summaryrefslogtreecommitdiff
diff options
context:
space:
mode:
authorRoger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org>2025-10-15 04:53:34 -0700
committerRoger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org>2025-10-15 04:53:34 -0700
commit6239946f26ca7ed91366c84da4d94863df5ce6fd (patch)
treebbfe3ea520c683e67e4d8477ada7a2ecdbad06c7
initial commit of ebook 18553HEADmain
-rw-r--r--.gitattributes3
-rw-r--r--18553-8.txt6237
-rw-r--r--18553-8.zipbin0 -> 125673 bytes
-rw-r--r--18553.txt6237
-rw-r--r--18553.zipbin0 -> 125609 bytes
-rw-r--r--LICENSE.txt11
-rw-r--r--README.md2
7 files changed, 12490 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6833f05
--- /dev/null
+++ b/.gitattributes
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+* text=auto
+*.txt text
+*.md text
diff --git a/18553-8.txt b/18553-8.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cee2f44
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18553-8.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,6237 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of From Isolation to Leadership, Revised, by
+John Holladay Latane
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: From Isolation to Leadership, Revised
+ A Review of American Foreign Policy
+
+Author: John Holladay Latane
+
+Release Date: June 11, 2006 [EBook #18553]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Al Haines
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+FROM ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP
+
+REVISED
+
+
+A Review of American Foreign Policy
+
+
+BY
+
+JOHN HOLLADAY LATANE, PH.D., LL.D.
+
+ PROFESSOR OF AMERICAN HISTORY AND DEAN OF THE
+ COLLEGE FACULTY IN THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY
+
+
+
+ Author of
+ "The United States and Latin America"
+ "America as a World Power"
+ Etc.
+
+
+
+GARDEN CITY ------ NEW YORK
+
+DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY
+
+1922
+
+
+
+
+COPYRIGHT, 1918, 1922, BY
+
+DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY
+
+
+ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THAT OF
+
+TRANSLATION INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES,
+
+INCLUDING THE SCANDINAVIAN
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+The first edition of this book appeared in October, 1918, a few weeks
+before the signing of the Armistice, when the United States was at the
+high tide of its power and influence. In view of the subsequent course
+of events, some of my readers may question the propriety of the
+original title. In fact, one of my friends has suggested that a more
+appropriate title for the new edition would be "From Isolation to
+Leadership, and Back." But I do not regard the verdict of 1920 as an
+expression of the final judgment of the American people. The world
+still waits on America, and sooner or later we must recognize and
+assume the responsibilities of our position as a great world power.
+
+The first nine chapters are reprinted with only a few verbal changes.
+Chapter X has been rewritten, and chapters XI and XII have been added.
+
+JOHN H. LATANÉ.
+
+Baltimore, June 10, 1922.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAPTER
+
+ I. ORIGIN OF THE POLICY OF ISOLATION
+ II. FORMULATION OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE
+ III. THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE EUROPEAN BALANCE OF POWER
+ IV. INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION WITHOUT THE SANCTION OF FORCE
+ V. THE OPEN-DOOR POLICY
+ VI. ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS
+ VII. IMPERIALISTIC TENDENCIES OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE
+ VIII. THE NEW PAN-AMERICANISM
+ IX. THE FAILURE OF NEUTRALITY AND ISOLATION
+ X. THE WAR AIMS OF THE UNITED STATES
+ XI. THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES
+ XII. THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
+ INDEX
+
+
+
+
+From Isolation to Leadership
+
+I
+
+ORIGIN OF THE POLICY OF ISOLATION
+
+The Monroe Doctrine and the policy of political isolation are two
+phases of American diplomacy so closely related that very few writers
+appear to draw any distinction between them. The Monroe Doctrine was
+in its origin nothing more than the assertion, with special application
+to the American continents, of the right of independent states to
+pursue their own careers without fear or threat of intervention,
+domination, or subjugation by other states. President Monroe announced
+to the world that this principle would be upheld by the United States
+in this hemisphere. The policy of isolation was the outgrowth of
+Washington's warning against _permanent_ alliances and Jefferson's
+warning against _entangling_ alliances. Both Washington and Jefferson
+had in mind apparently the form of European alliance common in their
+day, which bound one nation to support another both diplomatically and
+by force in any dispute that might arise no matter whether it concerned
+the interests of the first state or not. Such alliances were usually
+of the nature of family compacts between different dynasties, or
+between different branches of the same dynasty, rather than treaties
+between nations. In fact, dynastic aims and ambitions were frequently,
+if not usually, at variance with the real interests of the peoples
+affected. It will be shown later that neither Washington nor Jefferson
+intended that the United States should refrain permanently from the
+exercise of its due influence in matters which properly concern the
+peace and welfare of the community of nations. Washington did not
+object to temporary alliances for special emergencies nor did Jefferson
+object to special alliances for the accomplishment of definite objects.
+Their advice has, however, been generally interpreted as meaning that
+the United States must hold aloof from world politics and attend
+strictly to its own business.
+
+The Monroe Doctrine was a perfectly sound principle and it has been
+fully justified by nearly a century of experience. It has saved South
+America from the kind of exploitation to which the continents of Africa
+and Asia have, during the past generation, fallen a prey. The policy
+of isolation, on the other hand, still cherished by so many Americans
+as a sacred tradition of the fathers, is in principle quite distinct
+from the Monroe Doctrine and is in fact utterly inconsistent with the
+position and importance of the United States as a world power. The
+difference in principle between the two policies can perhaps best be
+illustrated by the following supposition. If the United States were to
+sign a permanent treaty with England placing our navy at her disposal
+in the event of attack from Germany or some other power, on condition
+that England would unite with us in opposing the intervention of any
+European power in Latin America, such a treaty would not be a violation
+of the Monroe Doctrine, but a distinct recognition of that principle.
+Such a treaty would, however, be a departure from our traditional
+policy of isolation. Of the two policies, that of avoiding political
+alliances is the older. It was announced by Washington under
+circumstances that