had more disputes with England than with any other nation. Some +writers have half jocularly attributed this latter fact to our common +language. The Englishman reads our books, papers, and magazines, and +knows what we think of him, while we read what he writes about us, and +in neither case is the resulting impression flattering to the national +pride. + +Any one who takes the trouble to read what was written in England about +America and the Americans between 1820 and 1850 will wonder how war was +avoided. A large number of English travellers came to the United +States during this period and published books about us when they got +home. The books were bad enough in themselves, but the great English +periodicals, the _Edinburgh Review_, _Blackwood's_, the _British +Review_, and the _Quarterly_, quoted at length the most objectionable +passages from these writers and made malicious attacks on Americans and +American institutions. American men were described as "turbulent +citizens, abandoned Christians, inconstant husbands, unnatural fathers, +and treacherous friends." Our soldiers and sailors were charged with +cowardice in the War of 1812. It was stated that "in the southern +parts of the Union the rites of our holy faith are almost never +practised. . . . Three and a half millions enjoy no means of religious +instruction. The religious principle is gaining ground in the northern +parts of the Union; it is becoming fashionable among the better orders +of society to go to church . . . The greater number of states declare +it to be unconstitutional to refer to the providence of God in any of +their public acts." The _Quarterly Review_ informed its readers that +"the supreme felicity of a true-born American is inaction of body and +inanity of mind." Dickens's _American Notes_ was an ungrateful return +for the kindness and enthusiasm with which he had been received in this +country. De Tocqueville's _Democracy in America_ was widely read in +England and doubtless had its influence in revising opinion concerning +America. Richard Cobden was, however, the first Englishman to +interpret correctly the significance of America as an economic force. +His essay on America, published in 1835, pointed out that British +policy should be more concerned with economic relations with America +than with European politics. As Professor Dunning says, "Cobden made +the United States the text of his earliest sermon against militarism +and protectionism." + +Notwithstanding innumerable disputes over boundaries, fisheries, and +fur seals, trade with the British West Indies and Canada, and questions +of neutral rights and obligations, we have had unbroken peace for more +than a hundred years. Upon several occasions, notably during the +Canadian insurrection of 1837 and during our own Civil War, +disturbances along the Canadian border created strained relations, but +absence of frontier guards and forts has prevented hasty action on the +part of either government. The agreement of 1817, effecting +disarmament on the Great Lakes, has not only saved both countries the +enormous cost of maintaining navies on these inland waters, but it has +prevented hostile demonstrations in times of crisis. + +During the Canadian rebellion of 1837 Americans along the border +expressed openly their sympathy for the insurgents who secured arms and +munitions from the American side. In December a British force crossed +the Niagara River, boarded and took possession of the _Caroline_, a +vessel which had been hired by the insurgents to convey their cannon +and other supplies. The ship was fired and sent over the Falls. When +the _Caroline_ was boarded one American, Amos Durfee, was killed and +several others wounded. The United States at once demanded redress, +but the British Government took the position that the seizure of the +_Caroline_ was a justifiable act of self-defense against people whom +their own government either could not or would not control. + +The demands of the United States were still unredressed when in 1840 a +Canadian named Alexander McLeod made the boast in a tavern on the +American side that he had slain Durfee. He was taken at his word, +examined before a magistrate, and committed to jail in Lockport. +McLeod's arrest created great excitement on both sides of the border. +The British minister at Washington called upon the Government of the +United States "to take prompt and effectual steps for the liberation of +Mr. McLeod." Secretary of State Forsyth replied that the offense with +which McLeod was charged had been committed within the State of New +York; that the jurisdiction of each State of the United States was, +within its proper sphere, perfectly independent of the Federal +Government; that the latter could not interfere. The date set for the +trial of McLeod was the fourth Monday in March, 1841. Van Buren's term +ended and Harrison's began on the 4th of March, and Webster became +Secretary of State. The British minister was given instructions by his +government to demand the immediate release of McLeod. This demand was +made, he said, because the attack on the _Caroline_ was an act of a +public character; because it was a justifiable use of force for the +defense of British territory against unprovoked attack by "British +rebels and American pirates"; because it was contrary to the principles +of civilized nations to hold individuals responsible for acts done by +order of the constituted authorities of the State; and because Her +Majesty's government could not admit the doctrine that the Federal +Government had no power to interfere and that the decision must rest +with the State of New York. The relations of foreign powers were with +the Federal Government. To admit that the Federal Government had no +control over a State would lead to the dissolution of the Union so far +as foreign powers were concerned, and to the accrediting of foreign +diplomatic agents, not to the Federal Government, but to each separate +State. Webster received the note quietly and sent the attorney-general +to Lockport to see that McLeod had competent counsel. After +considerable delay, during which Webster replied to the main arguments +of the British note, McLeod was acquitted and released. + +In the midst of the dispute over the case of the _Caroline_ serious +trouble arose between the authorities of Maine and New Brunswick over +the undetermined boundary between the St. Croix River and the +Highlands, and there ensued the so-called "Aroostook War." During the +summer of 1838 British and American lumbermen began operating along the +Aroostook River in large numbers. The governor of Maine sent a body of +militia to enforce the authority of that State, and the New Brunswick +authorities procured a detachment of British regulars to back up their +position. Bloodshed was averted by the arrival of General Winfield +Scott, who managed to restrain the Maine authorities. The +administration found it necessary to take up seriously the settlement +of the boundary question, and for the next three years the matter was +under consideration, while each side had surveyors employed in a vain +attempt to locate a line which would correspond to the line of the +treaty. As soon as the McLeod affair was settled, Webster devoted +himself earnestly to the boundary question. He decided to drop the +mass of data accumulated by the surveyors and historians, and to reach +an agreement by direct negotiation. + +In April, 1842, Alexander Baring, Lord Ashburton, arrived in Washington +and the following August the Webster-Ashburton treaty was signed. The +boundary fixed by the treaty gave Maine a little more than half the +area which she claimed and the United States appropriated $150,000 to +compensate Maine for the territory which she had lost. + +The settlement of these matters did not, however, insure peace with +England. Settlers were crowding into Oregon and it was evident that +the joint occupation, established by the convention of 1818, would soon +have to be terminated and a divisional line agreed upon. Great Britain +insisted that her southern boundary should extend at least as far as +the Columbia River, while Americans finally claimed the whole of the +disputed area, and one of the slogans of the presidential campaign of +1844 was "Fifty-Four-Forty or Fight." At the same time Great Britain +actively opposed the annexation of Texas by the United States. Her +main reason for this course was that she wished to encourage the +development of Texas as a cotton-growing country from which she could +draw a large enough supply to make her independent of the United +States. If Texas should thus devote herself to the production of +cotton as her chief export crop, she would, of course, adopt a +free-trade policy and thus create a considerable market for British +goods. + +As soon as it became evident that Tyler contemplated taking definite +steps toward annexation, Lord Aberdeen secured the coöperation of the +government of Louis Philippe in opposing the absorption of Texas by the +American republic. While the treaty for the annexation of Texas was +before the Senate, Lord Aberdeen came forward with a proposition that +England and France should unite with Texas and Mexico in a diplomatic +act or perpetual treaty, securing to Texas recognition as an +independent republic, but preventing her from ever acquiring territory +beyond the Rio Grande or joining the American union. While the United +States would be invited to join in this act, it was not expected that +the government of that country would agree to it. Mexico obstinately +refused to recognize the independence of Texas. Lord Aberdeen was so +anxious to prevent the annexation of Texas that he was ready, if +supported by France, to coerce Mexico and fight the United States, but +the French Government was not willing to go this far, so the scheme was +abandoned. + +The two foremost issues in the campaign of 1844 were the annexation of +Texas and the occupation of Oregon. Texas was annexed by joint +resolution a few days before the inauguration of Polk. This act, it +was foreseen, would probably provoke a war with Mexico, so Polk's first +task was to adjust the Oregon dispute in order to avoid complications +with England. The fate of California was also involved. That province +was not likely to remain long in the hands of a weak power like Mexico. +In fact, British consular agents and naval officers had for several +years been urging upon their government the great value of Upper +California. Aberdeen refused to countenance any insurrectionary +movement in California, but he directed his agents to keep vigilant +watch on the proceedings of citizens of the United States in that +province. Had England and Mexico arrived at an understanding and +joined in a war against the United States, the probabilities are that +England would have acquired not only the whole of Oregon, but +California besides. In fact, in May, 1846, just as we were on the +point of going to war with Mexico, the president of Mexico officially +proposed to transfer California to England as security for a loan. +Fortunately, the Oregon question had been adjusted and England had no +reason for wishing to go to war with the United States. Mexico's offer +was therefore rejected. Polk managed the diplomatic situation with +admirable promptness and firmness. Notwithstanding the fact that the +democratic platform had demanded "Fifty-Four-Forty or Fight," as soon +as Polk became President he offered to compromise with England on the +49th parallel. When this offer was declined he asked permission of +Congress to give England the necessary notice for the termination of +the joint occupation agreement, to provide for the military defense of +the territory in dispute, and to extend over it the laws of the United +States. A few months later notice was given to England, but at the +same time the hope was expressed that the matter might be adjusted +diplomatically. As soon as it was evident that the United States was +in earnest, England gracefully yielded and accepted the terms which had +been first proposed. + +As war with Mexico was imminent the public generally approved of the +Oregon compromise, though the criticism was made by some in the North +that the South, having secured in Texas a large addition to slave +territory, was indifferent about the expansion of free territory. In +fact, Henry Cabot Lodge, in his recent little book, "One Hundred Years +of Peace," says: "The loss of the region between the forty-ninth +parallel and the line of 54-40 was one of the most severe which ever +befell the United States. Whether it could have been obtained without +a war is probably doubtful, but it never ought to have been said, +officially or otherwise, that we would fight for 54-40 unless we were +fully prepared to do so. If we had stood firm for the line of 54-40 +without threats, it is quite possible that we might have succeeded in +the end; but the hypotheses of history are of little practical value, +and the fact remains that by the treaty of 1846 we lost a complete +control of the Pacific coast." + +That the United States lived through what Professor Dunning calls "the +roaring forties" without a war with England seems now little less than +a miracle. During the next fifteen years relations were much more +amicable, though by no means free from disputes. The most important +diplomatic act was the signature in 1850 of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty +which conceded to England a joint interest in any canal that might be +built through the isthmus connecting North and South America. One of +the interesting episodes of this period was the dismissal of Crampton, +the British minister, who insisted on enlisting men in the United +States for service in the Crimean War, an act which pales into +insignificance in comparison with some of the things which Bernstorff +did during the early stages of the Great War. + +Relations between the United States and England during the American +Civil War involved so many highly technical questions that it is +impossible to do more than touch upon them in the present connection. +Diplomatic discussions centred about such questions as the validity of +the blockade established by President Lincoln, the recognition by +England of Confederate belligerency, the _Trent_ affair, and the +responsibility of England for the depredations committed by the +_Alabama_ and other Confederate cruisers. When the United States first +demanded reparation for the damage inflicted on American commerce by +the Confederate cruisers, the British Government disclaimed all +liability on the ground that the fitting out of the cruisers had not +been completed within British jurisdiction. Even after the close of +the war the British Government continued to reject all proposals for a +settlement. The American nation, flushed with victory, was bent on +redress, and so deep-seated was the resentment against England, that +the Fenian movement, which had for its object the establishment of an +independent republic in Ireland, met with open encouragement in this +country. The House of Representatives went so far as to repeal the law +forbidding Americans to fit out ships for belligerents, but the Senate +failed to concur. The successful war waged by Prussia against Austria +in 1866 disturbed the European balance, and rumblings of the +approaching Franco-Prussian war caused uneasiness in British cabinet +circles. Fearing that if Great Britain were drawn into the conflict +the American people might take a sweet revenge by fitting out +"Alabamas" for her enemies, the British Government assumed a more +conciliatory attitude, and in January, 1869, Lord Clarendon signed with +Reverdy Johnson a convention providing for the submission to a mixed +commission of all claims which had arisen since 1853. Though the +convention included, it did not specifically mention, the _Alabama_ +Claims, and it failed to contain any expression of regret for the +course pursued by the British Government during the war. The Senate, +therefore, refused by an almost unanimous vote to ratify the +arrangement. + +When Grant became President, Hamilton Fish renewed the negotiations +through Motley, the American minister at London, but the latter was +unduly influenced by the extreme views of Sumner, chairman of the +Senate committee on foreign relations, to whose influence he owed his +appointment, and got things in a bad tangle. Fish then transferred the +negotiations to Washington, where a joint high commission, appointed to +settle the various disputes with Canada, convened in 1871. A few +months later the treaty of Washington was signed. Among other things +it provided for submitting the _Alabama_ Claims to an arbitration +tribunal composed of five members, one appointed by England, one by the +United States, and the other three by the rulers of Italy, Switzerland, +and Brazil. When this tribunal met at Geneva, the following year, the +United States, greatly to the surprise of everybody, presented not only +the direct claims for the damage inflicted by the Confederate cruisers, +but also indirect claims for the loss sustained through the transfer of +American shipping to foreign flags, for the prolongation of the war, +and for increased rates of insurance. Great Britain threatened to +withdraw from the arbitration, but Charles Francis Adams, the American +member of the tribunal, rose nobly to the occasion and decided against +the contention of his own government. The indirect claims were +rejected by a unanimous vote and on the direct claims the United States +was awarded the sum of $15,500,000. Although the British member of the +tribunal dissented from the decision his government promptly paid the +award. This was the most important case that had ever been submitted +to arbitration and its successful adjustment encouraged the hope that +the two great branches of the English-speaking peoples would never +again have to resort to war. + +Between the settlement of the _Alabama_ Claims and the controversy over +the Venezuelan boundary, diplomatic intercourse between the two +countries was enlivened by the efforts of Blaine and Frelinghuysen to +convince the British Government that the Clayton-Bulwer treaty was out +of date and therefore no longer binding, by the assertion of American +ownership in the seal herds of Bering Sea and the attempt to prevent +Canadians from taking these animals in the open sea, and by the summary +dismissal of Lord Sackville-West, the third British minister to receive +his passports from the United States without request. + +President Cleveland's bold assertion of the Monroe Doctrine in the +Venezuelan boundary dispute, while the subject of much criticism at the +time both at home and abroad, turned out to be a most opportune +assertion of the intention of the United States to protect the American +continents from the sort of exploitation to which Africa and Asia have +fallen a prey, and, strange to say, it had a clarifying effect on our +relations with England, whose attitude has since been uniformly +friendly. + +The Venezuelan affair was followed by the proposal of Lord Salisbury to +renew the negotiations for a permanent treaty of arbitration which had +been first entered into by Secretary Gresham and Sir Julian Pauncefote. +In the spring of 1890 the Congress of the United States had adopted a +resolution in favor of the negotiation of arbitration treaties with +friendly nations, and the British House of Commons had in July, 1893, +expressed its hearty approval of a general arbitration treaty between +the United States and England. The matter was then taken up +diplomatically, as stated above, but was dropped when the Venezuelan +boundary dispute became acute. Lord Salisbury's proposal was favorably +received by President Cleveland, and after mature deliberation the +draft of a treaty was finally drawn up and signed by Secretary Olney +and Sir Julian Pauncefote. This treaty provided for the submission of +pecuniary claims to the familiar mixed commission with an umpire or +referee to decide disputed points. Controversies involving the +determination of territorial claims were to be submitted to a tribunal +composed of six members, three justices of the Supreme Court of the +United States or judges of the Circuit Court to be nominated by the +president of the United States, and three judges of the British Supreme +Court of Judicature or members of the Judicial Committee of the Privy +Council to be nominated by the British sovereign, and an award made by +a majority of not less than five to one was to be final. In case of an +award made by less than the prescribed majority, the award was also to +be final unless either power should within three months protest against +it, in which case the award was to be of no validity. This treaty was +concluded in January, 1897, and promptly submitted to the Senate. When +President Cleveland's term expired in March no action had been taken. +President McKinley endorsed the treaty in his inaugural address and +urged the Senate to take prompt action, but when the vote was taken, +May 5th, it stood forty-three for, and twenty-six against, the treaty. +It thus lacked three votes of the two thirds required for ratification. +The failure of this treaty was a great disappointment to the friends of +international arbitration. The opposition within his own party to +President Cleveland, under whose direction the treaty had been +negotiated, and the change of administration, probably had a good deal +to do with its defeat. Public opinion, especially in the Northern +States of the Union, was still hostile to England. Irish agitators +could always get a sympathetic hearing in America, and politicians +could not resist the temptation to play on anti-British prejudices in +order to bring out the Irish vote. + +The Spanish War was the turning point in our relations with England as +in many other things. The question as to who were our friends in 1898 +was much discussed at the time, and when revived by the press upon the +occasion of the visit of Prince Henry of Prussia to the United States +in February, 1902, even the cabinets of Europe could not refrain from +taking part in the controversy. In order to diminish the enthusiasm +over the Prince's visit the British press circulated the story that +Lord Pauncefote had checked a movement of the European powers to +prevent any intervention of the United States in Cuba; while the German +papers asserted that Lord Pauncefote had taken the initiative in +opposing American intervention. It is certain that the attitude of the +British Government, as well as of the British people, from the outbreak +of hostilities to the close of the war, was friendly. As for Germany, +while the conduct of the government was officially correct, public +sentiment expressed itself with great violence against the United +States. The conduct of the German admiral, Diederichs, in Manila Bay +has never been satisfactorily explained. Shortly after Dewey's victory +a German squadron, superior to the American in strength, steamed into +the Bay and displayed, according to Dewey, an "extraordinary disregard +of the usual courtesies of naval intercourse." Dewey finally sent his +flag-lieutenant, Brumby, to inform the German admiral that "if he wants +a fight he can have it right now." The German admiral at once +apologized. It is well known now that the commander of the British +squadron, which was in a position to bring its guns to bear on the +Germans, gave Dewey to understand that he could rely on more than moral +support from him in case of trouble. In fact, John Hay wrote from +London at the beginning of the war that the British navy was at our +disposal for the asking. + +Great Britain's change of attitude toward the United States was so +marked that some writers have naïvely concluded that a secret treaty of +alliance between the two countries was made in 1897. The absurdity of +such a statement was pointed out by Senator Lodge several years ago. +England's change of attitude is not difficult to understand. For a +hundred years after the battle of Trafalgar, England had pursued the +policy of maintaining a navy large enough to meet all comers. With the +rapid growth of other navies during the closing years of the nineteenth +century, England realized that she could no longer pursue this policy. +Russia, Japan, and Germany had all adopted extensive naval programs +when we went to war with Spain. Our acquisition of the Philippines and +Porto Rico and our determination to build an isthmian canal made a +large American navy inevitable. Great Britain realized, therefore, +that she would have to cast about for future allies. She therefore +signed the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty with us in 1901, and a defensive +alliance with Japan in 1902. + +In view of the fact that the United States was bent on carrying out the +long-deferred canal scheme, Great Britain realized that a further +insistence on her rights under the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty would lead to +friction and possible conflict. She wisely decided, therefore, to +recede from the position which she had held for half a century and to +give us a free hand in the construction and control of the canal at +whatever point we might choose to build it. While the Hay-Pauncefote +treaty was limited in terms to the canal question, it was in reality of +much wider significance. It amounted, in fact, to the recognition of +American naval supremacy in the West Indies, and since its signature +Great Britain has withdrawn her squadron from this important strategic +area. The supremacy of the United States in the Caribbean is now +firmly established and in fact unquestioned. The American public did +not appreciate at the time the true significance of the Hay-Pauncefote +Treaty, and a few years later Congress inserted in the Panama Tolls Act +a clause exempting American ships engaged in the coast-wise trade from +the payment of tolls. Great Britain at once protested against the +exemption clause as a violation of the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty and +anti-British sentiment at once flared up in all parts of the United +States. Most American authorities on international law and diplomacy +believed that Great Britain's interpretation of the treaty was correct. +Fortunately President Wilson took the same view, and in spite of strong +opposition he persuaded Congress to repeal the exemption clause. This +was an act of simple justice and it removed the only outstanding +subject of dispute between the two countries. + +The Hay-Pauncefote Treaty was by no means the only evidence of a change +of attitude on the part of Great Britain. As we have already seen, +Great Britain and the United States were in close accord during the +Boxer uprising in China and the subsequent negotiations. During the +Russo-Japanese war public sentiment in both England and the United +States was strongly in favor of Japan. At the Algeciras conference on +Moroccan affairs in 1905 the United States, in its effort to preserve +the European balance of power, threw the weight of its influence on the +side of England and France. + +The submission of the Alaskan boundary dispute to a form of arbitration +in which Canada could not win and we could not lose was another +evidence of the friendly attitude of Great Britain. The boundary +between the southern strip of Alaska and British Columbia had never +been marked or even accurately surveyed when gold was discovered in the +Klondike. The shortest and quickest route to the gold-bearing region +was by the trails leading up from Dyea and Skagway on the headwaters of +Lynn Canal. The Canadian officials at once advanced claims to +jurisdiction over these village ports. The question turned on the +treaty made in 1825 between Great Britain and Russia. Whatever rights +Russia had under that treaty we acquired by the purchase of Alaska in +1867. Not only did a long series of maps issued by the Canadian +government in years past confirm the American claim to the region in +dispute, but the correspondence of the British negotiator of the treaty +of 1825 shows that he made every effort to secure for England an outlet +to deep water through this strip of territory and failed. Under the +circumstances President Roosevelt was not willing to submit the case to +the arbitration of third parties. He agreed, however, to submit it to +a mixed commission composed of three Americans, two Canadians, and Lord +Alverstone, chief justice of England. As there was little doubt as to +the views that would be taken by the three Americans and the two +Canadians it was evident from the first that the trial was really +before Lord Alverstone. In case he sustained the American contention +there would be an end of the controversy; in case he sustained the +Canadian view, there would be an even division, and matters would stand +where they stood when the trial began except that a great deal more +feeling would have been engendered and the United States might have had +to make good its claims by force. Fortunately Lord Alverstone agreed +with the three Americans on the main points involved in the +controversy. The decision was, of course, a disappointment to the +Canadians and it was charged that Lord Alverstone had sacrificed their +interest in order to further the British policy of friendly relations +with the United States. + +At the beginning of the Great War the interference of the British navy +with cargoes consigned to Germany at once aroused the latent +anti-British feeling in this country. Owing to the fact that cotton +exports were so largely involved the feeling against Great Britain was +even stronger in the Southern States than in the Northern. The State +Department promptly protested against the naval policy adopted by Great +Britain, and the dispute might have assumed very serious proportions +had not Germany inaugurated her submarine campaign. The dispute with +England involved merely property rights, while that with Germany +involved the safety and lives of American citizens. The main feature +of British policy, that is, her application of the doctrine of +continuous voyage, was so thoroughly in line with the policy adopted by +the United States during the Civil War that the protests of our State +Department were of little avail. In fact Great Britain merely carried +the American doctrine to its logical conclusions. + +We have undertaken in this brief review of Anglo-American relations to +outline the more important controversies that have arisen between the +two countries. They have been sufficiently numerous and irritating to +jeopardize seriously the peace which has so happily subsisted for one +hundred years between the two great members of the English-speaking +family. After all, they have not been based on any fundamental +conflict of policy, but have been for the most part superficial and in +many cases the result of bad manners. In this connection Lord Bryce +makes the following interesting observations: + +"There were moments when the stiff and frigid attitude of the British +foreign secretary exasperated the American negotiators, or when a +demagogic Secretary of State at Washington tried by a bullying tone to +win credit as the patriotic champion of national claims. But whenever +there were bad manners in London there was good temper at Washington, +and when there was a storm on the Potomac there was calm on the Thames. +It was the good fortune of the two countries that if at any moment +rashness or vehemence was found on one side, it never happened to be +met by the like quality on the other." + +"The moral of the story of Anglo-American relations," Lord Bryce says, +"is that peace can always be kept, whatever be the grounds of +controversy, between peoples that wish to keep it." He adds that Great +Britain and the United States "have given the finest example ever seen +in history of an undefended frontier, along which each people has +trusted to the good faith of the other that it would create no naval +armaments; and this very absence of armaments has itself helped to +prevent hostile demonstrations. Neither of them has ever questioned +the sanctity of treaties, or denied that states are bound by the moral +law." + +It is not strange that so many controversies about more or less trivial +matters should have obscured in the minds of both Englishmen and +Americans the fundamental identity of aim and purpose in the larger +things of life. For notwithstanding the German influence in America +which has had an undue part in shaping our educational methods, our +civilization is still English. Bismarck realized this when he said +that one of the most significant facts in modern history was that all +North America was English-speaking. Our fundamental ideals are the +same. We have a passion for liberty; we uphold the rights of the +individual as against the extreme claims of the state; we believe in +government through public opinion; we believe in the rule of law; we +believe in government limited by fundamental principles and +constitutional restraints as against the exercise of arbitrary power; +we have never been subjected to militarism or to the dominance of a +military caste; we are both so situated geographically as to be +dependent on sea power rather than on large armies, and not only do +navies not endanger the liberty of peoples but they are negligible +quantities politically. Great Britain had in 1914 only 137,500 +officers and men in her navy and 26,200 reserves, a wholly +insignificant number compared to the millions that formed the army of +Germany and gave a military color to the whole life and thought of the +nation. + +Not only are our political ideals the same, but in general our attitude +toward world politics is the same, and most people are surprised when +they are told that our fundamental foreign policies are identical. The +two most characteristic American foreign policies, the Monroe Doctrine +and the Open Door, were both, as we have seen, Anglo-American in origin. + + + + +VII + +IMPERIALISTIC TENDENCIES OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE + +In its original form the Monroe Doctrine was a direct defiance of +Europe, and it has never been favorably regarded by the nations of the +old world. Latterly, however, it has encountered adverse criticism in +some of the Latin-American states whose independence it helped to +secure and whose freedom from European control it has been instrumental +in maintaining. The Latin-American attacks on the Doctrine during the +last few years have been reflected to a greater or less extent by +writers in this country, particularly in academic circles. The +American writer who has become most conspicuous in this connection is +Professor Bingham of Yale, who has travelled extensively in South +America and who published in 1913 a little volume entitled "The Monroe +Doctrine, an Obsolete Shibboleth." The reasons why the Monroe Doctrine +has called forth so much criticism during the last few years are not +far to seek. The rapid advance of the United States in the Caribbean +Sea since 1898 has naturally aroused the apprehensions of the feebler +Latin-American states in that region, while the building of the Panama +Canal has rendered inevitable the adoption of a policy of naval +supremacy in the Caribbean and has led to the formulation of new +political policies in the zone of the Caribbean--what Admiral Chester +calls the larger Panama Canal Zone--that is, the West Indies, Mexico +and Central America, Colombia and Venezuela. Some of these policies, +which have already been formulated to a far greater extent than is +generally realized, are the establishment of protectorates, the +supervision of finances, the control of all available canal routes, the +acquisition of coaling stations, and the policing of disorderly +countries. + +The long-delayed advance of the United States in the Caribbean Sea +actually began with the Spanish War. Since then we have made rapid +strides. Porto Rico was annexed at the close of the war, and Cuba +became a protectorate; the Canal Zone was a little later leased on +terms that amounted to practical annexation, and the Dominican Republic +came under the financial supervision of the United States; President +Wilson went further and assumed the administration of Haitian affairs, +leased from Nicaragua for a term of ninety-nine years a naval base on +Fonseca Bay, and purchased the Danish West Indies. As a result of this +rapid extension of American influence the political relations of the +countries bordering on the Caribbean will of necessity be profoundly +affected. Our Latin-American policy has been enlarged in meaning and +limited in territorial application so far as its newer phases are +concerned. + +In 1904 President Roosevelt made a radical departure from our +traditional policy in proposing that we should assume financial +supervision over the Dominican Republic in order to prevent certain +European powers from forcibly collecting debts due their subjects. +Germany seemed especially determined to force a settlement of her +demands, and it was well known that Germany had for years regarded the +Monroe Doctrine as the main hindrance in the way of her acquiring a +foothold in Latin America. The only effective method of collecting the +interest on the foreign debt of the Dominican Republic appeared to be +the seizure and administration of her custom houses by some foreign +power or group of foreign powers. President Roosevelt foresaw that +such an occupation of the Dominican custom houses would, in view of the +large debt, constitute the occupation of American territory by European +powers for an indefinite period of time, and would, therefore, be a +violation of the Monroe Doctrine. He had before him also the results +of a somewhat similar financial administration of Egypt undertaken +jointly by England and France in 1878, and after Arabi's revolt +continued by England alone, with the result that Egypt soon became a +possession of the British crown to almost as great a degree as if it +had been formally annexed, and during the World War it was in fact +treated as an integral part of the British Empire. President Roosevelt +concluded, therefore, that where it was necessary to place a bankrupt +American republic in the hands of a receiver, the United States must +undertake to act as receiver and take over the administration of its +finances. He boldly adopted this policy and finally forced a reluctant +Senate to acquiesce. The arrangement has worked admirably. In spite +of the criticism that this policy encountered, the Taft administration +not only continued it in Santo Domingo, but tried to extend it to +Nicaragua and Honduras. In January, 1911, a treaty placing the +finances of Honduras under the supervision of the United States was +signed by Secretary Knox, and in June a similar treaty was signed with +Nicaragua. These treaties provided for the refunding of the foreign +debt, in each case through loans made by American bankers and secured +by the customs duties, the collector in each case to be approved by the +United States and to make an annual report to the Department of State. +These treaties were not ratified by the Senate. + +Secretary Knox then tried another solution of the question. On +February 26, 1913, a new treaty with Nicaragua was submitted to the +Senate by the terms of which Nicaragua agreed to give the United States +an exclusive right of way for a canal through her territory and a naval +base in Fonseca Bay, in return for the payment of three millions of +dollars. The Senate failed to act on this treaty, as the close of the +Taft administration was then at hand. The Wilson administration +followed the same policy, however, and in July, 1913, Mr. Bryan +submitted to the Senate a third treaty with Nicaragua containing the +provisions of the second Knox treaty and in addition certain provisions +of the Platt amendment, which defines our protectorate over Cuba. This +treaty aroused strong opposition in the other Central American states, +and Costa Rica, Salvador, and Honduras filed formal protests with the +United States Government against its ratification on the ground that it +would convert Nicaragua into a protectorate of the United States and +thus defeat the long-cherished plan for a union of the Central American +republics. The Senate of the United States objected to the +protectorate feature of the treaty and refused to ratify it, but the +negotiations were renewed by the Wilson administration and on February +18, 1916, a new treaty, which omits the provisions of the Platt +amendment, was accepted by the Senate. This treaty grants to the +United States in perpetuity the exclusive right to construct a canal by +way of the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua, and leases to the United +States for ninety-nine years a naval base on the Gulf of Fonseca, and +also the Great Corn and Little Corn islands as coaling stations. The +consideration for these favors was the sum of three millions of dollars +to be expended, with the approval of the Secretary of State of the +United States, in paying the public debt of Nicaragua and for other +public purposes to be agreed on by the two contracting parties. + +The treaty with the black Republic of Haiti, ratified by the Senate +February 28, 1916, carries the new Caribbean policies of the United +States to the farthest limits short of actual annexation. It provides +for the establishment of a receivership of Haitian customs under the +control of the United States similar in most respects to that +established over the Dominican Republic. It provides further for the +appointment, on the nomination of the President of the United States, +of a financial adviser, who shall assist in the settlement of the +foreign debt and direct expenditures of the surplus for the development +of the agricultural, mineral, and commercial resources of the republic. +It provides further for a native constabulary under American officers +appointed by the President of Haiti upon nomination by the President of +the United States. It further extends to Haiti the main provisions of +the Platt amendment. By controlling the internal financial +administration of the government the United States hopes to remove all +incentives for those revolutions which have in the past had for their +object a raid on the public treasury, and by controlling the customs +and maintaining order the United States hopes to avoid all possibility +of foreign intervention. The treaty is to remain in force for a period +of ten years and for another period of ten years if either party +presents specific reasons for continuing it on the ground that its +purpose has not been fully accomplished. + +Prior to the Roosevelt administration the Monroe Doctrine was regarded +by the Latin-American states as solely a protective policy. The United +States did not undertake to control the financial administration or the +foreign policy of any of these republics. It was only after their +misconduct had gotten them into difficulty and some foreign power, or +group of foreign powers, was on the point of demanding reparation by +force that the United States stepped in and undertook to see to it that +foreign intervention did not take the form of occupation of territory +or interference in internal politics. The Monroe Doctrine has always +been in principle a policy of American intervention for the purpose of +preventing European intervention, but American intervention always +awaited the threat of immediate action on the part of some European +power. President Roosevelt concluded that it would be wiser to +restrain the reckless conduct of the smaller American republics before +disorders or public debts should reach a point which gave European +powers an excuse for intervening. In a message to Congress in 1904 he +laid down this new doctrine, which soon became famous as the Big Stick +policy. He said: "If a nation shows that it knows how to act with +reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political matters, if +it keeps order and pays its obligations, it need fear no interference +from the United States. Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which +results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in +America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some +civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the +United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, +however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, +to the exercise of an international police power." In other words, +since we could not permit European powers to restrain or punish +American states in cases of wrongdoing, we must ourselves undertake +that task. As long as the Monroe Doctrine was merely a policy of +benevolent protection which Latin-American states could invoke after +their unwise or evil conduct had brought European powers to the point +of demanding just retribution, it was regarded with favor and no +objection was raised to it; but the Roosevelt doctrine, that if we were +to continue to protect Latin-American states against European +intervention, we had a right to demand that they should refrain from +conduct which was likely to provoke such intervention, was quite a +different thing, and raised a storm of criticism and opposition. + +The Roosevelt application of the Monroe Doctrine was undoubtedly a +perfectly logical step. It was endorsed by the Taft administration and +further extended by the Wilson administration and made one of our most +important policies in regard to the zone of the Caribbean. President +Roosevelt was right in drawing the conclusion that we had arrived at a +point where we had either to abandon the Monroe Doctrine or to extend +its application so as to cover the constantly increasing number of +disputes arising from the reckless creation of public debts and loose +financial administration. It was absurd for us to stand quietly by and +witness the utterly irresponsible creation of financial obligations +that would inevitably lead to European intervention and then undertake +to fix the bounds and limits of that intervention. It is interesting +to note that President Wilson did not hesitate to carry the new policy +to its logical conclusion, and that he went so far as to warn +Latin-American countries against granting to foreign corporations +concessions which, on account of their extended character, would be +certain to give rise to foreign claims which would, in turn, give an +excuse for European intervention. In discussing our Latin-American +policy shortly after the beginning of his administration, President +Wilson said: "You hear of 'concessions' to foreign capitalists in Latin +America. You do not hear of concessions to foreign capitalists in the +United States. They are not granted concessions. They are invited to +make investments. The work is ours, though they are welcome to invest +in it. We do not ask them to supply the capital and do the work. It +is an invitation, not a privilege; and states that are obliged, because +their territory does not lie within the main field of modern enterprise +and action, to grant concessions are in this condition, that foreign +interests are apt to dominate their domestic affairs--a condition of +affairs always dangerous and apt to become intolerable. . . . What +these states are going to seek, therefore, is an emancipation from the +subordination, which has been inevitable, to foreign enterprise and an +assertion of the splendid character which, in spite of these +difficulties, they have again and again been able to demonstrate." + +These remarks probably had reference to the oil concession which +Pearson and Son of London had arranged with the president of Colombia. +This concession is said to have covered practically all of the oil +interests in Colombia, and carried with it the right to improve harbors +and dig canals in the country. However, before the meeting of the +Colombian congress in November, 1913, which was expected to confirm the +concession, Lord Cowdray, the president of Pearson and Son, withdrew +the contract, alleging as his reason the opposition of the United +States. + +Unfortunately President Roosevelt's assertion of the Big Stick policy +and of the duty of the United States to play policeman in the western +hemisphere was accompanied by his seizure of the Canal Zone. This +action naturally aroused serious apprehensions in Latin America and +gave color to the charge that the United States had converted the +Monroe Doctrine from a protective policy into a policy of selfish +aggression. Colombia felt outraged and aggrieved, and this feeling was +not alleviated by Mr. Roosevelt's speech several years later to the +students of the University of California, in which he boasted of having +taken the Canal Zone and said that if he had not taken it as he did, +the debate over the matter in Congress would still be going on. Before +the close of his administration President Roosevelt undertook to +placate Colombia, but the sop which he offered was indignantly +rejected. In January, 1909, Secretary Root proposed three treaties, +one between the United States and Panama, one between the United States +and Colombia, and one between Colombia and Panama. These treaties +provided for the recognition of the Republic of Panama by Colombia and +for the transference to Colombia of the first ten installments of the +annual rental of $250,000 which the United States had agreed to pay to +Panama for the lease of the Canal Zone. The treaties were ratified by +the United States and by Panama, but not by Colombia. + +The Taft administration made repeated efforts to appease Colombia, +resulting in the formulation of a definite proposition by Secretary +Knox shortly before the close of President Taft's term. His proposals +were that if Colombia would ratify the Root treaties just referred to, +the United States would be willing to pay $10,000,000 for an exclusive +right of way for a canal by the Atrato route and for the perpetual +lease of the islands of St. Andrews and Old Providence as coaling +stations. These proposals were also rejected. The American minister, +Mr. Du Bois, acting, he said, on his own responsibility, then inquired +informally whether $25,000,000 without options of any kind would +satisfy Colombia. The answer was that Colombia would accept nothing +but the arbitration of the whole Panama question. Mr. Knox, in +reporting the matter to the President, said that Colombia seemed +determined to treat with the incoming Democratic administration. +Secretary Bryan took up the negotiations where Knox dropped them, and +concluded a treaty, according to the terms of which the United States +was to express regret at what had occurred and to pay Colombia +$25,000,000. The Senate of the United States refused to ratify this +treaty while Wilson was in the White House, but as soon as Harding +became president they consented to the payment and ratified the treaty +with a few changes in the preamble. + +The facts stated above show conclusively that the two most significant +developments of American policy in the Caribbean during the last twenty +years have been the establishment of formal protectorates and the +exercise of financial supervision over weak and disorderly states. Our +protectorate over Cuba was clearly defined in the so-called Platt +amendment, which was inserted in the army appropriation bill of March +2, 1901, and directed the President to leave control of the island of +Cuba to its people so soon as a government should be established under +a constitution which defined the future relations with the United +States substantially as follows: (1) That the government of Cuba would +never enter into any treaty or other compact with any foreign power +which would impair the independence of the island; (2) that the said +government would not contract any public debt which could not be met by +the ordinary revenues of the island; (3) that the government of Cuba +would permit the United States to exercise the right to intervene for +the preservation of Cuban independence, and for the protection of life, +property, and individual liberty; (4) that all acts of the United +States in Cuba during its military occupancy thereof should be ratified +and validated; (5) that the government of Cuba would carry out the +plans already devised for the sanitation of the cities of the island; +and finally that the government of Cuba would sell or lease to the +United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations at certain +specified points, to be agreed upon with the President of the United +States. + +It is understood that these articles, with the exception of the fifth, +which was proposed by General Leonard Wood, were carefully drafted by +Elihu Root, at that time Secretary of War, discussed at length by +President McKinley's Cabinet, and entrusted to Senator Platt of +Connecticut, who offered them as an amendment to the army appropriation +bill. The Wilson administration, as already stated, embodied the first +three provisions of the Platt amendment in the Haitian treaty of 1916. +Prior to the World War, which has upset all calculations, it seemed +highly probable that the Platt amendment would in time be extended to +all the weaker states within the zone of the Caribbean. If the United +States is to exercise a protectorate over such states, the right to +intervene and the conditions of intervention should be clearly defined +and publicly proclaimed. Hitherto whatever action we have taken in +Latin America has been taken under the Monroe Doctrine--a policy +without legal sanction--which an international court might not +recognize. Action under a treaty would have the advantage of legality. +In other words, the recent treaties with Caribbean states have +converted American policy into law. + +The charge that in establishing protectorates and financial supervision +over independent states we have violated the terms of the Monroe +Doctrine is one that has been frequently made. Those who have made it +appear to be laboring under the illusion that the Monroe Doctrine was +wholly altruistic in its aim. As a matter of fact, the Monroe Doctrine +has never been regarded by the United States as in any sense a +self-denying declaration. President Monroe said that we should +consider any attempt on the part of the European powers "to extend +their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our +peace and safety." The primary object of the policy outlined by +President Monroe was, therefore, the peace and safety of the United +States. The protection of Latin-American states against European +intervention was merely a means of protecting ourselves. While the +United States undertook to prevent the encroachment of European powers +in Latin America, it never for one moment admitted any limitation upon +the possibility of its own expansion in this region. The whole course +of American history establishes the contrary point of view. Since the +Monroe Doctrine was enunciated we have annexed at the expense of +Latin-American states, Texas, New Mexico, California, and the Canal +Zone. Upon other occasions we emphatically declined to bind ourselves +by treaty stipulations with England and France that under no +circumstance would we annex the island of Cuba. Shortly after the +beginning of his first term President Wilson declared in a public +address at Mobile that "the United States will never again seek one +additional foot of territory by conquest." This declaration introduces +a new chapter in American diplomacy. + + + + +VIII + +THE NEW PAN-AMERICANISM + +When President Wilson assumed office March 4, 1913, there was nothing +but the Huerta revolution, the full significance of which was not then +appreciated, to suggest to his mind the forecast that before the close +of his term questions of foreign policy would absorb the attention of +the American people and tax to the limit his own powers of mind and +body. It seems now a strange fact that neither in his writings nor in +his public addresses had President Wilson ever shown any marked +interest in questions of international law and diplomacy. He had, on +the contrary, made a life-long study of political organization and +legislative procedure. Those who knew him had always thought that he +was by nature fitted to be a great parliamentary leader and it soon +appeared that he had a very definite legislative program which he +intended to put through Congress. The foreign problems that confronted +him so suddenly and unexpectedly were doubtless felt to be annoying +distractions from the work which he had mapped out for himself and +which was far more congenial to his tastes. As time went by, however, +he was forced to give more and more thought to our relations with Latin +America on the one hand and to the European war on the other. His +ideas on international problems at first cautiously set forth, soon +caught step with the rapid march of events and guided the thought of +the world. + +The Mexican situation, which reached a crisis a few days before Mr. +Wilson came into office, at once demanded his attention and led to the +enunciation of a general Latin-American policy. He had scarcely been +in office a week when he issued a statement which was forwarded by the +secretary of state to all American diplomatic officers in Latin +America. In it he said: + +"One of the chief objects of my administration will be to cultivate the +friendship and deserve the confidence of our sister republics of +Central and South America, and to promote in every proper and honorable +way the interests which are common to the peoples of the two +continents. . . . + +"The United States has nothing to seek in Central and South America +except the lasting interests of the peoples of the two continents, the +security of governments intended for the people and for no special +group or interest, and the development of personal and trade +relationships between the two continents which shall redound to the +profit and advantage of both, and interfere with the rights and +liberties of neither. + +"From these principles may be read so much of the future policy of this +government as it is necessary now to forecast, and in the spirit of +these principles I may, I hope, be permitted with as much confidence as +earnestness, to extend to the governments of all the republics of +America the hand of genuine disinterested friendship and to pledge my +own honor and the honor of my colleagues to every enterprise of peace +and amity that a fortunate future may disclose." + +The policy here outlined, and elaborated a few months later in an +address before the Southern Commercial Congress at Mobile, Alabama, has +been termed the New Pan-Americanism. The Pan-American ideal is an old +one, dating back in fact to the Panama Congress of 1826. The object of +this congress was not very definitely stated in the call, which was +issued by Simon Bolivar, but his purpose was to secure the independence +and peace of the new Spanish republics through either a permanent +confederation or a series of diplomatic congresses. President Adams +through Henry Clay, who was at that time Secretary of State, promptly +accepted the invitation to send delegates. The matter was debated at +such length, however, in the House and Senate that the American +delegates did not reach Panama until after the congress had adjourned. +In view of the opposition which the whole scheme encountered in +Congress, the instructions to the American delegates were very +carefully drawn and their powers were strictly limited. They were +cautioned against committing their government in any way to the +establishment of "an amphictyonic council, invested with power fully to +decide controversies between the American states or to regulate in any +respect their conduct." They were also to oppose the formation of an +offensive and defensive alliance between the American powers, for, as +Mr. Clay pointed out, the Holy Alliance had abandoned all idea of +assisting Spain in the reconquest of her late colonies. After +referring to "the avoidance of foreign alliances as a leading maxim" of +our foreign policy, Mr. Clay continued: "Without, therefore, asserting +that an exigency may not occur in which an alliance of the most +intimate kind between the United States and the other American +republics would be highly proper and expedient, it may be safely said +that the occasion which would warrant a departure from that established +maxim ought to be one of great urgency, and that none such is believed +now to exist." + +The British Government sent a special envoy to reside near the Congress +and to place himself in frank and friendly communication with the +delegates. Canning's private instructions to this envoy declared that, +"Any project for putting the U. S. of North America at the head of an +American Confederacy, as against Europe, would be highly displeasing to +your Government. It would be felt as an ill return for the service +which has been rendered to those States, and the dangers which have +been averted from them, by the countenance and friendship, and public +declarations of Great Britain; and it would probably, at no distant +period, endanger the peace both of America and of Europe." + +The Panama Congress was without practical results and it was more than +half a century before the scheme for international coöperation on the +part of American states was again taken up. In 1881 Secretary Blaine +issued an invitation to the American republics to hold a conference at +Washington, but the continuance of the war between Chile and Peru +caused an indefinite postponement of the proposed conference. Toward +the close of President Cleveland's first administration the invitation +was renewed and the First International Conference of American States +convened at Washington in 1890. It happened that when the Conference +met Mr. Blaine was again Secretary of State and presided over its +opening sessions. The most notable achievement of this Conference was +the establishment of the Bureau of American Republics, now known as the +Pan-American Union. The Second International Conference of American +States, held in the City of Mexico in 1901, arranged for all American +states to become parties to the Hague Convention of 1899 for the +pacific settlement of international disputes and drafted a treaty for +the compulsory arbitration, as between American states, of pecuniary +claims. The Third Conference, held at Rio Janeiro in 1906, extended +the above treaty for another period of five years and proposed that the +subject of pecuniary claims be considered at the second Hague +Conference. Added significance was given to the Rio Conference by the +presence of Secretary Root who, although not a delegate, made it the +occasion of a special mission to South America. The series of notable +addresses which he delivered on this mission gave a new impetus to the +Pan-American movement. The Fourth Conference, held at Buenos Ayres in +1910, was occupied largely with routine matters. It extended the +pecuniary claims convention for an indefinite period. + +The conferences above referred to were political or diplomatic in +character. There have been held two Pan-American Scientific Congresses +in which the United States participated, one at Chile in 1908 and one +at Washington, December, 1915, to January, 1916. A very important +Pan-American Financial Congress was held at Washington in May, 1915. +These congresses have accomplished a great deal in the way of promoting +friendly feeling as well as the advancement of science and commerce +among the republics of the Western Hemisphere. + +The American Institute of International Law, organized at Washington in +October, 1912, is a body which is likely to have great influence in +promoting the peace and welfare of this hemisphere. The Institute is +composed of five representatives from the national society of +international law in each of the twenty-one American republics. At a +session held in the city of Washington, January 6, 1916, the Institute +adopted a Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Nations. This +declaration, designed to give a solid legal basis to the new +Pan-Americanism, was as follows: + +I. Every nation has the right to exist and to protect and to conserve +its existence; but this right neither implies the right nor justifies +the act of the state to protect itself or to conserve its existence by +the commission of unlawful acts against innocent and unoffending states. + +II. Every nation has the right to independence in the sense that it has +a right to the pursuit of happiness and is free to develop itself +without interference or control from other states, provided that in so +doing it does not interfere with or violate the rights of other states. + +III. Every nation is in law and before law the equal of every other +nation belonging to the society of nations, and all nations have the +right to claim and, according to the Declaration of Independence of the +United States, "to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate +and equal station to which the laws of nature and of Nature's God +entitle them." + +IV. Every nation has the right to territory within defined boundaries, +and to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over its territory, and all +persons whether native or foreign found therein. + +V. Every nation entitled to a right by the law of nations is entitled +to have that right respected and protected by all other nations, for +right and duty are correlative, and the right of one is the duty of all +to observe. + +VI. International law is at one and the same time both national and +international; national in the sense that it is the law of the land and +applicable as such to the decision of all questions involving its +principles; international in the sense that it is the law of the +society of nations and applicable as such to all questions between and +among the members of the society of nations involving its principles. + +This Declaration has been criticised as being too altruistic for a +world in which diplomacy has been occupied with selfish aims, yet Mr. +Root, in presenting it at the annual meeting of the American Society of +International Law, claimed that every statement in it was "based upon +the decisions of American courts and the authority of American +publicists." + +The Mexican situation put the principles of the new Pan-Americanism to +a severe test. On February 18, 1913, Francisco Madero was seized and +imprisoned as the result of a conspiracy formed by one of his generals, +Victoriano Huerta, who forthwith proclaimed himself dictator. Four +days later Madero was murdered while in the custody of Huerta's troops. +Henry Lane Wilson, the American ambassador, promptly urged his +government to recognize Huerta, but President Taft, whose term was +rapidly drawing to a close, took no action and left the question to his +successor. + +President Wilson thus had a very disagreeable situation to face when he +assumed control of affairs at Washington. He refused to recognize +Huerta, whose authority was contested by insurrectionary chiefs in +various parts of the country. It was claimed by the critics of the +administration that the refusal to recognize Huerta was a direct +violation of the well-known American policy of recognizing de facto +governments without undertaking to pass upon the rights involved. It +is perfectly true that the United States has consistently followed the +policy of recognizing de facto governments as soon as it is evident in +each case that the new government rests on popular approval and is +likely to be permanent. This doctrine of recognition is distinctively +an American doctrine. It was first laid down by Thomas Jefferson when +he was Secretary of State as an offset to the European doctrine of +divine right, and it was the natural outgrowth of that other +Jeffersonian doctrine that all governments derive their just powers +from the consent of the governed. Huerta could lay no claim to +authority derived from a majority or anything like a majority of the +Mexican people. He was a self-constituted dictator, whose authority +rested solely on military force. President Wilson and Secretary Bryan +were fully justified in refusing to recognize his usurpation of power, +though they probably made a mistake in announcing that they would never +recognize him and in demanding his elimination from the presidential +contest. This announcement made him deaf to advice from Washington and +utterly indifferent to the destruction of American life and property. + +The next step in the President's course with reference to Mexico was +the occupation of Vera Cruz. On April 20, 1914, the President asked +Congress for authority to employ the armed forces of the United States +in demanding redress for the arbitrary arrest of American marines at +Vera Cruz, and the next day Admiral Fletcher was ordered to seize the +custom house at that port. This he did after a sharp fight with +Huerta's troops in which nineteen Americans were killed and seventy +wounded. The American chargé d'affaires, Nelson O'Shaughnessy, was at +once handed his passports, and all diplomatic relations between the +United States and Mexico were severed. + +A few days later the representatives of the so-called ABC Alliance, +Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, tendered their good offices for a +peaceful settlement of the conflict and President Wilson promptly +accepted their mediation. The resulting conference at Niagara, May 20, +was not successful in its immediate object, but it resulted in the +elimination of Huerta who resigned July 15, 1914. On August 20, +General Venustiano Carranza, head of one of the revolutionary factions, +assumed control of affairs at the capital, but his authority was +disputed by General Francisco Villa, another insurrectionary chief. On +Carranza's promise to respect the lives and property of American +citizens the United States forces were withdrawn from Vera Cruz in +November, 1914. + +In August, 1915, at the request of President Wilson, the six ranking +representatives of Latin America at Washington made an unsuccessful +effort to reconcile the contending factions of Mexico. On their +advice, however, President Wilson decided in October to recognize the +government of Carranza, who now controlled three fourths of the +territory of Mexico. As a result of this action Villa began a series +of attacks on American citizens and raids across the border, which in +March, 1916, compelled the President to send a punitive expedition into +Mexico and later to dispatch most of the regular army and large bodies +of militia to the border. + +The raids of Villa created a very awkward situation. Carranza not only +made no real effort to suppress Villa, but he vigorously opposed the +steps taken by the United States to protect its own citizens along the +border, and even assumed a threatening attitude. There was a loud and +persistent demand in the United States for war against Mexico. +American investments in land, mines, rubber plantations, and other +enterprises were very large, and these financial interests were +particularly outraged at the President's policy of "watchful waiting." +The President remained deaf to this clamor. No country had been so +shamelessly exploited by foreign capital as Mexico. Furthermore, it +was suspected and very generally believed that the recent revolutions +had been financed by American capital. President Wilson was determined +to give the Mexican people an opportunity to reorganize their national +life on a better basis and to lend them every assistance in the task. +War with Mexico would have been a very serious undertaking and even a +successful war would have meant the military occupation of Mexico for +an indefinite period. After our entrance into the World War many of +those Americans who dissented radically from Wilson's Mexican policy +became convinced that his refusal to become involved in war with Mexico +was a most fortunate thing for us. + +It has been charged that there was a lack of consistency between the +President's Mexican policy and his Haitian policy. The difference +between the two cases, however, was that order could be restored in +Haiti with a relatively small force of marines, while any attempt to +apply force to Mexico would have led to a long and bloody conflict. +The most novel feature of the President's Mexican policy was his +acceptance of the mediation of the ABC Alliance and his subsequent +consultation with the leading representatives of Latin America. This +action brought the Pan-American ideal almost to the point of +realization. It was received with enthusiasm and it placed our +relations with Latin America on a better footing than they had been for +years. + +It was suggested by more than one critic of American foreign policy +that if we were to undertake to set the world right, we must come +before the bar of public opinion with clean hands, that before we +denounced the imperialistic policies of Europe, we should have +abandoned imperialistic policies at home. The main features of +President Wilson's Latin-American policy, if we may draw a general +conclusion, were to pledge American republics not to do anything which +would invite European intervention, and to secure by treaty the right +of the United States to intervene for the protection of life, liberty, +and property, and for the establishment of self-government. Such a +policy, unselfishly carried out, was not inconsistent with the general +war aims defined by President Wilson. + + + + +IX + +THE FAILURE OF NEUTRALITY AND ISOLATION + +In Washington's day the United States was an experiment in democracy. +The vital question was not our duty to the rest of the world, but +whether the rest of the world would let us live. The policy of wisdom +was to keep aloof from world politics and give as little cause for +offense as possible to the great powers of Europe. Washington pointed +out that "our detached and distant situation" rendered such a course +possible. This policy was justified by events. We were enabled to +follow unhindered the bent of our own political genius, to extend our +institutions over a vast continent and to attain a position of great +prosperity and power in the economic world. While we are still a young +country, our government is, with the possible exception of that of +Great Britain, the oldest and most stable in the world, and since we +declared ourselves a nation and adopted our present constitution the +British Government has undergone radical changes of a democratic +character. By age and stability we have long been entitled to a voice +and influence in the world, and yet we have been singularly indifferent +to our responsibilities as a member of the society of nations. We have +been in the world, but not of it. + +Our policy of isolation corresponded with the situation as it existed a +hundred years ago, but not with the situation as it exists to-day and +as it has existed for some years past. We no longer occupy a "detached +and distant situation." Steam and electricity, the cable and wireless +telegraphy have overcome the intervening space and made us the close +neighbors of Europe. The whole world has been drawn together in a way +that our forefathers never dreamed of, and our commercial, financial, +and social relations with the rest of the world are intimate. Under +such circumstances political isolation is an impossibility. It has for +years been nothing more than a tradition, but a tradition which has +tied the hands of American diplomats and caused the American public to +ignore what was actually going on in the world. The Spanish War and +the acquisition of the Philippines brought us into the full current of +world politics, and yet we refused to recognize the changes that +inevitably followed. + +The emergence of Japan as a first-class power, conscious of achievement +and eager to enter on a great career, introduced a new and disturbing +element into world politics. Our diplomacy, which had hitherto been +comparatively simple, now became exceedingly complex. Formerly the +United States was the only great power outside the European balance. +The existence of a second detached power greatly complicated the +international situation and presented opportunities for new +combinations. We have already seen how Germany undertook to use the +opportunity presented by Russia's war with Japan to humiliate France +and that the United States took a prominent part in the Algeciras +Conference for the purpose of preventing the threatened overthrow of +the European balance of power. Thus, even before the World War began, +it had become evident to close observers of international affairs that +the European balance would soon be superseded by a world balance in +which the United States would be forced to take its place. + +It took a world war, however, to dispel the popular illusion of +isolation and to arouse us to a temporary sense of our international +responsibilities. When the war began the President, following the +traditions of a hundred years, issued, as a matter of course, a +proclamation of neutrality, and he thought that the more scrupulously +it was observed the greater would be the opportunity for the United +States to act as impartial mediator in the final adjustment of peace +terms. As the fierceness of the conflict grew it became evident that +the role of neutral would not be an easy one to play and that the vital +interests of the United States would be involved to a far greater +extent than anyone had foreseen. + +Neutrality in the modern sense is essentially an American doctrine and +the result of our policy of isolation. If we were to keep out of +European conflicts, it was necessary for us to pursue a course of rigid +impartiality in wars between European powers. In the Napoleonic wars +we insisted that neutrals had certain rights which belligerents were +bound to respect and we fought the War of 1812 with England in order to +establish that principle. Half a century later, in the American Civil +War, we insisted that neutrals had certain duties which every +belligerent had a right to expect them to perform, and we forced Great +Britain in the settlement of the _Alabama_ Claims to pay us damages to +the extent of $15,500,000 for having failed to perform her neutral +obligations. We have thus been the leading champion of the rights and +duties of neutrals, and the principles for which we have contended have +been written into the modern law of nations. When two or three nations +are engaged in war and the rest of the world is neutral, there is +usually very little difficulty in enforcing neutral rights, but when a +majority of the great powers are at war, it is impossible for the +remaining great powers, much less for the smaller neutrals, to maintain +their rights. This was true in the Napoleonic wars, but at that time +the law of neutrality was in its infancy and had never been fully +recognized by the powers at war. The failure of neutrality in the +Great War was far more serious, for the rights of neutrals had been +clearly defined and universally recognized. + +Notwithstanding the large German population in this country and the +propaganda which we now know that the German Government had +systematically carried on for years in our very midst, the invasion of +Belgium and the atrocities committed by the Germans soon arrayed +opinion on the side of the Allies. This was not a departure from +neutrality, for it should be remembered that neutrality is not an +attitude of mind, but a legal status. As long as our Government +fulfilled its obligations as defined by the law of nations, no charge +of a violation of neutrality could be justly made. To deny to the +citizens of a neutral country the right to express their moral +judgments would be to deny that the world can ever be governed by +public opinion. The effort of the German propagandists to draw a +distinction between so-called ethical and legal neutrality was +plausible, but without real force. While neutrality is based on the +general principle of impartiality, this principle has been embodied in +a fairly well-defined set of rules which may, and frequently do, in any +given war, work to the advantage of one belligerent and to the +disadvantage of the other. In the Great War this result was brought +about by the naval superiority of Great Britain. So far as our legal +obligations to Germany were concerned she had no cause for complaint. +If, on the other hand, our conduct had been determined solely by +ethical considerations, we would have joined the Allies long before we +did. + +The naval superiority of Great Britain made it comparatively easy for +her to stop all direct trade with the enemy in articles contraband of +war, but this was of little avail so long as Germany could import these +articles through the neutral ports of Italy, Holland, and the +Scandinavian countries. Under these circumstances an ordinary blockade +of the German coast would have had little effect. Therefore, no such +blockade was proclaimed by Great Britain. She adopted other methods of +cutting off overseas supplies from Germany. She enlarged the lists of +both absolute and conditional contraband and under the doctrine of +continuous voyage seized articles on both lists bound for Germany +through neutral countries. + +As to the right of a belligerent to enlarge the contraband lists there +can be no doubt. Even the Declaration of London, which undertook for +the first time to establish an international classification of +contraband, provided in Article 23 that "articles and materials which +are exclusively used for war may be added to the list of absolute +contraband by means of a notified declaration," and Article 25 provided +that the list of conditional contraband might be enlarged in the same +manner. Under modern conditions of warfare it would seem impossible to +determine in advance what articles are to be treated as contraband. +During the Great War many articles regarded in previous wars as +innocent became indispensable to the carrying on of the war. + +Great Britain's application of the doctrine of continuous voyage was +more open to dispute. She assumed that contraband articles shipped to +neutral countries adjacent to Germany and Austria were intended for +them unless proof to the contrary was forthcoming, and she failed to +draw any distinction between absolute and conditional contraband. The +United States protested vigorously against this policy, but the force +of its protest was weakened by the fact that during the Civil War the +American Government had pursued substantially the same policy in regard +to goods shipped by neutrals to Nassau, Havana, Matamoros, and other +ports adjacent to the Confederacy. Prior to the American Civil War +goods could not be seized on any grounds unless bound directly for a +belligerent port. Under the English doctrine of continuous voyage as +advanced during the Napoleonic wars, goods brought from the French West +Indies to the United States and reshipped to continental Europe were +condemned by the British Admiralty Court on the ground that +notwithstanding the unloading and reloading at an American port the +voyage from the West Indies to Europe was in effect a continuous +voyage, and under the Rule of 1756 Great Britain refused to admit the +right of neutral ships to engage in commerce between France and her +colonies. Great Britain, however, seized ships only on the second leg +of the voyage, that is, when bound directly for a belligerent port. +During the American Civil War the United States seized goods under an +extension of the English doctrine on the first leg of the voyage, that +is, while they were in transit from one neutral port to another neutral +port, on the ground that they were to be subsequently shipped in +another vessel to a Confederate port. Great Britain adopted and +applied the American doctrine during the Boer War. The doctrine of +continuous voyage, as applied by the United States and England, was +strongly condemned by most of the continental writers on international +law. The Declaration of London adopted a compromise by providing that +absolute contraband might be seized when bound through third countries, +but that conditional contraband was not liable to capture under such +circumstances. As the Declaration of London was not ratified by the +British Government this distinction was ignored, and conditional as +well as absolute contraband was seized when bound for Germany through +neutral countries. + +While Great Britain may be charged with having unwarrantably extended +the application of certain rules of international law and may have +rendered herself liable to pecuniary damages, she displayed in all her +measures a scrupulous regard for human life. Her declaration that "The +whole of the North Sea must be considered a military area," was +explained as an act of retaliation against Germany for having scattered +floating mines on the high seas in the path of British commerce. She +did not undertake to exclude neutral vessels from the North Sea, but +merely notified them that certain areas had been mined and warned them +not to enter without receiving sailing directions from the British +squadron. + +The German decree of February 4, 1915, establishing a submarine +blockade or "war zone" around the British Isles, on the other hand, was +absolutely without legal justification. It did not fulfill the +requirements of a valid blockade, because it cut off only a very small +percentage of British commerce, and the first requirement of a blockade +is that it must be effective. The decree was aimed directly at enemy +merchant vessels and indirectly at the ships of neutrals. It utterly +ignored the well-recognized right of neutral passengers to travel on +merchant vessels of belligerents. The second decree announcing +unrestricted submarine warfare after February 1, 1917, was directed +against neutral as well as enemy ships. It undertook to exclude all +neutral ships from a wide zone extending far out on the high seas, +irrespective of their mission or the character of their cargo. It was +an utter defiance of all law. + +The citizens of neutral countries have always had the right to travel +on the merchant vessels of belligerents, subject, of course, to the +risk of capture and detention. The act of the German ambassador in +inserting an advertisement in a New York paper warning Americans not to +take passage on the _Lusitania_, when the President had publicly +asserted that they had a perfect right to travel on belligerent ships, +was an insolent and unparalleled violation of diplomatic usage and +would have justified his instant dismissal. Some action would probably +have been taken by the State Department had not the incident been +overshadowed by the carrying out of the threat and the actual +destruction of the _Lusitania_. + +The destruction of enemy prizes at sea is recognized by international +law under exceptional circumstances and subject to certain definite +restrictions, but an unlimited right of destruction even of enemy +merchant vessels had never been claimed by any authority on +international law or by any government prior to the German decree. The +destruction of neutral prizes, though practised by some governments, +has not been so generally acquiesced in, and when resorted to has been +attended by an even more rigid observance of the rules designed to +safeguard human life. Article 48 of the Declaration of London provided +that, "A captured neutral vessel is not to be destroyed by the captor, +but must be taken into such port as is proper in order to determine +there the rights as regards the validity of the capture." +Unfortunately Article 49 largely negatived this statement by leaving +the whole matter to the discretion of the captor. It is as follows: +"As an exception, a neutral vessel captured by a belligerent ship, and +which would be liable to condemnation, may be destroyed if the +observance of Article 48 would involve danger to the ship of war or to +the success of the operations in which she is at the time engaged." +The next article provided the following safeguards: "Before the +destruction the persons on board must be placed in safety, and all the +ship's papers and other documents which those interested consider +relevant for the decision as to the validity of the capture must be +taken on board the ship of war." + +The Declaration of London was freely criticised for recognizing an +unlimited discretionary right on the part of a captor to destroy a +neutral prize. Under all the circumstances the main grievance against +Germany was not that she destroyed prizes at sea, but that she utterly +ignored the restrictions imposed upon this right and the rules designed +to safeguard human life. + +Germany sought to justify her submarine policy on the ground (1) that +the American manufacture and sale of munitions of war was one-sided and +therefore unneutral, and (2) that the United States had practically +acquiesced in what she considered the unlawful efforts of Great Britain +to cut off the food supply of Germany. The subject of the munitions +trade was brought to the attention of the United States by Germany in a +note of April 4, 1915. While not denying the legality of the trade in +munitions under ordinary circumstances the contentions of the German +Government were that the situation in the present war differed from +that of any previous war; that the recognition of the trade in the past +had sprung from the necessity of protecting existing industries, while +in the present war an entirely new industry had been created in the +United States; and it concluded with the following statement which was +the real point of the note: "This industry is actually delivering goods +to the enemies of Germany. The theoretical willingness to supply +Germany also, if shipments were possible, does not alter the case. If +it is the will of the American people that there should be a true +neutrality, the United States will find means of preventing this +one-sided supply of arms or at least of utilizing it to protect +legitimate trade with Germany, especially that in food stuffs." To +this note Secretary Bryan replied that "Any change in its own laws of +neutrality during the progress of the war which would affect unequally +the relations of the United States with the nations at war would be an +unjustifiable departure from the principle of strict neutrality." + +Two months later the discussion was renewed by the Austro-Hungarian +Government. The Austrian note did not question the intention of the +United States to conform to the letter of the law, but complained that +we were not carrying out its spirit, and suggested that a threat to +withhold food stuffs and raw materials from the Allies would be +sufficient to protect legitimate commerce between the United States and +the Central Powers. To this note Secretary Lansing replied at length. +He held: (1) that the United States was under no obligation to change +or modify the rules of international usage on account of special +conditions. (2) He rejected what he construed to be the contention of +the Austrian Government that "the advantages gained to a belligerent by +its superiority on the sea should be equalized by the neutral powers by +the establishment of a system of non-intercourse with the victor." (3) +He called attention to the fact that Austria-Hungary and Germany had +during the years preceding the present European war produced "a great +surplus of arms and ammunition which they sold throughout the world and +especially to belligerents. Never during that period did either of +them suggest or apply the principle now advocated by the Imperial and +Royal Government." (4) "But, in addition to the question of principle, +there is a practical and substantial reason why the Government of the +United States has from the foundation of the Republic to the present +time advocated and practised unrestricted trade in arms and military +supplies. It has never been the policy of this country to maintain in +time of peace a large military establishment or stores of arms and +ammunition sufficient to repel invasion by a well-equipped and powerful +enemy. It has desired to remain at peace with all nations and to avoid +any appearance of menacing such peace by the threat of its armies and +navies. In consequence of this standing policy the United States +would, in the event of attack by a foreign power, be at the outset of +the war seriously, if not fatally, embarrassed by the lack of arms and +ammunition and by the means to produce them in sufficient quantities to +supply the requirements of national defense. The United States has +always depended upon the right and power to purchase arms and +ammunition from neutral nations in case of foreign attack. This right, +which it claims for itself, it cannot deny to others." + +The German and Austrian authorities were fully aware that their +arguments had no basis in international law or practice. Indeed, their +notes were probably designed to influence public opinion and help the +German propagandists in this country who were making a desperate effort +to get Congress to place an embargo on the export of munitions. Having +failed in this attempt, an extensive conspiracy was formed to break up +the trade in munitions by a resort to criminal methods. Numerous +explosions occurred in munition plants destroying many lives and +millions of dollars' worth of property, and bombs were placed in a +number of ships engaged in carrying supplies to the Allies. The +Austrian ambassador and the German military and naval attachés at +Washington were involved in these activities and their recall was +promptly demanded by Secretary Lansing. + +The violations of international law by Germany were so flagrant, her +methods of waging war so barbarous, the activities of her diplomats so +devoid of honor, and her solemn pledges were so ruthlessly broken that +the technical discussion of the rules of maritime law was completely +overshadowed by the higher moral issues involved in the contest. All +further efforts to maintain neutrality finally became intolerable even +to President Wilson, who had exercised patience until patience ceased +to be a virtue. Having failed in his efforts to persuade Congress to +authorize the arming of merchantmen, the President finally concluded, +in view of Germany's threat to treat armed guards as pirates, that +armed neutrality was impracticable. He accepted the only alternative +and on April 2, 1917, went before Congress to ask for a formal +declaration of war against Germany. + +Had Germany observed the rules of international law, the United States +would probably have remained neutral notwithstanding the imminent +danger of the overthrow of France and the possible invasion of England. +The upsetting of the European balance would eventually have led to a +conflict between Germany and the United States. The violation of +American rights forced us to go to war, but having once entered the +war, we fought not merely for the vindication of American rights, but +for the establishment of human freedom and the recognition of human +rights throughout the world. In his war address President Wilson said: +"Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the +world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to +that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic Governments +backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not +by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in +such circumstances." Having once abandoned neutrality and isolation we +are not likely to remain neutral again in any war which involves the +balance of power in the world or the destinies of the major portion of +mankind. Neutrality and isolation were correlative. They were both +based on the view that we were a remote and distant people and had no +intimate concern with what was going on in the great world across the +seas. + +The failure of neutrality and the abandonment of isolation marked a +radical, though inevitable, change in our attitude toward world +politics. President Wilson did not propose, however, to abandon the +great principles for which we as a nation had stood, but rather to +extend them and give them a world-wide application. In his address to +the Senate on January 22, 1917, he said: + +"I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord +adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world; +that no nation should seek to extend its polity over any other nation +or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its +own polity, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, +unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful. + +"I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances +which would draw them into competitions of power, catch them in a net +of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with +influences intruded from without. There is no entangling alliance in a +concert of power." + +In other words, the Monroe Doctrine, stripped of its imperialistic +tendencies, was to be internationalized, and the American policy of +isolation, in the sense of avoiding secret alliances, was to become a +fundamental principle of the new international order. If the United +States was to go into a league of nations, every member of the league +must stand on its own footing. We were not to be made a buffer between +alliances and ententes. + + + + +X + +THE WAR AIMS OF THE UNITED STATES + +The advent of the United States into the family of nations nearly a +century and a half ago was an event of worldwide significance. Our +revolutionary ancestors set up a government founded on a new principle, +happily phrased by Jefferson in the statement that governments derive +their just powers from the consent of the governed. This principle +threatened, although remotely, the existence of the aristocratic +governments of the Old World which were still based on the doctrine of +divine right. The entrance of the United States into the World War was +an event of equal significance because it gave an American president, +who was thoroughly grounded in the political philosophy of the Virginia +Bill of Rights, the Declaration of Independence, and the writings of +the founders of the Republic, an opportunity to proclaim to the world +the things for which America has always stood. In this connection H. +W. V. Temperley in "A History of the Peace Conference of Paris" (vol. +i, page 173) says: "The utterances of President Wilson have a unique +significance, not only because they were taken as the legal basis of +the Peace negotiations, but because they form a definite and coherent +body of political doctrine. This doctrine, though developed and +expanded in view of the tremendous changes produced by the war, was not +formed or even altered by them. His ideas, like those of no other +great statesman of the war, are capable of being worked out as a +complete political philosophy. A peculiar interest, therefore, +attaches to his pre-war speeches, for they contain the germs of his +political faith and were not influenced by the terrifying portents of +to-day. The tenets in themselves were few and simple, but their +consequences, when developed by the war, were such as to produce the +most far-reaching results. It is not possible or necessary to discuss +how far these tenets were accepted by the American people as a whole, +for, as the utterances of their legal representative at a supreme +moment of world history, they will always retain their value." + +The principal features of Wilson's political philosophy were revealed +in his policy toward Latin America before he had any idea of +intervening in the European situation. At the outset of his +administration he declared that the United States would "never again +seek one additional foot of territory by conquest." In December, 1915, +he declared: "From the first we have made common cause with all +partisans of liberty on this side of the sea and . . . have set America +aside as a whole for the uses of independent nations and political +freemen." A few weeks later he proposed that the nations of America +should unite "in guaranteeing to each other absolute political +independence and territorial integrity." This proposal was actually +embodied in a treaty, but this plan for an American league of nations +did not meet with the approval of the other states, who probably feared +that the United States would occupy too dominant a position in such a +league. President Wilson's refusal to recognize the despotic power of +Huerta, while expressing sympathy for the people of Mexico, was the +first application of the policy which later so successfully drove a +wedge in between the Kaiser and the German people. His refusal to +invade Mexico and his determination to give the people of that country +a chance to work out their own salvation gave evidence to the world of +the unselfishness and sincerity of his policies, and paved the way for +the moral leadership which he later exercised over the peoples of +Europe. + +President Wilson's insistence on neutrality in "thought, word, and +deed," the expression "too proud to fight," and his statement in regard +to the war, May 27, 1916, that "with its causes and objects we are not +concerned," caused deep offense to many of his countrymen and were +received with ridicule by others at home and abroad. His reasons for +remaining neutral were best stated in the speech accepting his second +nomination for the presidency, September 2, 1916: "We have been neutral +not only because it was the fixed and traditional policy of the United +States to stand aloof from the politics of Europe and because we had +had no part either of action or of policy in the influences which +brought on the present war, but also because it was manifestly our duty +to prevent, if it were possible, the indefinite extension of the fires +of hate and desolation kindled by that terrible conflict and seek to +serve mankind by reserving our strength and our resources for the +anxious and difficult days of restoration and healing which must +follow, when peace will have to build its house anew." + +Other speeches made during the year 1916 show, however, that he was +being gradually forced to the conclusion that "peace is not always +within the choice of the nation" and that we must be "ready to fight +for our rights when those rights are coincident with the rights of man +and humanity." + +After the German peace proposals of December 12, 1916, President Wilson +called on all the belligerents to state publicly what they were +fighting for. This demand caused a searching of hearts everywhere, led +to a restatement of aims on the part of the Allies, and threw the +Central Governments on the defensive. In formulating their replies the +Allies were somewhat embarrassed by the secret treaties relating to +Russia and Italy, which were later made public by the Bolsheviki. In +March, 1915, England and France had made an agreement with Russia by +which she was to get Constantinople, the aim of her policy since the +days of Peter the Great. By the secret Treaty of London, signed April +26, 1915, England, France, and Russia had promised Italy that she +should receive the Trentino and Southern Tyrol, including in its +population more than 250,000 Germans. Italy was also promised Trieste +and the Istrian peninsula, the boundary running just west of Fiume, +over which city, it should be remembered, she acquired no claim under +this treaty. Italy was also to receive about half of Dalmatia, +including towns over half of whose population were Jugo-Slavs. To +President Wilson's note the Allies had to reply, therefore, in somewhat +general terms. Their territorial demands were: "The restitution of +provinces formerly torn from the Allies by force or against the wish of +their inhabitants; the liberation of the Italians, as also of the +Slavs, Roumanes, and Czecho-Slovaks from foreign domination, the +setting free of the populations subject to the bloody tyranny of the +Turks; and the turning out of Europe of the Ottoman Empire as decidedly +foreign to Western civilization." The German reply contained no +statement of territorial claims and gave no pledge even as to the +future status of Belgium. + +In reporting the results of this interchange of views to the Senate, +January 22, 1917, President Wilson delivered the first of that series +of addresses on the essentials of a just and lasting peace which made +him the recognized spokesman of the liberal element in all countries +and gained for him a moral leadership that was without parallel in the +history of the world. "In every discussion of the peace that must end +this war," he declared, "it is taken for granted that that peace must +be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it +virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us +again. Every lover of mankind, every sane and thoughtful man must take +that for granted." In fact, there was no dissent from this statement. +Most of our leading men, including Taft, Roosevelt, and Lodge, were +committed to the idea of a league of nations for the maintenance of law +and international peace. The League to Enforce Peace, which had +branches in all the Allied countries, had done a great work in +popularizing this idea. The President came before the Senate, he said, +"as the council associated with me in the final determination of our +international obligations," to formulate the conditions upon which he +would feel justified in asking the American people to give "formal and +solemn adherence to a League for Peace." He disclaimed any right to a +voice in determining what the terms of peace should be, but he did +claim a right to "have a voice in determining whether they shall be +made lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal covenant." First +of all, the peace must be a "peace without victory," for "only a peace +between equals can last." And, he added, "there is a deeper thing +involved than even equality of right among organized nations. No peace +can last, or ought to last, which does not recognize and accept the +principle that governments derive all their just powers from the +consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand +peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were +property." He cited Poland as an example, declaring that statesmen +everywhere were agreed that she should be "united, independent, and +autonomous." + +He declared that every great people "should be assured a direct outlet +to the sea," and that "no nation should be shut away from free access +to the open paths of the world's commerce." He added: "The freedom of +the seas is the _sine qua non_ of peace, equality, and coöperation." +This problem, he said, was closely connected with the limitation of +naval armaments. "The question of armaments, whether on land or sea, +is the most immediately and intensely practical question connected with +the future fortunes of nations and of mankind." + +The Russian revolution, which came in March, 1917, and resulted in the +overthrow of the Czar's government, cleared the political atmosphere +for the time being, and enabled President Wilson in his address to +Congress on April 2 to proclaim a war of democracy against autocracy. +The new Russian government repudiated all imperialistic aims and +adopted the formula: "Self-determination, no annexations, no +indemnities." Poland was given her freedom and the demand for +Constantinople was abandoned. The Allies were thus relieved from one +of their most embarrassing secret treaties. + +Even after America entered the war, President Wilson continued to +advance the same ideas as to the ultimate conditions of peace. His +attitude remained essentially different from that of the Allies, who +were hampered by secret treaties wholly at variance with the +President's aims. In his war address he declared that we had "no +quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but +one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that +their government acted in entering this war." Prussian autocracy was +the object of his attack. "We are now about to accept gauge of battle +with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the +whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its +power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false +pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world +and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for +the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men +everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world +must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the +tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to +serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for +ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely +make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We +shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the +faith and the freedom of nations can make them." + +About the time that the United States declared war, Austria and Germany +began another so-called "peace offensive." Overtures were made by +Austria to France in March, and in August the Pope made a direct appeal +to the Powers. This move was unmasked by President Wilson in a public +address at the Washington Monument, June 14, 1917. "The military +masters under whom Germany is bleeding," he declared, "see very clearly +to what point fate has brought them: if they fall back or are forced +back an inch, their power abroad and at home will fall to pieces. It +is their power at home of which they are thinking now more than of +their power abroad. It is that power which is trembling under their +very feet. Deep fear has entered their hearts. They have but one +chance to perpetuate their military power, or even their controlling +political influence. If they can secure peace now, with the immense +advantage still in their hands, they will have justified themselves +before the German people. They will have gained by force what they +promised to gain by it--an immense expansion of German power and an +immense enlargement of German industrial and commercial opportunities. +Their prestige will be secure, and with their prestige their political +power. If they fail, their people will thrust them aside. A +government accountable to the people themselves will be set up in +Germany, as has been the case in England, the United States, and +France--in all great countries of modern times except Germany. If they +succeed they are safe, and Germany and the world are undone. If they +fail, Germany is saved and the world will be at peace. If they +succeed, America will fall within the menace, and we, and all the rest +of the world, must remain armed, as they will remain, and must make +ready for the next step in their aggression. If they fail, the world +may unite for peace and Germany may be of the union." + +The task of replying to the Pope was left by the Allied governments to +Wilson, who was not hampered by secret treaties. In this remarkable +document he drove still further the wedge between the German people and +the Kaiser. "The American people have suffered intolerable wrongs at +the hands of the Imperial German Government, but they desire no +reprisal upon the German people who have themselves suffered all things +in this war which they did not choose. They believe that peace should +rest upon the rights of peoples, not the rights of Governments--the +rights of peoples great or small, weak or powerful--their equal right +to freedom and security and self-government and to a participation upon +fair terms in the economic opportunities of the world, the German +people of course included if they will accept equality and not seek +domination." + +In conclusion he said: "We cannot take the word of the present rulers +of Germany as a guarantee of anything that is to endure, unless +explicitly supported by such conclusive evidence of the will and +purpose of the German people themselves as the other peoples of the +world would be justified in accepting. Without such guarantees, +treaties of settlement, agreements for disarmament, covenants to set up +arbitration in the place of force, territorial adjustments, +reconstitutions of small nations, if made with the German Government, +no man, no nation could now depend on. We must await some new evidence +of the purposes of the great peoples of the Central Powers. God grant +it may be given soon and in a way to restore the confidence of all +peoples everywhere in the faith of nations and the possibility of +covenanted peace." + +Early in November, 1917, the Kerensky Government was overthrown in +Russia and the Bolsheviki came into power. They at once proposed a +general armistice and called upon all the belligerents to enter into +peace negotiations. The Central Powers accepted the invitation, and +early in December negotiations began at Brest-Litovsk. The Russian +peace proposals were: the evacuation of occupied territories, +self-determination for nationalities not hitherto independent, no war +indemnities or economic boycotts, and the settlement of colonial +questions in accordance with the above principles. The Austrian +minister, Count Czernin, replied for the Central Powers, accepting more +of the Russian program than had been expected, but rejecting the +principle of a free plebiscite for national groups not hitherto +independent, and conditioning the whole on the acceptance by the Allies +of the offer of general peace. The conference called on the Allies for +an answer by January 4. No direct reply was made to this demand, but +the Russian proposals had made a profound impression on the laboring +classes in all countries, and both Lloyd George and President Wilson +felt called on to define more clearly the war aims of the Allies. + +In a speech delivered January 5, 1918, Lloyd George made the first +comprehensive and authoritative statement of British war aims. He had +consulted the labor leaders and Viscount Grey and Mr. Asquith, as well +as some of the representatives of the overseas dominions, and he was +speaking, he said, for "the nation and the Empire as a whole." He +explained first what the British were not fighting for. He disclaimed +any idea of overthrowing the German Government, although he considered +military autocracy "a dangerous anachronism"; they were not fighting to +destroy Austria-Hungary, but genuine self-government must be granted to +"those Austro-Hungarian nationalities who have long desired it"; they +were not fighting "to deprive Turkey of its capital or of the rich and +renowned lands of Thrace, which are predominantly Turkish in race," but +the passage between the Mediterranean and the Black Sea must be +"internationalized and neutralized." The positive statement of aims +included the complete restoration of Belgium, the return of +Alsace-Lorraine to France, rectification of the Italian boundary, the +independence of Poland, the restoration of Serbia, Montenegro, and the +occupied parts of France, Italy, and Rumania, and a disposition of the +German colonies with "primary regard to the wishes and interests of the +native inhabitants of such colonies." He insisted on reparation for +injuries done in violation of international law, but disclaimed a +demand for war indemnity. In conclusion he declared the following +conditions to be essential to a lasting peace: "First, the sanctity of +treaties must be reëstablished; secondly, a territorial settlement must +be secured, based on the right of self-determination or the consent of +the governed; and lastly, we must seek, by the creation of some +international organization, to limit the burden of armaments and +diminish the probability of war." + +On January 8, 1918, three days after Lloyd George's speech, President +Wilson appeared before both Houses of Congress and delivered the most +important of all his addresses on war aims. It contained the famous +Fourteen Points: + +I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall +be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy +shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. + +II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial +waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in +whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of +international covenants. + +III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the +establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations +consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. + +IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be +reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. + +V. A free, open-minded and absolutely impartial adjustment of all +colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that +in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the +populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims +of the Government whose title is to be determined. + +VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of +all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest +coöperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an +unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent +determination of her own political development and national policy and +assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under +institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance +also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The +treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations will be the acid test +of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as +distinguished from their own interests and of their intelligent and +unselfish sympathy. + +VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and +restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys +in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve +as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws +which they have themselves set and determined for the government of +their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole +structure and validity of international law is forever impaired. + +VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions +restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter +of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for +nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once +more be made secure in the interest of all. + +IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along +clearly recognizable lines of nationality. + +X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we +wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest +opportunity of autonomous development. + +XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated: occupied +territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the +sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another +determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of +allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the +political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the +several Balkan states should be entered into. + +XII. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be +assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now +under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and +an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the +Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships +and commerce of all nations under international guarantees. + +XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should +include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, +which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose +political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be +guaranteed by international covenant. + +XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific +covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political +independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike. + + +In February negotiations at Brest-Litovsk were broken off as a result +of the excessive demands of the Germans and the armistice was declared +at an end. The Germans quickly overran Poland and the Baltic provinces +and occupied Ukraine under a treaty which virtually placed the material +resources of that country at the disposal of the Central Powers. In an +address at Baltimore, April 6, the anniversary of our entrance into the +war, President Wilson denounced the insincerity and perfidy of the +German rulers, who, he said, were "enjoying in Russia a cheap triumph +in which no brave or gallant nation can long take pride." He concluded +with these strong words: "Germany has once more said that force, and +force alone, shall decide whether justice and peace shall reign in the +affairs of men, whether right as America conceives it or dominion as +she conceives it shall determine the destinies of mankind. There is, +therefore, but one response possible from us: Force, force to the +utmost, force without stint or limit, the righteous and triumphant +force which shall make right the law of the world and cast every +selfish dominion down in the dust." + +Between the addresses of January 8 and the Armistice, the President +delivered other addresses in which he elaborated some of the principles +of the Fourteen Points. Of special significance were his speeches of +February 11, July 4, and September 27. In the last his mind centered +on the League of Nations. "There can be no leagues or alliances or +special covenants and understandings within the general and common +family of the League of Nations," he declared, and "there can be no +special selfish economic combinations within the League, and no +employment of any form of economic boycott or exclusion, except as the +power of economic penalty, by exclusion from the markets of the world, +may be vested in the League of Nations itself as a means of discipline +and control." In conclusion he said that the United States was +prepared "to assume its full share of responsibility for the +maintenance of the common covenants and understandings upon which peace +must henceforth rest." + +We now know from the published memoirs of German and Austrian statesmen +that President Wilson's speeches made a profound impression on the +peoples of Central Europe. His utterances in behalf of the oppressed +nationalities, not only Belgium, Serbia, and Poland, but also the +Czecho-Slovaks and the Jugo-Slavs, became stronger and more frequent +during the spring and summer of 1918, and solidified the opposition to +Germany at a critical period of the war. On September 3 he recognized +the Czecho-Slovak National Council as a belligerent government. This +meant the break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which had not been +contemplated at an earlier period, but, as he stated in his reply to +the Austrian request for an armistice in October, conditions had +changed since the announcement of the Fourteen Points, and these +peoples would no longer be satisfied with mere autonomy. + +As a result of the Russian collapse and the negotiations at +Brest-Litovsk, the Germans withdrew their divisions from the eastern +front and staked everything on the great western drive of March, 1918. +When this movement was finally checked and the Allied advance began, +the German military leaders knew that the game was up, but they did not +have the courage to face the facts, for an acknowledgment of defeat +meant the overthrow of the old system of government based on military +success. They waited in vain for some military advantage which would +give them an opportunity to open negotiations without openly +acknowledging defeat. Finally the state of demoralization at +Headquarters became so complete that there was no alternative but to +ask for an immediate armistice. In order to pave the way for this +step, the ministry resigned October 1, and Prince Max of Baden was +called on to form a new government. On the 4th he dispatched a note to +President Wilson through the Swiss Government, requesting him to call a +peace conference and stating that the German Government "accepts the +program set forth by the President of the United States in his message +to Congress of the 8th January, 1918, and in his later pronouncements, +especially his speech of the 27th September, as a basis for peace +negotiations." + +In reply the President asked for a clearer understanding on three +points: (1) Did the Imperial Chancellor mean that the German Government +accepted the terms laid down in the President's addresses referred to, +and "that its object in entering into discussion would be only to agree +upon the practical details of their application?" (2) The President +would not feel at liberty to propose a cessation of arms to the Allied +Governments so long as the armies of the Central Powers were upon their +soil. (3) The President asked whether the Chancellor was speaking for +the constituted authorities of the Empire who had so far conducted the +war. + +The German reply of October 12 was satisfactory on the first point. +With respect to the withdrawal of their troops from occupied territory +they proposed a mixed commission to arrange the details. On the third +point it was stated that the new government had been formed in +agreement with the great majority of the Reichstag. Having +accomplished this much, the President's next step was skilfully taken. +He replied that the process of evacuation and the conditions of an +armistice were matters which must be left to the judgment of the +military advisers of the United States and the Allied Governments, but +that he would not agree to any arrangement which did not provide +"absolutely satisfactory safeguards and guarantees of the maintenance +of the present military supremacy of the armies of the United States +and of the Allies in the field." Referring next to submarine warfare, +he declared that the United States and the Allied Governments could not +consider an armistice "so long as the armed forces of Germany continue +the illegal and inhumane practices which they persist in." In +conclusion he referred to a clause contained in his speech of July 4, +now accepted by the German Government as one of the conditions of +peace, namely, "The destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere that +can separately, secretly, and of its single choice disturb the peace of +the world." He added: "The power which has hitherto controlled the +German nation is of the sort here described. It is within the choice +of the German nation to alter it." He demanded that the United States +and the Allied Governments "should know beyond a peradventure" with +whom they were dealing. + +In reply the Chancellor assured the President that a bill had been +introduced in the Reichstag to alter the constitution of the Empire so +as to give the representatives of the people the right to decide for +war or peace, but the President was not satisfied that there had been +any real change. "It may be that future wars have been brought under +the control of the German people, but the present war has not been; and +it is with the present war that we are dealing." He was not willing to +accept any armistice which did not make a renewal of hostilities on the +part of Germany impossible. If, he concluded, the United States "must +deal with the military masters and the monarchical autocrats of Germany +now, or if it is likely to have to deal with them later in regard to +the international obligations of the German Empire, it must demand not +peace negotiations but surrender. Nothing can be gained by leaving +this essential thing unsaid." This note was written October 23. Four +days later the Chancellor replied: "The President knows the deep-rooted +changes which have taken place and are still taking place in German +constitutional life. The peace negotiations will be conducted by a +People's Government, in whose hands the decisive legal power rests in +accordance with the Constitution, and to which the Military Power will +also be subject. The German Government now awaits the proposals for an +armistice which will introduce a peace of justice such as the President +in his manifestations has described." + +The terms of the Armistice were drawn up by the Interallied Council at +Versailles and completed by November 5. They were much more severe +than the public had expected them to be. Germany was required +immediately to evacuate Belgium, France, Alsace-Lorraine, and +Luxemburg; to withdraw her armies from the entire territory on the left +bank of the Rhine, and from Russia, Austria-Hungary, Rumania, and +Turkey; she was to surrender enormous quantities of heavy artillery and +airplanes, all her submarines, and most of her battleships, cruisers, +and destroyers. This was practically unconditional surrender. +Contrary to the general belief at the time, it is now known that Foch +and Haig considered these terms too severe and feared that Germany +would not accept them. They wanted an armistice that Germany would +accept. General Bliss, on the other hand, wanted to demand "the +complete disarmament and demobilization of the military and naval +forces of the enemy." In America there was much criticism of the +President for being willing to negotiate with Germany at all. "On to +Berlin" was a popular cry, and it was thought that the President was +preventing a complete military triumph. On October 10 Senator Lodge +declared in the Senate: "The Republican party stands for unconditional +surrender and complete victory, just as Grant stood. My own belief is +that the American people mean to have an unconditional surrender. They +mean to have a dictated, not a negotiated peace." + +After reviewing the Armistice negotiations André Tardieu, a member of +the French Cabinet and delegate to the Peace Conference, says: + +"What remains of the fiction, believed by so many, of an armistice +secretly determined upon by an American dictator; submitted to by the +European governments: imposed by their weakness upon the victorious +armies, despite the opposition of the generals? The Armistice was +discussed in the open light of day. President Wilson only consented to +communicate it to his associates on the triple condition that its +principle be approved by the military authorities and its clauses would +be drawn up by them; that it be imposed upon the enemy and not +discussed with him; that it be such as to prevent all resumption of +hostilities and assure the submission of the vanquished to the terms of +peace. So it was that the discussion went on with Berlin till October +23, and in Paris from that date till November 5. It was to the +Commander-in-Chief [Foch] that final decision was left not only on the +principle of the Armistice but upon its application. He it was who +drew up the text. And it was his draft that was adopted. The action +of the governments was limited to endorsing it and making it more +severe. That is the truth:--it is perhaps less picturesque but +certainly more in accord with common sense." + +The terms of the Armistice were delivered to the Germans by Marshal +Foch November 7, and they were given seventy-two hours to accept or +reject them. Meanwhile Germany's allies were rapidly deserting her. +Bulgaria surrendered September 30, and on October 30 Turkey signed an +armistice. Finally on November 4, the rapidly disintegrating +Austro-Hungarian Monarchy also signed an armistice. On October 28 +there had been a naval mutiny at Kiel which spread rapidly to the other +ports. On the 31st the Emperor departed for Army Headquarters, leaving +Berlin on the verge of revolution. On the 7th of November the Social +Democrats demanded the abdication of the Emperor and the Crown Prince. +On the 9th Prince Max resigned the Chancellorship, and the Kaiser +abdicated and ignominiously fled across the border into Holland. On +the 11th at 5 A. M. the Armistice was signed by the German delegates +and Marshal Foch, and it went into effect at 11 o'clock that day. + +In two particulars the Wilson principles had been modified by the +Allies. In the American note to Germany of November 5 Secretary +Lansing stated that the President had submitted his correspondence with +the German authorities to the Allied Governments and that he had +received in reply the following memorandum: + +"The Allied Governments have given careful consideration to the +correspondence which has passed between the President of the United +States and the German Government. Subject to the qualifications which +follow, they declare their willingness to make peace with the +Government of Germany on the terms of peace laid down in the +President's Address to Congress of January 8, 1918, and the principles +of settlement enunciated in his subsequent Addresses. They must point +out, however, that Clause 2, relating to what is usually described as +the freedom of the seas, is open to various interpretations, some of +which they could not accept. They must therefore reserve to themselves +complete freedom on this subject when they enter the Peace Conference. +Further, in the conditions of peace laid down in his Address to +Congress of January 8, 1918, the President declared that the invaded +territories must be restored as well as evacuated and freed, and the +Allied Governments feel that no doubt ought to be allowed to exist as +to what this provision implies. By it they understand that +compensation will be made by Germany for all damage done to the +civilian population of the Allies and their property by the aggression +of Germany by land, by sea, and from the air." In transmitting this +memorandum Secretary Lansing stated that he was instructed by the +President to say that he agreed with this interpretation. + +With these modifications the Wilson principles were accepted by all +parties as the legal basis of the peace negotiations. + + + + +XI + +THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES + +It was agreed that the Peace Conference should meet at Paris, and +President Wilson considered the issues involved of such magnitude that +he decided to head the American delegation himself. Great Britain, +France, and Italy were to be represented by their premiers, and it was +fitting that the United States should be represented by its most +responsible leader, who, furthermore, had been the chief spokesman of +the Allies and had formulated the principles upon which the peace was +to be made. But the decision of the President to go to Paris was +without precedent in our history and, therefore, it met with criticism +and opposition. When he announced the names of the other members of +the delegation, the criticism became even more outspoken and severe. +They were Secretary of State Lansing, Henry White, former ambassador to +France, Colonel Edward M. House, and General Tasker H. Bliss. There +had been a widespread demand for a non-partisan peace commission, and +many people thought that the President should have taken Root, or +Roosevelt, or Taft. Mr. White was a Republican but he had never been +active in party affairs or in any sense a leader. In the Senate there +was deep resentment that the President had not selected any members of +that body to accompany him. President McKinley had appointed three +senators as members of the commission of five that negotiated the +treaty of peace at the close of the Spanish War. With that exception, +senators had never taken part directly in the negotiation of a treaty. +The delegation was attended by a large group of experts on military, +economic, geographical, ethnological, and legal matters, some of whom +were men of great ability, and in their selection no party lines were +drawn. + +But just before the signing of the Armistice, the President had +suffered a serious political defeat at home. There had been severe +criticism of Democratic leadership in Congress and growing +dissatisfaction with some of the members of the Cabinet. In response +to the appeals of Democratic Congressmen, the President issued a +statement from the White House on October 25, asking the people, if +they approved of his leadership and wished him to continue to be their +"unembarrassed spokesman in affairs at home and abroad," to vote for +the Democratic candidates for Congress. He acknowledged that the +Republicans in Congress had loyally supported his war measures, but he +declared that they were hostile to the administration and that the time +was too critical for divided leadership. This statement created a +storm of criticism, and did more than any other act in his +administration to turn the tide of public opinion against the +President. The elections resulted in a Republican majority of +thirty-nine in the House and two in the Senate. The President had +followed the practice of European premiers in appealing to the people, +but under our constitutional system he could not very well resign. Had +he not issued his appeal, the election would have been regarded as a +repudiation of the Democratic Congress, but not necessarily as a +repudiation of the President. The situation was most unfortunate, but +the President made no comments and soon after announced his intention +of going to Paris. In December Lloyd George went to the country, and +on pledging himself to make Germany pay for the war and to hang the +Kaiser, he was returned by a substantial majority. These pledges were +unnecessary and had a most unfortunate influence on the subsequent +negotiations at Paris. + +The President sailed for France December 4, leaving a divided country +behind him. His enemies promptly seized the opportunity to assail him. +Senator Sherman introduced a resolution declaring the presidency vacant +because the President had left the territory of the United States, and +Senator Knox offered another resolution declaring that the Conference +should confine itself solely to the restoration of peace, and that the +proposed league of nations should be reserved for consideration at some +future time. + +While his enemies in the Senate were busily organizing all the forces +of opposition against him, the President was welcomed by the war-weary +peoples of Europe with demonstrations of genuine enthusiasm such as had +been the lot of few men in history to receive. Sovereigns and heads of +States bestowed the highest honors upon him, while great crowds of +working men gathered at the railroad stations in order to get a glimpse +of the man who had led the crusade for a peace that would end war and +establish justice as the rule of conduct between the nations of the +world, great and small nations alike. + +No mortal man could have fulfilled the hopes and expectations that +centered in Wilson when he landed on the shores of France in December, +1918. The Armistice had been signed on the basis of his ideals, and +the peoples of Europe confidently expected to see those ideals embodied +in the treaty of peace. He still held the moral leadership of the +world, but the war was over, the German menace ended, and national +rivalries and jealousies were beginning to reappear, even among those +nations who had so recently fought and bled side by side. This change +was to be revealed when the Conference met. There was no sign of it in +the plaudits of the multitudes who welcomed the President in France, in +England, and in Italy. He returned on January 7, 1919, from Italy to +Paris, where delegates to the Conference from all the countries which +had been at war with Germany were gathering. + +The first session of the Peace Conference was held January 18. The +main work of the Conference was carried on by the Supreme Council, +constituted at this meeting and composed of the two ranking delegates +of each of the five great powers, Great Britain, France, Italy, the +United States, and Japan. The decisions which this Council arrived at, +with the aid of the large groups of technical advisers which +accompanied the delegations of the great powers, were reported to the +Conference in plenary session from time to time and ratified. The +Supreme Council was, however, gradually superseded by the "Big Four," +Wilson, Lloyd George, Clemenceau, and Orlando, while the "Five," +composed of ministers of foreign affairs, handled much of the routine +business, and made some important decisions, subject to the approval of +the "Four." According to statistics compiled by Tardieu, the Council +of Ten held seventy-two sessions, the "Five" held thirty-nine, and the +"Four" held one hundred and forty-five. As one of the American experts +puts it: "The 'Ten' fell into the background, the 'Five' never emerged +from obscurity, the 'Four' ruled the Conference in the culminating +period when its decisions took shape." + +At the plenary session of January 25, President Wilson made a notable +speech in which he proposed the creation of a league of nations, and a +resolution to organize such a league and make it an integral part of +the general treaty was unanimously adopted. A commission to draft a +constitution for the League was appointed with President Wilson as +chairman. On February 14 the first draft of the Covenant of the League +was presented by him to the Conference, and on the following day he +sailed for the United States in order to consider the bills passed by +Congress before the expiration of the session on March 4. The first +draft of the Covenant was hastily prepared, and it went back to the +commission for revision. As soon as the text was made known in the +United States, opposition to the Covenant was expressed in the Senate. +During the President's brief visit to Washington, he gave a dinner at +the White House to members of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations +and of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs for the purpose of +explaining to them the terms of the Covenant. There was no official +report of what occurred at this dinner, but it was stated that some of +the senators objected to the Covenant on the ground that it was +contrary to our traditional policies and inconsistent with our +Constitution and form of government. On March 4, the day before the +President left New York to resume his duties at the Conference, +Senators Lodge and Knox issued a round robin, signed by thirty-seven +senators, declaring that they would not vote for the Covenant in the +form proposed, and that consideration of the League of Nations should +be postponed until peace had been concluded with Germany. That same +night the President made a speech at the Metropolitan Opera House in +New York City in which, after explaining and defining the Covenant, he +said: "When that treaty comes back gentlemen on this side will find the +Covenant not only in it, but so many threads of the treaty tied to the +Covenant that you cannot dissect the Covenant from the treaty without +destroying the whole vital structure." In this same address he also +said: "The first thing I am going to tell the people on the other side +of the water is that an overwhelming majority of the American people is +in favour of the League of Nations. I know that this is true. I have +had unmistakable intimations of it from all parts of the country, and +the voice rings true in every case." The President was evidently quite +confident that public sentiment would compel the Senate to ratify the +peace treaty, including the Covenant of the League. A nation-wide +propaganda was being carried on by the League to Enforce Peace and +other organizations, and public sentiment for the League appeared to be +overwhelming. The President took back to Paris with him various +suggestions of changes in the Covenant, and later ex-President Taft, +Elihu Root, and Charles E. Hughes proposed amendments which were +forwarded to him and carefully considered by the commission. Some of +these suggestions, such as the reservation of the Monroe Doctrine and +the right of withdrawal from the League, were embodied in the final +draft. + +When the President returned to Paris he found that Secretary Lansing +and Colonel House had consented to the separation of the League from +the treaty of peace. He immediately reversed this decision, but the +final adoption of the Covenant was delayed by the demand of Japan that +a clause be inserted establishing "the principle of equality of nations +and just treatment of their nationals," which would have brought within +the jurisdiction of the League the status of Japan's subjects in +California and in the British dominions. France urged the inclusion of +a provision creating a permanent General Staff to direct the military +operations of the League, and Belgium insisted that Brussels rather +than Geneva should be the seat of the League. Meanwhile other national +aspirations were also brought forward which delayed the general treaty +of peace. France wanted the entire left bank of the Rhine; Italy put +forth a claim to Fiume; and Japan, relying on secret agreements with +England, France, and Italy, insisted on her claims to Shantung. No +economic settlement had as yet been agreed upon, and the question of +reparations was threatening the disruption of the Conference. + +The most difficult problem that the Conference had to solve was the +establishment of a new Franco-German frontier. There was no question +about Alsace-Lorraine. That had been disposed of by the Fourteen +Points, and Germany had acquiesced in its return to France in the +pre-Armistice agreement. But no sooner was the Armistice signed than +Foch addressed a note to Clemenceau, setting forth the necessity of +making the Rhine the western frontier of Germany. The Left Bank, +extending from Alsace-Lorraine to the Dutch frontier, embraced about +10,000 square miles and 5,500,000 people. The debate on this question +continued at intervals for six months and at times became very +acrimonious. The French representatives did not demand the direct +annexation of the Left Bank, but they proposed an independent or +autonomous Rhineland and French, or inter-Allied, occupation of the +Rhine for an indefinite period, or at least until the full execution by +Germany of the financial clauses of the treaty. Both the British and +American delegates opposed the French proposals. Lloyd George +repeatedly said: "We must not create another Alsace-Lorraine." He also +remarked on one occasion: "The strongest impression made upon me by my +first visit to Paris was the statue of Strasburg veiled in mourning. +Do not let us make it possible for Germany to erect a similar statue." + +This discussion was being carried on with great earnestness and +intensity of feeling when Wilson returned to Paris March 14. That very +afternoon he met Lloyd George and Clemenceau. The French argument was +set forth again at length and with great skill. The fact was again +pointed out that the destruction of the German fleet had relieved +England from all fear of German invasion, and that the Atlantic Ocean +lay between Germany and the United States, while France, which had +suffered two German invasions in half a century, had no safeguard but +the League of Nations, which she did not deem as good a guarantee as +the Rhine bridges. Finally Wilson and Lloyd George offered the +guarantee treaties, and Clemenceau agreed to take the proposal under +consideration. Three days later he came back with a counter +proposition and a compromise was reached. France gave up her demand +for a separate Rhineland, but secured occupation of the Left Bank, +including the bridge-heads, for a period of fifteen years as a +guarantee of the execution of the treaty. In return the United States +and Great Britain pledged themselves to come to the immediate aid of +France, in case of an unprovoked attack, by an agreement which was to +be binding only if ratified by both countries. This treaty the United +States Senate refused to ratify. Foch was opposed to this compromise, +and adopted a course of action which was very embarrassing to +Clemenceau. Fierce attacks on the French Government and on the +representatives of Great Britain and the United States, inspired by +him, appeared in the papers. When the treaty was finally completed, he +even went so far as to refuse to transmit the note summoning the German +delegates to Versailles to receive it. Wilson and Lloyd George finally +protested so vigorously to Clemenceau that Foch had to give way. + +In view of the promises of Clemenceau and Lloyd George that Germany +should pay the cost of the war, the question of reparations was an +exceedingly difficult one to adjust. President Wilson stoutly opposed +the inclusion of war costs as contrary to the pre-Armistice agreement, +and Lloyd George and Clemenceau finally had to give in. The entire +American delegation and their corps of experts endeavored to limit the +charges imposed on Germany rigidly to reparation for damage done to +civilians in the occupied areas and on land and sea. Lloyd George, +remembering the promises which he had made prior to the December +elections, insisted that pensions paid by the Allied governments should +be included as damage done to the civilian population. This claim was +utterly illogical, for pensions fall properly into the category of +military expenses, but it was pressed with such skill and determination +by Lloyd George and General Smuts that President Wilson finally gave +his assent. + +From the first the American delegates and experts were in favor of +fixing definitely the amount that Germany was to pay in the way of +reparations and settling this question once for all. They hoped to +agree upon a sum which it was within Germany's power to pay. But +Clemenceau and Lloyd George had made such extravagant promises to their +people that they were afraid to announce at this time a sum which would +necessarily be much less than the people expected. They, therefore, +insisted that the question should be left open to be determined later +by a Reparations Commission. They declared that any other course would +mean the immediate overthrow of their governments and the +reorganization of the British and French delegations. President Wilson +did not care to put himself in the position of appearing to precipitate +a political crisis in either country, so he finally gave way on this +point also. These concessions proved to be the most serious mistakes +that he made at Paris, for they did more than anything else to +undermine the faith of liberals everywhere in him. + +The Italian delegation advanced a claim to Fiume which was inconsistent +both with the Treaty of London and the Fourteen Points. When +disagreement over this question had been delaying for weeks the +settlement of other matters, President Wilson finally made a public +statement of his position which was virtually an appeal to the Italian +people over the heads of their delegation. The entire delegation +withdrew from the Conference and went home, but Premier Orlando +received an almost unanimous vote of confidence from his parliament, +and he was supported by an overwhelming tide of public sentiment +throughout Italy. This was the first indication of Wilson's loss of +prestige with the peoples of Europe. + +As already stated, the Japanese had insisted on the insertion in the +Covenant of the League of the principle of racial equality. It is very +doubtful whether they ever expected to succeed in this. The +probability is that they advanced this principle in order to compel +concessions on other points. Japan's main demand was that the German +leases and concessions in the Chinese province of Shantung should be +definitely confirmed to her by the treaty. Two weeks after the +outbreak of the World War, Japan had addressed an ultimatum to Germany +to the effect that she immediately withdraw all German vessels from +Chinese and Japanese waters and deliver not later than September 15 "to +the Imperial Japanese authorities without condition or compensation the +entire leased territory of Kiao-chau with a view to the eventual +restoration of the same to China." In a statement issued to the press +Count Okuma said: + +"As Premier of Japan, I have stated and I now again state to the people +of America and all the world that Japan has no ulterior motive or +desire to secure more territory, no thought of depriving China or any +other peoples of anything which they now possess." + +The Germans had spent about $100,000,000 in improving Tsing-tau, the +principal city of Kiao-chau, and they had no intention of surrendering. +After a siege of two months the city was captured by the Japanese army +and navy, assisted by a small force of British troops. This was the +first act in the drama. On January 8, 1915, Japan suddenly presented +to the Chinese government the now famous Twenty-one Demands, +deliberately misrepresenting to the United States and other powers the +nature of these demands. Among other things, Japan demanded not only +that China should assent to any agreement in regard to Shantung that +Japan and Germany might reach at the conclusion of the war, but that +she should also grant to her greater rights and concessions in Shantung +than Germany had enjoyed. China was finally forced to agree to these +demands. + +Japan's next step was to acquire from the Allies the assurance that +they would support her claims to Shantung and to the islands in the +Pacific north of the equator on the conclusion of the war. This she +did in secret agreements signed in February and March, 1917, with +England, France, Italy, and Russia. England agreed to support Japan's +claim on condition that Japan would support her claims to the Pacific +islands south of the equator. France signed on condition that Japan +would use her influence on China to break relations with Germany and +place at the disposal of the Allies the German ships interned in +Chinese ports. The Allies were evidently uneasy about Japan, and were +willing to do anything that was necessary to satisfy her. This +uncertainty about Japan may also be the explanation of the +Lansing-Ishii agreement signed November 2, 1917, in which the United +States recognized the "special interests" of Japan in China. + +The secret treaties of the Allies relating to the Japanese claims were +not revealed until the disposition of the German islands in the Pacific +was under discussion at the Peace Conference. When informed by Baron +Makino that the islands north of the equator had been pledged to Japan +by agreements signed two years before, President Wilson inquired +whether there were other secret agreements, and was informed that the +German rights in Shantung had also been promised to Japan. As the +other powers were pledged to support Japan's claims, President Wilson +found himself in a very embarrassing situation, especially as he had +also to oppose Japan's demand that a clause recognizing racial equality +be inserted in the Covenant of the League. This was a moral claim that +Japan urged with great strategic effect. In pushing her claims to +Shantung she ignored all moral considerations and relied entirely upon +her legal status, secured (1) by the secret treaties with the Allies, +(2) by the treaty of 1915 with China, and (3) by right of conquest. +When charged with having coerced China into signing the treaty of 1915, +Japan replied with truth that most of the important treaties with China +had been extorted by force. Japan declared, however, that she had no +intention of holding Shantung permanently, but that she would restore +the province in full sovereignty to China, retaining only the economic +privileges transferred from Germany. In view of this oral promise, +President Wilson finally acquiesced in the recognition of Japan's legal +status in Shantung. + +On May 7 the completed treaty was presented to the German delegates who +had been summoned to Versailles to receive it. When the text was made +public in Berlin there was an indignant outcry against the alleged +injustice of certain provisions which were held to be inconsistent with +the pledges given by President Wilson in the pre-Armistice +negotiations, and the Germans made repeated efforts to draw the Allies +into a general discussion of principles. They were, however, finally +given to understand that they must accept or reject the treaty as it +stood, and on June 28 it was signed in the Hall of Mirrors at +Versailles--the same hall in which William I had been crowned Emperor +of Germany forty-eight years before. + +The next day President Wilson sailed for the United States, and on July +10 personally presented the treaty to the Senate with an earnest appeal +for prompt ratification. The Committee on Foreign Relations, to which +the treaty was referred, proceeded with great deliberation, and on July +31 began a series of public hearings which lasted until September 12. +The Committee called before it Secretary Lansing and several of the +technical advisors to the American delegation, including B. M. Baruch, +economic adviser, Norman H. Davis, financial adviser, and David Hunter +Miller, legal adviser. The Committee also called before it a number of +American citizens who had had no official connection with the +negotiations but who wished to speak in behalf of foreign groups, +including Thomas F. Millard for China, Joseph W. Folk for Egypt, Dudley +Field Malone for India, and a large delegation of Americans of Irish +descent, who opposed the League of Nations on the ground that it would +stand in the way of Ireland's aspiration for independence. The rival +claims of Jugo-Slavs and Italians to Fiume, the demand of Albania for +self-determination, the claims of Greece to Thrace, and arguments for +and against the separation of Austria and Hungary were all presented at +great length to the Committee. On August 19 the President received the +Committee at the White House, and after submitting a written statement +on certain features of the Covenant, he was questioned by members of +the Committee and a general discussion followed. + +Meanwhile, the treaty was being openly debated in the Senate. The +President had been an advocate of publicity in diplomacy as well as in +other things, and the Senate now undertook to use his own weapon +against him by a public attack on the treaty. Although the opposition +to the treaty was started in the Senate by Lodge, Borah, Johnson, +Sherman, Reed, and Poindexter, it was not confined to that body. +Throughout the country there were persons of liberal views who favored +the League of Nations but objected to the severe terms imposed on +Germany, and charged the President with having proved false to the +principles of the Fourteen Points. There were others who did not +object to a severe peace, but who were bound fast by the tradition of +isolation and thought membership in the League of Nations would involve +the sacrifice of national sovereignty. The main object of attack was +Article X, which guaranteed the territorial integrity and political +independence of all the members of the League. President Wilson stated +to the Senate Committee that he regarded Article X as "the very +backbone of the whole Covenant," and that "without it the League would +be hardly more than an influential debating society." The opponents of +the League declared that this article would embroil the United States +in the internal affairs of Europe, and that it deprived Congress of its +constitutional right to declare war. + +In the Senate there were three groups: the small number of +"irreconcilables" who opposed the ratification of the treaty in any +form; a larger group who favored ratification without amendments, but +who finally expressed their willingness to accept "interpretative +reservations"; and a large group composed mainly of Republicans who +favored the ratification of the treaty only on condition that there +should be attached to it reservations safeguarding what they declared +to be the fundamental rights and interests of the United States. This +group differed among themselves as to the character of the reservations +that were necessary, and some of them became known as "mild +reservationists." + +It is probable that at the outset only the small group of +"irreconcilables" hoped or intended to bring about the defeat of the +treaty, but as the debate proceeded and the opposition to the treaty +received more and more popular support, the reservationists determined +to defeat the treaty altogether rather than to accept any compromise. +The Republican leaders were quick to realize that the tide of public +opinion had turned and was now running strongly against the President. +They determined, therefore, to ruin him at all hazards, and thus to +bring about the election of a Republican president. + +When President Wilson realized that the treaty was really in danger of +defeat, he determined to go on an extended tour of the country for the +purpose of explaining the treaty to the people and bringing pressure to +bear on the Senate. Beginning at Columbus, Ohio, on September 4, he +proceeded through the northern tier of states to the Pacific coast, +then visited California and returned through Colorado. He addressed +large audiences who received him with great enthusiasm. He was +"trailed" by Senator Hiram Johnson, who was sent out by the opposition +in the Senate to present the other side. Johnson also attracted large +crowds. On the return trip, while delivering an address at Wichita, +Kansas, September 26, the President showed signs of a nervous breakdown +and returned immediately to Washington. He was able to walk from the +train to his automobile, but a few days later he was partially +paralyzed. The full extent and seriousness of his illness was +carefully concealed from the public. He was confined to the White +House for five months, and had to abandon all efforts in behalf of the +treaty. + +On September 10 the Committee on Foreign Relations reported the treaty +to the Senate with a number of amendments and reservations. The +Committee declared that the League was an alliance, and that it would +"breed wars instead of securing peace." They also declared that the +Covenant demanded "sacrifices of American independence and sovereignty +which would in no way promote the world's peace," and that the +amendments and reservations which they proposed were intended "to guard +American rights and American sovereignty." The following day the +minority members of the Committee submitted a report opposing both +amendments and reservations. A few days later Senator McCumber +presented a third report representing the views of the "mild +reservationists." It objected to the phraseology of the Committee's +reservations as unnecessarily severe and recommended substitute +reservations. The treaty then became the regular order in the Senate +and was read section by section and debated each day for over two +months. The amendments of the text of the treaty were all rejected by +substantial majorities for the reason that their adoption would have +made it necessary to resubmit the treaty not only to the Allies but +also to Germany. The majority of the senators were opposed to such a +course. The Committee, therefore, decided to substitute reservations +for amendments, and Senator Lodge finally submitted, on behalf of the +Committee, fourteen reservations preceded by a preamble, which declared +that the ratification of the treaty was not to take effect or bind the +United States until these reservations had been accepted as a condition +of ratification by at least three of the four principal Allied and +associated powers, namely, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan. + +The first reservation provided that in case of withdrawal from the +League the United States should be the sole judge as to whether its +international obligations under the Covenant had been fulfilled. This +reservation was adopted by a vote of 50 to 35. + +The second reservation declared that the United States assumed no +obligation to preserve the territorial integrity or political +independence of any other country or to interfere in controversies +between nations under the provisions of Article X "or to employ the +military or naval forces of the United States under any article of the +treaty for any purpose, unless in any particular case the Congress, +which, under the Constitution, has the sole power to declare war or +authorize the employment of the military or naval forces of the United +States, shall by act or joint resolution so provide." This reservation +was adopted by a vote of 46 to 33. + +Reservation Number 3, providing that no mandate under the treaty should +be accepted by the United States except by action of Congress, was +adopted by a vote of 52 to 31. + +Number 4, excluding domestic questions from consideration by the +Council or the Assembly of the League, was adopted by a vote of 59 to +26. + +Number 5, declaring the Monroe Doctrine "to be wholly outside the +jurisdiction of said League of Nations and entirely unaffected by any +provision contained in said treaty of peace with Germany," and +reserving to the United States the sole right to interpret the Monroe +Doctrine, was adopted by a vote of 55 to 34. + +Number 6, withholding the assent of the United States from the +provisions of the treaty relating to Shantung and reserving full +liberty of action with respect to any controversy which might arise +under said articles between China and Japan, was adopted by a vote of +53 to 41. + +Number 7, reserving to Congress the right to provide by law for the +appointment of the representatives of the United States in the Assembly +and Council of the League and members of commissions, committees or +courts under the League, and requiring the confirmation of all by the +Senate, was adopted by a vote of 53 to 40. + +Number 8, declaring that the Reparations Commission should not be +understood as having the right to regulate or interfere with exports +from the United States to Germany or from Germany to the United States +without an act or joint resolution of Congress, was adopted by a vote +of 54 to 40. + +Number 9, declaring that the United States should not be under any +obligation to contribute to any of the expenses of the League without +an act of Congress, was adopted by a vote of 56 to 39. + +Number 10, providing that if the United States should at any time adopt +any plan for the limitation of armaments proposed by the Council of the +League, it reserved "the right to increase such armaments without the +consent of the Council whenever the United States is threatened with +invasion or engaged in war," was adopted by a vote of 56 to 39. + +Number 11, reserving the right of the United States to permit the +nationals of a Covenant-breaking State residing within the United +States to continue their commercial, financial, and personal relations +with the nationals of the United States, was adopted by a vote of 53 to +41. + +Number 12, relating to the very complicated question of private debts, +property rights and interests of American citizens, was adopted by a +vote of 52 to 41. + +Number 13, withholding the assent of the United States from the entire +section of the treaty relating to international labor organization +until Congress should decide to participate, was adopted by a vote of +54 to 35. + +Number 14 declared that the United States would not be bound by any +action of the Council or Assembly in which any member of the League and +its self-governing dominions or colonies should cast in the aggregate +more than one vote. This reservation was adopted by a vote of 55 to 38. + +A number of other reservations were offered and rejected. Under the +rules of the Senate, amendments and reservations to a treaty may be +adopted by a majority vote, while a treaty can be ratified only by a +two-thirds vote. A number of senators who were opposed to the treaty +voted for the Lodge reservations in order to insure its defeat. When +the vote on the treaty with the reservations was taken November 19, it +stood 39 for and 55 against. A motion to reconsider the vote was then +adopted, and Senator Hitchcock, the Democratic leader, proposed five +reservations covering the right of withdrawal, domestic questions, the +Monroe Doctrine, the right of Congress to decide on the employment of +the naval and military forces of the United States in any case arising +under Article X, and restrictions on the voting powers of +self-governing colonies or dominions. These reservations were +rejected, the vote being 41 to 50. Another vote was then taken on the +treaty with the Lodge reservations, the result being 41 for and 51 +against. Senator Underwood then offered a resolution to ratify the +treaty without reservations of any kind. The vote on this resolution +was 38 for and 53 against. + +It was now evident that there was little prospect of securing the +ratification of the treaty without compromise. On January 8, 1920, a +letter from the President was read at the Jackson Day dinner in +Washington, in which he refused to accept the decision of the Senate as +final and said: "There can be no reasonable objection to +interpretations accompanying the act of ratification itself. But when +the treaty is acted upon, I must know whether it means that we have +ratified or rejected it. We cannot rewrite this treaty. We must take +it without changes which alter its meaning, or leave it, and then, +after the rest of the world has signed it, we must face the unthinkable +task of making another and separate kind of treaty with Germany." In +conclusion he declared: "If there is any doubt as to what the people of +the country think on this vital matter, the clear and single way out is +to submit it for determination at the next election to the voters of +the nation, to give the next election the form of a great and solemn +referendum, a referendum as to the part the United States is to play in +completing the settlements of the war and in the prevention in the +future of such outrages as Germany attempted to perpetrate." + +During the last week of January a compromise was discussed by an +informal by-partisan committee, and the President wrote a letter saying +he would accept the Hitchcock reservations, but Lodge refused to accept +any compromise. On February 9 the Senate again referred the treaty to +the Committee on Foreign Relations with instructions to report it back +immediately with the reservations previously adopted. After several +weeks of fruitless debate a fifteenth reservation, expressing sympathy +for Ireland, was added to the others, by a vote of 38 to 36. It was as +follows: "In consenting to the ratification of the treaty with Germany +the United States adheres to the principle of self-determination and to +the resolution of sympathy with the aspirations of the Irish people for +a government of their own choice adopted by the Senate June 6, 1919, +and declares that when such government is obtained by Ireland, a +consummation it is hoped is at hand, it should promptly be admitted as +a member of the League of Nations." + +With a few changes in the resolutions previously adopted and an +important change in the preamble, the ratifying resolution was finally +put to the vote March 19, 1920. The result was 49 votes for and 35 +against. On the following day the secretary of the Senate was +instructed by a formal resolution to return the treaty to the President +and to inform him that the Senate had failed to ratify it. + +The treaty thus became the leading issue in the presidential campaign, +but unfortunately it was not the only issue. The election proved to be +a referendum on the Wilson administration as a whole rather than on the +treaty. The Republican candidate, Senator Harding, attacked the Wilson +administration for its arbitrary and unconstitutional methods and +advocated a return to "normalcy." He denounced the Wilson League as an +attempt to set up a super-government, but said he favored an +association of nations and an international court. Governor Cox, the +Democratic candidate, came out strongly for the treaty, particularly +during the latter part of his campaign. The result was an overwhelming +victory for Harding. President Wilson had been too ill to take any +part in the campaign. His administration had been the chief issue, and +the people had, certainly for the time being, repudiated it. He +accepted the result philosophically and refrained from comments, +content, apparently, to leave the part he had played in world affairs +to the verdict of history. In December, 1920, the Nobel Peace Prize +was awarded to him as a foreign recognition of the services he had +rendered to humanity. + + + + +XII + +THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE + +After the rejection of the Treaty of Versailles by the Senate, +President Wilson withdrew as far as possible from participation in +European affairs, and after the election of Harding he let it be known +that he would do nothing to embarrass the incoming administration. The +public had been led to believe that when Harding became President there +would be a complete reversal of our foreign policy all along the line, +but such was not to be the case. The new administration continued +unchanged the Wilson policy toward Mexico and toward Russia, and before +many months had passed was seeking from Congress the authority, +withheld from Wilson, to appoint a member on the Reparations +Commission. On the question of our rights in mandated areas, Secretary +Hughes adopted in whole the arguments which had been advanced by +Secretary Colby in his note to Great Britain of November 20, 1920, in +regard to the oil resources of Mesopotamia. By the San Remo agreement +of April 25, 1920, Great Britain and France had agreed upon a division +of the oil output of Mesopotamia by which France was to be allowed 25 +per cent. and Great Britain 75 per cent. The British Government had +intimated that the United States, having declined to join the League of +Nations, had no voice in the matter. On this point Secretary Colby +took sharp issue in the following statement: "Such powers as the Allied +and Associated nations may enjoy or wield, in the determination of the +governmental status of the mandated areas, accrued to them as a direct +result of the war against the Central Powers. The United States, as a +participant in that conflict and as a contributor to its successful +issue, cannot consider any of the Associated Powers, the smallest not +less than herself, debarred from the discussion of any of its +consequences, or from participation in the rights and privileges +secured under the mandates provided for in the treaties of peace." + +Japan likewise assumed that we had nothing to do with the disposition +of the former German islands in the Pacific. When the Supreme Council +at Paris decided to give Japan a mandate over the islands north of the +equator, President Wilson reserved for future consideration the final +disposition of the island of Yap, which lies between Guam and the +Philippines, and is one of the most important cable stations in the +Pacific. The entire question of cable communications was reserved for +a special conference which met at Washington in the autumn of 1920, but +this conference adjourned about the middle of December without having +reached any final conclusions, and the status of Yap became the subject +of a very sharp correspondence between the American and Japanese +governments. When Hughes became Secretary of State, he restated the +American position in a note of April 2, 1921, as follows: + +"It will not be questioned that the right to dispose of the overseas +possessions of Germany was acquired only through the victory of the +Allied and Associated Powers, and it is also believed that there is no +disposition on the part of the Japanese Government to deny the +participation of the United States in that victory. It would seem to +follow necessarily that the right accruing to the Allied and Associated +Powers through the common victory is shared by the United States and +that there could be no valid or effective disposition of the overseas +possessions of Germany, now under consideration, without the assent of +the United States." + +The discussion between the two governments was still in progress when +the Washington Conference convened, and at the close of the Conference +it was announced that an agreement had been reached which would be +embodied in a treaty. The United States recognized Japan's mandate +over the islands north of the equator on the condition that the United +States should have full cable rights on the island of Yap, and that its +citizens should enjoy certain rights of residence on the island. The +agreement also covered radio telegraphic service. + +During the presidential campaign Harding's position on the League of +Nations had been so equivocal that the public knew not what to expect, +but when Hughes and Hoover were appointed members of the Cabinet, it +was generally expected that the new administration would go into the +League with reservations. This expectation was not to be fulfilled, +however, for the President persistently ignored the existence of the +League, and took no notice of the establishment of the permanent Court +of International Justice provided for in Article 14 of the Covenant. +Meanwhile Elihu Root, who as Secretary of State had instructed our +delegates to the Hague Conference of 1907 to propose the establishment +of such a court, had been invited by the Council of the League to be +one of a commission of distinguished jurists to draft the statute +establishing the court. This service he performed with conspicuous +ability. As another evidence of Europe's unwillingness to leave us +out, when the court was organized John Bassett Moore, America's most +distinguished authority on international law, was elected one of the +judges. + +Meanwhile a technical state of war with Germany existed and American +troops were still on the Rhine. On July 2, 1921, Congress passed a +joint resolution declaring the war at an end, but undertaking to +reserve to the United States "all rights, privileges, indemnities, +reparations or advantages" to which it was entitled under the terms of +the Armistice, or by reason of its participation in the war, or which +had been stipulated for its benefit in the Treaty of Versailles, or to +which it was entitled as one of the Principal Allied and Associated +Powers, or to which it was entitled by virtue of any act or acts of +Congress. On August 25 the United States Government, through its +commissioner to Germany, signed at Berlin a separate treaty of peace +with Germany, reserving in detail the rights referred to in the joint +resolution of Congress. About the same time a similar treaty was +signed with Austria, and the two treaties were ratified by the Senate +of the United States October 18. The proclamation of peace produced no +immediate results of any importance. American troops continued on the +Rhine, and there was no apparent increase in trade, which had been +carried on before the signing of the treaty by special licenses. + +If mankind is capable of learning any lessons from history, the events +leading up to the World War should have exploded the fallacy that the +way to preserve peace is to prepare for war. Competition in armament, +whether on land or sea, inevitably leads to war, and it can lead to +nothing else. And yet, after the terrible lessons of the recent war, +the race for armaments continued with increased momentum. France, +Russia, and Poland maintained huge armies, while the United States and +Japan entered upon the most extensive naval construction programs in +the history of the world. Great Britain, burdened with debt, was +making every effort to keep pace with the United States. + +This naval rivalry between powers which had so lately been united in +the war against Germany, led thoughtful people to consider the probable +outcome and to ask against whom these powers were arming. We had no +quarrel with England, but England was the ally of Japan, and relations +between Japan and the United States in the Pacific and in Eastern Asia +were far from reassuring. The question of the continuance of the +Anglo-Japanese Alliance was discussed at the British Imperial +Conference, which met at London in the early summer of 1921. The +original purpose of this compact was to check the Russian advance in +Manchuria. It was renewed in revised form in 1905 against Germany, and +again renewed in 1911 against Germany for a period of ten years. With +the removal of the German menace, what reasons were there for Great +Britain to continue the alliance? It bore too much the aspect of a +combination against the United States, and was of course the main +reason for the naval program which we had adopted. So long as there +were only three navies of importance in the world and two of them +united in a defensive alliance, it behooved us to safeguard our +position as a sea power. + +One of the main objects of the formation of the League of Nations was +to bring about a limitation of armaments on land and sea, and a +commission was organized under the League to consider this question, +but this commission could not take any steps toward the limitation of +navies so long as a great naval power like the United States refused to +coöperate with the League of Nations or even to recognize its +existence. As President Harding had promised the American people some +substitute for the League of Nations, he decided, soon after coming +into office, to convene an international conference to consider the +limitation of armament on land and sea. By the time the Conference +convened it was evident that no agreement was possible on the subject +of land armament. It was recognized from the first that the mere +proposal to limit navies would be utterly futile unless effective steps +could be taken to remove some of the causes of international conflict +which make navies necessary. Therefore the formal invitation to the +Conference extended to the governments of Great Britain, France, Italy +and Japan, August 11, 1921, linked the subject of Limitation of +Armament with Pacific and Far Eastern Questions. The European powers +accepted the invitation without much enthusiasm, but Japan's answer was +held back for some time. She was reluctant to have the powers review +the course she had pursued in China and Siberia while they were at war +with Germany. After agreeing to attend the Conference, Japan +endeavored to confine the program to as narrow limits as possible, and +she soon entered into negotiations with China over the Shantung +question with the hope of arriving at a settlement which would prevent +that question from coming before the Conference. Invitations to the +Conference were later sent to the governments of Belgium, the +Netherlands, Portugal, and China. Portugal was interested because of +her settlement at Macao, the oldest European settlement in China. +Holland of course is one of the great colonial powers of the Pacific. +While Belgium has no territorial interests in the Orient, she has for +years been interested in Chinese financial matters. + +The Washington Conference convened in plenary session November 12, +1921, in Memorial Continental Hall. Seats were reserved on the main +floor for press representatives, and the galleries were reserved for +officials and those individuals who were fortunate enough to secure +tickets of admission. The question of open diplomacy which had been +much discussed, was settled at the first session by Secretary Hughes, +who, in his introductory speech, boldly laid the American proposals for +the limitation of navies before the Conference. There were in all +seven plenary sessions, but the subsequent sessions did little more +than confirm agreements that had already been reached in committee. +The real work of the Conference was carried on by committees, and from +the meetings of these committees the public and press representatives +were as a matter of course excluded. There were two principal +committees, one on the Limitation of Armament, and the other on Pacific +and Far Eastern Questions. There were various sub-committees, in the +work of which technical delegates participated. Minutes were kept of +the meetings of the two principal committees, and after each meeting a +communiqué was prepared for the press. In fact, the demand for +publicity defeated to a large extent its own ends. So much matter was +given to the press that when it was published in full very few people +had time to read it. As a general rule, the less real information +there was to give out, the longer were the communiqués. Experienced +correspondents maintained that decisions on delicate questions were +made with as much secrecy in Washington as at Paris. + +The plan of the United States for the limitation of armament presented +by Secretary Hughes at the first session proposed (1) that all programs +for the construction of capital ships, either actual or projected, be +abandoned; (2) that a large number of battleships of older types still +in commission be scrapped; and (3) that the allowance of auxiliary +combatant craft, such as cruisers, destroyers, submarines, and airplane +carriers, be in proportion to the tonnage of capital ships. These +proposals, it was claimed, would leave the powers under consideration +in the same relative positions. Under this plan the United States +would be allowed 500,000 tons of capital ships, Great Britain 500,000 +tons, and Japan 300,000 tons. + +Japan objected to the 5-5-3 ratio proposed by Secretary Hughes, and +urged a 10-10-7 ratio as more in accord with existing strength. The +American proposal included the scrapping of the _Mutsu_, the pride of +the Japanese navy, which had been launched but not quite completed. +The sacrifices voluntarily proposed by the United States for its navy +were much greater than those which England or Japan were called upon to +make, and in this lay the strength of the American position. The +Japanese refused, however, to give up the _Mutsu_, and they were +finally permitted to retain it, but in order to preserve the 5-5-3 +ratio, it was necessary to increase the tonnage allowance of the United +States and Great Britain. In the treaty as finally agreed upon, Japan +was allowed 315,000 tons of capital ships and the United States and +Great Britain each 525,000 tons. + +In his address at the opening session, Secretary Hughes said: "In view +of the extraordinary conditions due to the World War affecting the +existing strength of the navies of France and Italy, it is not thought +to be necessary to discuss at this stage of the proceedings the tonnage +allowance of these nations, but the United States proposes that this +subject be reserved for the later consideration of the Conference." +This somewhat blunt, matter-of-fact way of stating the case gave +unexpected offense to the French delegation. During the next four or +five weeks, while Great Britain, the United States, and Japan were +discussing the case of the _Mutsu_ and the question of fortifications +in the Pacific, the French delegates were cherishing their resentment +at being treated as the representatives of a second-class power. +Hughes's failure to regard the susceptibilities of a great nation like +France undoubtedly had a good deal to do with the upsetting of that +part of the naval program relating to subsidiary craft and submarines. + +When, after the agreement on the 5-5-3 ratio, the question of the +allowance of capital ship tonnage for France and Italy was taken up in +committee, the other powers were wholly unprepared for France's demand +of 350,000 tons of capital ships. According to Hughes's figures based +on existing strength, she was entitled to 175,000 tons. It is not +probable that the French delegates intended to insist on such a large +tonnage. It is more likely that they put forth this proposal in the +committee in order to give the other delegates to understand that +France could not be ignored or dictated to with impunity and in order +to pave the way for their submarine proposal. Unfortunately the French +demands were given to the press through some misunderstanding and +caused an outburst of criticism in the British and American papers. In +the committee the relations between the British and French delegates +became very bitter over the refusal of the latter to abandon the +submarine, or even agree to a moderate proposal as to submarine +tonnage. On December 16 Secretary Hughes cabled an appeal, over the +heads of the French delegation, to Briand, who had returned to Paris. +As a result, the French finally agreed to accept the 1.75 ratio for +capital ships, but refused to place any reasonable limits upon +cruisers, destroyers, submarines, or aircraft. Italy accepted the same +ratio as France. + +Thus an important part of the Hughes program failed. As a result, the +treaty leaves the contracting parties free to direct their energies, if +they so desire, to the comparatively new fields of submarine and aerial +warfare. As is well known, many eminent naval authorities, such as Sir +Percy Scott in England and Admiral Sims in this country, believe that +the capital ship is an obsolete type, and that the warfare of the +future will be carried on by submarines, aircraft, and lighter surface +ships. The unfortunate feature of the situation created by the naval +treaty is, therefore, that those who regard the capital ship as +obsolete will now have an opportunity to bring forward and press their +submarine and aircraft programs. There is no limitation upon the +building of cruisers, provided they do not exceed 10,000 tons +displacement or carry guns with a calibre exceeding eight inches. + +By Article 19 of the naval treaty the United States, Great Britain, and +Japan agreed to maintain the _status quo_ as regards fortifications and +naval bases in the islands of the Pacific with certain exceptions, +notably the Hawaiian Islands, Australia, and New Zealand. This +agreement relieves Japan of all fear of attack from us, and let us hope +that it may prove as beneficent and as enduring as the agreement of +1817 between the United States and Great Britain for disarmament on the +Great Lakes. + +The 5-5-3 ratio puts the navies of Great Britain, the United States, +and Japan, for the present at least, on a strictly defensive basis. +Each navy is strong enough to defend its home territory, but no one of +them will be able to attack the home territory of the others. Of +course it is possible that the development of aircraft and submarines, +together with cruisers and other surface craft, may eventually alter +the situation. Hitherto navies have existed for two purposes: national +defense and the enforcement of foreign policies. The new treaty means +that as long as it lasts the navies of the ratifying powers can be used +for defense only and not for the enforcement of their policies in +distant quarters of the globe. In other words, when disputes arise, +British policies will prevail in the British area, American policies in +the American area, and Japanese policies in the Japanese area. Having +agreed to place ourselves in a position in which we cannot attack +Japan, the only pressure we can bring to bear upon her in China or +elsewhere is moral pressure. Through what was considered by some a +grave strategical error, the naval treaty was completed before any +settlement of the Chinese and Siberian questions had been reached. + +The French insistence on the practically unlimited right to build +submarines caused much hard feeling in England. The British delegates +had proposed the total abolition of submarines, and this proposal had +been ably supported by the arguments of Mr. Balfour and Lord Lee. +Unfortunately the United States delegation stood for the submarine, +proposing merely certain limits upon its use. The five naval powers +finally signed a treaty reaffirming the old rules of international law +in regard to the search and seizure of merchant vessels, and declaring +that "any person in the service of any Power who shall violate any of +those rules, whether or not such person is under orders of a +governmental superior, shall be deemed to have violated the laws of war +and shall be liable to trial and punishment as if for an act of piracy +and may be brought to trial before the civil or military authorities of +any Power within the jurisdiction of which he may be found." By the +same treaty the signatory powers solemnly bound themselves to prohibit +the use in war of poisonous gases. + +The attempt to limit by treaty the use of the submarine and to prohibit +altogether the use of gases appears to many to be utterly futile. +After the experience of the late war, no nation would readily trust the +good faith of another in these matters. Each party to a war would +probably feel justified in being prepared to use the submarine and +poison gases, contrary to law, in case the other party should do so. +We would thus have the same old dispute as in the late war in regard to +floating mines as to which party first resorted to the outlawed +practice. What is the use in solemnly declaring that a submarine shall +not attack a merchant vessel, and that the commander of a submarine who +violates this law shall be treated as a pirate, when the contracting +parties found it utterly impossible to agree among themselves upon a +definition of a merchant vessel? + +But the reader may ask, what is the use in signing any treaty if +nations are so devoid of good faith? The answer is that the vast +majority of treaties are faithfully kept in time of peace, but that +very few treaties are fully observed in time of war. Had these five +powers signed a treaty pledging themselves not to build or maintain +submarines of any kind or description, we would have every reason to +expect them to live up to it. But when a nation is engaged in war and +has a large flotilla of submarines which it has agreed to use only for +certain purposes, there is apt to come a time when the temptation to +use them for wholly different purposes will be overwhelming. + +The Committee on Pacific and Far Eastern Questions held its first +meeting November 16. This committee was primarily concerned with the +very delicate situation created by the aggressive action and expansion +of Japan during the past twenty years. In 1905, by the Treaty of +Portsmouth, Japan succeeded to the Russian rights in southern +Manchuria; in 1910 she annexed Korea; in 1911, during the Chinese +Revolution, she stationed troops at Hankow and later constructed +permanent barracks; in 1914, after the defeat of the Germans at +Kiao-chau, she took over all the German interests in the Shantung +peninsula; in 1915 she presented the Twenty-one Demands to China and +coerced that power into granting most of them; and in 1918, in +conjunction with the United States, Great Britain, and France, she +landed a military force in the Maritime Province of Siberia for the +definite purpose of rescuing the Czecho-Slovak troops who had made +their way to that province and of guarding the military stores at +Vladivostok. The other powers had all withdrawn their contingents, but +Japan had increased her force from one division to more than 70,000 +troops. The eastern coast of Asia was thus in the firm grip of Japan, +and she had secured concessions from China which seriously impaired the +independence of that country. + +It was commonly supposed that the United States delegation had prepared +a program on the Far Eastern question, and that this would be presented +in the same way that Hughes had presented the naval program. If this +was the intention there was a sudden change of plan, for between one +and two o'clock at night the Chinese delegates were aroused from their +slumbers and informed that there would be an opportunity for them to +present China's case before the committee at eleven o'clock that +morning. They at once went to work with their advisers, and a few +minutes before the appointed hour they completed the drafting of the +Ten Points, which Minister Sze read before the committee. These Points +constituted a Chinese declaration of independence, and set forth a +series of general principles to be applied in the determination of +questions relating to China. Several days later the committee adopted +four resolutions, presented by Mr. Root, covering in part some of the +Chinese principles. By these resolutions the powers agreed to respect +the independence and territorial integrity of China, to give China the +fullest opportunity to develop and maintain an effective and stable +government, to recognize the principle of equality for the commerce and +industry of all nations throughout the territory of China, and to +refrain from taking advantage of present conditions in order to seek +special rights or privileges. This somewhat vague and general +declaration of principles appeared to be all that China was likely to +get. Had Mr. Hughes presented a Far Eastern program and gotten nothing +more than this, it would have been a serious blow to the prestige of +the United States. That is probably why he decided at the last moment +to let China present her own case. + +At the fourth plenary session of the Conference the treaty relating to +the Pacific islands, generally known as the Four-Power Treaty, was +presented by Senator Lodge. By the terms of this treaty, the United +States, Great Britain, France, and Japan agreed "to respect their +rights in relation to their insular possessions and insular dominions +in the region of the Pacific Ocean," and in case of any dispute arising +out of any Pacific question to refer the matter to a joint conference +for consideration and adjustment. This article appeared harmless +enough, but Article 2 seemed to lay the foundations of an alliance +between these powers. It was as follows: "If the said rights are +threatened by the aggressive action of any other Power, the High +Contracting Parties shall communicate with one another fully and +frankly in order to arrive at an understanding as to the most efficient +measures to be taken, jointly or separately, to meet the exigencies of +the particular situation." This treaty is to remain in force for ten +years, after which it may be terminated by any of the High Contracting +Parties on twelve months' notice. It supersedes the Anglo-Japanese +Alliance which, it expressly provided, should terminate on the exchange +of ratifications. + +In presenting the treaty, Senator Lodge assured his hearers that "no +military or naval sanction lurks anywhere in the background or under +cover of these plain and direct clauses," and Secretary Hughes in +closing the discussion declared that it would probably not be possible +to find in all history "an international document couched in more +simple or even briefer terms," but he added, "we are again reminded +that the great things are the simple ones." In view of these +statements the members of the Conference and the public generally were +completely flabbergasted some days later when Secretary Hughes and the +President gave out contradictory statements as to whether the treaty +included the Japanese homeland. Hughes stated to the correspondents +that it did, the President said it did not. Whereupon some wag +remarked that at Paris President Wilson did not let the American +delegation know what he did, while at Washington the delegates did not +let President Harding know what they were doing. In deference to the +President's views and to criticisms of the treaty in the Japanese press +a supplementary treaty was later signed expressly declaring that the +term "insular possessions and insular dominions" did not include the +Japanese homeland. + +Meanwhile the Shantung question was being discussed by China and Japan +outside of the Conference, but with representatives of the British and +American governments sitting as observers ready to use their good +offices if called on. The reason for not bringing the question before +the Conference was that Great Britain, France, and Italy were parties +to the Treaty of Versailles, which gave Japan a legal title to the +German leases in Shantung. The restoration of the province to China +was vital to a satisfactory adjustment of Chinese affairs generally. +Japan, however, was in no hurry to reach an agreement with China, +wishing for strategical purposes to keep the matter in suspense to the +last, if not to avoid a settlement until after the adjournment of the +Conference and continue negotiations under more favorable conditions at +Peking or Tokio. + +By Christmas it seemed that the Conference had accomplished about all +that was possible, and that it would adjourn as soon as the agreements +already reached could be put into treaty form and signed. At the end +of the first week in January it looked as if the Chinese and Japanese +had reached a deadlock, and that the Conference would adjourn without a +satisfactory adjustment of any of the Chinese problems. Mr. Balfour +and other important delegates had engaged return passage, and all +indications pointed to an early dissolution of the Conference. But the +unexpected happened. At an informal gathering of Administration +leaders at the White House on Saturday night, January 7, stock was +taken of the work of the Conference, and some of the senators present +expressed the opinion that if it adjourned without doing more for +China, there would be little hope of getting the treaties ratified. As +a result Secretary Hughes persuaded the British and Japanese delegates +to cancel their sailings, and with characteristic energy and +determination took personal charge of the Far Eastern situation, which +up to this time had been left mainly to Mr. Root. After a little +pressure had been brought to bear on the Chinese by President Harding, +and probably on the Japanese by Mr. Balfour, Secretary Hughes was +finally able to announce at the plenary session of February 1 that +China and Japan had reached an agreement as to the terms on which +Shantung was to be restored. At the same session the agreements in +regard to China reached by the Committee on Far Eastern Affairs were +announced. These agreements were finally embodied in two treaties, one +dealing with the tariff and the other with the open door, and a series +of ten resolutions. + +Since the middle of the last century Chinese tariffs have been +regulated by treaties with foreign powers, the customs service +organized and administered by foreigners, and the receipts mortgaged to +meet the interest on foreign loans. China has never been permitted to +levy duties in excess of 5 per cent., and, in fact, as a result of the +methods of valuation the duties have not averaged above 3 1/2 per cent. +This has been an unjust state of affairs, and has deprived the Chinese +Government of what would naturally be one of its main sources of +revenue. By the new agreement there is to be an immediate revision of +tariff valuations so as to make the 5 per cent. effective. China is +also to be allowed to levy a surtax on certain articles, mainly +luxuries, which will yield an additional revenue. It is estimated that +the total annual increase in revenue derived from maritime customs will +be about $150,000,000 silver. It is claimed by some, with a certain +degree of truth, that any increase in Chinese customs duties will be +immediately covered by liens to secure new loans, and that putting +money into the Chinese treasury just now is like pouring it into a rat +hole. As soon as China is able to establish a stable and honest +government, she should, without question, be relieved of all treaty +restrictions on her tariffs. + +The Conference also took certain steps to restore to China other +sovereign rights long impaired by the encroachments of foreign powers. +A commission is to be appointed to investigate the administration of +justice with a view to the ultimate extinction of extraterritorial +rights now enjoyed by foreigners. The powers also agreed to abandon +not later than January 1, 1923, their existing postal agencies in +China, provided an efficient Chinese postal service be maintained. The +system of foreign post offices in China has been the subject of great +abuses, as through these agencies goods of various kinds, including +opium and other drugs, have been smuggled into China. The powers +further made a general promise to aid the Chinese Government in the +unification of railways into a general system under Chinese control. +They also agreed to restore to China all radio stations other than +those regulated by treaty or maintained by foreign governments within +their legation limits. + +In the treaty relating to the open door, the Contracting Powers other +than China pledged themselves to the following principles: + +"(1) To respect the sovereignty, the independence, and the territorial +and administrative integrity of China; + +"(2) To provide the fullest and most unembarrassed opportunity to China +to develop and maintain for herself an effective and stable government; + +"(3) To use their influence for the purpose of effectually establishing +and maintaining the principle of equal opportunity for the commerce and +industry of all nations throughout the territory of China; + +"(4) To refrain from taking advantage of conditions in China in order +to seek special rights or privileges which would abridge the rights of +subjects or citizens of friendly States, and from countenancing action +inimical to the security of such States." + +China on her part accepted fully the principle of the open door, and +pledged herself for the first time to respect it. Pledges to respect +the open door in China have been made by foreign powers upon various +occasions in the past and broken as often as made. The expression +"equal opportunity for the commerce and industry of all nations" is not +new. It occurs in the Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902, in the +Root-Takahira agreement of 1908, and in numerous other documents. In +recent years, however, the United States has been the only power which +has tried to preserve the open door in China. Most of the other powers +have regarded the Chinese situation as hopeless, and have believed that +the only solution was to let foreign powers come in and divide and rule +the territory of the empire. In view of the new treaty the open door +is no longer merely an American policy, but an international policy, +and responsibility for its enforcement rests not on the United States +alone but on all nine parties to the treaty. + +The agenda or program of the Conference offered as one of the subjects +to be considered the status of existing commitments in China. When +Secretary Hughes brought this subject up before the Far Eastern +Committee, Japan entered an emphatic objection to its consideration, +and the matter was dropped immediately without argument. The treaty, +therefore, is not retroactive, for it recognizes the status quo in +Manchuria and to a less extent in other parts of China. The saving +clause of the new agreement is, however, a resolution providing for the +establishment of an international board of reference, to which +questions arising in regard to the open door may be referred. + +Will Japan respect the pledges she has made and live up to the spirit +of her promises? If she does, the Washington Conference will prove to +be a great success. If, on the contrary, Japan does not intend to live +up to her pledges or intends to fulfill them only in part, her position +in Asia has been greatly strengthened. She is more firmly intrenched +in Manchuria than ever. She holds the Maritime Province of Siberia +under a promise to get out, which she has repeatedly made and +repeatedly broken, as was plainly stated by Secretary Hughes before the +full Committee on Far Eastern Affairs, and repeated at a plenary +session of the Conference. His statement was one of the most +remarkable, by reason of its directness and unvarnished truth, in the +history of American diplomacy. After reviewing the correspondence +between the two governments and the reiterated assurances of Japan of +her intention to withdraw from Siberia, assurances which so far had not +been carried out, Mr. Hughes expressed his gratification at the renewal +of these assurances before the Conference in plenary session. Unless +Japan is utterly devoid of moral shame, she will have to make good her +word this time. + +When the treaties drafted by the Conference were submitted by the +President to the Senate, they encountered serious opposition, but were +finally ratified. The Republican leaders, particularly Senator Lodge, +were twitted with charges of inconsistency in advocating certain +features of these treaties when they had violently opposed the League +of Nations. The Four-Power Treaty is much more of an entangling +alliance than the Covenant of the League, and the Naval Treaty deprives +Congress for a period of fifteen years of its constitutional right to +determine the size of the navy and to provide for the defense of Guam +and the Philippines. In fact, there were very few objections raised to +the League of Nations which could not with equal force be applied to +the Four-Power and Naval Treaties. The Four-Power Treaty was the main +object of attack, and Senators Lodge and Underwood were greatly +embarrassed in attempting to explain its meaning. Its "baffling +brevity" demanded explanations, but no satisfactory explanations were +forthcoming. They talked in general terms about the tremendous +importance of the treaty, but they dared not state the real fact that +the treaty was drafted by Mr. Balfour and Baron Kato as the most +convenient method of terminating the Anglo-Japanese Alliance without +making it appear to the Japanese public that their government had +surrendered the alliance without due compensation. According to an +Associated Press Dispatch from Tokio, January 31, 1922, Baron Uchida, +the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, replying to interpolations in +the House of Peers, said: "The Four-Power Treaty was not intended to +abrogate the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, but rather to widen and extend +it." The real _quid pro quo_ for the termination of the Anglo-Japanese +Alliance was the agreement of the United States not to construct naval +bases or new fortifications in Guam and the Philippines, and the clause +terminating the Anglo-Japanese Alliance might just as well have been +attached to the Naval Treaty, but this would not have satisfied +Japanese public opinion. Great Britain and Japan were permitted to +terminate their alliance in any way that they might deem best. After +the Four-Power Treaty was accepted by the American delegates, they +feared that it would look too much as if the United States had merely +been drawn into the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. It was decided, +therefore, at the eleventh hour to give the agreement a more general +character by inviting France to adhere to it. France agreed to sign, +although she resented not having been consulted during the negotiation +of the treaty. + +The achievements of the Conference, although falling far short of the +extravagant claims made by the President and the American delegates, +are undoubtedly of great importance. The actual scrapping of millions +of dollars' worth of ships in commission or in process of construction +gives the world an object lesson such as it has never had before. One +of the most significant results of the Conference was the development +of a complete accord between England and the United States, made +possible by the settlement of the Irish question and furthered by the +tact and gracious bearing of Mr. Balfour. One of the unfortunate +results was the increased isolation of France, due to the failure of +her delegates to grasp the essential elements of the situation and to +play any but a negative role. The success of the Conference was due +largely to Secretary Hughes who, though handicapped at every point by +fear of the Senate and by the unfortunate commitments of President +Harding during the last campaign, may be said on the whole to have +played his hand reasonably well. + +Meanwhile we are still drifting, so far as a general European policy is +concerned. President Harding's idea of holding aloof from "Europe's +league," as he prefers to designate the League of Nations, and of +having a little league of our own in the Pacific, will not work. The +world's problems cannot be segregated in this way. Europe's league +includes all of the principal American nations except the United States +and Mexico, while our Pacific league includes the two leading European +powers. As soon as the American people realize--and there are +indications that they are already waking up to the reality--that the +depression in domestic industry and foreign commerce is due to +conditions in Europe and that prosperity will not return until we take +a hand in the solution of European problems, there will be a general +demand for a constructive policy and America will no longer hesitate to +reassume the leadership which she renounced in the referendum of 1920, +but which the rest of the world is ready to accord to her again. + + + + +INDEX + + +ABC alliance, 162, 165. + +Aberdeen, Lord, opposes annexation of Texas by United States, 108. + +Adams, Charles Francis, 114. + +Adams, Henry, letter from Hay to, 90. + +Adams, John Quincy, opposes joint action with England, 31; accepts +invitation to send delegates to Panama Congress, 154. + +"Alabama Claims," 66, 113, 114. + +Alaskan Boundary Dispute, 122, 124. + +Algeciras Conference, 74; American participation in, 76, 77. + +Alliance, of 1778 with France, 5-8; proposed alliance with England, 13, +26; Holy Alliance, 22, 24; Anglo-Japanese alliance, 92, 120. _See_ +"Entangling Alliances." + +Alverstone, Lord, member of Alaskan boundary commission, 123. + +American Colonisation Society, 59. + +American delegation to Peace Conference, 225. + +American Institute of International Law, 157. + +American Republics, Bureau of, 156. + +American Revolution, significance of, 99. + +Anglo-American ideals, 126, 127. + +Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 92, 120, 265, 279, 288. + +Arbitration, international, 64. _See_ Hague Court, Olney-Pauncefote +Treaty. + +Armistice, negotiations preceding, 213-217. + +Arms and ammunition. _See_ Munitions of war. + +"Aroostook War," 106. + +Austria-Hungary, protests against trade in munitions, 182. + + +Balfour, Arthur James, 274, 288, 289. + +Beer, George L., quoted, 99. + +Belgium, German invasion of, 79; restoration of, demanded, 207. + +Beresford, Lord Charles, advocates open door in China, 86. + +Berlin Conference of 1884, 6l. + +"Big Four," at Peace Conference, 230. + +Bingham, Hiram, on Monroe Doctrine, 131. + +Bismarck, Prince, on Monroe Doctrine, 45; on English control of North +America, 126; forces war on Austria, 47; forces war on France, 48. + +Blaine, James G., efforts to modify Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 115; issues +invitation to International Conference of American States, 155, 156. + +Bliss, Gen. Tasker H., 225. + +Board of Reference, in China, 286. + +Bolivar, Simon, 153. + +Bolsheviki, 203. + +Bonaparte, Napoleon, acquires Louisiana, 12; fails to establish control +over Spain's Colonies, 25. + +Bowen, Herbert, 51. + +Boxer uprising in China, 88 + +Brest-Litovsk, peace negotiations at, 203, 210, 212. + +Brussels Conference on African slave trade, 62. + +Bryan, William Jennings, negotiates treaty with Nicaragua, 135; with +Colombia, 144; refuses to modify neutrality laws at demand of Germany, +182. + +Bryce, Lord, quoted, 125, 126. + +Bülow, Prince von, 75, 91. + + +California, danger of English occupation of, 109. + +Canada, insurrection of 1837, 103. + +Canning, George, British foreign secretary, proposes Anglo-American +alliance, 26; delays recognition of South American republics, 33, 34; +interview with Prince Polignac, 35; boasts of calling new world into +existence, 39; opposes Pan-American movement, 155. + +Caribbean Sea, American supremacy in, 121; advance of United States in, +132; new American policies in, 132, 137, 144. + +_Caroline_, the, 103. + +Carranza, Venustiano, 162, 163. + +Castlereagh, Viscount, 20. + +China, treaties relating to tariff and open door, 282-285. _See_ +Open-door policy. + +Choate, Joseph H., at Second Hague Conference, 68, 69. + +Civil War, foreign policy of United States during, 65; disputes with +England, 112. + +Clay, Henry, opposes joint action with England, 31; instructions to +delegates to Panama Congress, 154. + +Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 44, 111. + +Cleveland, Grover, intervenes in Venezuelan boundary dispute, 48; +withholds Kongo treaty from Senate, 61; Venezuelan policy justified by +events, 115; favours general arbitration treaty with England, 116. + +Cobden, Richard, essay on America, 102. + +Colby, Bainbridge, secretary of state, 259, 260. + +Colombia, aggrieved at seizure of Canal Zone, 142; attempts of United +States to settle controversy, 143, 144. + +Consuls, status of, in European leases in China, 87, 88. + +Continuous voyage, doctrine of, 72, 124, 176, 177. + +Cowdray, Lord, seeks concession from Colombia, 142. + +Cox, James M., candidate for President, 255. + +Crampton, British Minister to United States, dismissal of, 111. + + +Declaration of London, 71-73, 175, 177. + +Declaration of Paris, 64, 65. + +Declaration of Rights and Duties of Nations, adopted by American +Institute of International Law, 158, 159. + +Democracy against autocracy, 198. + +Dewey, Admiral George, on withdrawal of Germany from Venezuela, 51; +demands apology from German admiral in Manila Bay, 119. + +Dickens, Charles, "American Notes," 102. + +Diederichs, German Admiral, 119. + +Diplomacy, secret, 76, 77. + +Dunning, William A., "British Empire and the United States," quoted, +102, 111. + +Durfee, Amos, 103. + + +Egypt, financial administration of, by Great Britain, 134. + +England. _See_ Great Britain. + +"Entangling Alliances," warning of Jefferson against, 12; Wilson's +views on, 187. + +Entente treaty of 1904 between England and France, 74. + +European balance of power, interest of United States in preserving, 76; +disturbed by Japan, 171. + + +Fenian movement, encouraged in United States, 112, 113. + +Ferdinand VII, king of Spain, 20, 25. + +Fish, Hamilton, secretary of state, renews negotiations for settlement +of "Alabama Claims," 113, 114. + +Fiume, and Treaty of London, 195. + +Foch, Ferdinand, 217-219, 236. + +Fonseca Bay, United States acquires naval base on, 135, 136. + +Forsyth, John, secretary of state, 104. + +Fortifications in the Pacific, limitation of, 272. + +Foster, John W., letter from Hay, to, 89. + +Four-power Treaty, 278-280, 287-289. + +Fourteen Points, 205-210, 220, 221. + +France, treaty of alliance with, 5-8; refuses to accept plan for +limitation of navies, 270, 271; isolation of, 289. + + +Gases, use of poisonous, prohibited, 274, 275. + +Gênet, Edmond C., minister of the French Republic, 6. + +George, David Lloyd, defines British war aims, 204-205; pre-election +pledges of, 227; opposes French demand for Left Bank of Rhine, 234. + +Germany, intervenes in Venezuela, 50; excluded from South America by +aid of England, 53; designs of, on Philippine Islands, 85; adopts naval +policy, 120; influence of, in America, 126; submarine policy of, 178, +179; attempts of, to justify, 181; protests against munitions trade, +181; organizes propaganda and conspiracy in United States, 184. + +Great Britain, withdraws from European alliance, 22; intervenes in +Mexico, 46; not unfavorable to Monroe Doctrine, 52, 53; forms alliance +with Japan, 92; points of contact with United States, 100; unfriendly +attitude, 101; change of attitude in Spanish War, 118; naval policy of, +120; interference with shipments to Germany resented in United States, +124; size of navy, 127; so-called blockade of Germany, 174-178. _See_ +Anglo-American ideals. + +Great Lakes, disarmament on, 103. + +Guarantee treaties, offered to France, 235. + +Gummeré, S. R., delegate to Algeciras Conference, 75. + + +Hague Conference, of 1899, 67; of 1907, 68. + +Hague Conventions, status of, 71. + +Hague Court of Arbitration, 68. + +Haiti, Republic of, United States acquires financial supervision over, +136, 137. + +Hamilton, Alexander, opinion on French treaty of 1778, 6. + +Harding, Warren G., elected president, 255; ignores League of Nations, +262; calls Washington Conference, 266; differs with Hughes as to +meaning of Four-Power Treaty, 279; attitude toward Europe, 290. + +Harris, Townsend, 95. + +Hay, John, secretary of state, protests against persecution of Jews in +Rumania, 78; formulates open-door policy for China, 85; defines status +of consuls in European leases in China, 88; insists on "territorial and +administrative entity" of China, 89; private correspondence on Chinese +situation, 89-91. + +Hay-Pauncefote treaty, 120, 121. + +Henry, of Prussia, Prince, visit of, to United States, 118. + +Hitchcock, Senator G. H., 252. + +Holy Alliance, 22, 24. + +House, Edward M., 225, 233. + +Huerta, Victoriano, 160, 162, 193. + +Hughes, Charles E., suggests changes in Covenant of League, 232; +asserts rights of the United States in mandated areas, 261; proposes +reduction of navies, 267; details of plan, 268, 269; offends the French +delegates, 270; takes personal charge of Far Eastern question, 281; +success of Washington Conference, due to, 290. + + +International Conference of American States, 156. + +International Court of Arbitral Justice, plan for, 70; Permanent Court +of International Justice, 263. + +International Law, attitude of United States toward, 64; attempts to +codify, 68, 72. + +International Law, American Institute of, 157. + +International Prize Court, plan for, adopted by Second Hague +Conference, 68. + +Isolation, policy of, distinct from Monroe Doctrine, 3, 5; policy no +longer possible, 170. + + +Jameson Raid, in the Transvaal, 50. + +Japan, beginning of American intercourse with, 83, 84; forms alliance +with Great Britain, 92; goes to war with Russia, 94; disturbing factor +in world politics, 171; advocates principle of racial equality, 233, +238; demands German leases in Shantung, 239; secures consent of Allies, +240; reluctantly accepts invitation to Washington Conference, 266; +objects to 5-5-3 ratio, 269; expansion of, 276. + +Jefferson, Thomas, opinion on French treaty of 1778, 7; warns against +"entangling alliances," 12; plans alliance with England against France, +12-14; favors joint action with England against Holy Alliance, 28-30; +author of doctrine of recognition, 161. + +Jews, diplomatic protests against harsh treatment of, 78, 79. + +Johnson, Senator Hiram, 246. + +Johnson-Clarendon convention, 113. + + +Knox, Philander C., proposes neutralisation of railways of Manchuria, +95; negotiates treaties with Honduras and Nicaragua, 134, 135; proposes +settlement with Colombia, 143; opposes League of Nations, 228, 231. + +Kongo Free State, treaty establishing, signed by American delegates but +withheld from Senate by President Cleveland, 6l, 62. + +Kruger, Paul, 50. + + +Lansing, Robert, secretary of state, replies to Austro-Hungarian note +on munitions trade, 182, 183; dismisses Austrian Ambassador and German +military and naval attachés, 185; delegate to Peace Conference, 225, +233. + +Lansing-Ishii agreement, 95. + +League of Nations, 188, 196, 205, 209, 211, 230, 244-254. + +League to Enforce Peace, 197, 232. + +Left Bank of Rhine, French demand for, 234. + +Liberia, Republic of, 59 + +Limitation of Armament, commission of League on, 265; Conference on, +266-290. + +Liverpool, Lord, 20. + +Livingston, Robert R., minister to France, 12. + +Lodge, Senator Henry Cabot, on Oregon dispute, 110, 111; denies +existence of secret treaty with England, 120; stands for unconditional +surrender of Germany, 217; issues round robin, 231; presents +reservations to Treaty of Versailles, 248; presents Four-Power Treaty, +278, inconsistency of, 287. + +London Naval Conference, 71. + +_Lusitania_, sinking of, 179. + + +Madero, Francisco, 160. + +Madison, James, favors joint action with England against Holy Alliance, +30. + +Mahan, Alfred T., 99. + +Maine, boundary dispute with New Brunswick, 106. + +Manchuria, Russian encroachments on, 91-93, 95. + +Marcy, William L., secretary of state, views on Declaration of Paris, +65. + +Maximilian, Prince, placed by Louis Napoleon on throne of Mexico, 46. + +Merchant vessels, proposal to arm, 185. + +Mexico, French intervention in, 46; Huerta revolution in, 160; American +policy toward, 160-164. + +Monroe, James, sent to Paris to aid Livingston in negotiations for +purchase of New Orleans and West Florida, 13; consults Jefferson and +Madison on subject of British proposals for joint action against Holy +Alliance, 26-28; message of December 2, 1823, 36-39; emphasizes +separation of European and American politics, 43. + +Monroe Doctrine, compared with policy of isolation, 3; justification +of, 4; formulation of, 19; text of, 36-39; reception of, in Europe, 39; +basis of, 43; sanction of, 45; relation of, to European balance of +power, 46, 52; attitude of England toward, 52; negative side of, 57; +adverse criticism of, 131; not a self-denying declaration, 147; +reservation of, 232, 249. + +Moore, John Bassett, 263. + +Moroccan question. _See_ Algeciras Conference. + +Motley, John L., 113. + +Munitions of war, sale of to belligerents, 181-184. + +McKinley, William, reasons for retaining Philippine Islands, 84, 85. + +McLeod, Alexander, arrest of, 104; acquittal of, 105. + + +Napoleon, Louis, intervenes in Mexico, 46; decides to withdraw, 47, 48. + +Neutral prizes, destruction of, 72, 180. + +Neutrality, Washington's proclamation of 1793, 8; failure of, in +Napoleonic wars, 14, 15; Wilson's proclamation of, 172; nature of, 172, +173; so-called ethical neutrality, 174; abandonment of, 186. + +New Brunswick, boundary dispute with Maine, 106. + +Niagara conference on Mexican question, 162. + + +Olney, Richard, on Monroe Doctrine, 43; conducts correspondence on +Venezuelan boundary dispute, 48; signs general arbitration treaty with +England, 116. + +Olney-Pauncefote treaty, 116, 117. + +Open-door policy in China, Hay's note of September 6, 1890, 85; +Anglo-American origin of, 87; guaranteed by treaty, 284. + +Oregon, joint occupation of, 107. + +O'Shaughnessy, Nelson, 162. + + +Pacific and Far Eastern Questions, Conference on, 266-290. + +Panama Canal, effect of, on naval policy, 132. + +Panama Canal Zone, seizure of, 142. + +Panama Congress of 1826, 153, 154. + +Panama Tolls Act, 121. + +Pan-American Financial Congress, 157. + +Pan-American Scientific Congress, 157. + +Pan-American Union, 156. + +Pan-Americanism, 153-157. + +Pauncefote, Sir Julian, signs general arbitration treaty with United +States, 116; signs Canal treaty, 120. + +Platt Amendment, provisions of, 144, 145. + +Peace Conference of Paris, 225-242. _See_ Hague Conference. + +Perry, Commodore Matthew C. commands expedition to Japan, 83, 84, 95. + +Philippine Islands, McKinley's reasons for retaining, 84, 85. + +Polignac, Prince, interview with Canning on subject of the Spanish +colonies, 35. + +Polk, James K., settles Oregon dispute, 110. + +Portsmouth, treaty of, 94. + +Prize Court. _See_ International Prize Court. + +Prizes, destruction of, 179, 180. + + +Recognition, doctrine of, discussed with reference to Mexican question, +161. + +Reparations, 236, 237. + +Reservations to Treaty of Versailles, 248-251, 254. + +Roosevelt, Theodore, forces Germany to withdraw from Venezuela, 51; +sends delegates to Algeciras Conference, 75; exerts influence to +preserve European balance of power, 76; protests against persecution of +Jews in Rumania and Russia, 78, 79; invites Russia and Japan to peace +conference, 94; incurs ill will of Japan, 95; submits Alaskan boundary +dispute to limited arbitration, 123; establishes financial supervision +over Dominican Republic, 133, 138; Big-Stick policy, 139; extension of +Monroe Doctrine, 140; seizure of Canal Zone, 142. + +Root, Elihu, proposes international court of justice, 69; author of +Platt Amendment, 146; visits South America, 156; suggests changes in +Covenant of League, 232; member of commission to draft statute of +Permanent Court of International Justice, 263; presents resolutions on +China, 277. + +Rush, Richard, conferences with Canning on South American situation, +26, 33, 34. + +Russia, occupies Manchuria, 91, 92; opposes opening of Manchurian ports +to American commerce, 93; goes to war with Japan, 94; revolution, of +March, 1917, 198; of November, 1917, 203. + +Russo-Japanese war, 94. + + +Sackville-West, Lord, dismissal of, 115. + +Salisbury, Lord, backs down in Venezuelan dispute, 50; warns President +McKinley of Germany's designs on Philippines. + +San Remo agreement, 259, 260. + +Santo Domingo, financial supervision over, 133, 134. + +Secret Treaties, 193. + +Self-determination, 198, 203, 205. + +Senate of the United States, debates Treaty of Versailles, 244-254. + +Seward, William H., protests against French occupation of Mexico, 47. + +Shantung question, at Peace Conference of Paris, 239-242; at Washington +Conference, 280-282. + +Siberia, Japanese troops in, 276; promise of Japan to evacuate, 286. + +Slave trade, provision for suppression of, in Webster-Ashburton treaty, +59, 60; Brussels conference on, 62. + +Slavery, and isolation, 58. + +South America, neglected by United States as field for commercial +development, 52; open door in, 53. + +Spanish colonies, revolt of, 25. + +Spanish revolution of 1820, 20. + +Spanish War, turning point in relations of United States and England, +118. + +Submarines, question of, discussed at Washington Conference, 271, 272; +use of, limited by treaty, 274, 275. + +Sumner, Charles, 113. + + +Taft, William H., proposes to bring Nicaragua and Honduras under +financial supervision of United States, 134, 135; tries to reëstablish +friendly relations with Colombia, 143; suggests changes in Covenant of +League, 232. + +Tardieu, André, report of Algeciras Conference, 76; quoted on Armistice +negotiations, 217, 218. + +Temperley, H. W. V., "History of the Peace Conference of Paris," 191. + +"Ten Points," 278. + +Texas, annexation of, opposed by Great Britain, 107, 108. + +Thayer, William R., gives version of Roosevelt-Holleben interview, 51. + +Tocqueville, Alexis de, "Democracy in America," 102. + +Treaty of London, 195. + +Treaty of Peace with Austria, 263. + +Treaty of Peace with Germany, 263. + +Treaty of Versailles, signed, 242; laid before Senate, 243; debate on, +244-254; votes on, 252-254. + +Twenty-One Demands, 276. + + +Vera Cruz, American occupation of, 162; evacuation of, 163. + +Verona, Congress of, 19, 21, secret treaty of, 22-24. + +Vienna, Congress of, 19. + +Villa, Francisco, 162, 163. + + +War aims, of Allies, 196; British, 204. + +War of 1812, 15. + +Washington, George, requests opinions of cabinet on French treaty, 6; +issues proclamation of neutrality, 8; Farewell Address, 9-11. + +Washington Conference, 266-290. + +Washington, treaty of, 66, 114. + +Webster, Daniel, secretary of state, 104, 105. + +Webster-Ashburton treaty, 59, 60, 107. + +Wellington, Duke of, at Congress of Verona, 21; protest and withdrawal, +22. + +West Indies, American supremacy in, 120. + +White, Henry, delegate to Algeciras Conference, 75; to Peace +Conference, 225. + +William II, German Kaiser, telegram to President Kruger, 50; forced to +withdraw from Venezuela, 51; visits Morocco, 74; demands retirement of +Delcassé, 75; insists on general conference on Morocco, 75; thwarted in +efforts to humiliate France, 77; abdicates and flees to Holland, 219. + +Williams, Talcott, on McKinley's reasons for retaining Philippines, 85. + +Wilson, Henry Lane, 160. + +Wilson, Woodrow, secures modification of Panama Tolls Act, 121; extends +financial supervision over Nicaragua and Haiti, 136, 137; warns +Latin-American states against granting concessions to European +syndicates, 140, 141; attitude of, on questions of international law +and diplomacy, 151, 152; general Latin-American policy, 152, 165; New +Pan-Americanism, 153; Mexican policy, 160-164; asks for declaration of +war on Germany, 185; views on extension of Monroe Doctrine, 187; +political philosophy of, 192; refusal to recognize Huerta, 193; reasons +for neutrality, 194; calls on all belligerents to state war aims, 195; +first discussion of war aims, 196; war address, 199; draws distinction +between German people and German Government, 200-202; reply to Pope, +201; announces Fourteen Points, 205-210; decides to go to Paris, 225; +suffers political defeat, 226, 227; greeted with enthusiasm in Europe, +228; proposes League of Nations, 230; returns temporarily to the United +States, 231; makes concessions to French and British, 238; returns to +the United States and lays treaty before Senate, 242; tours the country +on behalf of League of Nations, 246; illness of, 247; letter read at +Jackson day dinner proposing referendum on Treaty of Versailles, 252, +253; awarded Nobel Peace Prize, 255; withdraws from participation in +European affairs, 259. + +Wood, General Leonard, 146. + + +Yap, island of, 260-262. + + + + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of From Isolation to Leadership, Revised, by +John Holladay Latane + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP *** + +***** This file should be named 18553-8.txt or 18553-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/1/8/5/5/18553/ + +Produced by Al Haines + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/18553-8.zip b/18553-8.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..85c0bc1 --- /dev/null +++ b/18553-8.zip diff --git a/18553.txt b/18553.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1a874da --- /dev/null +++ b/18553.txt @@ -0,0 +1,6237 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of From Isolation to Leadership, Revised, by +John Holladay Latane + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: From Isolation to Leadership, Revised + A Review of American Foreign Policy + +Author: John Holladay Latane + +Release Date: June 11, 2006 [EBook #18553] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP *** + + + + +Produced by Al Haines + + + + + + + + + + +FROM ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP + +REVISED + + +A Review of American Foreign Policy + + +BY + +JOHN HOLLADAY LATANE, PH.D., LL.D. + + PROFESSOR OF AMERICAN HISTORY AND DEAN OF THE + COLLEGE FACULTY IN THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY + + + + Author of + "The United States and Latin America" + "America as a World Power" + Etc. + + + +GARDEN CITY ------ NEW YORK + +DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY + +1922 + + + + +COPYRIGHT, 1918, 1922, BY + +DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY + + +ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THAT OF + +TRANSLATION INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES, + +INCLUDING THE SCANDINAVIAN + + + + +PREFACE + +The first edition of this book appeared in October, 1918, a few weeks +before the signing of the Armistice, when the United States was at the +high tide of its power and influence. In view of the subsequent course +of events, some of my readers may question the propriety of the +original title. In fact, one of my friends has suggested that a more +appropriate title for the new edition would be "From Isolation to +Leadership, and Back." But I do not regard the verdict of 1920 as an +expression of the final judgment of the American people. The world +still waits on America, and sooner or later we must recognize and +assume the responsibilities of our position as a great world power. + +The first nine chapters are reprinted with only a few verbal changes. +Chapter X has been rewritten, and chapters XI and XII have been added. + +JOHN H. LATANE. + +Baltimore, June 10, 1922. + + + + +CONTENTS + + +CHAPTER + + I. ORIGIN OF THE POLICY OF ISOLATION + II. FORMULATION OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE + III. THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE EUROPEAN BALANCE OF POWER + IV. INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION WITHOUT THE SANCTION OF FORCE + V. THE OPEN-DOOR POLICY + VI. ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS + VII. IMPERIALISTIC TENDENCIES OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE + VIII. THE NEW PAN-AMERICANISM + IX. THE FAILURE OF NEUTRALITY AND ISOLATION + X. THE WAR AIMS OF THE UNITED STATES + XI. THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES + XII. THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE + INDEX + + + + +From Isolation to Leadership + +I + +ORIGIN OF THE POLICY OF ISOLATION + +The Monroe Doctrine and the policy of political isolation are two +phases of American diplomacy so closely related that very few writers +appear to draw any distinction between them. The Monroe Doctrine was +in its origin nothing more than the assertion, with special application +to the American continents, of the right of independent states to +pursue their own careers without fear or threat of intervention, +domination, or subjugation by other states. President Monroe announced +to the world that this principle would be upheld by the United States +in this hemisphere. The policy of isolation was the outgrowth of +Washington's warning against _permanent_ alliances and Jefferson's +warning against _entangling_ alliances. Both Washington and Jefferson +had in mind apparently the form of European alliance common in their +day, which bound one nation to support another both diplomatically and +by force in any dispute that might arise no matter whether it concerned +the interests of the first state or not. Such alliances were usually +of the nature of family compacts between different dynasties, or +between different branches of the same dynasty, rather than treaties +between nations. In fact, dynastic aims and ambitions were frequently, +if not usually, at variance with the real interests of the peoples +affected. It will be shown later that neither Washington nor Jefferson +intended that the United States should refrain permanently from the +exercise of its due influence in matters which properly concern the +peace and welfare of the community of nations. Washington did not +object to temporary alliances for special emergencies nor did Jefferson +object to special alliances for the accomplishment of definite objects. +Their advice has, however, been generally interpreted as meaning that +the United States must hold aloof from world politics and attend +strictly to its own business. + +The Monroe Doctrine was a perfectly sound principle and it has been +fully justified by nearly a century of experience. It has saved South +America from the kind of exploitation to which the continents of Africa +and Asia have, during the past generation, fallen a prey. The policy +of isolation, on the other hand, still cherished by so many Americans +as a sacred tradition of the fathers, is in principle quite distinct +from the Monroe Doctrine and is in fact utterly inconsistent with the +position and importance of the United States as a world power. The +difference in principle between the two policies can perhaps best be +illustrated by the following supposition. If the United States were to +sign a permanent treaty with England placing our navy at her disposal +in the event of attack from Germany or some other power, on condition +that England would unite with us in opposing the intervention of any +European power in Latin America, such a treaty would not be a violation +of the Monroe Doctrine, but a distinct recognition of that principle. +Such a treaty would, however, be a departure from our traditional +policy of isolation. Of the two policies, that of avoiding political +alliances is the older. It was announced by Washington under +circumstances that will be considered in a moment. + +In the struggle for independence the colonies deliberately sought +foreign alliances. In fact, the first treaty ever signed by the United +States was the treaty of alliance with France, negotiated and ratified +in 1778. The aid which France extended under this treaty to our +revolutionary ancestors in men, money, and ships enabled them to +establish the independence of our country. A few years later came the +French Revolution, the establishment of the French Republic followed by +the execution of Louis XVI, and in 1793 the war between England and +France. With the arrival in this country of Genet, the minister of the +newly established French Republic, there began a heated debate in the +newspapers throughout the country as to our obligations under the +treaty of alliance and the commercial treaty of 1778. President +Washington requested the opinions in writing of the members of his +cabinet as to whether Genet should be received and the new government +which had been set up in France recognized, as to whether the treaties +were still binding, and as to whether a proclamation of neutrality +should be issued. Hamilton and Jefferson replied at great length, +taking as usual opposite sides, particularly on the question as to the +binding force of the treaties. Hamilton took the view that as the +government of Louis XVI, with which the treaties had been negotiated, +had been overthrown, we were under no obligations to fulfill their +stipulations and had a perfect right to renounce them. Jefferson took +the correct view that the treaties were with the French nation and that +they were binding under whatever government the French people chose to +set up. This principle, which is now one of the fundamental doctrines +of international law, was so ably expounded by Jefferson that his words +are well worth quoting. + +"I consider the people who constitute a society or nation as the source +of all authority in that nation, as free to transact their common +concerns by any agents they think proper, to change these agents +individually, or the organization of them in form or function whenever +they please: that all the acts done by those agents under the authority +of the nation, are the acts of the nation, are obligatory on them, and +enure to their use, and can in no wise be annulled or affected by any +change in the form of the government, or of the persons administering +it. Consequently the Treaties between the United States and France +were not treaties between the United States and Louis Capet, but +between the two nations of America and France, and the nations +remaining in existence, tho' both of them have since changed their +forms of government, the treaties are not annulled by these changes." + +The argument was so heated that Washington was reluctant to press +matters to a definite conclusion. From his subsequent action it +appears that he agreed with Jefferson that the treaties were binding, +but he held that the treaty of alliance was purely defensive and that +we were under no obligation to aid France in an offensive war such as +she was then waging. He accordingly issued his now famous proclamation +of neutrality, April, 1793. Of this proclamation W. E. Hall, a leading +English authority on international law, writing one hundred years +later, said: "The policy of the United States in 1793 constitutes an +epoch in the development of the usages of neutrality. There can be no +doubt that it was intended and believed to give effect to the +obligations then incumbent upon neutrals. But it represented by far +the most advanced existing opinions as to what those obligations were; +and in some points it even went farther than authoritative +international custom has up to the present time advanced. In the main, +however, it is identical with the standard of conduct which is now +adopted by the community of nations." Washington's proclamation laid +the real foundations of the American policy of isolation. + +The very novelty of the rigid neutrality proclaimed by Washington made +the policy a difficult one to pursue. In the Revolutionary and +Napoleonic wars, which lasted for nearly a quarter of a century, the +United States was the principal neutral. The problems to which this +situation gave rise were so similar to the problems raised during the +early years of the World War that many of the diplomatic notes prepared +by Jefferson and Madison might, with a few changes of names and dates, +be passed off as the correspondence of Wilson and Lansing. +Washington's administration closed with the clouds of the European war +still hanging heavy on the horizon. Under these circumstances he +delivered his famous Farewell Address in which he said: + +"The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in +extending our commercial relations to have with them as little +_political_ connection as possible. So far as we have already formed +engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us +stop. + +"Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very +remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, +the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, +therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial +ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary +combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. + +"Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a +different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient +government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury +from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will +cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously +respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making +acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us +provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided +by justice, shall counsel. + +"Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our +own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny +with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in +the toils of European ambitions, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? + +"It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any +portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty +to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing +infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less +applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the +best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in +their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be +unwise to extend them. + +"Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a +respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary +alliances for extraordinary emergencies." + +It will be observed that Washington warned his countrymen against +_permanent_ alliances. He expressly said that we might "safely trust +to _temporary_ alliances for extraordinary emergencies." Further than +this many of those who are continually quoting Washington's warning +against alliances not only fail to note the limitations under which the +advice was given, but they also overlook the reasons assigned. In a +succeeding paragraph of the Farewell Address he said: + +"With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our +country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to +progress without interruption to that degree of strength and +consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the +command of its own fortunes." + +The expression "entangling alliances" does not occur in the Farewell +Address, but was given currency by Jefferson. In his first inaugural +address he summed up the principles by which he proposed to regulate +his foreign policy in the following terms: "Peace, commerce, and honest +friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none." + +During the brief interval of peace following the treaty of Amiens in +1801, Napoleon undertook the reestablishment of French power in Santo +Domingo as the first step in the development of a colonial empire which +he determined upon when he forced Spain to retrocede Louisiana to +France by the secret treaty of San Ildefonso in 1800. Fortunately for +us the ill-fated expedition to Santo Domingo encountered the opposition +of half a million negroes and ultimately fell a prey to the ravages of +yellow fever. As soon as Jefferson heard of the cession of Louisiana +to France, he instructed Livingston, his representative at Paris, to +open negotiations for the purchase of New Orleans and West Florida, +stating that the acquisition of New Orleans by a powerful nation like +France would inevitably lead to friction and conflict. "The day that +France takes possession of New Orleans fixes the sentence which is to +restrain her forever within her low water mark. It seals the union of +two nations who in conjunction can maintain exclusive possession of the +ocean. From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet +and nation. We must turn all our attentions to a maritime force, for +which our resources place us on very high grounds: and having formed +and cemented together a power which may render reinforcement of her +settlements here impossible to France, make the first cannon, which +shall be fired in Europe the signal for tearing up any settlement she +may have made, and for holding the two continents of America in +sequestration for the common purposes of the united British and +American nations. This is not a state of things we seek or desire. It +is one which this measure, if adopted by France, forces on us, as +necessarily as any other cause, by the laws of nature, brings on its +necessary effect." + +Monroe was later sent to Paris to support Livingston and he was +instructed, in case there was no prospect of a favorable termination of +the negotiations, to avoid a rupture until the spring and "in the +meantime enter into conferences with the British Government, through +their ambassador at Paris, to fix principles of alliance, and leave us +in peace until Congress meets." Jefferson had already informed the +British minister at Washington that if France should, by closing the +mouth of the Mississippi, force the United States to war, "they would +throw away the scabbard." Monroe and Livingston were now instructed, +in case they should become convinced that France meditated hostilities +against the United States, to negotiate an alliance with England and to +stipulate that neither party should make peace or truce without the +consent of the other. Thus notwithstanding his French proclivities and +his warning against "entangling alliances," the author of the immortal +Declaration of Independence was ready and willing in this emergency to +form an alliance with England. The unexpected cession of the entire +province of Louisiana to the United States made the contemplated +alliance with England unnecessary. + +The United States was no more successful in its effort to remain +neutral during the Napoleonic wars than it was during the late war, +though the slow means of communication a hundred years ago caused the +struggle for neutral rights to be drawn out for a much longer period of +time. Neither England nor France regarded us as having any rights +which they were bound to respect, and American commerce was fairly +bombarded by French decrees and British orders in council. There was +really not much more reason why we should have fought England than +France, but as England's naval supremacy enabled her to interfere more +effectually with our commerce on the sea and as this interference was +accompanied by the practice of impressing American sailors into the +British service, we finally declared war against her. No effort was +made, however, to form an alliance or even to cooeperate with Napoleon. +The United States fought the War of 1812 without allies, and while we +gained a number of single-ship actions and notable victories on Lake +Erie and Lake Champlain, we failed utterly in two campaigns to occupy +Canada, and the final result of the conflict was that our national +capitol was burned and our commerce absolutely swept from the seas. +Jackson's victory at New Orleans, while gratifying to our pride, took +place two weeks after the treaty of Ghent had been signed and had, +consequently, no effect on the outcome of the war. + + + + +II + +FORMULATION OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE + +The international situation which gave rise to the Monroe Doctrine was +the most unusual in some respects that modern history records. The +European alliance which had been organized in 1813 for the purpose of +bringing about the overthrow of Napoleon continued to dominate the +affairs of Europe until 1823. This alliance, which met at the Congress +of Vienna in 1815 and held later meetings at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, +at Troppau in 1820, at Laybach in 1821, and at Verona in 1822, +undertook to legislate for all Europe and was the nearest approach to a +world government that had ever been tried. While this alliance +publicly proclaimed that it had no other object than the maintenance of +peace and that the repose of the world was its motive and its end, its +real object was to uphold absolute monarchy and to suppress every +attempt at the establishment of representative government. As long as +England remained in the alliance her statesmen exercised a restraining +influence, for England was the only one of the allies which professed +to have a representative system of government. As Castlereagh was +setting out for the meeting at Aix-la-Chapelle Lord Liverpool, who was +then prime minister, warned him that, "The Russian must be made to feel +that we have a parliament and a public, to which we are responsible, +and that we cannot permit ourselves to be drawn into views of policy +which are wholly incompatible with the spirit of our government." + +The reactionary spirit of the continental members of the alliance was +soon thoroughly aroused by the series of revolutions that followed one +another in 1820. In March the Spanish army turned against the +government of Ferdinand VII and demanded the restoration of the +constitution of 1812. The action of the army was everywhere approved +and sustained by the people and the king was forced to proclaim the +constitution and to promise to uphold it. The Spanish revolution was +followed in July by a constitutional movement in Naples, and in August +by a similar movement in Portugal; while the next year witnessed the +outbreak of the Greek struggle for independence. Thus in all three of +the peninsulas of Southern Europe the people were struggling for the +right of self-government. The great powers at once took alarm at the +rapid spread of revolutionary ideas and proceeded to adopt measures for +the suppression of the movements to which these ideas gave rise. At +Troppau and Laybach measures were taken for the suppression of the +revolutionary movements in Italy. An Austrian army entered Naples in +March, 1821, overthrew the constitutional government that had been +inaugurated, and restored Ferdinand II to absolute power. The +revolution which had broken out in Piedmont was also suppressed by a +detachment of the Austrian army. England held aloof from all +participation in the conferences at Troppau and Laybach, though her +ambassador to Austria was present to watch the proceedings. + +The next meeting of the allied powers was arranged for October, 1822, +at Verona. Here the affairs of Greece, Italy, and in particular Spain +came up for consideration. At this congress all five powers of the +alliance were represented. France was especially concerned about the +condition of affairs in Spain, and England sent Wellington out of +self-defense. The Congress of Verona was devoted largely to a +discussion of Spanish affairs. Wellington had been instructed to use +all his influence against the adoption of measures of intervention in +Spain. When he found that the other powers were bent upon this step +and that his protest would be unheeded, he withdrew from the congress. +The four remaining powers signed the secret treaty of Verona, November +22, 1822, as a revision, so they declared in the preamble, of the +Treaty of the Holy Alliance, which had been signed at Paris in 1815 by +Austria, Russia, and Prussia. This last mentioned treaty sprang from +the erratic brain of the Czar Alexander under the influence of Baroness +Kruedener, and is one of the most remarkable political documents extant. +No one had taken it seriously except the Czar himself and it had been +without influence upon the politics of Europe. The text of the treaty +of Verona was never officially published, but the following articles +soon appeared in the press of Europe and America: + +"Article I.--The high contracting powers being convinced that the +system of representative government is equally as incompatible with the +monarchical principles as the maxim of the sovereignty of the people +with the divine right, engage mutually, in the most solemn manner, to +use all their efforts to put an end to the system of representative +governments, in whatever country it may exist in Europe, and to prevent +its being introduced in those countries where it is not yet known. + +"Article II.--As it cannot be doubted that the liberty of the press is +the most powerful means used by the pretended supporters of the rights +of nations, to the detriment of those of Princes, the high contracting +parties promise reciprocally to adopt all proper measures to suppress +it, not only in their own states, but, also, in the rest of Europe. + +"Article III.--Convinced that the principles of religion contribute +most powerfully to keep nations in the state of passive obedience which +they owe to their Princes, the high contracting parties declare it to +be their intention to sustain, in their respective states, those +measures which the clergy may adopt, with the aim of ameliorating their +own interests, so intimately connected with the preservation of the +authority of Princes; and the contracting powers join in offering their +thanks to the Pope, for what he has already done for them, and solicit +his constant cooeperation in their views of submitting the nations. + +"Article IV.--The situation of Spain and Portugal unite unhappily all +the circumstances to which this treaty has particular reference. The +high contracting parties, in confiding to France the care of putting an +end to them, engage to assist her in the manner which may the least +compromise them with their own people and the people of France, by +means of a subsidy on the part of the two empires, of twenty millions +of francs every year, from the date of the signature of this treaty to +the end of the war." + +Such was the code of despotism which the continental powers adopted for +Europe and which they later proposed to extend to America. It was an +attempt to make the world safe for autocracy. Wellington's protest at +Verona marked the final withdrawal of England from the alliance which +had overthrown Napoleon and naturally inclined her toward a +rapprochement with the United States. The aim of the Holy Allies, as +the remaining members of the alliance now called themselves, was to +undo the work of the Revolution and of Napoleon and to restore all the +peoples of Europe to the absolute sway of their legitimate sovereigns. +After the overthrow of the constitutional movements in Piedmont, +Naples, and Spain, absolutism reigned supreme once more in western +Europe, but the Holy Allies felt that their task was not completed so +long as Spain's revolted colonies in America remained unsubjugated. +These colonies had drifted into practical independence while Napoleon's +brother Joseph was on the throne of Spain. Nelson's great victory at +Trafalgar had left England supreme on the seas and neither Napoleon nor +Joseph had been able to establish any control over Spain's American +colonies. When Ferdinand was restored to his throne in 1814, he +unwisely undertook to refasten on his colonies the yoke of the old +colonial system and to break up the commerce which had grown up with +England and with the United States. The different colonies soon +proclaimed their independence and the wars of liberation ensued. By +1822 it was evident that Spain unassisted could never resubjugate them, +and the United States after mature deliberation recognized the new +republics and established diplomatic intercourse with them. England, +although enjoying the full benefits of trade with the late colonies of +Spain, still hesitated out of regard for the mother country to take the +final step of recognition. + +In the late summer of 1823 circular letters were issued inviting the +powers to a conference at Paris to consider the Spanish-American +question. George Canning, the British foreign secretary, at once +called into conference Richard Rush, the American minister, and +proposed joint action against the schemes of the Holy Alliance. Rush +replied that he was not authorized to enter into such an agreement, but +that he would communicate the proposal at once to his government. As +soon as Rush's dispatch was received President Monroe realized fully +the magnitude of the issue presented by the proposal of an +Anglo-American alliance. Before submitting the matter to his cabinet +he transmitted copies of Rush's dispatch to ex-Presidents Jefferson and +Madison and the following interesting correspondence took place. In +his letter to Jefferson of October 17th, the President said: + +"I transmit to you two despatches, which were receiv'd from Mr. Rush, +while I was lately in Washington, which involve interests of the +highest importance. They contain two letters from Mr. Canning, +suggesting designs of the holy alliance, against the Independence of +So. America, & proposing a co-operation, between G. Britain & the U +States, in support of it, against the members of that alliance. The +project aims, in the first instance, at a mere expression of opinion, +somewhat in the abstract, but which, it is expected by Mr. Canning, +will have a great political effect, by defeating the combination. By +Mr. Rush's answers, which are also enclosed, you will see the light in +which he views the subject, & the extent to which he may have gone. +Many important considerations are involved in this proposition. 1st +Shall we entangle ourselves, at all, in European politicks, & wars, on +the side of any power, against others, presuming that a concert, by +agreement, of the kind proposed, may lead to that result? 2d If a case +can exist in which a sound maxim may, & ought to be departed from, is +not the present instance, precisely that case? 3d Has not the epoch +arriv'd when G. Britain must take her stand, either on the side of the +monarchs of Europe, or of the U States, & in consequence, either in +favor of Despotism or of liberty & may it not be presum'd that, aware +of that necessity, her government has seiz'd on the present occurrence, +as that, which it deems, the most suitable, to announce & mark the +commenc'ment of that career? + +"My own impression is that we ought to meet the proposal of the British +govt. & to make it known, that we would view an interference on the +part of the European powers, and especially an attack on the Colonies, +by them, as an attack on ourselves, presuming that, if they succeeded +with them, they would extend it to us. I am sensible however of the +extent & difficulty of the question, & shall be happy to have yours, & +Mr. Madison's opinions on it." + +Jefferson's reply dated Monticello, October 24th, displays not only a +profound insight into the international situation, but a wide vision of +the possibilities involved. He said: + +"The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most +momentous which has ever been offered to my contemplation since that of +Independence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass and points +the course which we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on +us. And never could we embark on it under circumstances more +auspicious. Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to +entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second, never to +suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North +and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and +peculiarly her own. She should therefore have a system of her own, +separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last is laboring to +become the domicil of despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make +our hemisphere that of freedom. One nation, most of all, could disturb +us in this pursuit; she now offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in +it. By acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the bands, +bring her mighty weight into the scale of free government, and +emancipate a continent at one stroke, which might otherwise linger long +in doubt and difficulty. Great Britain is the nation which can do us +the most harm of any one, or all on earth; and with her on our side we +need not fear the whole world. With her then, we should most +sedulously cherish a cordial friendship; and nothing would tend more to +knit our affections than to be fighting once more, side by side, in the +same cause. Not that I would purchase even her amity at the price of +taking part in her wars. But the war in which the present proposition +might engage us, should that be its consequence, is not her war, but +ours. Its object is to introduce and establish the American system, of +keeping out of our land all foreign powers, of never permitting those +of Europe to intermeddle with the affairs of our nations. It is to +maintain our own principle, not to depart from it. And if, to +facilitate this, we can effect a division in the body of the European +powers, and draw over to our side its most powerful member, surely we +should do it. But I am clearly of Mr. Canning's opinion, that it will +prevent instead of provoking war. With Great Britain withdrawn from +their scale and shifted into that of our two continents, all Europe +combined would not undertake such a war. For how would they propose to +get at either enemy without superior fleets? Nor is the occasion to be +slighted which this proposition offers, of declaring our protest +against the atrocious violations of the rights of nations, by the +interference of any one in the internal affairs of another, so +flagitiously begun by Bonaparte, and now continued by the equally +lawless Alliance, calling itself Holy." + +Madison not only agreed with Jefferson as to the wisdom of accepting +the British proposal of some form of joint action, but he went even +further and suggested that the declaration should not be limited to the +American republics, but that it should express disapproval of the late +invasion of Spain and of any interference with the Greeks who were then +struggling for independence from Turkey. Monroe, it appears, was +strongly inclined to act on Madison's suggestion, but his cabinet took +a different view of the situation. From the diary of John Quincy +Adams, Monroe's secretary of state, it appears that almost the whole of +November was taken up by cabinet discussions on Canning's proposals and +on Russia's aggressions in the northwest. Adams stoutly opposed any +alliance or joint declaration with Great Britain. The composition of +the President's message remained in doubt until the 27th, when the more +conservative views of Adams were, according to his own statement of the +case, adopted. He advocated an independent course of action on the +part of the United States, without direct reference to Canning's +proposals, though substantially in accord with them. Adams defined his +position as follows: "The ground that I wish to take is that of earnest +remonstrance against the interference of the European powers by force +with South America, but to disclaim all interference on our part with +Europe; to make an American cause and adhere inflexibly to that." +Adams's dissent from Monroe's position was, it is claimed, due partly +to the influence of Clay who advocated a Pan-American system, partly to +the fact that the proposed cooeperation with Great Britain would bind +the United States not to acquire some of the coveted parts of the +Spanish possessions, and partly to the fear that the United States as +the ally of Great Britain would be compelled to play a secondary part. +He probably carried his point by showing that the same ends could be +accomplished by an independent declaration, since it was evident that +the sea power of Great Britain would be used to prevent the reconquest +of South America by the European powers. Monroe, as we have seen, +thought that the exigencies of the situation justified a departure from +the sound maxim of political isolation, and in this opinion he was +supported by his two predecessors in the presidency. + +The opinions of Monroe, Jefferson, and Madison in favor of an alliance +with Great Britain and a broad declaration against the intervention of +the great powers in the affairs of weaker states in any part of the +world, have been severely criticised by some historians and ridiculed +by others, but time and circumstances often bring about a complete +change in our point of view. After the beginning of the great world +conflict, especially after our entrance into it, several writers raised +the question as to whether, after all, the three elder statesmen were +not right and Adams and Clay wrong. If the United States and England +had come out in favor of a general declaration against intervention in +the concerns of small states and established it as a world-wide +principle, the course of human history during the next century might +have been very different, but Adams's diary does not tell the whole +story. On his own statement of the case he might be justly censured by +posterity for persuading the president to take a narrow American view +of a question which was world-wide in its bearing. An important +element in the situation, however, was Canning's change of attitude +between the time of his conference with Rush in August and the +formulation of the president's message. Two days after the delivery of +his now famous message Monroe wrote to Jefferson in explanation of the +form the declaration had taken: "Mr. Canning's zeal has much abated of +late." It appears from Rush's correspondence that the only thing which +stood in the way of joint action by the two powers was Canning's +unwillingness to extend immediate recognition to the South American +republics. On August 27th, Rush stated to Canning that it would +greatly facilitate joint action if England would acknowledge at once +the full independence of the South American colonies. In communicating +the account of this interview to his government Mr. Rush concluded: +"Should I be asked by Mr. Canning, whether, in case the recognition be +made by Great Britain without more delay, I am on my part prepared to +make a declaration, in the name of my government, that it will not +remain inactive under an attack upon the independence of those states +by the Holy Alliance, the present determination of my judgment is that +I will make such a declaration explicitly, and avow it before the +world." About three weeks later Canning, who was growing restless at +the delay in hearing from Washington, again urged Rush to act without +waiting for specific instructions from his government. He tried to +show that the proposed joint declaration would not conflict with the +American policy of avoiding entangling alliances, for the question at +issue was American as much as European, if not more. Rush then +indicated his willingness to act provided England would "immediately +and unequivocally acknowledge the independence of the new states." +Canning did not care to extend full recognition to the South American +states until he could do so without giving unnecessary offense to Spain +and the allies, and he asked if Mr. Rush could not give his assent to +the proposal on a promise of future recognition. Mr. Rush refused to +accede to anything but immediate acknowledgment of independence and so +the matter ended. + +As Canning could not come to a formal understanding with the United +States, he determined to make a frank avowal of the views of the +British cabinet to France and to this end he had an interview with +Prince Polignac, the French ambassador at London, October 9, 1823, in +which he declared that Great Britain had no desire to hasten +recognition, but that any foreign interference, by force, or by menace, +would be a motive for immediate recognition; that England "could not go +into a joint deliberation upon the subject of Spanish America upon an +equal footing with other powers, whose opinions were less formed upon +that question." This declaration drew from Polignac the admission that +he considered the reduction of the colonies by Spain as hopeless and +that France "abjured in any case, any design of acting against the +colonies by force of arms." This admission was a distinct victory for +Canning, in that it prepared the way for ultimate recognition by +England, and an account of the interview was communicated without delay +to the allied courts. The interview was not communicated to Rush until +the latter part of November, and therefore had no influence upon the +formation of Monroe's message. + +The Monroe Doctrine is comprised in two widely separated paragraphs +that occur in the message of December 2, 1823. The first, relating to +Russia's encroachments on the northwest coast, and occurring near the +beginning of the message, was an assertion to the effect that the +American continents had assumed an independent condition and were no +longer open to European colonization. This may be regarded as a +statement of fact. No part of the continent at that time remained +unclaimed. The second paragraph, relating to Spanish America and +occurring near the close of the message, was a declaration against the +extension to the American continents of the system of intervention +adopted by the Holy Alliance for the suppression of popular government +in Europe. + +The language used by President Monroe is as follows: + +1. "At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through +the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and +instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States +at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective +rights and interests of the two nations on the north-west coast of this +continent. A similar proposal had been made by His Imperial Majesty to +the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. +The Government of the United States has been desirous by this friendly +proceeding of manifesting the great value which they have invariably +attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to +cultivate the best understanding with his Government. In the +discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the +arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged +proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests +of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the +free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, +are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization +by any European powers." + +2. "In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to +themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our +policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously +menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. +With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more +immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all +enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the +allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of +America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their +respective Governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been +achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the +wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have +enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, +therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the +United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any +attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this +hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing +colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered +and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared +their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, +on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could +not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or +controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in +any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition +toward the United States." + +The message made a profound impression on the world, all the more +profound for the fact that Canning's interview with Polignac was known +only to the chancelleries of Europe. To the public at large it +appeared that the United States was blazing the way for democracy and +liberty and that Canning was holding back through fear of giving +offense to the allies. The governments of Europe realized only too +well that Monroe's declaration would be backed by the British navy, and +all thought of intervention in Latin America was therefore abandoned. +A few months later England formally recognized the independence of the +Spanish-American republics, and Canning made his famous boast on the +floor of the House of Commons. In a speech delivered December 12, +1826, in defense of his position in not having arrested the French +invasion of Spain, he said: "I looked another way--I sought for +compensation in another hemisphere. Contemplating Spain, such as our +ancestors had known her, I resolved that, if France had Spain, it +should not be Spain _with the Indies_. I called the New World into +existence to redress the balance of the Old." + + + + +III + +THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE EUROPEAN BALANCE OF POWER + +President Monroe said in effect that the western hemisphere must be +made safe for democracy. It was reserved for our own generation and +for President Wilson to extend the declaration and to say that the +world must be made safe for democracy. President Monroe announced that +we would uphold international law and republican government in this +hemisphere, and as _quid pro quo_ he announced that it was the settled +policy of the United States to refrain from all interference in the +internal affairs of European states. He based his declaration, +therefore, not mainly on right and justice, but on the doctrine of the +separation of the European and American spheres of politics. The +Monroe Doctrine and the policy of isolation thus became linked together +in the public mind as compensating policies, neither one of which could +stand without the other. Even Secretary Olney as late as 1895 declared +that "American non-intervention in Europe implied European +non-intervention in America." It is not strange, therefore, that the +public at large should regard the policy of isolation as the sole +justification for the Monroe Doctrine. There is, however, neither +logic nor justice in basing our right to uphold law and freedom in this +hemisphere on our promise not to interfere with the violation of law +and humanity in Europe. The real difficulty is that the Monroe +Doctrine as interpreted in recent years has developed certain +imperialistic tendencies and that the imperialistic implications of the +policy resemble too closely the imperialistic aims of the European +powers. + +For three quarters of a century after Monroe's declaration the policy +of isolation was more rigidly adhered to than ever, the principal +departure from it being the signature and ratification of the +Clayton-Bulwer Treaty in 1850. By the terms of this treaty we +recognized a joint British interest in any canal that might be built +through the isthmus connecting North and South America, undertook to +establish the general neutralization of such canal, and agreed to +invite other powers, European and American, to unite in protecting the +same. Owing to differences that soon arose between the United States +and England as to the interpretation of the treaty, the clause +providing for the adherence of other powers was never carried out. + +For nearly a hundred years we have successfully upheld the Monroe +Doctrine without a resort to force. The policy has never been +favorably regarded by the powers of continental Europe. Bismarck +described it as "an international impertinence." In recent years it +has stirred up rather intense opposition in certain parts of Latin +America. Until recently no American writers appear to have considered +the real nature of the sanction on which the doctrine rested. How is +it that without an army and until recent years without a navy of any +size we have been able to uphold a policy which has been described as +an impertinence to Latin America and a standing defiance to Europe? +Americans generally seem to think that the Monroe Doctrine has in it an +inherent sanctity which prevents other nations from violating it. In +view of the general disregard of sanctities, inherent or acquired, +during the early stages of the late war, this explanation will not hold +good and some other must be sought. Americans have been so little +concerned with international affairs that they have failed to see any +connection between the Monroe Doctrine and the balance of power in +Europe. The existence of a European balance of power is the only +explanation of our having been able to uphold the Monroe Doctrine for +so long a time without a resort to force. Some one or more of the +European powers would long ago have stepped in and called our bluff, +that is, forced us to repudiate the Monroe Doctrine or fight for it, +had it not been for the well-grounded fear that as soon as they became +engaged with us some other European power would attack them in the +rear. A few illustrations will be sufficient to establish this thesis. + +The most serious strain to which the Monroe Doctrine was ever subjected +was the attempt of Louis Napoleon during the American Civil War to +establish the empire of Maximilian in Mexico under French auspices. He +was clever enough to induce England and Spain to go in with him in 1861 +for the avowed purpose of collecting the claims of their subjects +against the government of Mexico. Before the joint intervention had +gone very far, however, these two powers became convinced that Napoleon +had ulterior designs and withdrew their forces. Napoleon's Mexican +venture was deliberately calculated on the success of the Southern +Confederacy. Hence, his friendly relations with the Confederate +commissioners and the talk of an alliance between the Confederacy and +Maximilian backed by the power of France. Against each successive step +taken by France in Mexico Mr. Seward, Lincoln's Secretary of State, +protested. As the Civil War drew to a successful conclusion his +protests became more and more emphatic. Finally, in the spring of +1866, the United States Government began massing troops on the Mexican +border and Mr. Seward sent what was practically an ultimatum to the +French Emperor; he requested to know when the long-promised withdrawal +of the French troops would take place. Napoleon replied, fixing the +dates for their withdrawal in three separate detachments. + +American historians have usually attributed Napoleon's backdown to +Seward's diplomacy supported by the military power of the United +States, which was, of course, greater then than at any previous time in +our history. All this undoubtedly had its effect on Napoleon's mind, +but it appears that conditions in Europe just at that particular moment +had an even greater influence in causing him to abandon his Mexican +scheme. Within a few days of the receipt of Seward's ultimatum +Napoleon was informed of Bismarck's determination to force a war with +Austria over the Schleswig-Holstein controversy. Napoleon realized +that the territorial aggrandizement of Prussia, without any +corresponding gains by France, would be a serious blow to his prestige +and in fact endanger his throne. He at once entered upon a long and +hazardous diplomatic game in which Bismarck outplayed him and +eventually forced him into war. In order to have a free hand to meet +the European situation he decided to yield to the American demands. As +the European situation developed he hastened the final withdrawal of +his troops and left Maximilian to his fate. Thus the Monroe Doctrine +was vindicated! + +Let us take next President Cleveland's intervention in the Venezuelan +boundary dispute. Here surely was a clear and spectacular vindication +of the Monroe Doctrine which no one can discount. Let us briefly +examine the facts. Some 30,000 square miles of territory on the border +of Venezuela and British Guiana were in dispute. Venezuela, a weak and +helpless state, had offered to submit the question to arbitration. +Great Britain, powerful and overbearing, refused. After Secretary +Olney, in a long correspondence ably conducted, had failed to move the +British Government, President Cleveland decided to intervene. In a +message to Congress in December, 1895, he reviewed the controversy at +length, declared that the acquisition of territory in America by a +European power through the arbitrary advance of a boundary line was a +clear violation of the Monroe Doctrine, and asked Congress for an +appropriation to pay the expenses of a commission which he proposed to +appoint for the purpose of determining the true boundary, which he said +it would then be our duty to uphold. Lest there should be any +misunderstanding as to his intentions he solemnly added: "In making +these recommendations I am fully alive to the responsibility incurred +and keenly realize all the consequences that may follow." Congress +promptly voted the appropriation. + +Here was a bold and unqualified defiance of England. No one before had +ever trod so roughly on the British lion's tail with impunity. The +English-speaking public on both sides of the Atlantic was stunned and +amazed. Outside of diplomatic circles few persons were aware that any +subject of controversy between the two countries existed, and no one +had any idea that it was of a serious nature. Suddenly the two nations +found themselves on the point of war. After the first outburst of +indignation the storm passed; and before the American boundary +commission completed its investigation England signed an arbitration +agreement with Venezuela. Some persons, after looking in vain for an +explanation, have concluded that Lord Salisbury's failure to deal more +seriously with Mr. Cleveland's affront to the British Government was +due to his sense of humor. + +But here again the true explanation is to be found in events that were +happening in another quarter of the globe. Cleveland's Venezuelan +message was sent to Congress on December 17th. At the end of the year +came Dr. Jameson's raid into the Transvaal and on the third of January +the German Kaiser sent his famous telegram of congratulation to Paul +Kruger. The wrath of England was suddenly diverted from America to +Germany, and Lord Salisbury avoided a rupture with the United States +over a matter which after all was not of such serious moment to England +in order to be free to deal with a question involving much greater +interests in South Africa. The Monroe Doctrine was none the less +effectively vindicated. + +In 1902 Germany made a carefully planned and determined effort to test +out the Monroe Doctrine and see whether we would fight for it. In that +year Germany, England, and Italy made a naval demonstration against +Venezuela for the purpose of forcing her to recognize as valid certain +claims of their subjects. How England was led into the trap is still a +mystery, but the Kaiser thought that he had her thoroughly committed, +that if England once started in with him she could not turn against +him. But he had evidently not profited by the experience of Napoleon +III in Mexico. Through the mediation of Herbert Bowen, the American +minister, Venezuela agreed to recognize in principle the claims of the +foreign powers and to arbitrate the amount. England and Italy accepted +this offer and withdrew their squadrons. Germany, however, remained +for a time obdurate. This much was known at the time. + +A rather sensational account of what followed next has recently been +made public in Thayer's "Life and Letters of John Hay." Into the +merits of the controversy that arose over Thayer's version of the +Roosevelt-Holleben interview it is not necessary to enter. The +significant fact, that Germany withdrew from Venezuela under pressure, +is, however, amply established. Admiral Dewey stated publicly that the +entire American fleet was assembled at the time under his command in +Porto Rican waters ready to move at a moment's notice. Why did Germany +back down from her position? Her navy was supposed to be at least as +powerful as ours. The reason why the Kaiser concluded not to measure +strength with the United States was that England had accepted +arbitration and withdrawn her support and he did not dare attack the +United States with the British navy in his rear. Again the nicely +adjusted European balance prevented the Monroe Doctrine from being put +to the test of actual war. + +While England has from time to time objected to some of the corollaries +deduced from the Monroe Doctrine, she has on the whole been not +unfavorably disposed toward the essential features of that policy. The +reason for this is that the Monroe Doctrine has been an open-door +policy, and has thus been in general accord with the British policy of +free trade. The United States has not used the Monroe Doctrine for the +establishment of exclusive trade relations with our southern neighbors. +In fact, we have largely neglected the South American countries as a +field for the development of American commerce. The failure to +cultivate this field has not been due wholly to neglect, however, but +to the fact that we have had employment for all our capital at home and +consequently have not been in a position to aid in the industrial +development of the Latin-American states, and to the further fact that +our exports have been so largely the same and hence the trade of both +North and South America has been mainly with Europe. There has, +therefore, been little rivalry between the United States and the powers +of Europe in the field of South American commerce. Our interest has +been political rather than commercial. We have prevented the +establishment of spheres of influence and preserved the open door. +This situation has been in full accord with British policy. Had Great +Britain adopted a high tariff policy and been compelled to demand +commercial concessions from Latin America by force, the Monroe Doctrine +would long since have gone by the board and been forgotten. Americans +should not forget the fact, moreover, that at any time during the past +twenty years Great Britain could have settled all her outstanding +difficulties with Germany by agreeing to sacrifice the Monroe Doctrine +and give her rival a free hand in South America. In the face of such a +combination our navy would have been of little avail. + + + + +IV + +INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION WITHOUT THE SANCTION OF FORCE + +President Monroe's declaration had a negative as well as a positive +side. It was in effect an announcement to the world that we would not +use force in support of law and justice anywhere except in the Western +Hemisphere, that we intended to stay at home and mind our own business. +Washington and Jefferson had recommended a policy of isolation on +grounds of expediency. Washington, as we have seen, regarded this +policy as a temporary expedient, while Jefferson upon two separate +occasions was ready to form an alliance with England. Probably neither +one of them contemplated the possibility of the United States shirking +its responsibilities as a member of the family of nations. Monroe's +message contained the implied promise that if Europe would refrain from +interfering in the political concerns of this hemisphere, we would +abstain from all intervention in Europe. From that day until our +entrance into the World War it was generally understood, and on +numerous occasions officially proclaimed, that the United States would +not resort to force on any question arising outside of America except +where its material interests were directly involved. We have not +refrained from diplomatic action in matters not strictly American, but +it has always been understood that such action would not be backed by +force. In the existing state of world politics this limitation has +been a serious handicap to American diplomacy. To take what we could +get and to give nothing in return has been a hard rule for our +diplomats, and has greatly circumscribed their activities. Diplomatic +action without the use or threat of force has, however, accomplished +something in the world at large, so that American influence has by no +means been limited to the western hemisphere. + +During the first half of the nineteenth century the subject of slavery +absorbed a large part of the attention of American statesmen. The fact +that they were not concerned with foreign problems outside of the +American hemisphere probably caused them to devote more time and +attention to this subject than they would otherwise have done. Slavery +and isolation had a very narrowing effect on men in public life, +especially during the period from 1830 to 1860. As the movement +against slavery in the early thirties became world-wide, the retention +of the "peculiar institution" in this country had the effect of +increasing our isolation. The effort of the American Colonization +Society to solve or mitigate the problem of slavery came very near +giving us a colony in Africa. In fact, Liberia, the negro republic +founded on the west coast of Africa by the Colonization Society, was in +all essentials an American protectorate, though the United States +carefully refrained in its communications with other powers from doing +more than expressing its good will for the little republic. As Liberia +was founded years before Africa became a field for European +exploitation, it was suffered to pursue its course without outside +interference, and the United States was never called upon to decide +whether its diplomatic protection would be backed up by force. + +The slave trade was a subject of frequent discussion between the United +States and England during the first half of the nineteenth century, and +an arrangement for its suppression was finally embodied in Article VIII +of the Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842. The only reason why the two +countries had never been able to act in accord on this question before +was that Great Britain persistently refused to renounce the right of +impressment which she had exercised in the years preceding the War of +1812. The United States therefore refused to sign any agreement which +would permit British naval officers to search American vessels in time +of peace. In 1820 the United States declared the slave trade to be a +form of piracy, and Great Britain advanced the view that as there was +no doubt of the right of a naval officer to visit and search a ship +suspected of piracy, her officers should be permitted to visit and +search ships found off the west coast of Africa under the American flag +which were suspected of being engaged in the slave trade. The United +States stoutly refused to acquiesce in this view. In the +Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842 it was finally agreed that each of the +two powers should maintain on the coast of Africa a sufficient squadron +"to enforce, separately and respectively, the laws, rights, and +obligations of each of the two countries for the suppression of the +slave trade." It was further agreed that the officers should act in +concert and cooeperation, but the agreement was so worded as to avoid +all possibility of our being drawn into an entangling alliance. + +The United States has upon various occasions expressed a humanitarian +interest in the natives of Africa. In 1884 two delegates were sent to +the Berlin conference which adopted a general act giving a recognized +status to the Kongo Free State. The American delegates signed the +treaty in common with the delegates of the European powers, but it was +not submitted to the Senate for ratification for reasons stated as +follows by President Cleveland in his annual message of December 8, +1885: + +"A conference of delegates of the principal commercial nations was held +at Berlin last winter to discuss methods whereby the Kongo basin might +be kept open to the world's trade. Delegates attended on behalf of the +United States on the understanding that their part should be merely +deliberative, without imparting to the results any binding character so +far as the United States were concerned. This reserve was due to the +indisposition of this Government to share in any disposal by an +international congress of jurisdictional questions in remote foreign +territories. The results of the conference were embodied in a formal +act of the nature of an international convention, which laid down +certain obligations purporting to be binding on the signatories, +subject to ratification within one year. Notwithstanding the +reservation under which the delegates of the United States attended, +their signatures were attached to the general act in the same manner as +those of the plenipotentiaries of other governments, thus making the +United States appear, without reserve or qualification, as signatories +to a joint international engagement imposing on the signers the +conservation of the territorial integrity of distant regions where we +have no established interests or control. + +"This Government does not, however, regard its reservation of liberty +of action in the premises as at all impaired; and holding that an +engagement to share in the obligation of enforcing neutrality in the +remote valley of the Kongo would be an alliance whose responsibilities +we are not in a position to assume, I abstain from asking the sanction +of the Senate to that general act." + +The United States also sent delegates to the international conference +held at Brussels in 1890 for the purpose of dealing with the slave +trade in certain unappropriated regions of Central Africa. The +American delegates insisted that prohibitive duties should be imposed +on the importation of spirituous liquors into the Kongo. The European +representatives, being unwilling to incorporate the American proposals, +framed a separate tariff convention for the Kongo, which the American +delegates refused to sign. The latter did, however, affix their +signatures to the general treaty which provided for the suppression of +the African slave trade and the restriction of the sale of firearms, +ammunition, and spirituous liquors in certain parts of the African +continent. In ratifying the treaty the Senate reaffirmed the American +policy of isolation in the following resolution: + +"That the United States of America, having neither possessions nor +protectorates in Africa, hereby disclaims any intention, in ratifying +this treaty, to indicate any interest whatsoever in the possessions or +protectorates established or claimed on that Continent by the other +powers, or any approval of the wisdom, expediency or lawfulness +thereof, and does not join in any expressions in the said General Act +which might be construed as such a declaration or acknowledgement; and, +for this reason, that it is desirable that a copy of this resolution be +inserted in the protocol to be drawn up at the time of the exchange of +the ratifications of this treaty on the part of the United States." + +The United States has always stood for legality in international +relations and has always endeavored to promote the arbitration of +international disputes. Along these lines we have achieved notable +success. It is, of course, sometimes difficult to separate questions +of international law from questions of international politics. We have +been so scrupulous in our efforts to keep out of political +entanglements that we have sometimes failed to uphold principles of law +in the validity of which we were as much concerned as any other nation. +We have always recognized international law as a part of the law of the +land, and we have always acknowledged the moral responsibilities that +rested on us as a member of the society of nations. In fact, the +Constitution of the United States expressly recognizes the binding +force of the law of nations and of treaties. As international law is +the only law that governs the relations between states, we are, of +course, directly concerned in the enforcement of existing law and in +the development of new law. When the Declaration of Paris was drawn up +by the European powers at the close of the Crimean War in 1856, the +United States was invited to give its adherence. The four rules +embodied in the declaration, which have since formed the basis of +maritime law, are as follows: First, privateering is, and remains, +abolished. Second, the neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the +exception of contraband of war. Third, neutral goods, with the +exception of contraband of war, are not liable to capture under the +enemy's flag. Fourth, blockades, in order to be binding, must be +effective. The United States Government was in thorough accord with +the second, third, and fourth rules but was unwilling, as matters then +stood, to commit itself to the first rule. It had never been our +policy to maintain a large standing navy. In the War of 1812, as in +the Revolution, we depended upon privateers to attack the commerce of +the enemy. In reply to the invitation to give our adherence to the +declaration, Secretary Marcy made a counter proposition, namely, that +the powers of Europe should agree to exempt all private property, +except of course contraband of war, from capture on the high seas in +time of war. He said that if they would agree to this, the United +States would agree to abolish privateering. The powers of Europe +refused to accept this amendment. We refrained from signing the +Declaration of Paris, therefore, not because it went too far, but +because it did not go far enough. + +During the Civil War the United States Government used its diplomatic +efforts to prevent the recognition of the independence of the +Confederacy and the formation of hostile alliances. It made no effort +to form any alliance itself and insisted that the struggle be regarded +as an American question. The dispute with England over the _Alabama_ +Claims came near precipitating war, but the matter was finally adjusted +by the Treaty of Washington. The most significant feature of this +treaty, as far as the present discussion is concerned, was the formal +adoption of three rules which were not only to govern the decision of +the "Alabama Claims," but which were to be binding upon England and the +United States for the future. It was further agreed that these rules +should be brought to the knowledge of other maritime powers who should +be invited to accede to them. The rules forbade the fitting out, +arming, or equipping within neutral jurisdiction of vessels intended to +cruise or carry on war against a power with which the neutral is at +peace; they forbade the use of neutral ports or waters as a base of +naval operations; and they imposed upon neutrals the exercise of due +diligence to prevent these things from being done. While these rules +have never been formally adopted by the remaining powers, they are +generally recognized as embodying obligations which are now incumbent +upon all neutrals. + +When the United States decided to accept the invitation of the Czar of +Russia to attend the first peace conference at The Hague in 1899, grave +misgivings were expressed by many of the more conservative men in +public life. The participation of the United States with the powers of +Europe in this conference was taken by many Americans to mark the end +of the old order and the beginning of a new era in American diplomacy. +The conference, however, was concerned with questions of general +international interest, and had no bearing upon the internal affairs of +any state, European or American. Lest there should be any +misapprehension as to the historic policy of the United States, the +final treaty was signed by the American delegation under the express +reservation of a declaration previously read in open session. This +declaration was as follows: + +"Nothing contained in this convention shall be so construed as to +require the United States of America to depart from its traditional +policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling itself in +the political questions or policy or internal administration of any +foreign state; nor shall anything contained in the said convention be +construed to imply a relinquishment by the United States of America of +its traditional attitude toward purely American questions." The +establishment of the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague which +resulted from the first conference was a notable achievement, although +the Court has accomplished less than its advocates hoped. This was the +most important occasion on which American delegates had sat together +with European diplomats in a general conference. Our delegation was +the object of considerable interest and was not without influence in +shaping the provisions of the final treaty. It was through the +personal influence of Andrew D. White that the Emperor of Germany was +persuaded to permit his delegation to take part in the proceedings +establishing the Court of Arbitration. + +The second Hague Conference revised the Convention for the Pacific +Settlement of International Disputes, drew up a plan for an +International Prize Court, and attempted a codification of the rules of +international law on a number of subjects relating to the conduct of +war and the rights of neutrals. The American delegates, headed by Mr. +Choate, not only took a prominent part in these proceedings, but, +acting under instructions from Secretary Root, they proposed to the +Conference the creation of a permanent international court of justice. +The creation of an international court of justice whose decisions would +have the force of law, as distinguished from an international court of +arbitration whose decisions are usually arrived at by a compromise of +conflicting legal or political points of view, had long been advocated +by advanced thinkers, but the proposition had always been held by +practical statesmen to be purely academic. The serious advocacy of the +proposition at this time by a great nation like the United States and +the able arguments advanced by Mr. Choate marked an important step +forward and made a profound impression. There were two difficulties in +the way of establishing such a court at the second Hague Conference. +In the first place, the delegation of the United States was the only +one which had instructions on this subject, and in the second place it +was found to be impossible to agree upon a method of selecting the +judges. The great world powers, with the exception of the United +States, demanded permanent representation on the court. The smaller +nations, relying on the doctrine of the equality of states, demanded +likewise to be represented. If each nation could have been given the +right to appoint a judge, the court could have been organized, but +there would have been forty-four judges instead of fifteen, the number +suggested in the American plan. The Draft Convention for the +Establishment of the Court of Arbitral Justice, as it was agreed the +new court should be designated, was submitted to the Conference and its +adoption recommended to the signatory powers. This Draft contained +thirty-five articles and covered everything except the method of +appointing judges. This question was to be settled by diplomatic +negotiation, and it was agreed that the court should be established as +soon as a satisfactory agreement with regard to the choice of judges +could be reached. After the adjournment of the Conference the United +States continued its advocacy of the international court of justice +through the ordinary diplomatic channels. The proposal was made that +the method of selecting judges for the Prize Court be adopted for the +court of justice, that is, that each power should appoint a judge, that +the judges of the larger powers should always sit on the court while +the judges of the other powers should sit by a system of rotation for +limited periods. It was found, however, that many of the smaller +states were unwilling to accept this suggestion, and as difficulties +which we will mention presently prevented the establishment of the +Prize Court, the whole question of the court of justice was postponed. + +Most of the conventions adopted by the second Hague Conference were +ratified by the United States without reservation. The fact, however, +that certain of these conventions were not ratified by all the powers +represented at the Conference, and that others were ratified with +important reservations, left the status of most of the conventions in +doubt, so that at the beginning of the World War there was great +confusion as to what rules were binding and what were not binding. The +Conference found it impossible to arrive at an agreement on many of the +most vital questions of maritime law. Under these circumstances the +powers were not willing to have the proposed International Prize Court +established without the previous codification of the body of law which +was to govern its decisions. + +In order to supply this need the London Naval Conference was convened +in December, 1908, and issued a few months later the Declaration of +London. The London Naval Conference was attended by representatives of +the principal maritime powers including the United States, and the +Declaration which it issued was avowedly a codification of the existing +rules of international law. This was not true, however, of all the +provisions of the Declaration. On several of the most vital questions +of maritime law, such as blockade, the doctrine of continuous voyage, +the destruction of neutral prizes, and the inclusion of food stuffs in +the list of conditional contraband, the Declaration was a compromise +and therefore unsatisfactory. It encountered from the start the most +violent opposition in England. In Parliament the Naval Prize Bill, +which was to give the Declaration effect, was discussed at considerable +length. It passed the House of Commons by a small vote, but was +defeated in the House of Lords. It was denounced by the press, and a +petition to the king, drawn up by the Imperial Maritime League +protesting against it, was signed by a long list of commercial +associations, mayors, members of the House of Lords, general officers, +and other public officials. One hundred and thirty-eight naval +officers of flag rank addressed to the prime minister a public protest +against the Declaration. In the debate in the House of Lords the main +objections to the Declaration were (1) that it made food stuffs +conditional contraband instead of placing them on the free list, (2) +that the clause permitting the seizure of conditional contraband bound +for a fortified place or "other place serving as a base for the armed +forces of the enemy" would render all English ports liable to be +treated as bases by an enemy, and (3) that it permitted the destruction +of neutral prizes. + +The refusal of England to ratify the Declaration of London sealed its +fate. The United States Senate formally ratified it, but this +ratification was, of course, conditional on the ratification of other +powers. At the beginning of the Great War the United States made a +formal proposal to the belligerent powers that they should agree to +adopt the Declaration for the period of the war in order that there +might be a definite body of law for all parties concerned. This +proposal was accepted by Germany and Austria, but England, France, and +Russia were not willing to accept the Declaration of London without +modifications. The United States, therefore, promptly withdrew its +proposal and stated that where its rights as a neutral were concerned +it would expect the belligerent powers to observe the recognized rules +of international law and existing treaties. + +The Hague Conferences were concerned with questions of general +international interest, and had no bearing upon the internal affairs of +states. Such, however, was not the character of the conference which +convened at Algeciras, Spain, in December, 1905, for the purpose of +adjusting the very serious dispute that had arisen between France and +Germany over the status of Morocco. France had been engaged for some +years in the peaceful penetration of Morocco. By the terms of the +Entente of 1904 England recognized Morocco as being within the French +sphere of influence and France agreed to recognize England's position +in Egypt. The German Kaiser had no idea of permitting any part of the +world to be divided up without his consent. In March, 1905, while on a +cruise in the Mediterranean, he disembarked at Tangier and paid a visit +to the Sultan "in his character of independent sovereign." As the +Russian armies had just suffered disastrous defeats at the hands of the +Japanese, France could not count on aid from her ally and the Kaiser +did not believe that the recently formed Entente was strong enough to +enable her to count on English support. His object in landing at +Tangier was, therefore, to check and humiliate France while she was +isolated and to break up the Entente before it should develop into an +alliance. Delcasse, the French foreign minister, wanted to stand firm, +but Germany demanded his retirement and the prime minister accepted his +resignation. In recognition of this triumph, the German chancellor +Count von Buelow was given the title of Prince. Not satisfied with this +achievement, the Kaiser demanded a general European conference on the +Moroccan question, and, in order to avoid war, President Roosevelt +persuaded France to submit the whole dispute to the powers interested. +The Algeciras conference turned out to be a bitter disappointment to +Germany. Not only did France receive the loyal support of England, but +she was also backed by the United States and even by Italy--a warning +to Germany that the Triple Alliance was in danger. As the conference +was called nominally for the purpose of instituting certain +administrative reforms in Morocco, President Roosevelt decided, in view +of our rights under a commercial treaty of 1880, to take part in the +proceedings. The American delegates were Henry White, at that time +ambassador to Italy, and Samuel R. Gummere, minister to Morocco. As +the United States professed to have no political interests at stake, +its delegates were instrumental in composing many of the difficulties +that arose during the conference and their influence was exerted to +preserve the European balance of power. The facts in regard to +America's part in this conference were carefully concealed from the +public. There was nothing in any published American document to +indicate that the participation of our representatives was anything +more than casual. Andre Tardieu, the well-known French publicist, who +reported the conference and later published his impressions in book +form, first indicated that President Roosevelt was a positive factor in +the proceedings. But it was not until the publication of Bishop's +"Theodore Roosevelt and His Time" that the full extent of Roosevelt's +activities in this connection became known. + +There can be no doubt that our participation in the Moroccan conference +was the most radical departure ever made from our traditional policy of +isolation. Roosevelt's influence was exerted for preserving the +balance of power in Europe. As we look back upon the events of that +year we feel, in view of what has since happened, that he was fully +justified in the course he pursued. Had his motives for participating +in the conference been known at the time, they would not have been +upheld either by the Senate or by public opinion. There are many +serious objections to secret diplomacy, but it cannot be entirely done +away with even under a republican form of government until the people +are educated to a fuller understanding of international politics. The +German Kaiser was relentless in his attempt to score a diplomatic +triumph while France was isolated. He was thwarted, however, by the +moral support which England, Italy, and the United States gave to +France. + +During the proceedings of the conference the American delegates +declared in open session that the United States had no political +interest in Morocco and that they would sign the treaty only with the +understanding that the United States would thereby assume no +"obligation or responsibility for the enforcement thereof." This +declaration did not satisfy the United States Senate, which no doubt +suspected the part that was actually played by America in the +conference. At any rate, when the treaty was finally ratified the +Senate attached to its resolution of ratification the following +declaration: + +"Resolved further. That the Senate, as a part of this act of +ratification, understands that the participation of the United States +in the Algeciras conference and in the formation and adoption of the +general act and protocol which resulted therefrom, was with the sole +purpose of preserving and increasing its commerce in Morocco, the +protection as to life, liberty, and property of its citizens residing +or traveling therein, and of aiding by its friendly offices and +efforts, in removing friction and controversy which seemed to menace +the peace between powers signatory with the United States to the treaty +of 1880, all of which are on terms of amity with this Government; and +without purpose to depart from the traditional American foreign policy +which forbids participation by the United States in the settlement of +political questions which are entirely European in their scope." + +The determination of the United States not to interfere in the internal +politics of European States has not prevented occasional protests in +the name of humanity against the harsh treatment accorded the Jews in +certain European countries. On July 17, 1902, Secretary Hay protested +in a note to the Rumanian government against a policy which was forcing +thousands of Jews to emigrate from that country. The United States, he +claimed, had more than a philanthropic interest in this matter, for the +enforced emigration of the Jews from Rumania in a condition of utter +destitution was "the mere transplantation of an artificially produced +diseased growth to a new place"; and, as the United States was +practically their only place of refuge, we had a clearly established +right of remonstrance. In the case of Russia information has +repeatedly been sought through diplomatic channels as to the extent of +destitution among the Jewish population, and permission has been +requested for the distribution of relief funds raised in the United +States. Such inquiries have been so framed as to amount to diplomatic +protests. In his annual message of 1904 President Roosevelt went +further and openly expressed the horror of the nation at the massacre +of the Jews at Kishenef. These protests, however, were purely +diplomatic in character. There was not the slightest hint at +intervention. During the early stages of the Great War in Europe the +Government of the United States endeavored to adhere strictly to its +historic policy. The German invasion of Belgium with its attendant +horrors made a deep impression upon the American people and aroused +their fighting spirit even more perhaps than the German policy of +submarine warfare, but it was on the latter issue, in which the +interests and rights of the United States were directly involved, that +we finally entered the war. + + + + +V + +THE OPEN-DOOR POLICY + +In the Orient American diplomacy has had a somewhat freer hand than in +Europe. Commodore Perry's expedition to Japan in 1852-1854 was quite a +radical departure from the general policy of attending strictly to our +own business. It would hardly have been undertaken against a country +lying within the European sphere of influence. There were, it is true, +certain definite grievances to redress, but the main reason for the +expedition was that Japan refused to recognize her obligations as a +member of the family of nations and closed her ports to all intercourse +with the outside world. American sailors who had been shipwrecked on +the coast of Japan had failed to receive the treatment usually accorded +by civilized nations. Finally the United States decided to send a +naval force to Japan and to force that country to abandon her policy of +exclusion and to open her ports to intercourse with other countries. +Japan yielded only under the threat of superior force. The conduct of +the expedition, as well as our subsequent diplomatic negotiations with +Japan, was highly creditable to the United States, and the Japanese +people later erected a monument to the memory of Perry on the spot +where he first landed. + +The acquisition of the Philippine Islands tended to bring us more fully +into the current of world politics, but it did not necessarily disturb +the balancing of European and American spheres as set up by President +Monroe. Various explanations have been given of President McKinley's +decision to retain the Philippine group, but the whole truth has in all +probability not yet been fully revealed. The partition of China +through the establishment of European spheres of influence was well +under way when the Philippine Islands came within our grasp. American +commerce with China was at this time second to that of England alone, +and the concessions which were being wrung from China by the European +powers in such rapid succession presented a bad outlook for us. The +United States could not follow the example of the powers of Europe, for +the seizure of a sphere of influence in China would not have been +supported by the Senate or upheld by public opinion. It is probable +that President McKinley thought that the Philippine Islands would not +only provide a market for American goods, which owing to the Dingley +tariff were beginning to face retaliatory legislation abroad, but that +they would provide a naval base which would be of great assistance in +upholding our interests in China. + +Talcott Williams made public some years later another explanation of +President McKinley's decision which is interesting and appears to be +well vouched for. He was informed by a member of McKinley's cabinet +that while the President's mind was not yet made up on the question, a +personal communication was received from Lord Salisbury who warned the +President that Germany was preparing to take over the Philippine +Islands in case the United States should withdraw; that such a step +would probably precipitate a world war and that in the interests of +peace and harmony it would be best for the United States to retain the +entire group. + +The famous open-door policy was outlined by Secretary Hay in notes +dated September 6, 1899, addressed to Great Britain, Germany, and +Russia. Each of these powers was requested to give assurance and to +make a declaration to the following effect: (1) that it would not +interfere with any treaty port or vested interests in its so-called +sphere of influence; (2) that it would permit the Chinese tariff to +continue in force in such sphere and to be collected by Chinese +officials; (3) that it would not discriminate against other foreigners +in the matter of port dues or railroad rates. Similar notes were later +addressed to France, Italy, and Japan. England alone expressed her +willingness to sign such a declaration. The other powers, while +professing thorough accord with the principles set forth by Mr. Hay, +avoided committing themselves to a formal declaration and no such +declaration was ever made. Mr. Hay made a skillful move, however, to +clinch matters by informing each of the powers to whom the note had +been addressed that in view of the favorable replies from the other +powers, its acceptance of the proposals of the United States was +considered "as final and definitive." + +Americans generally are under the impression that John Hay originated +the open-door policy and that it was successfully upheld by the United +States. Neither of these impressions is correct. A few months before +John Hay formulated his famous note Lord Charles Beresford came through +America on his return from China and addressed the leading chambers of +commerce from San Francisco to New York, telling Americans what was +actually taking place in China and urging this country to unite with +England and Japan in an effort to maintain the open door. Like the +Monroe Doctrine, the open-door policy was thus Anglo-American in +origin. There is little doubt that England and Japan were willing to +form an alliance with the United States for the purpose of maintaining +the open door in China, but our traditional policy of isolation +prevented our committing ourselves to the employment of force. +President McKinley, following the example of President Monroe, +preferred announcing our policy independently and requesting the other +powers to consent to it. Had John Hay been able to carry out the plan +which he favored of an alliance with England and Japan, the mere +announcement of the fact would have been sufficient to check the +aggressions of the powers in China. Instead of such an alliance, +however, we let it be known that while we favored the open door we +would not fight for it under any conditions. + +The utter worthlessness of the replies that were made in response to +Hay's note of September 6, 1899, became fully apparent in the +discussions that soon arose as to the status of consuls in the various +spheres of influence. Japan claimed that sovereignty did not pass with +a lease and that even if China should surrender jurisdiction over her +own people, the lessee governments could not acquire jurisdiction over +foreigners in leased territory. This position was undoubtedly correct +if the territorial integrity of China was really to be preserved, but +after negotiations with Russia and the other powers concerned Mr. Hay +wrote to Minister Conger on February 3, 1900, that "The United States +consuls in districts adjacent to the foreign leased territories are to +be instructed that they have no authority to exercise extra-territorial +consular jurisdiction or to perform ordinary non-judicial consular acts +within the leased territory under their present Chinese exequaturs." +Application was then made to the European powers for the admission of +American consuls in the leased territories for the performance of the +ordinary consular functions, but in no case were they to exercise +extra-territorial jurisdiction within a leased territory. + +The exploitation of China which continued at a rapid rate naturally +aroused an intense anti-foreign sentiment and led to the Boxer +uprising. Events moved with startling rapidity and United States +troops took a prominent part with those of England, France, Russia, and +Japan in the march to Peking for the relief of the legations. In a +note to the powers July 3, 1900, Secretary Hay, in defining the +attitude of the United States on the Chinese question, said: "The +policy of the government of the United States is to seek a solution +which may bring about permanent safety and peace to China, preserve +Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect all rights +guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international law, and +safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with +all parts of the Chinese empire." Mr. Hay's notes were skillfully +worded and had some influence in helping to formulate public opinion on +the Chinese question both in this country and abroad, but we know now +from his private letters which have recently been made public that he +realized only too fully the utter futility of his efforts to stay the +course of events. During the exciting days of June, 1900, when the +foreign legations at Peking were in a state of siege, Mr. Hay wrote to +John W. Foster as follows: + +"What can be done in the present diseased state of the public mind? +There is such a mad-dog hatred of England prevalent among newspapers +and politicians that anything we should now do in China to take care of +our imperiled interests would be set down to 'subservience to Great +Britain'. . . . Every Senator I see says, 'For God's sake, don't let +it appear we have any understanding with England.' How can I make +bricks without straw? That we should be compelled to refuse the +assistance of the greatest power in the world, in carrying out our own +policy, because all Irishmen are Democrats and some Germans are +fools--is enough to drive a man mad. Yet we shall do what we can." + +A little later (September 20, 1900) in confidential letters to Henry +Adams, he exclaimed: + +"About China, it is the devil's own mess. We cannot possibly publish +all the facts without breaking off relations with several Powers. We +shall have to do the best we can, and take the consequences, which will +be pretty serious, I do not doubt. 'Give and take'--the axiom of +diplomacy to the rest of the world--is positively forbidden to us, by +both the Senate and public opinion. We must take what we can and give +nothing--which greatly narrows our possibilities. + +"I take it, you agree with us that we are to limit as far as possible +our military operations in China, to withdraw our troops at the +earliest day consistent with our obligations, and in the final +adjustment to do everything we can for the integrity and reform of +China, and to hold on like grim death to the Open Door. . . ." + +Again, November 21, 1900: + +"What a business this has been in China! So far we have got on by +being honest and naif. . . . At least we are spared the infamy of an +alliance with Germany. I would rather, I think, be the dupe of China, +than the chum of the Kaiser. Have you noticed how the world will take +anything nowadays from a German? Buelow said yesterday in +substance--'We have demanded of China everything we can think of. If +we think of anything else we will demand that, and be d--d to you'--and +not a man in the world kicks." + +During the long negotiations that followed the occupation of Peking by +the powers, the United States threw the weight of its influence on the +side of moderation, urging the powers not to impose too many burdens on +China and declaring that the only hope for the future lay in a strong, +independent, responsible Chinese government. Contrary to the terms of +the final protocol, however, Russia retained in Manchuria the troops +concentrated there during the Boxer movement with a view to exacting +further concessions from China. The open-door policy was again +ignored. The seriousness of the situation led England and Japan to +sign a defensive agreement January 30, 1902, recognizing England's +interest in China and Japan's interest in Korea, and providing that if +either party should be attacked in defense of its interest, the other +party would remain neutral, unless a third power joined in, in which +event the second party would come to the assistance of the first. A +formal protest made by the United States, February 1, against some of +the demands Russia was making on China led Russia to conclude that the +American government had an understanding with England and Japan, but +Mr. Hay gave the assurance that he had known nothing about the +Anglo-Japanese agreement until it was made public. He succeeded in +securing from Russia, however, a definite promise to evacuate +Manchuria, but as the time for the withdrawal of her troops drew near, +Russia again imposed new conditions on China, and deliberately +misrepresented to the United States the character of the new proposals. + +After the suppression of the Boxer uprising, China had agreed to extend +the scope of her commercial treaties with the powers. When the +negotiation of a new treaty with the United States was begun, our +representative demanded that at least two new ports in Manchuria be +opened to foreign trade and residence. The Chinese commissioners +declined to discuss the subject on the alleged ground that they had no +instructions to do so. It was evident that there was secret opposition +somewhere, and after considerable difficulty Mr. Hay finally secured +evidence that it came from Russia. When confronted with the evidence +the Russian Government finally admitted the facts. We were told that +we could not be admitted to one of the ports that we had designated +because it was situated within the Russian railway zone, and therefore +not under the complete jurisdiction of China, but that another port +would be substituted for it. Secretary Hay and President Roosevelt +were helpless. They accepted what they could get and kept quiet. "The +administrative entity" of China was again utterly ignored. The +difficulty was that we did not have a strong enough navy in the Pacific +to fight Russia alone, and President Roosevelt and Secretary Hay +realized that neither the Senate nor public opinion would consent to an +alliance with England and Japan. Had these three powers made a joint +declaration in support of the open-door policy, the exploitation of +China would have ceased, there would have been no Russo-Japanese war, +and the course of world history during the period that has since +intervened might have been very different. + +When we backed down and abandoned Manchuria to Russian exploitation +Japan stepped into the breach. After long negotiations the Japanese +Government finally delivered an ultimatum to Russia which resulted in +the rupture of diplomatic relations and war. After a series of notable +victories on land and sea Japan was fast approaching the end of her +resources, and it is now an open secret that the Emperor wrote a +personal letter to President Roosevelt requesting him to intervene +diplomatically and pave the way for peace. The President was quick to +act on the suggestion and the commissioners of Russia and Japan met at +Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Here President Roosevelt's intervention +should have ceased. The terms of the Treaty of Portsmouth were a +bitter disappointment to the Japanese people and the Japanese +commissioners undertook to shift the burden from their shoulders by +stating that President Roosevelt had urged them to surrender their +claim to the Island of Saghalien and to give up all idea of an +indemnity. Japanese military triumph had again, as at the close of the +Chino-Japanese War, been followed by diplomatic defeat, and for this +defeat Japanese public opinion held President Roosevelt responsible. +From the days of Commodore Perry and Townsend Harris to the Treaty of +Portsmouth, relations between the United States and Japan had been +almost ideal. Since the negotiations at Portsmouth there has been a +considerable amount of bad feeling, and at times diplomatic relations +have been subjected to a severe strain. + +Having fought a costly war in order to check the Russian advance in +Manchuria, the Japanese naturally felt that they had a paramount +interest in China. They consequently sharply resented the attempts +which the United States subsequently made, particularly Secretary +Knox's proposal for the neutralization of the railways of Manchuria, to +formulate policies for China. They took the position that we had had +our day and that we must henceforth remain hands off so far as China +was concerned. This attitude of mind was not unnatural and during the +World War the United States, in order to bind the Japanese government +more closely to the Allied Cause, agreed to recognize, in the +Lansing-Ishii agreement, the "special interests" of Japan in China. + + + + +VI + +ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS + +A few years ago George L. Beer, one of our leading students of British +colonial policy, said "It is easily conceivable, and not at all +improbable, that the political evolution of the next centuries may take +such a course that the American Revolution will lose the great +significance that is now attached to it, and will appear merely as the +temporary separation of two kindred peoples whose inherent similarity +was obscured by superficial differences resulting from dissimilar +economic and social conditions." This statement does not appear as +extravagant to-day as it did ten years ago. As early as 1894, Captain +Mahan, the great authority on naval history, published an essay +entitled "Possibilities of an Anglo-American Reunion," in which he +pointed out that these two countries were the only great powers which +were by geographical position exempt from the burden of large armies +and dependent upon the sea for intercourse with the other great nations. + +In a volume dealing with questions of American foreign policy, +published in 1907, the present writer concluded the last paragraph with +this statement: "By no means the least significant of recent changes is +the development of cordial relations with England; and it seems now +that the course of world politics is destined to lead to the further +reknitting together of the two great branches of the Anglo-Saxon race +in bonds of peace and international sympathy, in a union not cemented +by any formal alliance, but based on community of interests and of +aims, a union that will constitute the highest guarantee of the +political stability and moral progress of the world." + +The United States has very naturally had closer contact with England +than with any other European power. This has been due to the fact that +England was the mother country, that after independence was established +a large part of our trade continued to be with the British Isles, that +our northern boundary touches British territory for nearly four +thousand miles, and that the British navy and mercantile marine have +dominated the Atlantic Ocean which has been our chief highway of +intercourse with other nations. Having had more points of contact we +have had more disputes with England than with any other nation. Some +writers have half jocularly attributed this latter fact to our common +language. The Englishman reads our books, papers, and magazines, and +knows what we think of him, while we read what he writes about us, and +in neither case is the resulting impression flattering to the national +pride. + +Any one who takes the trouble to read what was written in England about +America and the Americans between 1820 and 1850 will wonder how war was +avoided. A large number of English travellers came to the United +States during this period and published books about us when they got +home. The books were bad enough in themselves, but the great English +periodicals, the _Edinburgh Review_, _Blackwood's_, the _British +Review_, and the _Quarterly_, quoted at length the most objectionable +passages from these writers and made malicious attacks on Americans and +American institutions. American men were described as "turbulent +citizens, abandoned Christians, inconstant husbands, unnatural fathers, +and treacherous friends." Our soldiers and sailors were charged with +cowardice in the War of 1812. It was stated that "in the southern +parts of the Union the rites of our holy faith are almost never +practised. . . . Three and a half millions enjoy no means of religious +instruction. The religious principle is gaining ground in the northern +parts of the Union; it is becoming fashionable among the better orders +of society to go to church . . . The greater number of states declare +it to be unconstitutional to refer to the providence of God in any of +their public acts." The _Quarterly Review_ informed its readers that +"the supreme felicity of a true-born American is inaction of body and +inanity of mind." Dickens's _American Notes_ was an ungrateful return +for the kindness and enthusiasm with which he had been received in this +country. De Tocqueville's _Democracy in America_ was widely read in +England and doubtless had its influence in revising opinion concerning +America. Richard Cobden was, however, the first Englishman to +interpret correctly the significance of America as an economic force. +His essay on America, published in 1835, pointed out that British +policy should be more concerned with economic relations with America +than with European politics. As Professor Dunning says, "Cobden made +the United States the text of his earliest sermon against militarism +and protectionism." + +Notwithstanding innumerable disputes over boundaries, fisheries, and +fur seals, trade with the British West Indies and Canada, and questions +of neutral rights and obligations, we have had unbroken peace for more +than a hundred years. Upon several occasions, notably during the +Canadian insurrection of 1837 and during our own Civil War, +disturbances along the Canadian border created strained relations, but +absence of frontier guards and forts has prevented hasty action on the +part of either government. The agreement of 1817, effecting +disarmament on the Great Lakes, has not only saved both countries the +enormous cost of maintaining navies on these inland waters, but it has +prevented hostile demonstrations in times of crisis. + +During the Canadian rebellion of 1837 Americans along the border +expressed openly their sympathy for the insurgents who secured arms and +munitions from the American side. In December a British force crossed +the Niagara River, boarded and took possession of the _Caroline_, a +vessel which had been hired by the insurgents to convey their cannon +and other supplies. The ship was fired and sent over the Falls. When +the _Caroline_ was boarded one American, Amos Durfee, was killed and +several others wounded. The United States at once demanded redress, +but the British Government took the position that the seizure of the +_Caroline_ was a justifiable act of self-defense against people whom +their own government either could not or would not control. + +The demands of the United States were still unredressed when in 1840 a +Canadian named Alexander McLeod made the boast in a tavern on the +American side that he had slain Durfee. He was taken at his word, +examined before a magistrate, and committed to jail in Lockport. +McLeod's arrest created great excitement on both sides of the border. +The British minister at Washington called upon the Government of the +United States "to take prompt and effectual steps for the liberation of +Mr. McLeod." Secretary of State Forsyth replied that the offense with +which McLeod was charged had been committed within the State of New +York; that the jurisdiction of each State of the United States was, +within its proper sphere, perfectly independent of the Federal +Government; that the latter could not interfere. The date set for the +trial of McLeod was the fourth Monday in March, 1841. Van Buren's term +ended and Harrison's began on the 4th of March, and Webster became +Secretary of State. The British minister was given instructions by his +government to demand the immediate release of McLeod. This demand was +made, he said, because the attack on the _Caroline_ was an act of a +public character; because it was a justifiable use of force for the +defense of British territory against unprovoked attack by "British +rebels and American pirates"; because it was contrary to the principles +of civilized nations to hold individuals responsible for acts done by +order of the constituted authorities of the State; and because Her +Majesty's government could not admit the doctrine that the Federal +Government had no power to interfere and that the decision must rest +with the State of New York. The relations of foreign powers were with +the Federal Government. To admit that the Federal Government had no +control over a State would lead to the dissolution of the Union so far +as foreign powers were concerned, and to the accrediting of foreign +diplomatic agents, not to the Federal Government, but to each separate +State. Webster received the note quietly and sent the attorney-general +to Lockport to see that McLeod had competent counsel. After +considerable delay, during which Webster replied to the main arguments +of the British note, McLeod was acquitted and released. + +In the midst of the dispute over the case of the _Caroline_ serious +trouble arose between the authorities of Maine and New Brunswick over +the undetermined boundary between the St. Croix River and the +Highlands, and there ensued the so-called "Aroostook War." During the +summer of 1838 British and American lumbermen began operating along the +Aroostook River in large numbers. The governor of Maine sent a body of +militia to enforce the authority of that State, and the New Brunswick +authorities procured a detachment of British regulars to back up their +position. Bloodshed was averted by the arrival of General Winfield +Scott, who managed to restrain the Maine authorities. The +administration found it necessary to take up seriously the settlement +of the boundary question, and for the next three years the matter was +under consideration, while each side had surveyors employed in a vain +attempt to locate a line which would correspond to the line of the +treaty. As soon as the McLeod affair was settled, Webster devoted +himself earnestly to the boundary question. He decided to drop the +mass of data accumulated by the surveyors and historians, and to reach +an agreement by direct negotiation. + +In April, 1842, Alexander Baring, Lord Ashburton, arrived in Washington +and the following August the Webster-Ashburton treaty was signed. The +boundary fixed by the treaty gave Maine a little more than half the +area which she claimed and the United States appropriated $150,000 to +compensate Maine for the territory which she had lost. + +The settlement of these matters did not, however, insure peace with +England. Settlers were crowding into Oregon and it was evident that +the joint occupation, established by the convention of 1818, would soon +have to be terminated and a divisional line agreed upon. Great Britain +insisted that her southern boundary should extend at least as far as +the Columbia River, while Americans finally claimed the whole of the +disputed area, and one of the slogans of the presidential campaign of +1844 was "Fifty-Four-Forty or Fight." At the same time Great Britain +actively opposed the annexation of Texas by the United States. Her +main reason for this course was that she wished to encourage the +development of Texas as a cotton-growing country from which she could +draw a large enough supply to make her independent of the United +States. If Texas should thus devote herself to the production of +cotton as her chief export crop, she would, of course, adopt a +free-trade policy and thus create a considerable market for British +goods. + +As soon as it became evident that Tyler contemplated taking definite +steps toward annexation, Lord Aberdeen secured the cooeperation of the +government of Louis Philippe in opposing the absorption of Texas by the +American republic. While the treaty for the annexation of Texas was +before the Senate, Lord Aberdeen came forward with a proposition that +England and France should unite with Texas and Mexico in a diplomatic +act or perpetual treaty, securing to Texas recognition as an +independent republic, but preventing her from ever acquiring territory +beyond the Rio Grande or joining the American union. While the United +States would be invited to join in this act, it was not expected that +the government of that country would agree to it. Mexico obstinately +refused to recognize the independence of Texas. Lord Aberdeen was so +anxious to prevent the annexation of Texas that he was ready, if +supported by France, to coerce Mexico and fight the United States, but +the French Government was not willing to go this far, so the scheme was +abandoned. + +The two foremost issues in the campaign of 1844 were the annexation of +Texas and the occupation of Oregon. Texas was annexed by joint +resolution a few days before the inauguration of Polk. This act, it +was foreseen, would probably provoke a war with Mexico, so Polk's first +task was to adjust the Oregon dispute in order to avoid complications +with England. The fate of California was also involved. That province +was not likely to remain long in the hands of a weak power like Mexico. +In fact, British consular agents and naval officers had for several +years been urging upon their government the great value of Upper +California. Aberdeen refused to countenance any insurrectionary +movement in California, but he directed his agents to keep vigilant +watch on the proceedings of citizens of the United States in that +province. Had England and Mexico arrived at an understanding and +joined in a war against the United States, the probabilities are that +England would have acquired not only the whole of Oregon, but +California besides. In fact, in May, 1846, just as we were on the +point of going to war with Mexico, the president of Mexico officially +proposed to transfer California to England as security for a loan. +Fortunately, the Oregon question had been adjusted and England had no +reason for wishing to go to war with the United States. Mexico's offer +was therefore rejected. Polk managed the diplomatic situation with +admirable promptness and firmness. Notwithstanding the fact that the +democratic platform had demanded "Fifty-Four-Forty or Fight," as soon +as Polk became President he offered to compromise with England on the +49th parallel. When this offer was declined he asked permission of +Congress to give England the necessary notice for the termination of +the joint occupation agreement, to provide for the military defense of +the territory in dispute, and to extend over it the laws of the United +States. A few months later notice was given to England, but at the +same time the hope was expressed that the matter might be adjusted +diplomatically. As soon as it was evident that the United States was +in earnest, England gracefully yielded and accepted the terms which had +been first proposed. + +As war with Mexico was imminent the public generally approved of the +Oregon compromise, though the criticism was made by some in the North +that the South, having secured in Texas a large addition to slave +territory, was indifferent about the expansion of free territory. In +fact, Henry Cabot Lodge, in his recent little book, "One Hundred Years +of Peace," says: "The loss of the region between the forty-ninth +parallel and the line of 54-40 was one of the most severe which ever +befell the United States. Whether it could have been obtained without +a war is probably doubtful, but it never ought to have been said, +officially or otherwise, that we would fight for 54-40 unless we were +fully prepared to do so. If we had stood firm for the line of 54-40 +without threats, it is quite possible that we might have succeeded in +the end; but the hypotheses of history are of little practical value, +and the fact remains that by the treaty of 1846 we lost a complete +control of the Pacific coast." + +That the United States lived through what Professor Dunning calls "the +roaring forties" without a war with England seems now little less than +a miracle. During the next fifteen years relations were much more +amicable, though by no means free from disputes. The most important +diplomatic act was the signature in 1850 of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty +which conceded to England a joint interest in any canal that might be +built through the isthmus connecting North and South America. One of +the interesting episodes of this period was the dismissal of Crampton, +the British minister, who insisted on enlisting men in the United +States for service in the Crimean War, an act which pales into +insignificance in comparison with some of the things which Bernstorff +did during the early stages of the Great War. + +Relations between the United States and England during the American +Civil War involved so many highly technical questions that it is +impossible to do more than touch upon them in the present connection. +Diplomatic discussions centred about such questions as the validity of +the blockade established by President Lincoln, the recognition by +England of Confederate belligerency, the _Trent_ affair, and the +responsibility of England for the depredations committed by the +_Alabama_ and other Confederate cruisers. When the United States first +demanded reparation for the damage inflicted on American commerce by +the Confederate cruisers, the British Government disclaimed all +liability on the ground that the fitting out of the cruisers had not +been completed within British jurisdiction. Even after the close of +the war the British Government continued to reject all proposals for a +settlement. The American nation, flushed with victory, was bent on +redress, and so deep-seated was the resentment against England, that +the Fenian movement, which had for its object the establishment of an +independent republic in Ireland, met with open encouragement in this +country. The House of Representatives went so far as to repeal the law +forbidding Americans to fit out ships for belligerents, but the Senate +failed to concur. The successful war waged by Prussia against Austria +in 1866 disturbed the European balance, and rumblings of the +approaching Franco-Prussian war caused uneasiness in British cabinet +circles. Fearing that if Great Britain were drawn into the conflict +the American people might take a sweet revenge by fitting out +"Alabamas" for her enemies, the British Government assumed a more +conciliatory attitude, and in January, 1869, Lord Clarendon signed with +Reverdy Johnson a convention providing for the submission to a mixed +commission of all claims which had arisen since 1853. Though the +convention included, it did not specifically mention, the _Alabama_ +Claims, and it failed to contain any expression of regret for the +course pursued by the British Government during the war. The Senate, +therefore, refused by an almost unanimous vote to ratify the +arrangement. + +When Grant became President, Hamilton Fish renewed the negotiations +through Motley, the American minister at London, but the latter was +unduly influenced by the extreme views of Sumner, chairman of the +Senate committee on foreign relations, to whose influence he owed his +appointment, and got things in a bad tangle. Fish then transferred the +negotiations to Washington, where a joint high commission, appointed to +settle the various disputes with Canada, convened in 1871. A few +months later the treaty of Washington was signed. Among other things +it provided for submitting the _Alabama_ Claims to an arbitration +tribunal composed of five members, one appointed by England, one by the +United States, and the other three by the rulers of Italy, Switzerland, +and Brazil. When this tribunal met at Geneva, the following year, the +United States, greatly to the surprise of everybody, presented not only +the direct claims for the damage inflicted by the Confederate cruisers, +but also indirect claims for the loss sustained through the transfer of +American shipping to foreign flags, for the prolongation of the war, +and for increased rates of insurance. Great Britain threatened to +withdraw from the arbitration, but Charles Francis Adams, the American +member of the tribunal, rose nobly to the occasion and decided against +the contention of his own government. The indirect claims were +rejected by a unanimous vote and on the direct claims the United States +was awarded the sum of $15,500,000. Although the British member of the +tribunal dissented from the decision his government promptly paid the +award. This was the most important case that had ever been submitted +to arbitration and its successful adjustment encouraged the hope that +the two great branches of the English-speaking peoples would never +again have to resort to war. + +Between the settlement of the _Alabama_ Claims and the controversy over +the Venezuelan boundary, diplomatic intercourse between the two +countries was enlivened by the efforts of Blaine and Frelinghuysen to +convince the British Government that the Clayton-Bulwer treaty was out +of date and therefore no longer binding, by the assertion of American +ownership in the seal herds of Bering Sea and the attempt to prevent +Canadians from taking these animals in the open sea, and by the summary +dismissal of Lord Sackville-West, the third British minister to receive +his passports from the United States without request. + +President Cleveland's bold assertion of the Monroe Doctrine in the +Venezuelan boundary dispute, while the subject of much criticism at the +time both at home and abroad, turned out to be a most opportune +assertion of the intention of the United States to protect the American +continents from the sort of exploitation to which Africa and Asia have +fallen a prey, and, strange to say, it had a clarifying effect on our +relations with England, whose attitude has since been uniformly +friendly. + +The Venezuelan affair was followed by the proposal of Lord Salisbury to +renew the negotiations for a permanent treaty of arbitration which had +been first entered into by Secretary Gresham and Sir Julian Pauncefote. +In the spring of 1890 the Congress of the United States had adopted a +resolution in favor of the negotiation of arbitration treaties with +friendly nations, and the British House of Commons had in July, 1893, +expressed its hearty approval of a general arbitration treaty between +the United States and England. The matter was then taken up +diplomatically, as stated above, but was dropped when the Venezuelan +boundary dispute became acute. Lord Salisbury's proposal was favorably +received by President Cleveland, and after mature deliberation the +draft of a treaty was finally drawn up and signed by Secretary Olney +and Sir Julian Pauncefote. This treaty provided for the submission of +pecuniary claims to the familiar mixed commission with an umpire or +referee to decide disputed points. Controversies involving the +determination of territorial claims were to be submitted to a tribunal +composed of six members, three justices of the Supreme Court of the +United States or judges of the Circuit Court to be nominated by the +president of the United States, and three judges of the British Supreme +Court of Judicature or members of the Judicial Committee of the Privy +Council to be nominated by the British sovereign, and an award made by +a majority of not less than five to one was to be final. In case of an +award made by less than the prescribed majority, the award was also to +be final unless either power should within three months protest against +it, in which case the award was to be of no validity. This treaty was +concluded in January, 1897, and promptly submitted to the Senate. When +President Cleveland's term expired in March no action had been taken. +President McKinley endorsed the treaty in his inaugural address and +urged the Senate to take prompt action, but when the vote was taken, +May 5th, it stood forty-three for, and twenty-six against, the treaty. +It thus lacked three votes of the two thirds required for ratification. +The failure of this treaty was a great disappointment to the friends of +international arbitration. The opposition within his own party to +President Cleveland, under whose direction the treaty had been +negotiated, and the change of administration, probably had a good deal +to do with its defeat. Public opinion, especially in the Northern +States of the Union, was still hostile to England. Irish agitators +could always get a sympathetic hearing in America, and politicians +could not resist the temptation to play on anti-British prejudices in +order to bring out the Irish vote. + +The Spanish War was the turning point in our relations with England as +in many other things. The question as to who were our friends in 1898 +was much discussed at the time, and when revived by the press upon the +occasion of the visit of Prince Henry of Prussia to the United States +in February, 1902, even the cabinets of Europe could not refrain from +taking part in the controversy. In order to diminish the enthusiasm +over the Prince's visit the British press circulated the story that +Lord Pauncefote had checked a movement of the European powers to +prevent any intervention of the United States in Cuba; while the German +papers asserted that Lord Pauncefote had taken the initiative in +opposing American intervention. It is certain that the attitude of the +British Government, as well as of the British people, from the outbreak +of hostilities to the close of the war, was friendly. As for Germany, +while the conduct of the government was officially correct, public +sentiment expressed itself with great violence against the United +States. The conduct of the German admiral, Diederichs, in Manila Bay +has never been satisfactorily explained. Shortly after Dewey's victory +a German squadron, superior to the American in strength, steamed into +the Bay and displayed, according to Dewey, an "extraordinary disregard +of the usual courtesies of naval intercourse." Dewey finally sent his +flag-lieutenant, Brumby, to inform the German admiral that "if he wants +a fight he can have it right now." The German admiral at once +apologized. It is well known now that the commander of the British +squadron, which was in a position to bring its guns to bear on the +Germans, gave Dewey to understand that he could rely on more than moral +support from him in case of trouble. In fact, John Hay wrote from +London at the beginning of the war that the British navy was at our +disposal for the asking. + +Great Britain's change of attitude toward the United States was so +marked that some writers have naively concluded that a secret treaty of +alliance between the two countries was made in 1897. The absurdity of +such a statement was pointed out by Senator Lodge several years ago. +England's change of attitude is not difficult to understand. For a +hundred years after the battle of Trafalgar, England had pursued the +policy of maintaining a navy large enough to meet all comers. With the +rapid growth of other navies during the closing years of the nineteenth +century, England realized that she could no longer pursue this policy. +Russia, Japan, and Germany had all adopted extensive naval programs +when we went to war with Spain. Our acquisition of the Philippines and +Porto Rico and our determination to build an isthmian canal made a +large American navy inevitable. Great Britain realized, therefore, +that she would have to cast about for future allies. She therefore +signed the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty with us in 1901, and a defensive +alliance with Japan in 1902. + +In view of the fact that the United States was bent on carrying out the +long-deferred canal scheme, Great Britain realized that a further +insistence on her rights under the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty would lead to +friction and possible conflict. She wisely decided, therefore, to +recede from the position which she had held for half a century and to +give us a free hand in the construction and control of the canal at +whatever point we might choose to build it. While the Hay-Pauncefote +treaty was limited in terms to the canal question, it was in reality of +much wider significance. It amounted, in fact, to the recognition of +American naval supremacy in the West Indies, and since its signature +Great Britain has withdrawn her squadron from this important strategic +area. The supremacy of the United States in the Caribbean is now +firmly established and in fact unquestioned. The American public did +not appreciate at the time the true significance of the Hay-Pauncefote +Treaty, and a few years later Congress inserted in the Panama Tolls Act +a clause exempting American ships engaged in the coast-wise trade from +the payment of tolls. Great Britain at once protested against the +exemption clause as a violation of the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty and +anti-British sentiment at once flared up in all parts of the United +States. Most American authorities on international law and diplomacy +believed that Great Britain's interpretation of the treaty was correct. +Fortunately President Wilson took the same view, and in spite of strong +opposition he persuaded Congress to repeal the exemption clause. This +was an act of simple justice and it removed the only outstanding +subject of dispute between the two countries. + +The Hay-Pauncefote Treaty was by no means the only evidence of a change +of attitude on the part of Great Britain. As we have already seen, +Great Britain and the United States were in close accord during the +Boxer uprising in China and the subsequent negotiations. During the +Russo-Japanese war public sentiment in both England and the United +States was strongly in favor of Japan. At the Algeciras conference on +Moroccan affairs in 1905 the United States, in its effort to preserve +the European balance of power, threw the weight of its influence on the +side of England and France. + +The submission of the Alaskan boundary dispute to a form of arbitration +in which Canada could not win and we could not lose was another +evidence of the friendly attitude of Great Britain. The boundary +between the southern strip of Alaska and British Columbia had never +been marked or even accurately surveyed when gold was discovered in the +Klondike. The shortest and quickest route to the gold-bearing region +was by the trails leading up from Dyea and Skagway on the headwaters of +Lynn Canal. The Canadian officials at once advanced claims to +jurisdiction over these village ports. The question turned on the +treaty made in 1825 between Great Britain and Russia. Whatever rights +Russia had under that treaty we acquired by the purchase of Alaska in +1867. Not only did a long series of maps issued by the Canadian +government in years past confirm the American claim to the region in +dispute, but the correspondence of the British negotiator of the treaty +of 1825 shows that he made every effort to secure for England an outlet +to deep water through this strip of territory and failed. Under the +circumstances President Roosevelt was not willing to submit the case to +the arbitration of third parties. He agreed, however, to submit it to +a mixed commission composed of three Americans, two Canadians, and Lord +Alverstone, chief justice of England. As there was little doubt as to +the views that would be taken by the three Americans and the two +Canadians it was evident from the first that the trial was really +before Lord Alverstone. In case he sustained the American contention +there would be an end of the controversy; in case he sustained the +Canadian view, there would be an even division, and matters would stand +where they stood when the trial began except that a great deal more +feeling would have been engendered and the United States might have had +to make good its claims by force. Fortunately Lord Alverstone agreed +with the three Americans on the main points involved in the +controversy. The decision was, of course, a disappointment to the +Canadians and it was charged that Lord Alverstone had sacrificed their +interest in order to further the British policy of friendly relations +with the United States. + +At the beginning of the Great War the interference of the British navy +with cargoes consigned to Germany at once aroused the latent +anti-British feeling in this country. Owing to the fact that cotton +exports were so largely involved the feeling against Great Britain was +even stronger in the Southern States than in the Northern. The State +Department promptly protested against the naval policy adopted by Great +Britain, and the dispute might have assumed very serious proportions +had not Germany inaugurated her submarine campaign. The dispute with +England involved merely property rights, while that with Germany +involved the safety and lives of American citizens. The main feature +of British policy, that is, her application of the doctrine of +continuous voyage, was so thoroughly in line with the policy adopted by +the United States during the Civil War that the protests of our State +Department were of little avail. In fact Great Britain merely carried +the American doctrine to its logical conclusions. + +We have undertaken in this brief review of Anglo-American relations to +outline the more important controversies that have arisen between the +two countries. They have been sufficiently numerous and irritating to +jeopardize seriously the peace which has so happily subsisted for one +hundred years between the two great members of the English-speaking +family. After all, they have not been based on any fundamental +conflict of policy, but have been for the most part superficial and in +many cases the result of bad manners. In this connection Lord Bryce +makes the following interesting observations: + +"There were moments when the stiff and frigid attitude of the British +foreign secretary exasperated the American negotiators, or when a +demagogic Secretary of State at Washington tried by a bullying tone to +win credit as the patriotic champion of national claims. But whenever +there were bad manners in London there was good temper at Washington, +and when there was a storm on the Potomac there was calm on the Thames. +It was the good fortune of the two countries that if at any moment +rashness or vehemence was found on one side, it never happened to be +met by the like quality on the other." + +"The moral of the story of Anglo-American relations," Lord Bryce says, +"is that peace can always be kept, whatever be the grounds of +controversy, between peoples that wish to keep it." He adds that Great +Britain and the United States "have given the finest example ever seen +in history of an undefended frontier, along which each people has +trusted to the good faith of the other that it would create no naval +armaments; and this very absence of armaments has itself helped to +prevent hostile demonstrations. Neither of them has ever questioned +the sanctity of treaties, or denied that states are bound by the moral +law." + +It is not strange that so many controversies about more or less trivial +matters should have obscured in the minds of both Englishmen and +Americans the fundamental identity of aim and purpose in the larger +things of life. For notwithstanding the German influence in America +which has had an undue part in shaping our educational methods, our +civilization is still English. Bismarck realized this when he said +that one of the most significant facts in modern history was that all +North America was English-speaking. Our fundamental ideals are the +same. We have a passion for liberty; we uphold the rights of the +individual as against the extreme claims of the state; we believe in +government through public opinion; we believe in the rule of law; we +believe in government limited by fundamental principles and +constitutional restraints as against the exercise of arbitrary power; +we have never been subjected to militarism or to the dominance of a +military caste; we are both so situated geographically as to be +dependent on sea power rather than on large armies, and not only do +navies not endanger the liberty of peoples but they are negligible +quantities politically. Great Britain had in 1914 only 137,500 +officers and men in her navy and 26,200 reserves, a wholly +insignificant number compared to the millions that formed the army of +Germany and gave a military color to the whole life and thought of the +nation. + +Not only are our political ideals the same, but in general our attitude +toward world politics is the same, and most people are surprised when +they are told that our fundamental foreign policies are identical. The +two most characteristic American foreign policies, the Monroe Doctrine +and the Open Door, were both, as we have seen, Anglo-American in origin. + + + + +VII + +IMPERIALISTIC TENDENCIES OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE + +In its original form the Monroe Doctrine was a direct defiance of +Europe, and it has never been favorably regarded by the nations of the +old world. Latterly, however, it has encountered adverse criticism in +some of the Latin-American states whose independence it helped to +secure and whose freedom from European control it has been instrumental +in maintaining. The Latin-American attacks on the Doctrine during the +last few years have been reflected to a greater or less extent by +writers in this country, particularly in academic circles. The +American writer who has become most conspicuous in this connection is +Professor Bingham of Yale, who has travelled extensively in South +America and who published in 1913 a little volume entitled "The Monroe +Doctrine, an Obsolete Shibboleth." The reasons why the Monroe Doctrine +has called forth so much criticism during the last few years are not +far to seek. The rapid advance of the United States in the Caribbean +Sea since 1898 has naturally aroused the apprehensions of the feebler +Latin-American states in that region, while the building of the Panama +Canal has rendered inevitable the adoption of a policy of naval +supremacy in the Caribbean and has led to the formulation of new +political policies in the zone of the Caribbean--what Admiral Chester +calls the larger Panama Canal Zone--that is, the West Indies, Mexico +and Central America, Colombia and Venezuela. Some of these policies, +which have already been formulated to a far greater extent than is +generally realized, are the establishment of protectorates, the +supervision of finances, the control of all available canal routes, the +acquisition of coaling stations, and the policing of disorderly +countries. + +The long-delayed advance of the United States in the Caribbean Sea +actually began with the Spanish War. Since then we have made rapid +strides. Porto Rico was annexed at the close of the war, and Cuba +became a protectorate; the Canal Zone was a little later leased on +terms that amounted to practical annexation, and the Dominican Republic +came under the financial supervision of the United States; President +Wilson went further and assumed the administration of Haitian affairs, +leased from Nicaragua for a term of ninety-nine years a naval base on +Fonseca Bay, and purchased the Danish West Indies. As a result of this +rapid extension of American influence the political relations of the +countries bordering on the Caribbean will of necessity be profoundly +affected. Our Latin-American policy has been enlarged in meaning and +limited in territorial application so far as its newer phases are +concerned. + +In 1904 President Roosevelt made a radical departure from our +traditional policy in proposing that we should assume financial +supervision over the Dominican Republic in order to prevent certain +European powers from forcibly collecting debts due their subjects. +Germany seemed especially determined to force a settlement of her +demands, and it was well known that Germany had for years regarded the +Monroe Doctrine as the main hindrance in the way of her acquiring a +foothold in Latin America. The only effective method of collecting the +interest on the foreign debt of the Dominican Republic appeared to be +the seizure and administration of her custom houses by some foreign +power or group of foreign powers. President Roosevelt foresaw that +such an occupation of the Dominican custom houses would, in view of the +large debt, constitute the occupation of American territory by European +powers for an indefinite period of time, and would, therefore, be a +violation of the Monroe Doctrine. He had before him also the results +of a somewhat similar financial administration of Egypt undertaken +jointly by England and France in 1878, and after Arabi's revolt +continued by England alone, with the result that Egypt soon became a +possession of the British crown to almost as great a degree as if it +had been formally annexed, and during the World War it was in fact +treated as an integral part of the British Empire. President Roosevelt +concluded, therefore, that where it was necessary to place a bankrupt +American republic in the hands of a receiver, the United States must +undertake to act as receiver and take over the administration of its +finances. He boldly adopted this policy and finally forced a reluctant +Senate to acquiesce. The arrangement has worked admirably. In spite +of the criticism that this policy encountered, the Taft administration +not only continued it in Santo Domingo, but tried to extend it to +Nicaragua and Honduras. In January, 1911, a treaty placing the +finances of Honduras under the supervision of the United States was +signed by Secretary Knox, and in June a similar treaty was signed with +Nicaragua. These treaties provided for the refunding of the foreign +debt, in each case through loans made by American bankers and secured +by the customs duties, the collector in each case to be approved by the +United States and to make an annual report to the Department of State. +These treaties were not ratified by the Senate. + +Secretary Knox then tried another solution of the question. On +February 26, 1913, a new treaty with Nicaragua was submitted to the +Senate by the terms of which Nicaragua agreed to give the United States +an exclusive right of way for a canal through her territory and a naval +base in Fonseca Bay, in return for the payment of three millions of +dollars. The Senate failed to act on this treaty, as the close of the +Taft administration was then at hand. The Wilson administration +followed the same policy, however, and in July, 1913, Mr. Bryan +submitted to the Senate a third treaty with Nicaragua containing the +provisions of the second Knox treaty and in addition certain provisions +of the Platt amendment, which defines our protectorate over Cuba. This +treaty aroused strong opposition in the other Central American states, +and Costa Rica, Salvador, and Honduras filed formal protests with the +United States Government against its ratification on the ground that it +would convert Nicaragua into a protectorate of the United States and +thus defeat the long-cherished plan for a union of the Central American +republics. The Senate of the United States objected to the +protectorate feature of the treaty and refused to ratify it, but the +negotiations were renewed by the Wilson administration and on February +18, 1916, a new treaty, which omits the provisions of the Platt +amendment, was accepted by the Senate. This treaty grants to the +United States in perpetuity the exclusive right to construct a canal by +way of the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua, and leases to the United +States for ninety-nine years a naval base on the Gulf of Fonseca, and +also the Great Corn and Little Corn islands as coaling stations. The +consideration for these favors was the sum of three millions of dollars +to be expended, with the approval of the Secretary of State of the +United States, in paying the public debt of Nicaragua and for other +public purposes to be agreed on by the two contracting parties. + +The treaty with the black Republic of Haiti, ratified by the Senate +February 28, 1916, carries the new Caribbean policies of the United +States to the farthest limits short of actual annexation. It provides +for the establishment of a receivership of Haitian customs under the +control of the United States similar in most respects to that +established over the Dominican Republic. It provides further for the +appointment, on the nomination of the President of the United States, +of a financial adviser, who shall assist in the settlement of the +foreign debt and direct expenditures of the surplus for the development +of the agricultural, mineral, and commercial resources of the republic. +It provides further for a native constabulary under American officers +appointed by the President of Haiti upon nomination by the President of +the United States. It further extends to Haiti the main provisions of +the Platt amendment. By controlling the internal financial +administration of the government the United States hopes to remove all +incentives for those revolutions which have in the past had for their +object a raid on the public treasury, and by controlling the customs +and maintaining order the United States hopes to avoid all possibility +of foreign intervention. The treaty is to remain in force for a period +of ten years and for another period of ten years if either party +presents specific reasons for continuing it on the ground that its +purpose has not been fully accomplished. + +Prior to the Roosevelt administration the Monroe Doctrine was regarded +by the Latin-American states as solely a protective policy. The United +States did not undertake to control the financial administration or the +foreign policy of any of these republics. It was only after their +misconduct had gotten them into difficulty and some foreign power, or +group of foreign powers, was on the point of demanding reparation by +force that the United States stepped in and undertook to see to it that +foreign intervention did not take the form of occupation of territory +or interference in internal politics. The Monroe Doctrine has always +been in principle a policy of American intervention for the purpose of +preventing European intervention, but American intervention always +awaited the threat of immediate action on the part of some European +power. President Roosevelt concluded that it would be wiser to +restrain the reckless conduct of the smaller American republics before +disorders or public debts should reach a point which gave European +powers an excuse for intervening. In a message to Congress in 1904 he +laid down this new doctrine, which soon became famous as the Big Stick +policy. He said: "If a nation shows that it knows how to act with +reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political matters, if +it keeps order and pays its obligations, it need fear no interference +from the United States. Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which +results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in +America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some +civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the +United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, +however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, +to the exercise of an international police power." In other words, +since we could not permit European powers to restrain or punish +American states in cases of wrongdoing, we must ourselves undertake +that task. As long as the Monroe Doctrine was merely a policy of +benevolent protection which Latin-American states could invoke after +their unwise or evil conduct had brought European powers to the point +of demanding just retribution, it was regarded with favor and no +objection was raised to it; but the Roosevelt doctrine, that if we were +to continue to protect Latin-American states against European +intervention, we had a right to demand that they should refrain from +conduct which was likely to provoke such intervention, was quite a +different thing, and raised a storm of criticism and opposition. + +The Roosevelt application of the Monroe Doctrine was undoubtedly a +perfectly logical step. It was endorsed by the Taft administration and +further extended by the Wilson administration and made one of our most +important policies in regard to the zone of the Caribbean. President +Roosevelt was right in drawing the conclusion that we had arrived at a +point where we had either to abandon the Monroe Doctrine or to extend +its application so as to cover the constantly increasing number of +disputes arising from the reckless creation of public debts and loose +financial administration. It was absurd for us to stand quietly by and +witness the utterly irresponsible creation of financial obligations +that would inevitably lead to European intervention and then undertake +to fix the bounds and limits of that intervention. It is interesting +to note that President Wilson did not hesitate to carry the new policy +to its logical conclusion, and that he went so far as to warn +Latin-American countries against granting to foreign corporations +concessions which, on account of their extended character, would be +certain to give rise to foreign claims which would, in turn, give an +excuse for European intervention. In discussing our Latin-American +policy shortly after the beginning of his administration, President +Wilson said: "You hear of 'concessions' to foreign capitalists in Latin +America. You do not hear of concessions to foreign capitalists in the +United States. They are not granted concessions. They are invited to +make investments. The work is ours, though they are welcome to invest +in it. We do not ask them to supply the capital and do the work. It +is an invitation, not a privilege; and states that are obliged, because +their territory does not lie within the main field of modern enterprise +and action, to grant concessions are in this condition, that foreign +interests are apt to dominate their domestic affairs--a condition of +affairs always dangerous and apt to become intolerable. . . . What +these states are going to seek, therefore, is an emancipation from the +subordination, which has been inevitable, to foreign enterprise and an +assertion of the splendid character which, in spite of these +difficulties, they have again and again been able to demonstrate." + +These remarks probably had reference to the oil concession which +Pearson and Son of London had arranged with the president of Colombia. +This concession is said to have covered practically all of the oil +interests in Colombia, and carried with it the right to improve harbors +and dig canals in the country. However, before the meeting of the +Colombian congress in November, 1913, which was expected to confirm the +concession, Lord Cowdray, the president of Pearson and Son, withdrew +the contract, alleging as his reason the opposition of the United +States. + +Unfortunately President Roosevelt's assertion of the Big Stick policy +and of the duty of the United States to play policeman in the western +hemisphere was accompanied by his seizure of the Canal Zone. This +action naturally aroused serious apprehensions in Latin America and +gave color to the charge that the United States had converted the +Monroe Doctrine from a protective policy into a policy of selfish +aggression. Colombia felt outraged and aggrieved, and this feeling was +not alleviated by Mr. Roosevelt's speech several years later to the +students of the University of California, in which he boasted of having +taken the Canal Zone and said that if he had not taken it as he did, +the debate over the matter in Congress would still be going on. Before +the close of his administration President Roosevelt undertook to +placate Colombia, but the sop which he offered was indignantly +rejected. In January, 1909, Secretary Root proposed three treaties, +one between the United States and Panama, one between the United States +and Colombia, and one between Colombia and Panama. These treaties +provided for the recognition of the Republic of Panama by Colombia and +for the transference to Colombia of the first ten installments of the +annual rental of $250,000 which the United States had agreed to pay to +Panama for the lease of the Canal Zone. The treaties were ratified by +the United States and by Panama, but not by Colombia. + +The Taft administration made repeated efforts to appease Colombia, +resulting in the formulation of a definite proposition by Secretary +Knox shortly before the close of President Taft's term. His proposals +were that if Colombia would ratify the Root treaties just referred to, +the United States would be willing to pay $10,000,000 for an exclusive +right of way for a canal by the Atrato route and for the perpetual +lease of the islands of St. Andrews and Old Providence as coaling +stations. These proposals were also rejected. The American minister, +Mr. Du Bois, acting, he said, on his own responsibility, then inquired +informally whether $25,000,000 without options of any kind would +satisfy Colombia. The answer was that Colombia would accept nothing +but the arbitration of the whole Panama question. Mr. Knox, in +reporting the matter to the President, said that Colombia seemed +determined to treat with the incoming Democratic administration. +Secretary Bryan took up the negotiations where Knox dropped them, and +concluded a treaty, according to the terms of which the United States +was to express regret at what had occurred and to pay Colombia +$25,000,000. The Senate of the United States refused to ratify this +treaty while Wilson was in the White House, but as soon as Harding +became president they consented to the payment and ratified the treaty +with a few changes in the preamble. + +The facts stated above show conclusively that the two most significant +developments of American policy in the Caribbean during the last twenty +years have been the establishment of formal protectorates and the +exercise of financial supervision over weak and disorderly states. Our +protectorate over Cuba was clearly defined in the so-called Platt +amendment, which was inserted in the army appropriation bill of March +2, 1901, and directed the President to leave control of the island of +Cuba to its people so soon as a government should be established under +a constitution which defined the future relations with the United +States substantially as follows: (1) That the government of Cuba would +never enter into any treaty or other compact with any foreign power +which would impair the independence of the island; (2) that the said +government would not contract any public debt which could not be met by +the ordinary revenues of the island; (3) that the government of Cuba +would permit the United States to exercise the right to intervene for +the preservation of Cuban independence, and for the protection of life, +property, and individual liberty; (4) that all acts of the United +States in Cuba during its military occupancy thereof should be ratified +and validated; (5) that the government of Cuba would carry out the +plans already devised for the sanitation of the cities of the island; +and finally that the government of Cuba would sell or lease to the +United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations at certain +specified points, to be agreed upon with the President of the United +States. + +It is understood that these articles, with the exception of the fifth, +which was proposed by General Leonard Wood, were carefully drafted by +Elihu Root, at that time Secretary of War, discussed at length by +President McKinley's Cabinet, and entrusted to Senator Platt of +Connecticut, who offered them as an amendment to the army appropriation +bill. The Wilson administration, as already stated, embodied the first +three provisions of the Platt amendment in the Haitian treaty of 1916. +Prior to the World War, which has upset all calculations, it seemed +highly probable that the Platt amendment would in time be extended to +all the weaker states within the zone of the Caribbean. If the United +States is to exercise a protectorate over such states, the right to +intervene and the conditions of intervention should be clearly defined +and publicly proclaimed. Hitherto whatever action we have taken in +Latin America has been taken under the Monroe Doctrine--a policy +without legal sanction--which an international court might not +recognize. Action under a treaty would have the advantage of legality. +In other words, the recent treaties with Caribbean states have +converted American policy into law. + +The charge that in establishing protectorates and financial supervision +over independent states we have violated the terms of the Monroe +Doctrine is one that has been frequently made. Those who have made it +appear to be laboring under the illusion that the Monroe Doctrine was +wholly altruistic in its aim. As a matter of fact, the Monroe Doctrine +has never been regarded by the United States as in any sense a +self-denying declaration. President Monroe said that we should +consider any attempt on the part of the European powers "to extend +their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our +peace and safety." The primary object of the policy outlined by +President Monroe was, therefore, the peace and safety of the United +States. The protection of Latin-American states against European +intervention was merely a means of protecting ourselves. While the +United States undertook to prevent the encroachment of European powers +in Latin America, it never for one moment admitted any limitation upon +the possibility of its own expansion in this region. The whole course +of American history establishes the contrary point of view. Since the +Monroe Doctrine was enunciated we have annexed at the expense of +Latin-American states, Texas, New Mexico, California, and the Canal +Zone. Upon other occasions we emphatically declined to bind ourselves +by treaty stipulations with England and France that under no +circumstance would we annex the island of Cuba. Shortly after the +beginning of his first term President Wilson declared in a public +address at Mobile that "the United States will never again seek one +additional foot of territory by conquest." This declaration introduces +a new chapter in American diplomacy. + + + + +VIII + +THE NEW PAN-AMERICANISM + +When President Wilson assumed office March 4, 1913, there was nothing +but the Huerta revolution, the full significance of which was not then +appreciated, to suggest to his mind the forecast that before the close +of his term questions of foreign policy would absorb the attention of +the American people and tax to the limit his own powers of mind and +body. It seems now a strange fact that neither in his writings nor in +his public addresses had President Wilson ever shown any marked +interest in questions of international law and diplomacy. He had, on +the contrary, made a life-long study of political organization and +legislative procedure. Those who knew him had always thought that he +was by nature fitted to be a great parliamentary leader and it soon +appeared that he had a very definite legislative program which he +intended to put through Congress. The foreign problems that confronted +him so suddenly and unexpectedly were doubtless felt to be annoying +distractions from the work which he had mapped out for himself and +which was far more congenial to his tastes. As time went by, however, +he was forced to give more and more thought to our relations with Latin +America on the one hand and to the European war on the other. His +ideas on international problems at first cautiously set forth, soon +caught step with the rapid march of events and guided the thought of +the world. + +The Mexican situation, which reached a crisis a few days before Mr. +Wilson came into office, at once demanded his attention and led to the +enunciation of a general Latin-American policy. He had scarcely been +in office a week when he issued a statement which was forwarded by the +secretary of state to all American diplomatic officers in Latin +America. In it he said: + +"One of the chief objects of my administration will be to cultivate the +friendship and deserve the confidence of our sister republics of +Central and South America, and to promote in every proper and honorable +way the interests which are common to the peoples of the two +continents. . . . + +"The United States has nothing to seek in Central and South America +except the lasting interests of the peoples of the two continents, the +security of governments intended for the people and for no special +group or interest, and the development of personal and trade +relationships between the two continents which shall redound to the +profit and advantage of both, and interfere with the rights and +liberties of neither. + +"From these principles may be read so much of the future policy of this +government as it is necessary now to forecast, and in the spirit of +these principles I may, I hope, be permitted with as much confidence as +earnestness, to extend to the governments of all the republics of +America the hand of genuine disinterested friendship and to pledge my +own honor and the honor of my colleagues to every enterprise of peace +and amity that a fortunate future may disclose." + +The policy here outlined, and elaborated a few months later in an +address before the Southern Commercial Congress at Mobile, Alabama, has +been termed the New Pan-Americanism. The Pan-American ideal is an old +one, dating back in fact to the Panama Congress of 1826. The object of +this congress was not very definitely stated in the call, which was +issued by Simon Bolivar, but his purpose was to secure the independence +and peace of the new Spanish republics through either a permanent +confederation or a series of diplomatic congresses. President Adams +through Henry Clay, who was at that time Secretary of State, promptly +accepted the invitation to send delegates. The matter was debated at +such length, however, in the House and Senate that the American +delegates did not reach Panama until after the congress had adjourned. +In view of the opposition which the whole scheme encountered in +Congress, the instructions to the American delegates were very +carefully drawn and their powers were strictly limited. They were +cautioned against committing their government in any way to the +establishment of "an amphictyonic council, invested with power fully to +decide controversies between the American states or to regulate in any +respect their conduct." They were also to oppose the formation of an +offensive and defensive alliance between the American powers, for, as +Mr. Clay pointed out, the Holy Alliance had abandoned all idea of +assisting Spain in the reconquest of her late colonies. After +referring to "the avoidance of foreign alliances as a leading maxim" of +our foreign policy, Mr. Clay continued: "Without, therefore, asserting +that an exigency may not occur in which an alliance of the most +intimate kind between the United States and the other American +republics would be highly proper and expedient, it may be safely said +that the occasion which would warrant a departure from that established +maxim ought to be one of great urgency, and that none such is believed +now to exist." + +The British Government sent a special envoy to reside near the Congress +and to place himself in frank and friendly communication with the +delegates. Canning's private instructions to this envoy declared that, +"Any project for putting the U. S. of North America at the head of an +American Confederacy, as against Europe, would be highly displeasing to +your Government. It would be felt as an ill return for the service +which has been rendered to those States, and the dangers which have +been averted from them, by the countenance and friendship, and public +declarations of Great Britain; and it would probably, at no distant +period, endanger the peace both of America and of Europe." + +The Panama Congress was without practical results and it was more than +half a century before the scheme for international cooeperation on the +part of American states was again taken up. In 1881 Secretary Blaine +issued an invitation to the American republics to hold a conference at +Washington, but the continuance of the war between Chile and Peru +caused an indefinite postponement of the proposed conference. Toward +the close of President Cleveland's first administration the invitation +was renewed and the First International Conference of American States +convened at Washington in 1890. It happened that when the Conference +met Mr. Blaine was again Secretary of State and presided over its +opening sessions. The most notable achievement of this Conference was +the establishment of the Bureau of American Republics, now known as the +Pan-American Union. The Second International Conference of American +States, held in the City of Mexico in 1901, arranged for all American +states to become parties to the Hague Convention of 1899 for the +pacific settlement of international disputes and drafted a treaty for +the compulsory arbitration, as between American states, of pecuniary +claims. The Third Conference, held at Rio Janeiro in 1906, extended +the above treaty for another period of five years and proposed that the +subject of pecuniary claims be considered at the second Hague +Conference. Added significance was given to the Rio Conference by the +presence of Secretary Root who, although not a delegate, made it the +occasion of a special mission to South America. The series of notable +addresses which he delivered on this mission gave a new impetus to the +Pan-American movement. The Fourth Conference, held at Buenos Ayres in +1910, was occupied largely with routine matters. It extended the +pecuniary claims convention for an indefinite period. + +The conferences above referred to were political or diplomatic in +character. There have been held two Pan-American Scientific Congresses +in which the United States participated, one at Chile in 1908 and one +at Washington, December, 1915, to January, 1916. A very important +Pan-American Financial Congress was held at Washington in May, 1915. +These congresses have accomplished a great deal in the way of promoting +friendly feeling as well as the advancement of science and commerce +among the republics of the Western Hemisphere. + +The American Institute of International Law, organized at Washington in +October, 1912, is a body which is likely to have great influence in +promoting the peace and welfare of this hemisphere. The Institute is +composed of five representatives from the national society of +international law in each of the twenty-one American republics. At a +session held in the city of Washington, January 6, 1916, the Institute +adopted a Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Nations. This +declaration, designed to give a solid legal basis to the new +Pan-Americanism, was as follows: + +I. Every nation has the right to exist and to protect and to conserve +its existence; but this right neither implies the right nor justifies +the act of the state to protect itself or to conserve its existence by +the commission of unlawful acts against innocent and unoffending states. + +II. Every nation has the right to independence in the sense that it has +a right to the pursuit of happiness and is free to develop itself +without interference or control from other states, provided that in so +doing it does not interfere with or violate the rights of other states. + +III. Every nation is in law and before law the equal of every other +nation belonging to the society of nations, and all nations have the +right to claim and, according to the Declaration of Independence of the +United States, "to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate +and equal station to which the laws of nature and of Nature's God +entitle them." + +IV. Every nation has the right to territory within defined boundaries, +and to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over its territory, and all +persons whether native or foreign found therein. + +V. Every nation entitled to a right by the law of nations is entitled +to have that right respected and protected by all other nations, for +right and duty are correlative, and the right of one is the duty of all +to observe. + +VI. International law is at one and the same time both national and +international; national in the sense that it is the law of the land and +applicable as such to the decision of all questions involving its +principles; international in the sense that it is the law of the +society of nations and applicable as such to all questions between and +among the members of the society of nations involving its principles. + +This Declaration has been criticised as being too altruistic for a +world in which diplomacy has been occupied with selfish aims, yet Mr. +Root, in presenting it at the annual meeting of the American Society of +International Law, claimed that every statement in it was "based upon +the decisions of American courts and the authority of American +publicists." + +The Mexican situation put the principles of the new Pan-Americanism to +a severe test. On February 18, 1913, Francisco Madero was seized and +imprisoned as the result of a conspiracy formed by one of his generals, +Victoriano Huerta, who forthwith proclaimed himself dictator. Four +days later Madero was murdered while in the custody of Huerta's troops. +Henry Lane Wilson, the American ambassador, promptly urged his +government to recognize Huerta, but President Taft, whose term was +rapidly drawing to a close, took no action and left the question to his +successor. + +President Wilson thus had a very disagreeable situation to face when he +assumed control of affairs at Washington. He refused to recognize +Huerta, whose authority was contested by insurrectionary chiefs in +various parts of the country. It was claimed by the critics of the +administration that the refusal to recognize Huerta was a direct +violation of the well-known American policy of recognizing de facto +governments without undertaking to pass upon the rights involved. It +is perfectly true that the United States has consistently followed the +policy of recognizing de facto governments as soon as it is evident in +each case that the new government rests on popular approval and is +likely to be permanent. This doctrine of recognition is distinctively +an American doctrine. It was first laid down by Thomas Jefferson when +he was Secretary of State as an offset to the European doctrine of +divine right, and it was the natural outgrowth of that other +Jeffersonian doctrine that all governments derive their just powers +from the consent of the governed. Huerta could lay no claim to +authority derived from a majority or anything like a majority of the +Mexican people. He was a self-constituted dictator, whose authority +rested solely on military force. President Wilson and Secretary Bryan +were fully justified in refusing to recognize his usurpation of power, +though they probably made a mistake in announcing that they would never +recognize him and in demanding his elimination from the presidential +contest. This announcement made him deaf to advice from Washington and +utterly indifferent to the destruction of American life and property. + +The next step in the President's course with reference to Mexico was +the occupation of Vera Cruz. On April 20, 1914, the President asked +Congress for authority to employ the armed forces of the United States +in demanding redress for the arbitrary arrest of American marines at +Vera Cruz, and the next day Admiral Fletcher was ordered to seize the +custom house at that port. This he did after a sharp fight with +Huerta's troops in which nineteen Americans were killed and seventy +wounded. The American charge d'affaires, Nelson O'Shaughnessy, was at +once handed his passports, and all diplomatic relations between the +United States and Mexico were severed. + +A few days later the representatives of the so-called ABC Alliance, +Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, tendered their good offices for a +peaceful settlement of the conflict and President Wilson promptly +accepted their mediation. The resulting conference at Niagara, May 20, +was not successful in its immediate object, but it resulted in the +elimination of Huerta who resigned July 15, 1914. On August 20, +General Venustiano Carranza, head of one of the revolutionary factions, +assumed control of affairs at the capital, but his authority was +disputed by General Francisco Villa, another insurrectionary chief. On +Carranza's promise to respect the lives and property of American +citizens the United States forces were withdrawn from Vera Cruz in +November, 1914. + +In August, 1915, at the request of President Wilson, the six ranking +representatives of Latin America at Washington made an unsuccessful +effort to reconcile the contending factions of Mexico. On their +advice, however, President Wilson decided in October to recognize the +government of Carranza, who now controlled three fourths of the +territory of Mexico. As a result of this action Villa began a series +of attacks on American citizens and raids across the border, which in +March, 1916, compelled the President to send a punitive expedition into +Mexico and later to dispatch most of the regular army and large bodies +of militia to the border. + +The raids of Villa created a very awkward situation. Carranza not only +made no real effort to suppress Villa, but he vigorously opposed the +steps taken by the United States to protect its own citizens along the +border, and even assumed a threatening attitude. There was a loud and +persistent demand in the United States for war against Mexico. +American investments in land, mines, rubber plantations, and other +enterprises were very large, and these financial interests were +particularly outraged at the President's policy of "watchful waiting." +The President remained deaf to this clamor. No country had been so +shamelessly exploited by foreign capital as Mexico. Furthermore, it +was suspected and very generally believed that the recent revolutions +had been financed by American capital. President Wilson was determined +to give the Mexican people an opportunity to reorganize their national +life on a better basis and to lend them every assistance in the task. +War with Mexico would have been a very serious undertaking and even a +successful war would have meant the military occupation of Mexico for +an indefinite period. After our entrance into the World War many of +those Americans who dissented radically from Wilson's Mexican policy +became convinced that his refusal to become involved in war with Mexico +was a most fortunate thing for us. + +It has been charged that there was a lack of consistency between the +President's Mexican policy and his Haitian policy. The difference +between the two cases, however, was that order could be restored in +Haiti with a relatively small force of marines, while any attempt to +apply force to Mexico would have led to a long and bloody conflict. +The most novel feature of the President's Mexican policy was his +acceptance of the mediation of the ABC Alliance and his subsequent +consultation with the leading representatives of Latin America. This +action brought the Pan-American ideal almost to the point of +realization. It was received with enthusiasm and it placed our +relations with Latin America on a better footing than they had been for +years. + +It was suggested by more than one critic of American foreign policy +that if we were to undertake to set the world right, we must come +before the bar of public opinion with clean hands, that before we +denounced the imperialistic policies of Europe, we should have +abandoned imperialistic policies at home. The main features of +President Wilson's Latin-American policy, if we may draw a general +conclusion, were to pledge American republics not to do anything which +would invite European intervention, and to secure by treaty the right +of the United States to intervene for the protection of life, liberty, +and property, and for the establishment of self-government. Such a +policy, unselfishly carried out, was not inconsistent with the general +war aims defined by President Wilson. + + + + +IX + +THE FAILURE OF NEUTRALITY AND ISOLATION + +In Washington's day the United States was an experiment in democracy. +The vital question was not our duty to the rest of the world, but +whether the rest of the world would let us live. The policy of wisdom +was to keep aloof from world politics and give as little cause for +offense as possible to the great powers of Europe. Washington pointed +out that "our detached and distant situation" rendered such a course +possible. This policy was justified by events. We were enabled to +follow unhindered the bent of our own political genius, to extend our +institutions over a vast continent and to attain a position of great +prosperity and power in the economic world. While we are still a young +country, our government is, with the possible exception of that of +Great Britain, the oldest and most stable in the world, and since we +declared ourselves a nation and adopted our present constitution the +British Government has undergone radical changes of a democratic +character. By age and stability we have long been entitled to a voice +and influence in the world, and yet we have been singularly indifferent +to our responsibilities as a member of the society of nations. We have +been in the world, but not of it. + +Our policy of isolation corresponded with the situation as it existed a +hundred years ago, but not with the situation as it exists to-day and +as it has existed for some years past. We no longer occupy a "detached +and distant situation." Steam and electricity, the cable and wireless +telegraphy have overcome the intervening space and made us the close +neighbors of Europe. The whole world has been drawn together in a way +that our forefathers never dreamed of, and our commercial, financial, +and social relations with the rest of the world are intimate. Under +such circumstances political isolation is an impossibility. It has for +years been nothing more than a tradition, but a tradition which has +tied the hands of American diplomats and caused the American public to +ignore what was actually going on in the world. The Spanish War and +the acquisition of the Philippines brought us into the full current of +world politics, and yet we refused to recognize the changes that +inevitably followed. + +The emergence of Japan as a first-class power, conscious of achievement +and eager to enter on a great career, introduced a new and disturbing +element into world politics. Our diplomacy, which had hitherto been +comparatively simple, now became exceedingly complex. Formerly the +United States was the only great power outside the European balance. +The existence of a second detached power greatly complicated the +international situation and presented opportunities for new +combinations. We have already seen how Germany undertook to use the +opportunity presented by Russia's war with Japan to humiliate France +and that the United States took a prominent part in the Algeciras +Conference for the purpose of preventing the threatened overthrow of +the European balance of power. Thus, even before the World War began, +it had become evident to close observers of international affairs that +the European balance would soon be superseded by a world balance in +which the United States would be forced to take its place. + +It took a world war, however, to dispel the popular illusion of +isolation and to arouse us to a temporary sense of our international +responsibilities. When the war began the President, following the +traditions of a hundred years, issued, as a matter of course, a +proclamation of neutrality, and he thought that the more scrupulously +it was observed the greater would be the opportunity for the United +States to act as impartial mediator in the final adjustment of peace +terms. As the fierceness of the conflict grew it became evident that +the role of neutral would not be an easy one to play and that the vital +interests of the United States would be involved to a far greater +extent than anyone had foreseen. + +Neutrality in the modern sense is essentially an American doctrine and +the result of our policy of isolation. If we were to keep out of +European conflicts, it was necessary for us to pursue a course of rigid +impartiality in wars between European powers. In the Napoleonic wars +we insisted that neutrals had certain rights which belligerents were +bound to respect and we fought the War of 1812 with England in order to +establish that principle. Half a century later, in the American Civil +War, we insisted that neutrals had certain duties which every +belligerent had a right to expect them to perform, and we forced Great +Britain in the settlement of the _Alabama_ Claims to pay us damages to +the extent of $15,500,000 for having failed to perform her neutral +obligations. We have thus been the leading champion of the rights and +duties of neutrals, and the principles for which we have contended have +been written into the modern law of nations. When two or three nations +are engaged in war and the rest of the world is neutral, there is +usually very little difficulty in enforcing neutral rights, but when a +majority of the great powers are at war, it is impossible for the +remaining great powers, much less for the smaller neutrals, to maintain +their rights. This was true in the Napoleonic wars, but at that time +the law of neutrality was in its infancy and had never been fully +recognized by the powers at war. The failure of neutrality in the +Great War was far more serious, for the rights of neutrals had been +clearly defined and universally recognized. + +Notwithstanding the large German population in this country and the +propaganda which we now know that the German Government had +systematically carried on for years in our very midst, the invasion of +Belgium and the atrocities committed by the Germans soon arrayed +opinion on the side of the Allies. This was not a departure from +neutrality, for it should be remembered that neutrality is not an +attitude of mind, but a legal status. As long as our Government +fulfilled its obligations as defined by the law of nations, no charge +of a violation of neutrality could be justly made. To deny to the +citizens of a neutral country the right to express their moral +judgments would be to deny that the world can ever be governed by +public opinion. The effort of the German propagandists to draw a +distinction between so-called ethical and legal neutrality was +plausible, but without real force. While neutrality is based on the +general principle of impartiality, this principle has been embodied in +a fairly well-defined set of rules which may, and frequently do, in any +given war, work to the advantage of one belligerent and to the +disadvantage of the other. In the Great War this result was brought +about by the naval superiority of Great Britain. So far as our legal +obligations to Germany were concerned she had no cause for complaint. +If, on the other hand, our conduct had been determined solely by +ethical considerations, we would have joined the Allies long before we +did. + +The naval superiority of Great Britain made it comparatively easy for +her to stop all direct trade with the enemy in articles contraband of +war, but this was of little avail so long as Germany could import these +articles through the neutral ports of Italy, Holland, and the +Scandinavian countries. Under these circumstances an ordinary blockade +of the German coast would have had little effect. Therefore, no such +blockade was proclaimed by Great Britain. She adopted other methods of +cutting off overseas supplies from Germany. She enlarged the lists of +both absolute and conditional contraband and under the doctrine of +continuous voyage seized articles on both lists bound for Germany +through neutral countries. + +As to the right of a belligerent to enlarge the contraband lists there +can be no doubt. Even the Declaration of London, which undertook for +the first time to establish an international classification of +contraband, provided in Article 23 that "articles and materials which +are exclusively used for war may be added to the list of absolute +contraband by means of a notified declaration," and Article 25 provided +that the list of conditional contraband might be enlarged in the same +manner. Under modern conditions of warfare it would seem impossible to +determine in advance what articles are to be treated as contraband. +During the Great War many articles regarded in previous wars as +innocent became indispensable to the carrying on of the war. + +Great Britain's application of the doctrine of continuous voyage was +more open to dispute. She assumed that contraband articles shipped to +neutral countries adjacent to Germany and Austria were intended for +them unless proof to the contrary was forthcoming, and she failed to +draw any distinction between absolute and conditional contraband. The +United States protested vigorously against this policy, but the force +of its protest was weakened by the fact that during the Civil War the +American Government had pursued substantially the same policy in regard +to goods shipped by neutrals to Nassau, Havana, Matamoros, and other +ports adjacent to the Confederacy. Prior to the American Civil War +goods could not be seized on any grounds unless bound directly for a +belligerent port. Under the English doctrine of continuous voyage as +advanced during the Napoleonic wars, goods brought from the French West +Indies to the United States and reshipped to continental Europe were +condemned by the British Admiralty Court on the ground that +notwithstanding the unloading and reloading at an American port the +voyage from the West Indies to Europe was in effect a continuous +voyage, and under the Rule of 1756 Great Britain refused to admit the +right of neutral ships to engage in commerce between France and her +colonies. Great Britain, however, seized ships only on the second leg +of the voyage, that is, when bound directly for a belligerent port. +During the American Civil War the United States seized goods under an +extension of the English doctrine on the first leg of the voyage, that +is, while they were in transit from one neutral port to another neutral +port, on the ground that they were to be subsequently shipped in +another vessel to a Confederate port. Great Britain adopted and +applied the American doctrine during the Boer War. The doctrine of +continuous voyage, as applied by the United States and England, was +strongly condemned by most of the continental writers on international +law. The Declaration of London adopted a compromise by providing that +absolute contraband might be seized when bound through third countries, +but that conditional contraband was not liable to capture under such +circumstances. As the Declaration of London was not ratified by the +British Government this distinction was ignored, and conditional as +well as absolute contraband was seized when bound for Germany through +neutral countries. + +While Great Britain may be charged with having unwarrantably extended +the application of certain rules of international law and may have +rendered herself liable to pecuniary damages, she displayed in all her +measures a scrupulous regard for human life. Her declaration that "The +whole of the North Sea must be considered a military area," was +explained as an act of retaliation against Germany for having scattered +floating mines on the high seas in the path of British commerce. She +did not undertake to exclude neutral vessels from the North Sea, but +merely notified them that certain areas had been mined and warned them +not to enter without receiving sailing directions from the British +squadron. + +The German decree of February 4, 1915, establishing a submarine +blockade or "war zone" around the British Isles, on the other hand, was +absolutely without legal justification. It did not fulfill the +requirements of a valid blockade, because it cut off only a very small +percentage of British commerce, and the first requirement of a blockade +is that it must be effective. The decree was aimed directly at enemy +merchant vessels and indirectly at the ships of neutrals. It utterly +ignored the well-recognized right of neutral passengers to travel on +merchant vessels of belligerents. The second decree announcing +unrestricted submarine warfare after February 1, 1917, was directed +against neutral as well as enemy ships. It undertook to exclude all +neutral ships from a wide zone extending far out on the high seas, +irrespective of their mission or the character of their cargo. It was +an utter defiance of all law. + +The citizens of neutral countries have always had the right to travel +on the merchant vessels of belligerents, subject, of course, to the +risk of capture and detention. The act of the German ambassador in +inserting an advertisement in a New York paper warning Americans not to +take passage on the _Lusitania_, when the President had publicly +asserted that they had a perfect right to travel on belligerent ships, +was an insolent and unparalleled violation of diplomatic usage and +would have justified his instant dismissal. Some action would probably +have been taken by the State Department had not the incident been +overshadowed by the carrying out of the threat and the actual +destruction of the _Lusitania_. + +The destruction of enemy prizes at sea is recognized by international +law under exceptional circumstances and subject to certain definite +restrictions, but an unlimited right of destruction even of enemy +merchant vessels had never been claimed by any authority on +international law or by any government prior to the German decree. The +destruction of neutral prizes, though practised by some governments, +has not been so generally acquiesced in, and when resorted to has been +attended by an even more rigid observance of the rules designed to +safeguard human life. Article 48 of the Declaration of London provided +that, "A captured neutral vessel is not to be destroyed by the captor, +but must be taken into such port as is proper in order to determine +there the rights as regards the validity of the capture." +Unfortunately Article 49 largely negatived this statement by leaving +the whole matter to the discretion of the captor. It is as follows: +"As an exception, a neutral vessel captured by a belligerent ship, and +which would be liable to condemnation, may be destroyed if the +observance of Article 48 would involve danger to the ship of war or to +the success of the operations in which she is at the time engaged." +The next article provided the following safeguards: "Before the +destruction the persons on board must be placed in safety, and all the +ship's papers and other documents which those interested consider +relevant for the decision as to the validity of the capture must be +taken on board the ship of war." + +The Declaration of London was freely criticised for recognizing an +unlimited discretionary right on the part of a captor to destroy a +neutral prize. Under all the circumstances the main grievance against +Germany was not that she destroyed prizes at sea, but that she utterly +ignored the restrictions imposed upon this right and the rules designed +to safeguard human life. + +Germany sought to justify her submarine policy on the ground (1) that +the American manufacture and sale of munitions of war was one-sided and +therefore unneutral, and (2) that the United States had practically +acquiesced in what she considered the unlawful efforts of Great Britain +to cut off the food supply of Germany. The subject of the munitions +trade was brought to the attention of the United States by Germany in a +note of April 4, 1915. While not denying the legality of the trade in +munitions under ordinary circumstances the contentions of the German +Government were that the situation in the present war differed from +that of any previous war; that the recognition of the trade in the past +had sprung from the necessity of protecting existing industries, while +in the present war an entirely new industry had been created in the +United States; and it concluded with the following statement which was +the real point of the note: "This industry is actually delivering goods +to the enemies of Germany. The theoretical willingness to supply +Germany also, if shipments were possible, does not alter the case. If +it is the will of the American people that there should be a true +neutrality, the United States will find means of preventing this +one-sided supply of arms or at least of utilizing it to protect +legitimate trade with Germany, especially that in food stuffs." To +this note Secretary Bryan replied that "Any change in its own laws of +neutrality during the progress of the war which would affect unequally +the relations of the United States with the nations at war would be an +unjustifiable departure from the principle of strict neutrality." + +Two months later the discussion was renewed by the Austro-Hungarian +Government. The Austrian note did not question the intention of the +United States to conform to the letter of the law, but complained that +we were not carrying out its spirit, and suggested that a threat to +withhold food stuffs and raw materials from the Allies would be +sufficient to protect legitimate commerce between the United States and +the Central Powers. To this note Secretary Lansing replied at length. +He held: (1) that the United States was under no obligation to change +or modify the rules of international usage on account of special +conditions. (2) He rejected what he construed to be the contention of +the Austrian Government that "the advantages gained to a belligerent by +its superiority on the sea should be equalized by the neutral powers by +the establishment of a system of non-intercourse with the victor." (3) +He called attention to the fact that Austria-Hungary and Germany had +during the years preceding the present European war produced "a great +surplus of arms and ammunition which they sold throughout the world and +especially to belligerents. Never during that period did either of +them suggest or apply the principle now advocated by the Imperial and +Royal Government." (4) "But, in addition to the question of principle, +there is a practical and substantial reason why the Government of the +United States has from the foundation of the Republic to the present +time advocated and practised unrestricted trade in arms and military +supplies. It has never been the policy of this country to maintain in +time of peace a large military establishment or stores of arms and +ammunition sufficient to repel invasion by a well-equipped and powerful +enemy. It has desired to remain at peace with all nations and to avoid +any appearance of menacing such peace by the threat of its armies and +navies. In consequence of this standing policy the United States +would, in the event of attack by a foreign power, be at the outset of +the war seriously, if not fatally, embarrassed by the lack of arms and +ammunition and by the means to produce them in sufficient quantities to +supply the requirements of national defense. The United States has +always depended upon the right and power to purchase arms and +ammunition from neutral nations in case of foreign attack. This right, +which it claims for itself, it cannot deny to others." + +The German and Austrian authorities were fully aware that their +arguments had no basis in international law or practice. Indeed, their +notes were probably designed to influence public opinion and help the +German propagandists in this country who were making a desperate effort +to get Congress to place an embargo on the export of munitions. Having +failed in this attempt, an extensive conspiracy was formed to break up +the trade in munitions by a resort to criminal methods. Numerous +explosions occurred in munition plants destroying many lives and +millions of dollars' worth of property, and bombs were placed in a +number of ships engaged in carrying supplies to the Allies. The +Austrian ambassador and the German military and naval attaches at +Washington were involved in these activities and their recall was +promptly demanded by Secretary Lansing. + +The violations of international law by Germany were so flagrant, her +methods of waging war so barbarous, the activities of her diplomats so +devoid of honor, and her solemn pledges were so ruthlessly broken that +the technical discussion of the rules of maritime law was completely +overshadowed by the higher moral issues involved in the contest. All +further efforts to maintain neutrality finally became intolerable even +to President Wilson, who had exercised patience until patience ceased +to be a virtue. Having failed in his efforts to persuade Congress to +authorize the arming of merchantmen, the President finally concluded, +in view of Germany's threat to treat armed guards as pirates, that +armed neutrality was impracticable. He accepted the only alternative +and on April 2, 1917, went before Congress to ask for a formal +declaration of war against Germany. + +Had Germany observed the rules of international law, the United States +would probably have remained neutral notwithstanding the imminent +danger of the overthrow of France and the possible invasion of England. +The upsetting of the European balance would eventually have led to a +conflict between Germany and the United States. The violation of +American rights forced us to go to war, but having once entered the +war, we fought not merely for the vindication of American rights, but +for the establishment of human freedom and the recognition of human +rights throughout the world. In his war address President Wilson said: +"Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the +world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to +that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic Governments +backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not +by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in +such circumstances." Having once abandoned neutrality and isolation we +are not likely to remain neutral again in any war which involves the +balance of power in the world or the destinies of the major portion of +mankind. Neutrality and isolation were correlative. They were both +based on the view that we were a remote and distant people and had no +intimate concern with what was going on in the great world across the +seas. + +The failure of neutrality and the abandonment of isolation marked a +radical, though inevitable, change in our attitude toward world +politics. President Wilson did not propose, however, to abandon the +great principles for which we as a nation had stood, but rather to +extend them and give them a world-wide application. In his address to +the Senate on January 22, 1917, he said: + +"I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord +adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world; +that no nation should seek to extend its polity over any other nation +or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its +own polity, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, +unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful. + +"I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances +which would draw them into competitions of power, catch them in a net +of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with +influences intruded from without. There is no entangling alliance in a +concert of power." + +In other words, the Monroe Doctrine, stripped of its imperialistic +tendencies, was to be internationalized, and the American policy of +isolation, in the sense of avoiding secret alliances, was to become a +fundamental principle of the new international order. If the United +States was to go into a league of nations, every member of the league +must stand on its own footing. We were not to be made a buffer between +alliances and ententes. + + + + +X + +THE WAR AIMS OF THE UNITED STATES + +The advent of the United States into the family of nations nearly a +century and a half ago was an event of worldwide significance. Our +revolutionary ancestors set up a government founded on a new principle, +happily phrased by Jefferson in the statement that governments derive +their just powers from the consent of the governed. This principle +threatened, although remotely, the existence of the aristocratic +governments of the Old World which were still based on the doctrine of +divine right. The entrance of the United States into the World War was +an event of equal significance because it gave an American president, +who was thoroughly grounded in the political philosophy of the Virginia +Bill of Rights, the Declaration of Independence, and the writings of +the founders of the Republic, an opportunity to proclaim to the world +the things for which America has always stood. In this connection H. +W. V. Temperley in "A History of the Peace Conference of Paris" (vol. +i, page 173) says: "The utterances of President Wilson have a unique +significance, not only because they were taken as the legal basis of +the Peace negotiations, but because they form a definite and coherent +body of political doctrine. This doctrine, though developed and +expanded in view of the tremendous changes produced by the war, was not +formed or even altered by them. His ideas, like those of no other +great statesman of the war, are capable of being worked out as a +complete political philosophy. A peculiar interest, therefore, +attaches to his pre-war speeches, for they contain the germs of his +political faith and were not influenced by the terrifying portents of +to-day. The tenets in themselves were few and simple, but their +consequences, when developed by the war, were such as to produce the +most far-reaching results. It is not possible or necessary to discuss +how far these tenets were accepted by the American people as a whole, +for, as the utterances of their legal representative at a supreme +moment of world history, they will always retain their value." + +The principal features of Wilson's political philosophy were revealed +in his policy toward Latin America before he had any idea of +intervening in the European situation. At the outset of his +administration he declared that the United States would "never again +seek one additional foot of territory by conquest." In December, 1915, +he declared: "From the first we have made common cause with all +partisans of liberty on this side of the sea and . . . have set America +aside as a whole for the uses of independent nations and political +freemen." A few weeks later he proposed that the nations of America +should unite "in guaranteeing to each other absolute political +independence and territorial integrity." This proposal was actually +embodied in a treaty, but this plan for an American league of nations +did not meet with the approval of the other states, who probably feared +that the United States would occupy too dominant a position in such a +league. President Wilson's refusal to recognize the despotic power of +Huerta, while expressing sympathy for the people of Mexico, was the +first application of the policy which later so successfully drove a +wedge in between the Kaiser and the German people. His refusal to +invade Mexico and his determination to give the people of that country +a chance to work out their own salvation gave evidence to the world of +the unselfishness and sincerity of his policies, and paved the way for +the moral leadership which he later exercised over the peoples of +Europe. + +President Wilson's insistence on neutrality in "thought, word, and +deed," the expression "too proud to fight," and his statement in regard +to the war, May 27, 1916, that "with its causes and objects we are not +concerned," caused deep offense to many of his countrymen and were +received with ridicule by others at home and abroad. His reasons for +remaining neutral were best stated in the speech accepting his second +nomination for the presidency, September 2, 1916: "We have been neutral +not only because it was the fixed and traditional policy of the United +States to stand aloof from the politics of Europe and because we had +had no part either of action or of policy in the influences which +brought on the present war, but also because it was manifestly our duty +to prevent, if it were possible, the indefinite extension of the fires +of hate and desolation kindled by that terrible conflict and seek to +serve mankind by reserving our strength and our resources for the +anxious and difficult days of restoration and healing which must +follow, when peace will have to build its house anew." + +Other speeches made during the year 1916 show, however, that he was +being gradually forced to the conclusion that "peace is not always +within the choice of the nation" and that we must be "ready to fight +for our rights when those rights are coincident with the rights of man +and humanity." + +After the German peace proposals of December 12, 1916, President Wilson +called on all the belligerents to state publicly what they were +fighting for. This demand caused a searching of hearts everywhere, led +to a restatement of aims on the part of the Allies, and threw the +Central Governments on the defensive. In formulating their replies the +Allies were somewhat embarrassed by the secret treaties relating to +Russia and Italy, which were later made public by the Bolsheviki. In +March, 1915, England and France had made an agreement with Russia by +which she was to get Constantinople, the aim of her policy since the +days of Peter the Great. By the secret Treaty of London, signed April +26, 1915, England, France, and Russia had promised Italy that she +should receive the Trentino and Southern Tyrol, including in its +population more than 250,000 Germans. Italy was also promised Trieste +and the Istrian peninsula, the boundary running just west of Fiume, +over which city, it should be remembered, she acquired no claim under +this treaty. Italy was also to receive about half of Dalmatia, +including towns over half of whose population were Jugo-Slavs. To +President Wilson's note the Allies had to reply, therefore, in somewhat +general terms. Their territorial demands were: "The restitution of +provinces formerly torn from the Allies by force or against the wish of +their inhabitants; the liberation of the Italians, as also of the +Slavs, Roumanes, and Czecho-Slovaks from foreign domination, the +setting free of the populations subject to the bloody tyranny of the +Turks; and the turning out of Europe of the Ottoman Empire as decidedly +foreign to Western civilization." The German reply contained no +statement of territorial claims and gave no pledge even as to the +future status of Belgium. + +In reporting the results of this interchange of views to the Senate, +January 22, 1917, President Wilson delivered the first of that series +of addresses on the essentials of a just and lasting peace which made +him the recognized spokesman of the liberal element in all countries +and gained for him a moral leadership that was without parallel in the +history of the world. "In every discussion of the peace that must end +this war," he declared, "it is taken for granted that that peace must +be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it +virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us +again. Every lover of mankind, every sane and thoughtful man must take +that for granted." In fact, there was no dissent from this statement. +Most of our leading men, including Taft, Roosevelt, and Lodge, were +committed to the idea of a league of nations for the maintenance of law +and international peace. The League to Enforce Peace, which had +branches in all the Allied countries, had done a great work in +popularizing this idea. The President came before the Senate, he said, +"as the council associated with me in the final determination of our +international obligations," to formulate the conditions upon which he +would feel justified in asking the American people to give "formal and +solemn adherence to a League for Peace." He disclaimed any right to a +voice in determining what the terms of peace should be, but he did +claim a right to "have a voice in determining whether they shall be +made lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal covenant." First +of all, the peace must be a "peace without victory," for "only a peace +between equals can last." And, he added, "there is a deeper thing +involved than even equality of right among organized nations. No peace +can last, or ought to last, which does not recognize and accept the +principle that governments derive all their just powers from the +consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand +peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were +property." He cited Poland as an example, declaring that statesmen +everywhere were agreed that she should be "united, independent, and +autonomous." + +He declared that every great people "should be assured a direct outlet +to the sea," and that "no nation should be shut away from free access +to the open paths of the world's commerce." He added: "The freedom of +the seas is the _sine qua non_ of peace, equality, and cooeperation." +This problem, he said, was closely connected with the limitation of +naval armaments. "The question of armaments, whether on land or sea, +is the most immediately and intensely practical question connected with +the future fortunes of nations and of mankind." + +The Russian revolution, which came in March, 1917, and resulted in the +overthrow of the Czar's government, cleared the political atmosphere +for the time being, and enabled President Wilson in his address to +Congress on April 2 to proclaim a war of democracy against autocracy. +The new Russian government repudiated all imperialistic aims and +adopted the formula: "Self-determination, no annexations, no +indemnities." Poland was given her freedom and the demand for +Constantinople was abandoned. The Allies were thus relieved from one +of their most embarrassing secret treaties. + +Even after America entered the war, President Wilson continued to +advance the same ideas as to the ultimate conditions of peace. His +attitude remained essentially different from that of the Allies, who +were hampered by secret treaties wholly at variance with the +President's aims. In his war address he declared that we had "no +quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but +one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that +their government acted in entering this war." Prussian autocracy was +the object of his attack. "We are now about to accept gauge of battle +with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the +whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its +power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false +pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world +and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for +the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men +everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world +must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the +tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to +serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for +ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely +make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We +shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the +faith and the freedom of nations can make them." + +About the time that the United States declared war, Austria and Germany +began another so-called "peace offensive." Overtures were made by +Austria to France in March, and in August the Pope made a direct appeal +to the Powers. This move was unmasked by President Wilson in a public +address at the Washington Monument, June 14, 1917. "The military +masters under whom Germany is bleeding," he declared, "see very clearly +to what point fate has brought them: if they fall back or are forced +back an inch, their power abroad and at home will fall to pieces. It +is their power at home of which they are thinking now more than of +their power abroad. It is that power which is trembling under their +very feet. Deep fear has entered their hearts. They have but one +chance to perpetuate their military power, or even their controlling +political influence. If they can secure peace now, with the immense +advantage still in their hands, they will have justified themselves +before the German people. They will have gained by force what they +promised to gain by it--an immense expansion of German power and an +immense enlargement of German industrial and commercial opportunities. +Their prestige will be secure, and with their prestige their political +power. If they fail, their people will thrust them aside. A +government accountable to the people themselves will be set up in +Germany, as has been the case in England, the United States, and +France--in all great countries of modern times except Germany. If they +succeed they are safe, and Germany and the world are undone. If they +fail, Germany is saved and the world will be at peace. If they +succeed, America will fall within the menace, and we, and all the rest +of the world, must remain armed, as they will remain, and must make +ready for the next step in their aggression. If they fail, the world +may unite for peace and Germany may be of the union." + +The task of replying to the Pope was left by the Allied governments to +Wilson, who was not hampered by secret treaties. In this remarkable +document he drove still further the wedge between the German people and +the Kaiser. "The American people have suffered intolerable wrongs at +the hands of the Imperial German Government, but they desire no +reprisal upon the German people who have themselves suffered all things +in this war which they did not choose. They believe that peace should +rest upon the rights of peoples, not the rights of Governments--the +rights of peoples great or small, weak or powerful--their equal right +to freedom and security and self-government and to a participation upon +fair terms in the economic opportunities of the world, the German +people of course included if they will accept equality and not seek +domination." + +In conclusion he said: "We cannot take the word of the present rulers +of Germany as a guarantee of anything that is to endure, unless +explicitly supported by such conclusive evidence of the will and +purpose of the German people themselves as the other peoples of the +world would be justified in accepting. Without such guarantees, +treaties of settlement, agreements for disarmament, covenants to set up +arbitration in the place of force, territorial adjustments, +reconstitutions of small nations, if made with the German Government, +no man, no nation could now depend on. We must await some new evidence +of the purposes of the great peoples of the Central Powers. God grant +it may be given soon and in a way to restore the confidence of all +peoples everywhere in the faith of nations and the possibility of +covenanted peace." + +Early in November, 1917, the Kerensky Government was overthrown in +Russia and the Bolsheviki came into power. They at once proposed a +general armistice and called upon all the belligerents to enter into +peace negotiations. The Central Powers accepted the invitation, and +early in December negotiations began at Brest-Litovsk. The Russian +peace proposals were: the evacuation of occupied territories, +self-determination for nationalities not hitherto independent, no war +indemnities or economic boycotts, and the settlement of colonial +questions in accordance with the above principles. The Austrian +minister, Count Czernin, replied for the Central Powers, accepting more +of the Russian program than had been expected, but rejecting the +principle of a free plebiscite for national groups not hitherto +independent, and conditioning the whole on the acceptance by the Allies +of the offer of general peace. The conference called on the Allies for +an answer by January 4. No direct reply was made to this demand, but +the Russian proposals had made a profound impression on the laboring +classes in all countries, and both Lloyd George and President Wilson +felt called on to define more clearly the war aims of the Allies. + +In a speech delivered January 5, 1918, Lloyd George made the first +comprehensive and authoritative statement of British war aims. He had +consulted the labor leaders and Viscount Grey and Mr. Asquith, as well +as some of the representatives of the overseas dominions, and he was +speaking, he said, for "the nation and the Empire as a whole." He +explained first what the British were not fighting for. He disclaimed +any idea of overthrowing the German Government, although he considered +military autocracy "a dangerous anachronism"; they were not fighting to +destroy Austria-Hungary, but genuine self-government must be granted to +"those Austro-Hungarian nationalities who have long desired it"; they +were not fighting "to deprive Turkey of its capital or of the rich and +renowned lands of Thrace, which are predominantly Turkish in race," but +the passage between the Mediterranean and the Black Sea must be +"internationalized and neutralized." The positive statement of aims +included the complete restoration of Belgium, the return of +Alsace-Lorraine to France, rectification of the Italian boundary, the +independence of Poland, the restoration of Serbia, Montenegro, and the +occupied parts of France, Italy, and Rumania, and a disposition of the +German colonies with "primary regard to the wishes and interests of the +native inhabitants of such colonies." He insisted on reparation for +injuries done in violation of international law, but disclaimed a +demand for war indemnity. In conclusion he declared the following +conditions to be essential to a lasting peace: "First, the sanctity of +treaties must be reestablished; secondly, a territorial settlement must +be secured, based on the right of self-determination or the consent of +the governed; and lastly, we must seek, by the creation of some +international organization, to limit the burden of armaments and +diminish the probability of war." + +On January 8, 1918, three days after Lloyd George's speech, President +Wilson appeared before both Houses of Congress and delivered the most +important of all his addresses on war aims. It contained the famous +Fourteen Points: + +I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall +be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy +shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. + +II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial +waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in +whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of +international covenants. + +III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the +establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations +consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. + +IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be +reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. + +V. A free, open-minded and absolutely impartial adjustment of all +colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that +in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the +populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims +of the Government whose title is to be determined. + +VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of +all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest +cooeperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an +unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent +determination of her own political development and national policy and +assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under +institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance +also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The +treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations will be the acid test +of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as +distinguished from their own interests and of their intelligent and +unselfish sympathy. + +VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and +restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys +in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve +as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws +which they have themselves set and determined for the government of +their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole +structure and validity of international law is forever impaired. + +VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions +restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter +of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for +nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once +more be made secure in the interest of all. + +IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along +clearly recognizable lines of nationality. + +X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we +wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest +opportunity of autonomous development. + +XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated: occupied +territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the +sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another +determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of +allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the +political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the +several Balkan states should be entered into. + +XII. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be +assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now +under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and +an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the +Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships +and commerce of all nations under international guarantees. + +XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should +include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, +which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose +political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be +guaranteed by international covenant. + +XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific +covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political +independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike. + + +In February negotiations at Brest-Litovsk were broken off as a result +of the excessive demands of the Germans and the armistice was declared +at an end. The Germans quickly overran Poland and the Baltic provinces +and occupied Ukraine under a treaty which virtually placed the material +resources of that country at the disposal of the Central Powers. In an +address at Baltimore, April 6, the anniversary of our entrance into the +war, President Wilson denounced the insincerity and perfidy of the +German rulers, who, he said, were "enjoying in Russia a cheap triumph +in which no brave or gallant nation can long take pride." He concluded +with these strong words: "Germany has once more said that force, and +force alone, shall decide whether justice and peace shall reign in the +affairs of men, whether right as America conceives it or dominion as +she conceives it shall determine the destinies of mankind. There is, +therefore, but one response possible from us: Force, force to the +utmost, force without stint or limit, the righteous and triumphant +force which shall make right the law of the world and cast every +selfish dominion down in the dust." + +Between the addresses of January 8 and the Armistice, the President +delivered other addresses in which he elaborated some of the principles +of the Fourteen Points. Of special significance were his speeches of +February 11, July 4, and September 27. In the last his mind centered +on the League of Nations. "There can be no leagues or alliances or +special covenants and understandings within the general and common +family of the League of Nations," he declared, and "there can be no +special selfish economic combinations within the League, and no +employment of any form of economic boycott or exclusion, except as the +power of economic penalty, by exclusion from the markets of the world, +may be vested in the League of Nations itself as a means of discipline +and control." In conclusion he said that the United States was +prepared "to assume its full share of responsibility for the +maintenance of the common covenants and understandings upon which peace +must henceforth rest." + +We now know from the published memoirs of German and Austrian statesmen +that President Wilson's speeches made a profound impression on the +peoples of Central Europe. His utterances in behalf of the oppressed +nationalities, not only Belgium, Serbia, and Poland, but also the +Czecho-Slovaks and the Jugo-Slavs, became stronger and more frequent +during the spring and summer of 1918, and solidified the opposition to +Germany at a critical period of the war. On September 3 he recognized +the Czecho-Slovak National Council as a belligerent government. This +meant the break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which had not been +contemplated at an earlier period, but, as he stated in his reply to +the Austrian request for an armistice in October, conditions had +changed since the announcement of the Fourteen Points, and these +peoples would no longer be satisfied with mere autonomy. + +As a result of the Russian collapse and the negotiations at +Brest-Litovsk, the Germans withdrew their divisions from the eastern +front and staked everything on the great western drive of March, 1918. +When this movement was finally checked and the Allied advance began, +the German military leaders knew that the game was up, but they did not +have the courage to face the facts, for an acknowledgment of defeat +meant the overthrow of the old system of government based on military +success. They waited in vain for some military advantage which would +give them an opportunity to open negotiations without openly +acknowledging defeat. Finally the state of demoralization at +Headquarters became so complete that there was no alternative but to +ask for an immediate armistice. In order to pave the way for this +step, the ministry resigned October 1, and Prince Max of Baden was +called on to form a new government. On the 4th he dispatched a note to +President Wilson through the Swiss Government, requesting him to call a +peace conference and stating that the German Government "accepts the +program set forth by the President of the United States in his message +to Congress of the 8th January, 1918, and in his later pronouncements, +especially his speech of the 27th September, as a basis for peace +negotiations." + +In reply the President asked for a clearer understanding on three +points: (1) Did the Imperial Chancellor mean that the German Government +accepted the terms laid down in the President's addresses referred to, +and "that its object in entering into discussion would be only to agree +upon the practical details of their application?" (2) The President +would not feel at liberty to propose a cessation of arms to the Allied +Governments so long as the armies of the Central Powers were upon their +soil. (3) The President asked whether the Chancellor was speaking for +the constituted authorities of the Empire who had so far conducted the +war. + +The German reply of October 12 was satisfactory on the first point. +With respect to the withdrawal of their troops from occupied territory +they proposed a mixed commission to arrange the details. On the third +point it was stated that the new government had been formed in +agreement with the great majority of the Reichstag. Having +accomplished this much, the President's next step was skilfully taken. +He replied that the process of evacuation and the conditions of an +armistice were matters which must be left to the judgment of the +military advisers of the United States and the Allied Governments, but +that he would not agree to any arrangement which did not provide +"absolutely satisfactory safeguards and guarantees of the maintenance +of the present military supremacy of the armies of the United States +and of the Allies in the field." Referring next to submarine warfare, +he declared that the United States and the Allied Governments could not +consider an armistice "so long as the armed forces of Germany continue +the illegal and inhumane practices which they persist in." In +conclusion he referred to a clause contained in his speech of July 4, +now accepted by the German Government as one of the conditions of +peace, namely, "The destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere that +can separately, secretly, and of its single choice disturb the peace of +the world." He added: "The power which has hitherto controlled the +German nation is of the sort here described. It is within the choice +of the German nation to alter it." He demanded that the United States +and the Allied Governments "should know beyond a peradventure" with +whom they were dealing. + +In reply the Chancellor assured the President that a bill had been +introduced in the Reichstag to alter the constitution of the Empire so +as to give the representatives of the people the right to decide for +war or peace, but the President was not satisfied that there had been +any real change. "It may be that future wars have been brought under +the control of the German people, but the present war has not been; and +it is with the present war that we are dealing." He was not willing to +accept any armistice which did not make a renewal of hostilities on the +part of Germany impossible. If, he concluded, the United States "must +deal with the military masters and the monarchical autocrats of Germany +now, or if it is likely to have to deal with them later in regard to +the international obligations of the German Empire, it must demand not +peace negotiations but surrender. Nothing can be gained by leaving +this essential thing unsaid." This note was written October 23. Four +days later the Chancellor replied: "The President knows the deep-rooted +changes which have taken place and are still taking place in German +constitutional life. The peace negotiations will be conducted by a +People's Government, in whose hands the decisive legal power rests in +accordance with the Constitution, and to which the Military Power will +also be subject. The German Government now awaits the proposals for an +armistice which will introduce a peace of justice such as the President +in his manifestations has described." + +The terms of the Armistice were drawn up by the Interallied Council at +Versailles and completed by November 5. They were much more severe +than the public had expected them to be. Germany was required +immediately to evacuate Belgium, France, Alsace-Lorraine, and +Luxemburg; to withdraw her armies from the entire territory on the left +bank of the Rhine, and from Russia, Austria-Hungary, Rumania, and +Turkey; she was to surrender enormous quantities of heavy artillery and +airplanes, all her submarines, and most of her battleships, cruisers, +and destroyers. This was practically unconditional surrender. +Contrary to the general belief at the time, it is now known that Foch +and Haig considered these terms too severe and feared that Germany +would not accept them. They wanted an armistice that Germany would +accept. General Bliss, on the other hand, wanted to demand "the +complete disarmament and demobilization of the military and naval +forces of the enemy." In America there was much criticism of the +President for being willing to negotiate with Germany at all. "On to +Berlin" was a popular cry, and it was thought that the President was +preventing a complete military triumph. On October 10 Senator Lodge +declared in the Senate: "The Republican party stands for unconditional +surrender and complete victory, just as Grant stood. My own belief is +that the American people mean to have an unconditional surrender. They +mean to have a dictated, not a negotiated peace." + +After reviewing the Armistice negotiations Andre Tardieu, a member of +the French Cabinet and delegate to the Peace Conference, says: + +"What remains of the fiction, believed by so many, of an armistice +secretly determined upon by an American dictator; submitted to by the +European governments: imposed by their weakness upon the victorious +armies, despite the opposition of the generals? The Armistice was +discussed in the open light of day. President Wilson only consented to +communicate it to his associates on the triple condition that its +principle be approved by the military authorities and its clauses would +be drawn up by them; that it be imposed upon the enemy and not +discussed with him; that it be such as to prevent all resumption of +hostilities and assure the submission of the vanquished to the terms of +peace. So it was that the discussion went on with Berlin till October +23, and in Paris from that date till November 5. It was to the +Commander-in-Chief [Foch] that final decision was left not only on the +principle of the Armistice but upon its application. He it was who +drew up the text. And it was his draft that was adopted. The action +of the governments was limited to endorsing it and making it more +severe. That is the truth:--it is perhaps less picturesque but +certainly more in accord with common sense." + +The terms of the Armistice were delivered to the Germans by Marshal +Foch November 7, and they were given seventy-two hours to accept or +reject them. Meanwhile Germany's allies were rapidly deserting her. +Bulgaria surrendered September 30, and on October 30 Turkey signed an +armistice. Finally on November 4, the rapidly disintegrating +Austro-Hungarian Monarchy also signed an armistice. On October 28 +there had been a naval mutiny at Kiel which spread rapidly to the other +ports. On the 31st the Emperor departed for Army Headquarters, leaving +Berlin on the verge of revolution. On the 7th of November the Social +Democrats demanded the abdication of the Emperor and the Crown Prince. +On the 9th Prince Max resigned the Chancellorship, and the Kaiser +abdicated and ignominiously fled across the border into Holland. On +the 11th at 5 A. M. the Armistice was signed by the German delegates +and Marshal Foch, and it went into effect at 11 o'clock that day. + +In two particulars the Wilson principles had been modified by the +Allies. In the American note to Germany of November 5 Secretary +Lansing stated that the President had submitted his correspondence with +the German authorities to the Allied Governments and that he had +received in reply the following memorandum: + +"The Allied Governments have given careful consideration to the +correspondence which has passed between the President of the United +States and the German Government. Subject to the qualifications which +follow, they declare their willingness to make peace with the +Government of Germany on the terms of peace laid down in the +President's Address to Congress of January 8, 1918, and the principles +of settlement enunciated in his subsequent Addresses. They must point +out, however, that Clause 2, relating to what is usually described as +the freedom of the seas, is open to various interpretations, some of +which they could not accept. They must therefore reserve to themselves +complete freedom on this subject when they enter the Peace Conference. +Further, in the conditions of peace laid down in his Address to +Congress of January 8, 1918, the President declared that the invaded +territories must be restored as well as evacuated and freed, and the +Allied Governments feel that no doubt ought to be allowed to exist as +to what this provision implies. By it they understand that +compensation will be made by Germany for all damage done to the +civilian population of the Allies and their property by the aggression +of Germany by land, by sea, and from the air." In transmitting this +memorandum Secretary Lansing stated that he was instructed by the +President to say that he agreed with this interpretation. + +With these modifications the Wilson principles were accepted by all +parties as the legal basis of the peace negotiations. + + + + +XI + +THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES + +It was agreed that the Peace Conference should meet at Paris, and +President Wilson considered the issues involved of such magnitude that +he decided to head the American delegation himself. Great Britain, +France, and Italy were to be represented by their premiers, and it was +fitting that the United States should be represented by its most +responsible leader, who, furthermore, had been the chief spokesman of +the Allies and had formulated the principles upon which the peace was +to be made. But the decision of the President to go to Paris was +without precedent in our history and, therefore, it met with criticism +and opposition. When he announced the names of the other members of +the delegation, the criticism became even more outspoken and severe. +They were Secretary of State Lansing, Henry White, former ambassador to +France, Colonel Edward M. House, and General Tasker H. Bliss. There +had been a widespread demand for a non-partisan peace commission, and +many people thought that the President should have taken Root, or +Roosevelt, or Taft. Mr. White was a Republican but he had never been +active in party affairs or in any sense a leader. In the Senate there +was deep resentment that the President had not selected any members of +that body to accompany him. President McKinley had appointed three +senators as members of the commission of five that negotiated the +treaty of peace at the close of the Spanish War. With that exception, +senators had never taken part directly in the negotiation of a treaty. +The delegation was attended by a large group of experts on military, +economic, geographical, ethnological, and legal matters, some of whom +were men of great ability, and in their selection no party lines were +drawn. + +But just before the signing of the Armistice, the President had +suffered a serious political defeat at home. There had been severe +criticism of Democratic leadership in Congress and growing +dissatisfaction with some of the members of the Cabinet. In response +to the appeals of Democratic Congressmen, the President issued a +statement from the White House on October 25, asking the people, if +they approved of his leadership and wished him to continue to be their +"unembarrassed spokesman in affairs at home and abroad," to vote for +the Democratic candidates for Congress. He acknowledged that the +Republicans in Congress had loyally supported his war measures, but he +declared that they were hostile to the administration and that the time +was too critical for divided leadership. This statement created a +storm of criticism, and did more than any other act in his +administration to turn the tide of public opinion against the +President. The elections resulted in a Republican majority of +thirty-nine in the House and two in the Senate. The President had +followed the practice of European premiers in appealing to the people, +but under our constitutional system he could not very well resign. Had +he not issued his appeal, the election would have been regarded as a +repudiation of the Democratic Congress, but not necessarily as a +repudiation of the President. The situation was most unfortunate, but +the President made no comments and soon after announced his intention +of going to Paris. In December Lloyd George went to the country, and +on pledging himself to make Germany pay for the war and to hang the +Kaiser, he was returned by a substantial majority. These pledges were +unnecessary and had a most unfortunate influence on the subsequent +negotiations at Paris. + +The President sailed for France December 4, leaving a divided country +behind him. His enemies promptly seized the opportunity to assail him. +Senator Sherman introduced a resolution declaring the presidency vacant +because the President had left the territory of the United States, and +Senator Knox offered another resolution declaring that the Conference +should confine itself solely to the restoration of peace, and that the +proposed league of nations should be reserved for consideration at some +future time. + +While his enemies in the Senate were busily organizing all the forces +of opposition against him, the President was welcomed by the war-weary +peoples of Europe with demonstrations of genuine enthusiasm such as had +been the lot of few men in history to receive. Sovereigns and heads of +States bestowed the highest honors upon him, while great crowds of +working men gathered at the railroad stations in order to get a glimpse +of the man who had led the crusade for a peace that would end war and +establish justice as the rule of conduct between the nations of the +world, great and small nations alike. + +No mortal man could have fulfilled the hopes and expectations that +centered in Wilson when he landed on the shores of France in December, +1918. The Armistice had been signed on the basis of his ideals, and +the peoples of Europe confidently expected to see those ideals embodied +in the treaty of peace. He still held the moral leadership of the +world, but the war was over, the German menace ended, and national +rivalries and jealousies were beginning to reappear, even among those +nations who had so recently fought and bled side by side. This change +was to be revealed when the Conference met. There was no sign of it in +the plaudits of the multitudes who welcomed the President in France, in +England, and in Italy. He returned on January 7, 1919, from Italy to +Paris, where delegates to the Conference from all the countries which +had been at war with Germany were gathering. + +The first session of the Peace Conference was held January 18. The +main work of the Conference was carried on by the Supreme Council, +constituted at this meeting and composed of the two ranking delegates +of each of the five great powers, Great Britain, France, Italy, the +United States, and Japan. The decisions which this Council arrived at, +with the aid of the large groups of technical advisers which +accompanied the delegations of the great powers, were reported to the +Conference in plenary session from time to time and ratified. The +Supreme Council was, however, gradually superseded by the "Big Four," +Wilson, Lloyd George, Clemenceau, and Orlando, while the "Five," +composed of ministers of foreign affairs, handled much of the routine +business, and made some important decisions, subject to the approval of +the "Four." According to statistics compiled by Tardieu, the Council +of Ten held seventy-two sessions, the "Five" held thirty-nine, and the +"Four" held one hundred and forty-five. As one of the American experts +puts it: "The 'Ten' fell into the background, the 'Five' never emerged +from obscurity, the 'Four' ruled the Conference in the culminating +period when its decisions took shape." + +At the plenary session of January 25, President Wilson made a notable +speech in which he proposed the creation of a league of nations, and a +resolution to organize such a league and make it an integral part of +the general treaty was unanimously adopted. A commission to draft a +constitution for the League was appointed with President Wilson as +chairman. On February 14 the first draft of the Covenant of the League +was presented by him to the Conference, and on the following day he +sailed for the United States in order to consider the bills passed by +Congress before the expiration of the session on March 4. The first +draft of the Covenant was hastily prepared, and it went back to the +commission for revision. As soon as the text was made known in the +United States, opposition to the Covenant was expressed in the Senate. +During the President's brief visit to Washington, he gave a dinner at +the White House to members of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations +and of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs for the purpose of +explaining to them the terms of the Covenant. There was no official +report of what occurred at this dinner, but it was stated that some of +the senators objected to the Covenant on the ground that it was +contrary to our traditional policies and inconsistent with our +Constitution and form of government. On March 4, the day before the +President left New York to resume his duties at the Conference, +Senators Lodge and Knox issued a round robin, signed by thirty-seven +senators, declaring that they would not vote for the Covenant in the +form proposed, and that consideration of the League of Nations should +be postponed until peace had been concluded with Germany. That same +night the President made a speech at the Metropolitan Opera House in +New York City in which, after explaining and defining the Covenant, he +said: "When that treaty comes back gentlemen on this side will find the +Covenant not only in it, but so many threads of the treaty tied to the +Covenant that you cannot dissect the Covenant from the treaty without +destroying the whole vital structure." In this same address he also +said: "The first thing I am going to tell the people on the other side +of the water is that an overwhelming majority of the American people is +in favour of the League of Nations. I know that this is true. I have +had unmistakable intimations of it from all parts of the country, and +the voice rings true in every case." The President was evidently quite +confident that public sentiment would compel the Senate to ratify the +peace treaty, including the Covenant of the League. A nation-wide +propaganda was being carried on by the League to Enforce Peace and +other organizations, and public sentiment for the League appeared to be +overwhelming. The President took back to Paris with him various +suggestions of changes in the Covenant, and later ex-President Taft, +Elihu Root, and Charles E. Hughes proposed amendments which were +forwarded to him and carefully considered by the commission. Some of +these suggestions, such as the reservation of the Monroe Doctrine and +the right of withdrawal from the League, were embodied in the final +draft. + +When the President returned to Paris he found that Secretary Lansing +and Colonel House had consented to the separation of the League from +the treaty of peace. He immediately reversed this decision, but the +final adoption of the Covenant was delayed by the demand of Japan that +a clause be inserted establishing "the principle of equality of nations +and just treatment of their nationals," which would have brought within +the jurisdiction of the League the status of Japan's subjects in +California and in the British dominions. France urged the inclusion of +a provision creating a permanent General Staff to direct the military +operations of the League, and Belgium insisted that Brussels rather +than Geneva should be the seat of the League. Meanwhile other national +aspirations were also brought forward which delayed the general treaty +of peace. France wanted the entire left bank of the Rhine; Italy put +forth a claim to Fiume; and Japan, relying on secret agreements with +England, France, and Italy, insisted on her claims to Shantung. No +economic settlement had as yet been agreed upon, and the question of +reparations was threatening the disruption of the Conference. + +The most difficult problem that the Conference had to solve was the +establishment of a new Franco-German frontier. There was no question +about Alsace-Lorraine. That had been disposed of by the Fourteen +Points, and Germany had acquiesced in its return to France in the +pre-Armistice agreement. But no sooner was the Armistice signed than +Foch addressed a note to Clemenceau, setting forth the necessity of +making the Rhine the western frontier of Germany. The Left Bank, +extending from Alsace-Lorraine to the Dutch frontier, embraced about +10,000 square miles and 5,500,000 people. The debate on this question +continued at intervals for six months and at times became very +acrimonious. The French representatives did not demand the direct +annexation of the Left Bank, but they proposed an independent or +autonomous Rhineland and French, or inter-Allied, occupation of the +Rhine for an indefinite period, or at least until the full execution by +Germany of the financial clauses of the treaty. Both the British and +American delegates opposed the French proposals. Lloyd George +repeatedly said: "We must not create another Alsace-Lorraine." He also +remarked on one occasion: "The strongest impression made upon me by my +first visit to Paris was the statue of Strasburg veiled in mourning. +Do not let us make it possible for Germany to erect a similar statue." + +This discussion was being carried on with great earnestness and +intensity of feeling when Wilson returned to Paris March 14. That very +afternoon he met Lloyd George and Clemenceau. The French argument was +set forth again at length and with great skill. The fact was again +pointed out that the destruction of the German fleet had relieved +England from all fear of German invasion, and that the Atlantic Ocean +lay between Germany and the United States, while France, which had +suffered two German invasions in half a century, had no safeguard but +the League of Nations, which she did not deem as good a guarantee as +the Rhine bridges. Finally Wilson and Lloyd George offered the +guarantee treaties, and Clemenceau agreed to take the proposal under +consideration. Three days later he came back with a counter +proposition and a compromise was reached. France gave up her demand +for a separate Rhineland, but secured occupation of the Left Bank, +including the bridge-heads, for a period of fifteen years as a +guarantee of the execution of the treaty. In return the United States +and Great Britain pledged themselves to come to the immediate aid of +France, in case of an unprovoked attack, by an agreement which was to +be binding only if ratified by both countries. This treaty the United +States Senate refused to ratify. Foch was opposed to this compromise, +and adopted a course of action which was very embarrassing to +Clemenceau. Fierce attacks on the French Government and on the +representatives of Great Britain and the United States, inspired by +him, appeared in the papers. When the treaty was finally completed, he +even went so far as to refuse to transmit the note summoning the German +delegates to Versailles to receive it. Wilson and Lloyd George finally +protested so vigorously to Clemenceau that Foch had to give way. + +In view of the promises of Clemenceau and Lloyd George that Germany +should pay the cost of the war, the question of reparations was an +exceedingly difficult one to adjust. President Wilson stoutly opposed +the inclusion of war costs as contrary to the pre-Armistice agreement, +and Lloyd George and Clemenceau finally had to give in. The entire +American delegation and their corps of experts endeavored to limit the +charges imposed on Germany rigidly to reparation for damage done to +civilians in the occupied areas and on land and sea. Lloyd George, +remembering the promises which he had made prior to the December +elections, insisted that pensions paid by the Allied governments should +be included as damage done to the civilian population. This claim was +utterly illogical, for pensions fall properly into the category of +military expenses, but it was pressed with such skill and determination +by Lloyd George and General Smuts that President Wilson finally gave +his assent. + +From the first the American delegates and experts were in favor of +fixing definitely the amount that Germany was to pay in the way of +reparations and settling this question once for all. They hoped to +agree upon a sum which it was within Germany's power to pay. But +Clemenceau and Lloyd George had made such extravagant promises to their +people that they were afraid to announce at this time a sum which would +necessarily be much less than the people expected. They, therefore, +insisted that the question should be left open to be determined later +by a Reparations Commission. They declared that any other course would +mean the immediate overthrow of their governments and the +reorganization of the British and French delegations. President Wilson +did not care to put himself in the position of appearing to precipitate +a political crisis in either country, so he finally gave way on this +point also. These concessions proved to be the most serious mistakes +that he made at Paris, for they did more than anything else to +undermine the faith of liberals everywhere in him. + +The Italian delegation advanced a claim to Fiume which was inconsistent +both with the Treaty of London and the Fourteen Points. When +disagreement over this question had been delaying for weeks the +settlement of other matters, President Wilson finally made a public +statement of his position which was virtually an appeal to the Italian +people over the heads of their delegation. The entire delegation +withdrew from the Conference and went home, but Premier Orlando +received an almost unanimous vote of confidence from his parliament, +and he was supported by an overwhelming tide of public sentiment +throughout Italy. This was the first indication of Wilson's loss of +prestige with the peoples of Europe. + +As already stated, the Japanese had insisted on the insertion in the +Covenant of the League of the principle of racial equality. It is very +doubtful whether they ever expected to succeed in this. The +probability is that they advanced this principle in order to compel +concessions on other points. Japan's main demand was that the German +leases and concessions in the Chinese province of Shantung should be +definitely confirmed to her by the treaty. Two weeks after the +outbreak of the World War, Japan had addressed an ultimatum to Germany +to the effect that she immediately withdraw all German vessels from +Chinese and Japanese waters and deliver not later than September 15 "to +the Imperial Japanese authorities without condition or compensation the +entire leased territory of Kiao-chau with a view to the eventual +restoration of the same to China." In a statement issued to the press +Count Okuma said: + +"As Premier of Japan, I have stated and I now again state to the people +of America and all the world that Japan has no ulterior motive or +desire to secure more territory, no thought of depriving China or any +other peoples of anything which they now possess." + +The Germans had spent about $100,000,000 in improving Tsing-tau, the +principal city of Kiao-chau, and they had no intention of surrendering. +After a siege of two months the city was captured by the Japanese army +and navy, assisted by a small force of British troops. This was the +first act in the drama. On January 8, 1915, Japan suddenly presented +to the Chinese government the now famous Twenty-one Demands, +deliberately misrepresenting to the United States and other powers the +nature of these demands. Among other things, Japan demanded not only +that China should assent to any agreement in regard to Shantung that +Japan and Germany might reach at the conclusion of the war, but that +she should also grant to her greater rights and concessions in Shantung +than Germany had enjoyed. China was finally forced to agree to these +demands. + +Japan's next step was to acquire from the Allies the assurance that +they would support her claims to Shantung and to the islands in the +Pacific north of the equator on the conclusion of the war. This she +did in secret agreements signed in February and March, 1917, with +England, France, Italy, and Russia. England agreed to support Japan's +claim on condition that Japan would support her claims to the Pacific +islands south of the equator. France signed on condition that Japan +would use her influence on China to break relations with Germany and +place at the disposal of the Allies the German ships interned in +Chinese ports. The Allies were evidently uneasy about Japan, and were +willing to do anything that was necessary to satisfy her. This +uncertainty about Japan may also be the explanation of the +Lansing-Ishii agreement signed November 2, 1917, in which the United +States recognized the "special interests" of Japan in China. + +The secret treaties of the Allies relating to the Japanese claims were +not revealed until the disposition of the German islands in the Pacific +was under discussion at the Peace Conference. When informed by Baron +Makino that the islands north of the equator had been pledged to Japan +by agreements signed two years before, President Wilson inquired +whether there were other secret agreements, and was informed that the +German rights in Shantung had also been promised to Japan. As the +other powers were pledged to support Japan's claims, President Wilson +found himself in a very embarrassing situation, especially as he had +also to oppose Japan's demand that a clause recognizing racial equality +be inserted in the Covenant of the League. This was a moral claim that +Japan urged with great strategic effect. In pushing her claims to +Shantung she ignored all moral considerations and relied entirely upon +her legal status, secured (1) by the secret treaties with the Allies, +(2) by the treaty of 1915 with China, and (3) by right of conquest. +When charged with having coerced China into signing the treaty of 1915, +Japan replied with truth that most of the important treaties with China +had been extorted by force. Japan declared, however, that she had no +intention of holding Shantung permanently, but that she would restore +the province in full sovereignty to China, retaining only the economic +privileges transferred from Germany. In view of this oral promise, +President Wilson finally acquiesced in the recognition of Japan's legal +status in Shantung. + +On May 7 the completed treaty was presented to the German delegates who +had been summoned to Versailles to receive it. When the text was made +public in Berlin there was an indignant outcry against the alleged +injustice of certain provisions which were held to be inconsistent with +the pledges given by President Wilson in the pre-Armistice +negotiations, and the Germans made repeated efforts to draw the Allies +into a general discussion of principles. They were, however, finally +given to understand that they must accept or reject the treaty as it +stood, and on June 28 it was signed in the Hall of Mirrors at +Versailles--the same hall in which William I had been crowned Emperor +of Germany forty-eight years before. + +The next day President Wilson sailed for the United States, and on July +10 personally presented the treaty to the Senate with an earnest appeal +for prompt ratification. The Committee on Foreign Relations, to which +the treaty was referred, proceeded with great deliberation, and on July +31 began a series of public hearings which lasted until September 12. +The Committee called before it Secretary Lansing and several of the +technical advisors to the American delegation, including B. M. Baruch, +economic adviser, Norman H. Davis, financial adviser, and David Hunter +Miller, legal adviser. The Committee also called before it a number of +American citizens who had had no official connection with the +negotiations but who wished to speak in behalf of foreign groups, +including Thomas F. Millard for China, Joseph W. Folk for Egypt, Dudley +Field Malone for India, and a large delegation of Americans of Irish +descent, who opposed the League of Nations on the ground that it would +stand in the way of Ireland's aspiration for independence. The rival +claims of Jugo-Slavs and Italians to Fiume, the demand of Albania for +self-determination, the claims of Greece to Thrace, and arguments for +and against the separation of Austria and Hungary were all presented at +great length to the Committee. On August 19 the President received the +Committee at the White House, and after submitting a written statement +on certain features of the Covenant, he was questioned by members of +the Committee and a general discussion followed. + +Meanwhile, the treaty was being openly debated in the Senate. The +President had been an advocate of publicity in diplomacy as well as in +other things, and the Senate now undertook to use his own weapon +against him by a public attack on the treaty. Although the opposition +to the treaty was started in the Senate by Lodge, Borah, Johnson, +Sherman, Reed, and Poindexter, it was not confined to that body. +Throughout the country there were persons of liberal views who favored +the League of Nations but objected to the severe terms imposed on +Germany, and charged the President with having proved false to the +principles of the Fourteen Points. There were others who did not +object to a severe peace, but who were bound fast by the tradition of +isolation and thought membership in the League of Nations would involve +the sacrifice of national sovereignty. The main object of attack was +Article X, which guaranteed the territorial integrity and political +independence of all the members of the League. President Wilson stated +to the Senate Committee that he regarded Article X as "the very +backbone of the whole Covenant," and that "without it the League would +be hardly more than an influential debating society." The opponents of +the League declared that this article would embroil the United States +in the internal affairs of Europe, and that it deprived Congress of its +constitutional right to declare war. + +In the Senate there were three groups: the small number of +"irreconcilables" who opposed the ratification of the treaty in any +form; a larger group who favored ratification without amendments, but +who finally expressed their willingness to accept "interpretative +reservations"; and a large group composed mainly of Republicans who +favored the ratification of the treaty only on condition that there +should be attached to it reservations safeguarding what they declared +to be the fundamental rights and interests of the United States. This +group differed among themselves as to the character of the reservations +that were necessary, and some of them became known as "mild +reservationists." + +It is probable that at the outset only the small group of +"irreconcilables" hoped or intended to bring about the defeat of the +treaty, but as the debate proceeded and the opposition to the treaty +received more and more popular support, the reservationists determined +to defeat the treaty altogether rather than to accept any compromise. +The Republican leaders were quick to realize that the tide of public +opinion had turned and was now running strongly against the President. +They determined, therefore, to ruin him at all hazards, and thus to +bring about the election of a Republican president. + +When President Wilson realized that the treaty was really in danger of +defeat, he determined to go on an extended tour of the country for the +purpose of explaining the treaty to the people and bringing pressure to +bear on the Senate. Beginning at Columbus, Ohio, on September 4, he +proceeded through the northern tier of states to the Pacific coast, +then visited California and returned through Colorado. He addressed +large audiences who received him with great enthusiasm. He was +"trailed" by Senator Hiram Johnson, who was sent out by the opposition +in the Senate to present the other side. Johnson also attracted large +crowds. On the return trip, while delivering an address at Wichita, +Kansas, September 26, the President showed signs of a nervous breakdown +and returned immediately to Washington. He was able to walk from the +train to his automobile, but a few days later he was partially +paralyzed. The full extent and seriousness of his illness was +carefully concealed from the public. He was confined to the White +House for five months, and had to abandon all efforts in behalf of the +treaty. + +On September 10 the Committee on Foreign Relations reported the treaty +to the Senate with a number of amendments and reservations. The +Committee declared that the League was an alliance, and that it would +"breed wars instead of securing peace." They also declared that the +Covenant demanded "sacrifices of American independence and sovereignty +which would in no way promote the world's peace," and that the +amendments and reservations which they proposed were intended "to guard +American rights and American sovereignty." The following day the +minority members of the Committee submitted a report opposing both +amendments and reservations. A few days later Senator McCumber +presented a third report representing the views of the "mild +reservationists." It objected to the phraseology of the Committee's +reservations as unnecessarily severe and recommended substitute +reservations. The treaty then became the regular order in the Senate +and was read section by section and debated each day for over two +months. The amendments of the text of the treaty were all rejected by +substantial majorities for the reason that their adoption would have +made it necessary to resubmit the treaty not only to the Allies but +also to Germany. The majority of the senators were opposed to such a +course. The Committee, therefore, decided to substitute reservations +for amendments, and Senator Lodge finally submitted, on behalf of the +Committee, fourteen reservations preceded by a preamble, which declared +that the ratification of the treaty was not to take effect or bind the +United States until these reservations had been accepted as a condition +of ratification by at least three of the four principal Allied and +associated powers, namely, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan. + +The first reservation provided that in case of withdrawal from the +League the United States should be the sole judge as to whether its +international obligations under the Covenant had been fulfilled. This +reservation was adopted by a vote of 50 to 35. + +The second reservation declared that the United States assumed no +obligation to preserve the territorial integrity or political +independence of any other country or to interfere in controversies +between nations under the provisions of Article X "or to employ the +military or naval forces of the United States under any article of the +treaty for any purpose, unless in any particular case the Congress, +which, under the Constitution, has the sole power to declare war or +authorize the employment of the military or naval forces of the United +States, shall by act or joint resolution so provide." This reservation +was adopted by a vote of 46 to 33. + +Reservation Number 3, providing that no mandate under the treaty should +be accepted by the United States except by action of Congress, was +adopted by a vote of 52 to 31. + +Number 4, excluding domestic questions from consideration by the +Council or the Assembly of the League, was adopted by a vote of 59 to +26. + +Number 5, declaring the Monroe Doctrine "to be wholly outside the +jurisdiction of said League of Nations and entirely unaffected by any +provision contained in said treaty of peace with Germany," and +reserving to the United States the sole right to interpret the Monroe +Doctrine, was adopted by a vote of 55 to 34. + +Number 6, withholding the assent of the United States from the +provisions of the treaty relating to Shantung and reserving full +liberty of action with respect to any controversy which might arise +under said articles between China and Japan, was adopted by a vote of +53 to 41. + +Number 7, reserving to Congress the right to provide by law for the +appointment of the representatives of the United States in the Assembly +and Council of the League and members of commissions, committees or +courts under the League, and requiring the confirmation of all by the +Senate, was adopted by a vote of 53 to 40. + +Number 8, declaring that the Reparations Commission should not be +understood as having the right to regulate or interfere with exports +from the United States to Germany or from Germany to the United States +without an act or joint resolution of Congress, was adopted by a vote +of 54 to 40. + +Number 9, declaring that the United States should not be under any +obligation to contribute to any of the expenses of the League without +an act of Congress, was adopted by a vote of 56 to 39. + +Number 10, providing that if the United States should at any time adopt +any plan for the limitation of armaments proposed by the Council of the +League, it reserved "the right to increase such armaments without the +consent of the Council whenever the United States is threatened with +invasion or engaged in war," was adopted by a vote of 56 to 39. + +Number 11, reserving the right of the United States to permit the +nationals of a Covenant-breaking State residing within the United +States to continue their commercial, financial, and personal relations +with the nationals of the United States, was adopted by a vote of 53 to +41. + +Number 12, relating to the very complicated question of private debts, +property rights and interests of American citizens, was adopted by a +vote of 52 to 41. + +Number 13, withholding the assent of the United States from the entire +section of the treaty relating to international labor organization +until Congress should decide to participate, was adopted by a vote of +54 to 35. + +Number 14 declared that the United States would not be bound by any +action of the Council or Assembly in which any member of the League and +its self-governing dominions or colonies should cast in the aggregate +more than one vote. This reservation was adopted by a vote of 55 to 38. + +A number of other reservations were offered and rejected. Under the +rules of the Senate, amendments and reservations to a treaty may be +adopted by a majority vote, while a treaty can be ratified only by a +two-thirds vote. A number of senators who were opposed to the treaty +voted for the Lodge reservations in order to insure its defeat. When +the vote on the treaty with the reservations was taken November 19, it +stood 39 for and 55 against. A motion to reconsider the vote was then +adopted, and Senator Hitchcock, the Democratic leader, proposed five +reservations covering the right of withdrawal, domestic questions, the +Monroe Doctrine, the right of Congress to decide on the employment of +the naval and military forces of the United States in any case arising +under Article X, and restrictions on the voting powers of +self-governing colonies or dominions. These reservations were +rejected, the vote being 41 to 50. Another vote was then taken on the +treaty with the Lodge reservations, the result being 41 for and 51 +against. Senator Underwood then offered a resolution to ratify the +treaty without reservations of any kind. The vote on this resolution +was 38 for and 53 against. + +It was now evident that there was little prospect of securing the +ratification of the treaty without compromise. On January 8, 1920, a +letter from the President was read at the Jackson Day dinner in +Washington, in which he refused to accept the decision of the Senate as +final and said: "There can be no reasonable objection to +interpretations accompanying the act of ratification itself. But when +the treaty is acted upon, I must know whether it means that we have +ratified or rejected it. We cannot rewrite this treaty. We must take +it without changes which alter its meaning, or leave it, and then, +after the rest of the world has signed it, we must face the unthinkable +task of making another and separate kind of treaty with Germany." In +conclusion he declared: "If there is any doubt as to what the people of +the country think on this vital matter, the clear and single way out is +to submit it for determination at the next election to the voters of +the nation, to give the next election the form of a great and solemn +referendum, a referendum as to the part the United States is to play in +completing the settlements of the war and in the prevention in the +future of such outrages as Germany attempted to perpetrate." + +During the last week of January a compromise was discussed by an +informal by-partisan committee, and the President wrote a letter saying +he would accept the Hitchcock reservations, but Lodge refused to accept +any compromise. On February 9 the Senate again referred the treaty to +the Committee on Foreign Relations with instructions to report it back +immediately with the reservations previously adopted. After several +weeks of fruitless debate a fifteenth reservation, expressing sympathy +for Ireland, was added to the others, by a vote of 38 to 36. It was as +follows: "In consenting to the ratification of the treaty with Germany +the United States adheres to the principle of self-determination and to +the resolution of sympathy with the aspirations of the Irish people for +a government of their own choice adopted by the Senate June 6, 1919, +and declares that when such government is obtained by Ireland, a +consummation it is hoped is at hand, it should promptly be admitted as +a member of the League of Nations." + +With a few changes in the resolutions previously adopted and an +important change in the preamble, the ratifying resolution was finally +put to the vote March 19, 1920. The result was 49 votes for and 35 +against. On the following day the secretary of the Senate was +instructed by a formal resolution to return the treaty to the President +and to inform him that the Senate had failed to ratify it. + +The treaty thus became the leading issue in the presidential campaign, +but unfortunately it was not the only issue. The election proved to be +a referendum on the Wilson administration as a whole rather than on the +treaty. The Republican candidate, Senator Harding, attacked the Wilson +administration for its arbitrary and unconstitutional methods and +advocated a return to "normalcy." He denounced the Wilson League as an +attempt to set up a super-government, but said he favored an +association of nations and an international court. Governor Cox, the +Democratic candidate, came out strongly for the treaty, particularly +during the latter part of his campaign. The result was an overwhelming +victory for Harding. President Wilson had been too ill to take any +part in the campaign. His administration had been the chief issue, and +the people had, certainly for the time being, repudiated it. He +accepted the result philosophically and refrained from comments, +content, apparently, to leave the part he had played in world affairs +to the verdict of history. In December, 1920, the Nobel Peace Prize +was awarded to him as a foreign recognition of the services he had +rendered to humanity. + + + + +XII + +THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE + +After the rejection of the Treaty of Versailles by the Senate, +President Wilson withdrew as far as possible from participation in +European affairs, and after the election of Harding he let it be known +that he would do nothing to embarrass the incoming administration. The +public had been led to believe that when Harding became President there +would be a complete reversal of our foreign policy all along the line, +but such was not to be the case. The new administration continued +unchanged the Wilson policy toward Mexico and toward Russia, and before +many months had passed was seeking from Congress the authority, +withheld from Wilson, to appoint a member on the Reparations +Commission. On the question of our rights in mandated areas, Secretary +Hughes adopted in whole the arguments which had been advanced by +Secretary Colby in his note to Great Britain of November 20, 1920, in +regard to the oil resources of Mesopotamia. By the San Remo agreement +of April 25, 1920, Great Britain and France had agreed upon a division +of the oil output of Mesopotamia by which France was to be allowed 25 +per cent. and Great Britain 75 per cent. The British Government had +intimated that the United States, having declined to join the League of +Nations, had no voice in the matter. On this point Secretary Colby +took sharp issue in the following statement: "Such powers as the Allied +and Associated nations may enjoy or wield, in the determination of the +governmental status of the mandated areas, accrued to them as a direct +result of the war against the Central Powers. The United States, as a +participant in that conflict and as a contributor to its successful +issue, cannot consider any of the Associated Powers, the smallest not +less than herself, debarred from the discussion of any of its +consequences, or from participation in the rights and privileges +secured under the mandates provided for in the treaties of peace." + +Japan likewise assumed that we had nothing to do with the disposition +of the former German islands in the Pacific. When the Supreme Council +at Paris decided to give Japan a mandate over the islands north of the +equator, President Wilson reserved for future consideration the final +disposition of the island of Yap, which lies between Guam and the +Philippines, and is one of the most important cable stations in the +Pacific. The entire question of cable communications was reserved for +a special conference which met at Washington in the autumn of 1920, but +this conference adjourned about the middle of December without having +reached any final conclusions, and the status of Yap became the subject +of a very sharp correspondence between the American and Japanese +governments. When Hughes became Secretary of State, he restated the +American position in a note of April 2, 1921, as follows: + +"It will not be questioned that the right to dispose of the overseas +possessions of Germany was acquired only through the victory of the +Allied and Associated Powers, and it is also believed that there is no +disposition on the part of the Japanese Government to deny the +participation of the United States in that victory. It would seem to +follow necessarily that the right accruing to the Allied and Associated +Powers through the common victory is shared by the United States and +that there could be no valid or effective disposition of the overseas +possessions of Germany, now under consideration, without the assent of +the United States." + +The discussion between the two governments was still in progress when +the Washington Conference convened, and at the close of the Conference +it was announced that an agreement had been reached which would be +embodied in a treaty. The United States recognized Japan's mandate +over the islands north of the equator on the condition that the United +States should have full cable rights on the island of Yap, and that its +citizens should enjoy certain rights of residence on the island. The +agreement also covered radio telegraphic service. + +During the presidential campaign Harding's position on the League of +Nations had been so equivocal that the public knew not what to expect, +but when Hughes and Hoover were appointed members of the Cabinet, it +was generally expected that the new administration would go into the +League with reservations. This expectation was not to be fulfilled, +however, for the President persistently ignored the existence of the +League, and took no notice of the establishment of the permanent Court +of International Justice provided for in Article 14 of the Covenant. +Meanwhile Elihu Root, who as Secretary of State had instructed our +delegates to the Hague Conference of 1907 to propose the establishment +of such a court, had been invited by the Council of the League to be +one of a commission of distinguished jurists to draft the statute +establishing the court. This service he performed with conspicuous +ability. As another evidence of Europe's unwillingness to leave us +out, when the court was organized John Bassett Moore, America's most +distinguished authority on international law, was elected one of the +judges. + +Meanwhile a technical state of war with Germany existed and American +troops were still on the Rhine. On July 2, 1921, Congress passed a +joint resolution declaring the war at an end, but undertaking to +reserve to the United States "all rights, privileges, indemnities, +reparations or advantages" to which it was entitled under the terms of +the Armistice, or by reason of its participation in the war, or which +had been stipulated for its benefit in the Treaty of Versailles, or to +which it was entitled as one of the Principal Allied and Associated +Powers, or to which it was entitled by virtue of any act or acts of +Congress. On August 25 the United States Government, through its +commissioner to Germany, signed at Berlin a separate treaty of peace +with Germany, reserving in detail the rights referred to in the joint +resolution of Congress. About the same time a similar treaty was +signed with Austria, and the two treaties were ratified by the Senate +of the United States October 18. The proclamation of peace produced no +immediate results of any importance. American troops continued on the +Rhine, and there was no apparent increase in trade, which had been +carried on before the signing of the treaty by special licenses. + +If mankind is capable of learning any lessons from history, the events +leading up to the World War should have exploded the fallacy that the +way to preserve peace is to prepare for war. Competition in armament, +whether on land or sea, inevitably leads to war, and it can lead to +nothing else. And yet, after the terrible lessons of the recent war, +the race for armaments continued with increased momentum. France, +Russia, and Poland maintained huge armies, while the United States and +Japan entered upon the most extensive naval construction programs in +the history of the world. Great Britain, burdened with debt, was +making every effort to keep pace with the United States. + +This naval rivalry between powers which had so lately been united in +the war against Germany, led thoughtful people to consider the probable +outcome and to ask against whom these powers were arming. We had no +quarrel with England, but England was the ally of Japan, and relations +between Japan and the United States in the Pacific and in Eastern Asia +were far from reassuring. The question of the continuance of the +Anglo-Japanese Alliance was discussed at the British Imperial +Conference, which met at London in the early summer of 1921. The +original purpose of this compact was to check the Russian advance in +Manchuria. It was renewed in revised form in 1905 against Germany, and +again renewed in 1911 against Germany for a period of ten years. With +the removal of the German menace, what reasons were there for Great +Britain to continue the alliance? It bore too much the aspect of a +combination against the United States, and was of course the main +reason for the naval program which we had adopted. So long as there +were only three navies of importance in the world and two of them +united in a defensive alliance, it behooved us to safeguard our +position as a sea power. + +One of the main objects of the formation of the League of Nations was +to bring about a limitation of armaments on land and sea, and a +commission was organized under the League to consider this question, +but this commission could not take any steps toward the limitation of +navies so long as a great naval power like the United States refused to +cooeperate with the League of Nations or even to recognize its +existence. As President Harding had promised the American people some +substitute for the League of Nations, he decided, soon after coming +into office, to convene an international conference to consider the +limitation of armament on land and sea. By the time the Conference +convened it was evident that no agreement was possible on the subject +of land armament. It was recognized from the first that the mere +proposal to limit navies would be utterly futile unless effective steps +could be taken to remove some of the causes of international conflict +which make navies necessary. Therefore the formal invitation to the +Conference extended to the governments of Great Britain, France, Italy +and Japan, August 11, 1921, linked the subject of Limitation of +Armament with Pacific and Far Eastern Questions. The European powers +accepted the invitation without much enthusiasm, but Japan's answer was +held back for some time. She was reluctant to have the powers review +the course she had pursued in China and Siberia while they were at war +with Germany. After agreeing to attend the Conference, Japan +endeavored to confine the program to as narrow limits as possible, and +she soon entered into negotiations with China over the Shantung +question with the hope of arriving at a settlement which would prevent +that question from coming before the Conference. Invitations to the +Conference were later sent to the governments of Belgium, the +Netherlands, Portugal, and China. Portugal was interested because of +her settlement at Macao, the oldest European settlement in China. +Holland of course is one of the great colonial powers of the Pacific. +While Belgium has no territorial interests in the Orient, she has for +years been interested in Chinese financial matters. + +The Washington Conference convened in plenary session November 12, +1921, in Memorial Continental Hall. Seats were reserved on the main +floor for press representatives, and the galleries were reserved for +officials and those individuals who were fortunate enough to secure +tickets of admission. The question of open diplomacy which had been +much discussed, was settled at the first session by Secretary Hughes, +who, in his introductory speech, boldly laid the American proposals for +the limitation of navies before the Conference. There were in all +seven plenary sessions, but the subsequent sessions did little more +than confirm agreements that had already been reached in committee. +The real work of the Conference was carried on by committees, and from +the meetings of these committees the public and press representatives +were as a matter of course excluded. There were two principal +committees, one on the Limitation of Armament, and the other on Pacific +and Far Eastern Questions. There were various sub-committees, in the +work of which technical delegates participated. Minutes were kept of +the meetings of the two principal committees, and after each meeting a +communique was prepared for the press. In fact, the demand for +publicity defeated to a large extent its own ends. So much matter was +given to the press that when it was published in full very few people +had time to read it. As a general rule, the less real information +there was to give out, the longer were the communiques. Experienced +correspondents maintained that decisions on delicate questions were +made with as much secrecy in Washington as at Paris. + +The plan of the United States for the limitation of armament presented +by Secretary Hughes at the first session proposed (1) that all programs +for the construction of capital ships, either actual or projected, be +abandoned; (2) that a large number of battleships of older types still +in commission be scrapped; and (3) that the allowance of auxiliary +combatant craft, such as cruisers, destroyers, submarines, and airplane +carriers, be in proportion to the tonnage of capital ships. These +proposals, it was claimed, would leave the powers under consideration +in the same relative positions. Under this plan the United States +would be allowed 500,000 tons of capital ships, Great Britain 500,000 +tons, and Japan 300,000 tons. + +Japan objected to the 5-5-3 ratio proposed by Secretary Hughes, and +urged a 10-10-7 ratio as more in accord with existing strength. The +American proposal included the scrapping of the _Mutsu_, the pride of +the Japanese navy, which had been launched but not quite completed. +The sacrifices voluntarily proposed by the United States for its navy +were much greater than those which England or Japan were called upon to +make, and in this lay the strength of the American position. The +Japanese refused, however, to give up the _Mutsu_, and they were +finally permitted to retain it, but in order to preserve the 5-5-3 +ratio, it was necessary to increase the tonnage allowance of the United +States and Great Britain. In the treaty as finally agreed upon, Japan +was allowed 315,000 tons of capital ships and the United States and +Great Britain each 525,000 tons. + +In his address at the opening session, Secretary Hughes said: "In view +of the extraordinary conditions due to the World War affecting the +existing strength of the navies of France and Italy, it is not thought +to be necessary to discuss at this stage of the proceedings the tonnage +allowance of these nations, but the United States proposes that this +subject be reserved for the later consideration of the Conference." +This somewhat blunt, matter-of-fact way of stating the case gave +unexpected offense to the French delegation. During the next four or +five weeks, while Great Britain, the United States, and Japan were +discussing the case of the _Mutsu_ and the question of fortifications +in the Pacific, the French delegates were cherishing their resentment +at being treated as the representatives of a second-class power. +Hughes's failure to regard the susceptibilities of a great nation like +France undoubtedly had a good deal to do with the upsetting of that +part of the naval program relating to subsidiary craft and submarines. + +When, after the agreement on the 5-5-3 ratio, the question of the +allowance of capital ship tonnage for France and Italy was taken up in +committee, the other powers were wholly unprepared for France's demand +of 350,000 tons of capital ships. According to Hughes's figures based +on existing strength, she was entitled to 175,000 tons. It is not +probable that the French delegates intended to insist on such a large +tonnage. It is more likely that they put forth this proposal in the +committee in order to give the other delegates to understand that +France could not be ignored or dictated to with impunity and in order +to pave the way for their submarine proposal. Unfortunately the French +demands were given to the press through some misunderstanding and +caused an outburst of criticism in the British and American papers. In +the committee the relations between the British and French delegates +became very bitter over the refusal of the latter to abandon the +submarine, or even agree to a moderate proposal as to submarine +tonnage. On December 16 Secretary Hughes cabled an appeal, over the +heads of the French delegation, to Briand, who had returned to Paris. +As a result, the French finally agreed to accept the 1.75 ratio for +capital ships, but refused to place any reasonable limits upon +cruisers, destroyers, submarines, or aircraft. Italy accepted the same +ratio as France. + +Thus an important part of the Hughes program failed. As a result, the +treaty leaves the contracting parties free to direct their energies, if +they so desire, to the comparatively new fields of submarine and aerial +warfare. As is well known, many eminent naval authorities, such as Sir +Percy Scott in England and Admiral Sims in this country, believe that +the capital ship is an obsolete type, and that the warfare of the +future will be carried on by submarines, aircraft, and lighter surface +ships. The unfortunate feature of the situation created by the naval +treaty is, therefore, that those who regard the capital ship as +obsolete will now have an opportunity to bring forward and press their +submarine and aircraft programs. There is no limitation upon the +building of cruisers, provided they do not exceed 10,000 tons +displacement or carry guns with a calibre exceeding eight inches. + +By Article 19 of the naval treaty the United States, Great Britain, and +Japan agreed to maintain the _status quo_ as regards fortifications and +naval bases in the islands of the Pacific with certain exceptions, +notably the Hawaiian Islands, Australia, and New Zealand. This +agreement relieves Japan of all fear of attack from us, and let us hope +that it may prove as beneficent and as enduring as the agreement of +1817 between the United States and Great Britain for disarmament on the +Great Lakes. + +The 5-5-3 ratio puts the navies of Great Britain, the United States, +and Japan, for the present at least, on a strictly defensive basis. +Each navy is strong enough to defend its home territory, but no one of +them will be able to attack the home territory of the others. Of +course it is possible that the development of aircraft and submarines, +together with cruisers and other surface craft, may eventually alter +the situation. Hitherto navies have existed for two purposes: national +defense and the enforcement of foreign policies. The new treaty means +that as long as it lasts the navies of the ratifying powers can be used +for defense only and not for the enforcement of their policies in +distant quarters of the globe. In other words, when disputes arise, +British policies will prevail in the British area, American policies in +the American area, and Japanese policies in the Japanese area. Having +agreed to place ourselves in a position in which we cannot attack +Japan, the only pressure we can bring to bear upon her in China or +elsewhere is moral pressure. Through what was considered by some a +grave strategical error, the naval treaty was completed before any +settlement of the Chinese and Siberian questions had been reached. + +The French insistence on the practically unlimited right to build +submarines caused much hard feeling in England. The British delegates +had proposed the total abolition of submarines, and this proposal had +been ably supported by the arguments of Mr. Balfour and Lord Lee. +Unfortunately the United States delegation stood for the submarine, +proposing merely certain limits upon its use. The five naval powers +finally signed a treaty reaffirming the old rules of international law +in regard to the search and seizure of merchant vessels, and declaring +that "any person in the service of any Power who shall violate any of +those rules, whether or not such person is under orders of a +governmental superior, shall be deemed to have violated the laws of war +and shall be liable to trial and punishment as if for an act of piracy +and may be brought to trial before the civil or military authorities of +any Power within the jurisdiction of which he may be found." By the +same treaty the signatory powers solemnly bound themselves to prohibit +the use in war of poisonous gases. + +The attempt to limit by treaty the use of the submarine and to prohibit +altogether the use of gases appears to many to be utterly futile. +After the experience of the late war, no nation would readily trust the +good faith of another in these matters. Each party to a war would +probably feel justified in being prepared to use the submarine and +poison gases, contrary to law, in case the other party should do so. +We would thus have the same old dispute as in the late war in regard to +floating mines as to which party first resorted to the outlawed +practice. What is the use in solemnly declaring that a submarine shall +not attack a merchant vessel, and that the commander of a submarine who +violates this law shall be treated as a pirate, when the contracting +parties found it utterly impossible to agree among themselves upon a +definition of a merchant vessel? + +But the reader may ask, what is the use in signing any treaty if +nations are so devoid of good faith? The answer is that the vast +majority of treaties are faithfully kept in time of peace, but that +very few treaties are fully observed in time of war. Had these five +powers signed a treaty pledging themselves not to build or maintain +submarines of any kind or description, we would have every reason to +expect them to live up to it. But when a nation is engaged in war and +has a large flotilla of submarines which it has agreed to use only for +certain purposes, there is apt to come a time when the temptation to +use them for wholly different purposes will be overwhelming. + +The Committee on Pacific and Far Eastern Questions held its first +meeting November 16. This committee was primarily concerned with the +very delicate situation created by the aggressive action and expansion +of Japan during the past twenty years. In 1905, by the Treaty of +Portsmouth, Japan succeeded to the Russian rights in southern +Manchuria; in 1910 she annexed Korea; in 1911, during the Chinese +Revolution, she stationed troops at Hankow and later constructed +permanent barracks; in 1914, after the defeat of the Germans at +Kiao-chau, she took over all the German interests in the Shantung +peninsula; in 1915 she presented the Twenty-one Demands to China and +coerced that power into granting most of them; and in 1918, in +conjunction with the United States, Great Britain, and France, she +landed a military force in the Maritime Province of Siberia for the +definite purpose of rescuing the Czecho-Slovak troops who had made +their way to that province and of guarding the military stores at +Vladivostok. The other powers had all withdrawn their contingents, but +Japan had increased her force from one division to more than 70,000 +troops. The eastern coast of Asia was thus in the firm grip of Japan, +and she had secured concessions from China which seriously impaired the +independence of that country. + +It was commonly supposed that the United States delegation had prepared +a program on the Far Eastern question, and that this would be presented +in the same way that Hughes had presented the naval program. If this +was the intention there was a sudden change of plan, for between one +and two o'clock at night the Chinese delegates were aroused from their +slumbers and informed that there would be an opportunity for them to +present China's case before the committee at eleven o'clock that +morning. They at once went to work with their advisers, and a few +minutes before the appointed hour they completed the drafting of the +Ten Points, which Minister Sze read before the committee. These Points +constituted a Chinese declaration of independence, and set forth a +series of general principles to be applied in the determination of +questions relating to China. Several days later the committee adopted +four resolutions, presented by Mr. Root, covering in part some of the +Chinese principles. By these resolutions the powers agreed to respect +the independence and territorial integrity of China, to give China the +fullest opportunity to develop and maintain an effective and stable +government, to recognize the principle of equality for the commerce and +industry of all nations throughout the territory of China, and to +refrain from taking advantage of present conditions in order to seek +special rights or privileges. This somewhat vague and general +declaration of principles appeared to be all that China was likely to +get. Had Mr. Hughes presented a Far Eastern program and gotten nothing +more than this, it would have been a serious blow to the prestige of +the United States. That is probably why he decided at the last moment +to let China present her own case. + +At the fourth plenary session of the Conference the treaty relating to +the Pacific islands, generally known as the Four-Power Treaty, was +presented by Senator Lodge. By the terms of this treaty, the United +States, Great Britain, France, and Japan agreed "to respect their +rights in relation to their insular possessions and insular dominions +in the region of the Pacific Ocean," and in case of any dispute arising +out of any Pacific question to refer the matter to a joint conference +for consideration and adjustment. This article appeared harmless +enough, but Article 2 seemed to lay the foundations of an alliance +between these powers. It was as follows: "If the said rights are +threatened by the aggressive action of any other Power, the High +Contracting Parties shall communicate with one another fully and +frankly in order to arrive at an understanding as to the most efficient +measures to be taken, jointly or separately, to meet the exigencies of +the particular situation." This treaty is to remain in force for ten +years, after which it may be terminated by any of the High Contracting +Parties on twelve months' notice. It supersedes the Anglo-Japanese +Alliance which, it expressly provided, should terminate on the exchange +of ratifications. + +In presenting the treaty, Senator Lodge assured his hearers that "no +military or naval sanction lurks anywhere in the background or under +cover of these plain and direct clauses," and Secretary Hughes in +closing the discussion declared that it would probably not be possible +to find in all history "an international document couched in more +simple or even briefer terms," but he added, "we are again reminded +that the great things are the simple ones." In view of these +statements the members of the Conference and the public generally were +completely flabbergasted some days later when Secretary Hughes and the +President gave out contradictory statements as to whether the treaty +included the Japanese homeland. Hughes stated to the correspondents +that it did, the President said it did not. Whereupon some wag +remarked that at Paris President Wilson did not let the American +delegation know what he did, while at Washington the delegates did not +let President Harding know what they were doing. In deference to the +President's views and to criticisms of the treaty in the Japanese press +a supplementary treaty was later signed expressly declaring that the +term "insular possessions and insular dominions" did not include the +Japanese homeland. + +Meanwhile the Shantung question was being discussed by China and Japan +outside of the Conference, but with representatives of the British and +American governments sitting as observers ready to use their good +offices if called on. The reason for not bringing the question before +the Conference was that Great Britain, France, and Italy were parties +to the Treaty of Versailles, which gave Japan a legal title to the +German leases in Shantung. The restoration of the province to China +was vital to a satisfactory adjustment of Chinese affairs generally. +Japan, however, was in no hurry to reach an agreement with China, +wishing for strategical purposes to keep the matter in suspense to the +last, if not to avoid a settlement until after the adjournment of the +Conference and continue negotiations under more favorable conditions at +Peking or Tokio. + +By Christmas it seemed that the Conference had accomplished about all +that was possible, and that it would adjourn as soon as the agreements +already reached could be put into treaty form and signed. At the end +of the first week in January it looked as if the Chinese and Japanese +had reached a deadlock, and that the Conference would adjourn without a +satisfactory adjustment of any of the Chinese problems. Mr. Balfour +and other important delegates had engaged return passage, and all +indications pointed to an early dissolution of the Conference. But the +unexpected happened. At an informal gathering of Administration +leaders at the White House on Saturday night, January 7, stock was +taken of the work of the Conference, and some of the senators present +expressed the opinion that if it adjourned without doing more for +China, there would be little hope of getting the treaties ratified. As +a result Secretary Hughes persuaded the British and Japanese delegates +to cancel their sailings, and with characteristic energy and +determination took personal charge of the Far Eastern situation, which +up to this time had been left mainly to Mr. Root. After a little +pressure had been brought to bear on the Chinese by President Harding, +and probably on the Japanese by Mr. Balfour, Secretary Hughes was +finally able to announce at the plenary session of February 1 that +China and Japan had reached an agreement as to the terms on which +Shantung was to be restored. At the same session the agreements in +regard to China reached by the Committee on Far Eastern Affairs were +announced. These agreements were finally embodied in two treaties, one +dealing with the tariff and the other with the open door, and a series +of ten resolutions. + +Since the middle of the last century Chinese tariffs have been +regulated by treaties with foreign powers, the customs service +organized and administered by foreigners, and the receipts mortgaged to +meet the interest on foreign loans. China has never been permitted to +levy duties in excess of 5 per cent., and, in fact, as a result of the +methods of valuation the duties have not averaged above 3 1/2 per cent. +This has been an unjust state of affairs, and has deprived the Chinese +Government of what would naturally be one of its main sources of +revenue. By the new agreement there is to be an immediate revision of +tariff valuations so as to make the 5 per cent. effective. China is +also to be allowed to levy a surtax on certain articles, mainly +luxuries, which will yield an additional revenue. It is estimated that +the total annual increase in revenue derived from maritime customs will +be about $150,000,000 silver. It is claimed by some, with a certain +degree of truth, that any increase in Chinese customs duties will be +immediately covered by liens to secure new loans, and that putting +money into the Chinese treasury just now is like pouring it into a rat +hole. As soon as China is able to establish a stable and honest +government, she should, without question, be relieved of all treaty +restrictions on her tariffs. + +The Conference also took certain steps to restore to China other +sovereign rights long impaired by the encroachments of foreign powers. +A commission is to be appointed to investigate the administration of +justice with a view to the ultimate extinction of extraterritorial +rights now enjoyed by foreigners. The powers also agreed to abandon +not later than January 1, 1923, their existing postal agencies in +China, provided an efficient Chinese postal service be maintained. The +system of foreign post offices in China has been the subject of great +abuses, as through these agencies goods of various kinds, including +opium and other drugs, have been smuggled into China. The powers +further made a general promise to aid the Chinese Government in the +unification of railways into a general system under Chinese control. +They also agreed to restore to China all radio stations other than +those regulated by treaty or maintained by foreign governments within +their legation limits. + +In the treaty relating to the open door, the Contracting Powers other +than China pledged themselves to the following principles: + +"(1) To respect the sovereignty, the independence, and the territorial +and administrative integrity of China; + +"(2) To provide the fullest and most unembarrassed opportunity to China +to develop and maintain for herself an effective and stable government; + +"(3) To use their influence for the purpose of effectually establishing +and maintaining the principle of equal opportunity for the commerce and +industry of all nations throughout the territory of China; + +"(4) To refrain from taking advantage of conditions in China in order +to seek special rights or privileges which would abridge the rights of +subjects or citizens of friendly States, and from countenancing action +inimical to the security of such States." + +China on her part accepted fully the principle of the open door, and +pledged herself for the first time to respect it. Pledges to respect +the open door in China have been made by foreign powers upon various +occasions in the past and broken as often as made. The expression +"equal opportunity for the commerce and industry of all nations" is not +new. It occurs in the Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902, in the +Root-Takahira agreement of 1908, and in numerous other documents. In +recent years, however, the United States has been the only power which +has tried to preserve the open door in China. Most of the other powers +have regarded the Chinese situation as hopeless, and have believed that +the only solution was to let foreign powers come in and divide and rule +the territory of the empire. In view of the new treaty the open door +is no longer merely an American policy, but an international policy, +and responsibility for its enforcement rests not on the United States +alone but on all nine parties to the treaty. + +The agenda or program of the Conference offered as one of the subjects +to be considered the status of existing commitments in China. When +Secretary Hughes brought this subject up before the Far Eastern +Committee, Japan entered an emphatic objection to its consideration, +and the matter was dropped immediately without argument. The treaty, +therefore, is not retroactive, for it recognizes the status quo in +Manchuria and to a less extent in other parts of China. The saving +clause of the new agreement is, however, a resolution providing for the +establishment of an international board of reference, to which +questions arising in regard to the open door may be referred. + +Will Japan respect the pledges she has made and live up to the spirit +of her promises? If she does, the Washington Conference will prove to +be a great success. If, on the contrary, Japan does not intend to live +up to her pledges or intends to fulfill them only in part, her position +in Asia has been greatly strengthened. She is more firmly intrenched +in Manchuria than ever. She holds the Maritime Province of Siberia +under a promise to get out, which she has repeatedly made and +repeatedly broken, as was plainly stated by Secretary Hughes before the +full Committee on Far Eastern Affairs, and repeated at a plenary +session of the Conference. His statement was one of the most +remarkable, by reason of its directness and unvarnished truth, in the +history of American diplomacy. After reviewing the correspondence +between the two governments and the reiterated assurances of Japan of +her intention to withdraw from Siberia, assurances which so far had not +been carried out, Mr. Hughes expressed his gratification at the renewal +of these assurances before the Conference in plenary session. Unless +Japan is utterly devoid of moral shame, she will have to make good her +word this time. + +When the treaties drafted by the Conference were submitted by the +President to the Senate, they encountered serious opposition, but were +finally ratified. The Republican leaders, particularly Senator Lodge, +were twitted with charges of inconsistency in advocating certain +features of these treaties when they had violently opposed the League +of Nations. The Four-Power Treaty is much more of an entangling +alliance than the Covenant of the League, and the Naval Treaty deprives +Congress for a period of fifteen years of its constitutional right to +determine the size of the navy and to provide for the defense of Guam +and the Philippines. In fact, there were very few objections raised to +the League of Nations which could not with equal force be applied to +the Four-Power and Naval Treaties. The Four-Power Treaty was the main +object of attack, and Senators Lodge and Underwood were greatly +embarrassed in attempting to explain its meaning. Its "baffling +brevity" demanded explanations, but no satisfactory explanations were +forthcoming. They talked in general terms about the tremendous +importance of the treaty, but they dared not state the real fact that +the treaty was drafted by Mr. Balfour and Baron Kato as the most +convenient method of terminating the Anglo-Japanese Alliance without +making it appear to the Japanese public that their government had +surrendered the alliance without due compensation. According to an +Associated Press Dispatch from Tokio, January 31, 1922, Baron Uchida, +the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, replying to interpolations in +the House of Peers, said: "The Four-Power Treaty was not intended to +abrogate the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, but rather to widen and extend +it." The real _quid pro quo_ for the termination of the Anglo-Japanese +Alliance was the agreement of the United States not to construct naval +bases or new fortifications in Guam and the Philippines, and the clause +terminating the Anglo-Japanese Alliance might just as well have been +attached to the Naval Treaty, but this would not have satisfied +Japanese public opinion. Great Britain and Japan were permitted to +terminate their alliance in any way that they might deem best. After +the Four-Power Treaty was accepted by the American delegates, they +feared that it would look too much as if the United States had merely +been drawn into the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. It was decided, +therefore, at the eleventh hour to give the agreement a more general +character by inviting France to adhere to it. France agreed to sign, +although she resented not having been consulted during the negotiation +of the treaty. + +The achievements of the Conference, although falling far short of the +extravagant claims made by the President and the American delegates, +are undoubtedly of great importance. The actual scrapping of millions +of dollars' worth of ships in commission or in process of construction +gives the world an object lesson such as it has never had before. One +of the most significant results of the Conference was the development +of a complete accord between England and the United States, made +possible by the settlement of the Irish question and furthered by the +tact and gracious bearing of Mr. Balfour. One of the unfortunate +results was the increased isolation of France, due to the failure of +her delegates to grasp the essential elements of the situation and to +play any but a negative role. The success of the Conference was due +largely to Secretary Hughes who, though handicapped at every point by +fear of the Senate and by the unfortunate commitments of President +Harding during the last campaign, may be said on the whole to have +played his hand reasonably well. + +Meanwhile we are still drifting, so far as a general European policy is +concerned. President Harding's idea of holding aloof from "Europe's +league," as he prefers to designate the League of Nations, and of +having a little league of our own in the Pacific, will not work. The +world's problems cannot be segregated in this way. Europe's league +includes all of the principal American nations except the United States +and Mexico, while our Pacific league includes the two leading European +powers. As soon as the American people realize--and there are +indications that they are already waking up to the reality--that the +depression in domestic industry and foreign commerce is due to +conditions in Europe and that prosperity will not return until we take +a hand in the solution of European problems, there will be a general +demand for a constructive policy and America will no longer hesitate to +reassume the leadership which she renounced in the referendum of 1920, +but which the rest of the world is ready to accord to her again. + + + + +INDEX + + +ABC alliance, 162, 165. + +Aberdeen, Lord, opposes annexation of Texas by United States, 108. + +Adams, Charles Francis, 114. + +Adams, Henry, letter from Hay to, 90. + +Adams, John Quincy, opposes joint action with England, 31; accepts +invitation to send delegates to Panama Congress, 154. + +"Alabama Claims," 66, 113, 114. + +Alaskan Boundary Dispute, 122, 124. + +Algeciras Conference, 74; American participation in, 76, 77. + +Alliance, of 1778 with France, 5-8; proposed alliance with England, 13, +26; Holy Alliance, 22, 24; Anglo-Japanese alliance, 92, 120. _See_ +"Entangling Alliances." + +Alverstone, Lord, member of Alaskan boundary commission, 123. + +American Colonisation Society, 59. + +American delegation to Peace Conference, 225. + +American Institute of International Law, 157. + +American Republics, Bureau of, 156. + +American Revolution, significance of, 99. + +Anglo-American ideals, 126, 127. + +Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 92, 120, 265, 279, 288. + +Arbitration, international, 64. _See_ Hague Court, Olney-Pauncefote +Treaty. + +Armistice, negotiations preceding, 213-217. + +Arms and ammunition. _See_ Munitions of war. + +"Aroostook War," 106. + +Austria-Hungary, protests against trade in munitions, 182. + + +Balfour, Arthur James, 274, 288, 289. + +Beer, George L., quoted, 99. + +Belgium, German invasion of, 79; restoration of, demanded, 207. + +Beresford, Lord Charles, advocates open door in China, 86. + +Berlin Conference of 1884, 6l. + +"Big Four," at Peace Conference, 230. + +Bingham, Hiram, on Monroe Doctrine, 131. + +Bismarck, Prince, on Monroe Doctrine, 45; on English control of North +America, 126; forces war on Austria, 47; forces war on France, 48. + +Blaine, James G., efforts to modify Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 115; issues +invitation to International Conference of American States, 155, 156. + +Bliss, Gen. Tasker H., 225. + +Board of Reference, in China, 286. + +Bolivar, Simon, 153. + +Bolsheviki, 203. + +Bonaparte, Napoleon, acquires Louisiana, 12; fails to establish control +over Spain's Colonies, 25. + +Bowen, Herbert, 51. + +Boxer uprising in China, 88 + +Brest-Litovsk, peace negotiations at, 203, 210, 212. + +Brussels Conference on African slave trade, 62. + +Bryan, William Jennings, negotiates treaty with Nicaragua, 135; with +Colombia, 144; refuses to modify neutrality laws at demand of Germany, +182. + +Bryce, Lord, quoted, 125, 126. + +Buelow, Prince von, 75, 91. + + +California, danger of English occupation of, 109. + +Canada, insurrection of 1837, 103. + +Canning, George, British foreign secretary, proposes Anglo-American +alliance, 26; delays recognition of South American republics, 33, 34; +interview with Prince Polignac, 35; boasts of calling new world into +existence, 39; opposes Pan-American movement, 155. + +Caribbean Sea, American supremacy in, 121; advance of United States in, +132; new American policies in, 132, 137, 144. + +_Caroline_, the, 103. + +Carranza, Venustiano, 162, 163. + +Castlereagh, Viscount, 20. + +China, treaties relating to tariff and open door, 282-285. _See_ +Open-door policy. + +Choate, Joseph H., at Second Hague Conference, 68, 69. + +Civil War, foreign policy of United States during, 65; disputes with +England, 112. + +Clay, Henry, opposes joint action with England, 31; instructions to +delegates to Panama Congress, 154. + +Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 44, 111. + +Cleveland, Grover, intervenes in Venezuelan boundary dispute, 48; +withholds Kongo treaty from Senate, 61; Venezuelan policy justified by +events, 115; favours general arbitration treaty with England, 116. + +Cobden, Richard, essay on America, 102. + +Colby, Bainbridge, secretary of state, 259, 260. + +Colombia, aggrieved at seizure of Canal Zone, 142; attempts of United +States to settle controversy, 143, 144. + +Consuls, status of, in European leases in China, 87, 88. + +Continuous voyage, doctrine of, 72, 124, 176, 177. + +Cowdray, Lord, seeks concession from Colombia, 142. + +Cox, James M., candidate for President, 255. + +Crampton, British Minister to United States, dismissal of, 111. + + +Declaration of London, 71-73, 175, 177. + +Declaration of Paris, 64, 65. + +Declaration of Rights and Duties of Nations, adopted by American +Institute of International Law, 158, 159. + +Democracy against autocracy, 198. + +Dewey, Admiral George, on withdrawal of Germany from Venezuela, 51; +demands apology from German admiral in Manila Bay, 119. + +Dickens, Charles, "American Notes," 102. + +Diederichs, German Admiral, 119. + +Diplomacy, secret, 76, 77. + +Dunning, William A., "British Empire and the United States," quoted, +102, 111. + +Durfee, Amos, 103. + + +Egypt, financial administration of, by Great Britain, 134. + +England. _See_ Great Britain. + +"Entangling Alliances," warning of Jefferson against, 12; Wilson's +views on, 187. + +Entente treaty of 1904 between England and France, 74. + +European balance of power, interest of United States in preserving, 76; +disturbed by Japan, 171. + + +Fenian movement, encouraged in United States, 112, 113. + +Ferdinand VII, king of Spain, 20, 25. + +Fish, Hamilton, secretary of state, renews negotiations for settlement +of "Alabama Claims," 113, 114. + +Fiume, and Treaty of London, 195. + +Foch, Ferdinand, 217-219, 236. + +Fonseca Bay, United States acquires naval base on, 135, 136. + +Forsyth, John, secretary of state, 104. + +Fortifications in the Pacific, limitation of, 272. + +Foster, John W., letter from Hay, to, 89. + +Four-power Treaty, 278-280, 287-289. + +Fourteen Points, 205-210, 220, 221. + +France, treaty of alliance with, 5-8; refuses to accept plan for +limitation of navies, 270, 271; isolation of, 289. + + +Gases, use of poisonous, prohibited, 274, 275. + +Genet, Edmond C., minister of the French Republic, 6. + +George, David Lloyd, defines British war aims, 204-205; pre-election +pledges of, 227; opposes French demand for Left Bank of Rhine, 234. + +Germany, intervenes in Venezuela, 50; excluded from South America by +aid of England, 53; designs of, on Philippine Islands, 85; adopts naval +policy, 120; influence of, in America, 126; submarine policy of, 178, +179; attempts of, to justify, 181; protests against munitions trade, +181; organizes propaganda and conspiracy in United States, 184. + +Great Britain, withdraws from European alliance, 22; intervenes in +Mexico, 46; not unfavorable to Monroe Doctrine, 52, 53; forms alliance +with Japan, 92; points of contact with United States, 100; unfriendly +attitude, 101; change of attitude in Spanish War, 118; naval policy of, +120; interference with shipments to Germany resented in United States, +124; size of navy, 127; so-called blockade of Germany, 174-178. _See_ +Anglo-American ideals. + +Great Lakes, disarmament on, 103. + +Guarantee treaties, offered to France, 235. + +Gummere, S. R., delegate to Algeciras Conference, 75. + + +Hague Conference, of 1899, 67; of 1907, 68. + +Hague Conventions, status of, 71. + +Hague Court of Arbitration, 68. + +Haiti, Republic of, United States acquires financial supervision over, +136, 137. + +Hamilton, Alexander, opinion on French treaty of 1778, 6. + +Harding, Warren G., elected president, 255; ignores League of Nations, +262; calls Washington Conference, 266; differs with Hughes as to +meaning of Four-Power Treaty, 279; attitude toward Europe, 290. + +Harris, Townsend, 95. + +Hay, John, secretary of state, protests against persecution of Jews in +Rumania, 78; formulates open-door policy for China, 85; defines status +of consuls in European leases in China, 88; insists on "territorial and +administrative entity" of China, 89; private correspondence on Chinese +situation, 89-91. + +Hay-Pauncefote treaty, 120, 121. + +Henry, of Prussia, Prince, visit of, to United States, 118. + +Hitchcock, Senator G. H., 252. + +Holy Alliance, 22, 24. + +House, Edward M., 225, 233. + +Huerta, Victoriano, 160, 162, 193. + +Hughes, Charles E., suggests changes in Covenant of League, 232; +asserts rights of the United States in mandated areas, 261; proposes +reduction of navies, 267; details of plan, 268, 269; offends the French +delegates, 270; takes personal charge of Far Eastern question, 281; +success of Washington Conference, due to, 290. + + +International Conference of American States, 156. + +International Court of Arbitral Justice, plan for, 70; Permanent Court +of International Justice, 263. + +International Law, attitude of United States toward, 64; attempts to +codify, 68, 72. + +International Law, American Institute of, 157. + +International Prize Court, plan for, adopted by Second Hague +Conference, 68. + +Isolation, policy of, distinct from Monroe Doctrine, 3, 5; policy no +longer possible, 170. + + +Jameson Raid, in the Transvaal, 50. + +Japan, beginning of American intercourse with, 83, 84; forms alliance +with Great Britain, 92; goes to war with Russia, 94; disturbing factor +in world politics, 171; advocates principle of racial equality, 233, +238; demands German leases in Shantung, 239; secures consent of Allies, +240; reluctantly accepts invitation to Washington Conference, 266; +objects to 5-5-3 ratio, 269; expansion of, 276. + +Jefferson, Thomas, opinion on French treaty of 1778, 7; warns against +"entangling alliances," 12; plans alliance with England against France, +12-14; favors joint action with England against Holy Alliance, 28-30; +author of doctrine of recognition, 161. + +Jews, diplomatic protests against harsh treatment of, 78, 79. + +Johnson, Senator Hiram, 246. + +Johnson-Clarendon convention, 113. + + +Knox, Philander C., proposes neutralisation of railways of Manchuria, +95; negotiates treaties with Honduras and Nicaragua, 134, 135; proposes +settlement with Colombia, 143; opposes League of Nations, 228, 231. + +Kongo Free State, treaty establishing, signed by American delegates but +withheld from Senate by President Cleveland, 6l, 62. + +Kruger, Paul, 50. + + +Lansing, Robert, secretary of state, replies to Austro-Hungarian note +on munitions trade, 182, 183; dismisses Austrian Ambassador and German +military and naval attaches, 185; delegate to Peace Conference, 225, +233. + +Lansing-Ishii agreement, 95. + +League of Nations, 188, 196, 205, 209, 211, 230, 244-254. + +League to Enforce Peace, 197, 232. + +Left Bank of Rhine, French demand for, 234. + +Liberia, Republic of, 59 + +Limitation of Armament, commission of League on, 265; Conference on, +266-290. + +Liverpool, Lord, 20. + +Livingston, Robert R., minister to France, 12. + +Lodge, Senator Henry Cabot, on Oregon dispute, 110, 111; denies +existence of secret treaty with England, 120; stands for unconditional +surrender of Germany, 217; issues round robin, 231; presents +reservations to Treaty of Versailles, 248; presents Four-Power Treaty, +278, inconsistency of, 287. + +London Naval Conference, 71. + +_Lusitania_, sinking of, 179. + + +Madero, Francisco, 160. + +Madison, James, favors joint action with England against Holy Alliance, +30. + +Mahan, Alfred T., 99. + +Maine, boundary dispute with New Brunswick, 106. + +Manchuria, Russian encroachments on, 91-93, 95. + +Marcy, William L., secretary of state, views on Declaration of Paris, +65. + +Maximilian, Prince, placed by Louis Napoleon on throne of Mexico, 46. + +Merchant vessels, proposal to arm, 185. + +Mexico, French intervention in, 46; Huerta revolution in, 160; American +policy toward, 160-164. + +Monroe, James, sent to Paris to aid Livingston in negotiations for +purchase of New Orleans and West Florida, 13; consults Jefferson and +Madison on subject of British proposals for joint action against Holy +Alliance, 26-28; message of December 2, 1823, 36-39; emphasizes +separation of European and American politics, 43. + +Monroe Doctrine, compared with policy of isolation, 3; justification +of, 4; formulation of, 19; text of, 36-39; reception of, in Europe, 39; +basis of, 43; sanction of, 45; relation of, to European balance of +power, 46, 52; attitude of England toward, 52; negative side of, 57; +adverse criticism of, 131; not a self-denying declaration, 147; +reservation of, 232, 249. + +Moore, John Bassett, 263. + +Moroccan question. _See_ Algeciras Conference. + +Motley, John L., 113. + +Munitions of war, sale of to belligerents, 181-184. + +McKinley, William, reasons for retaining Philippine Islands, 84, 85. + +McLeod, Alexander, arrest of, 104; acquittal of, 105. + + +Napoleon, Louis, intervenes in Mexico, 46; decides to withdraw, 47, 48. + +Neutral prizes, destruction of, 72, 180. + +Neutrality, Washington's proclamation of 1793, 8; failure of, in +Napoleonic wars, 14, 15; Wilson's proclamation of, 172; nature of, 172, +173; so-called ethical neutrality, 174; abandonment of, 186. + +New Brunswick, boundary dispute with Maine, 106. + +Niagara conference on Mexican question, 162. + + +Olney, Richard, on Monroe Doctrine, 43; conducts correspondence on +Venezuelan boundary dispute, 48; signs general arbitration treaty with +England, 116. + +Olney-Pauncefote treaty, 116, 117. + +Open-door policy in China, Hay's note of September 6, 1890, 85; +Anglo-American origin of, 87; guaranteed by treaty, 284. + +Oregon, joint occupation of, 107. + +O'Shaughnessy, Nelson, 162. + + +Pacific and Far Eastern Questions, Conference on, 266-290. + +Panama Canal, effect of, on naval policy, 132. + +Panama Canal Zone, seizure of, 142. + +Panama Congress of 1826, 153, 154. + +Panama Tolls Act, 121. + +Pan-American Financial Congress, 157. + +Pan-American Scientific Congress, 157. + +Pan-American Union, 156. + +Pan-Americanism, 153-157. + +Pauncefote, Sir Julian, signs general arbitration treaty with United +States, 116; signs Canal treaty, 120. + +Platt Amendment, provisions of, 144, 145. + +Peace Conference of Paris, 225-242. _See_ Hague Conference. + +Perry, Commodore Matthew C. commands expedition to Japan, 83, 84, 95. + +Philippine Islands, McKinley's reasons for retaining, 84, 85. + +Polignac, Prince, interview with Canning on subject of the Spanish +colonies, 35. + +Polk, James K., settles Oregon dispute, 110. + +Portsmouth, treaty of, 94. + +Prize Court. _See_ International Prize Court. + +Prizes, destruction of, 179, 180. + + +Recognition, doctrine of, discussed with reference to Mexican question, +161. + +Reparations, 236, 237. + +Reservations to Treaty of Versailles, 248-251, 254. + +Roosevelt, Theodore, forces Germany to withdraw from Venezuela, 51; +sends delegates to Algeciras Conference, 75; exerts influence to +preserve European balance of power, 76; protests against persecution of +Jews in Rumania and Russia, 78, 79; invites Russia and Japan to peace +conference, 94; incurs ill will of Japan, 95; submits Alaskan boundary +dispute to limited arbitration, 123; establishes financial supervision +over Dominican Republic, 133, 138; Big-Stick policy, 139; extension of +Monroe Doctrine, 140; seizure of Canal Zone, 142. + +Root, Elihu, proposes international court of justice, 69; author of +Platt Amendment, 146; visits South America, 156; suggests changes in +Covenant of League, 232; member of commission to draft statute of +Permanent Court of International Justice, 263; presents resolutions on +China, 277. + +Rush, Richard, conferences with Canning on South American situation, +26, 33, 34. + +Russia, occupies Manchuria, 91, 92; opposes opening of Manchurian ports +to American commerce, 93; goes to war with Japan, 94; revolution, of +March, 1917, 198; of November, 1917, 203. + +Russo-Japanese war, 94. + + +Sackville-West, Lord, dismissal of, 115. + +Salisbury, Lord, backs down in Venezuelan dispute, 50; warns President +McKinley of Germany's designs on Philippines. + +San Remo agreement, 259, 260. + +Santo Domingo, financial supervision over, 133, 134. + +Secret Treaties, 193. + +Self-determination, 198, 203, 205. + +Senate of the United States, debates Treaty of Versailles, 244-254. + +Seward, William H., protests against French occupation of Mexico, 47. + +Shantung question, at Peace Conference of Paris, 239-242; at Washington +Conference, 280-282. + +Siberia, Japanese troops in, 276; promise of Japan to evacuate, 286. + +Slave trade, provision for suppression of, in Webster-Ashburton treaty, +59, 60; Brussels conference on, 62. + +Slavery, and isolation, 58. + +South America, neglected by United States as field for commercial +development, 52; open door in, 53. + +Spanish colonies, revolt of, 25. + +Spanish revolution of 1820, 20. + +Spanish War, turning point in relations of United States and England, +118. + +Submarines, question of, discussed at Washington Conference, 271, 272; +use of, limited by treaty, 274, 275. + +Sumner, Charles, 113. + + +Taft, William H., proposes to bring Nicaragua and Honduras under +financial supervision of United States, 134, 135; tries to reestablish +friendly relations with Colombia, 143; suggests changes in Covenant of +League, 232. + +Tardieu, Andre, report of Algeciras Conference, 76; quoted on Armistice +negotiations, 217, 218. + +Temperley, H. W. V., "History of the Peace Conference of Paris," 191. + +"Ten Points," 278. + +Texas, annexation of, opposed by Great Britain, 107, 108. + +Thayer, William R., gives version of Roosevelt-Holleben interview, 51. + +Tocqueville, Alexis de, "Democracy in America," 102. + +Treaty of London, 195. + +Treaty of Peace with Austria, 263. + +Treaty of Peace with Germany, 263. + +Treaty of Versailles, signed, 242; laid before Senate, 243; debate on, +244-254; votes on, 252-254. + +Twenty-One Demands, 276. + + +Vera Cruz, American occupation of, 162; evacuation of, 163. + +Verona, Congress of, 19, 21, secret treaty of, 22-24. + +Vienna, Congress of, 19. + +Villa, Francisco, 162, 163. + + +War aims, of Allies, 196; British, 204. + +War of 1812, 15. + +Washington, George, requests opinions of cabinet on French treaty, 6; +issues proclamation of neutrality, 8; Farewell Address, 9-11. + +Washington Conference, 266-290. + +Washington, treaty of, 66, 114. + +Webster, Daniel, secretary of state, 104, 105. + +Webster-Ashburton treaty, 59, 60, 107. + +Wellington, Duke of, at Congress of Verona, 21; protest and withdrawal, +22. + +West Indies, American supremacy in, 120. + +White, Henry, delegate to Algeciras Conference, 75; to Peace +Conference, 225. + +William II, German Kaiser, telegram to President Kruger, 50; forced to +withdraw from Venezuela, 51; visits Morocco, 74; demands retirement of +Delcasse, 75; insists on general conference on Morocco, 75; thwarted in +efforts to humiliate France, 77; abdicates and flees to Holland, 219. + +Williams, Talcott, on McKinley's reasons for retaining Philippines, 85. + +Wilson, Henry Lane, 160. + +Wilson, Woodrow, secures modification of Panama Tolls Act, 121; extends +financial supervision over Nicaragua and Haiti, 136, 137; warns +Latin-American states against granting concessions to European +syndicates, 140, 141; attitude of, on questions of international law +and diplomacy, 151, 152; general Latin-American policy, 152, 165; New +Pan-Americanism, 153; Mexican policy, 160-164; asks for declaration of +war on Germany, 185; views on extension of Monroe Doctrine, 187; +political philosophy of, 192; refusal to recognize Huerta, 193; reasons +for neutrality, 194; calls on all belligerents to state war aims, 195; +first discussion of war aims, 196; war address, 199; draws distinction +between German people and German Government, 200-202; reply to Pope, +201; announces Fourteen Points, 205-210; decides to go to Paris, 225; +suffers political defeat, 226, 227; greeted with enthusiasm in Europe, +228; proposes League of Nations, 230; returns temporarily to the United +States, 231; makes concessions to French and British, 238; returns to +the United States and lays treaty before Senate, 242; tours the country +on behalf of League of Nations, 246; illness of, 247; letter read at +Jackson day dinner proposing referendum on Treaty of Versailles, 252, +253; awarded Nobel Peace Prize, 255; withdraws from participation in +European affairs, 259. + +Wood, General Leonard, 146. + + +Yap, island of, 260-262. + + + + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of From Isolation to Leadership, Revised, by +John Holladay Latane + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP *** + +***** This file should be named 18553.txt or 18553.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/1/8/5/5/18553/ + +Produced by Al Haines + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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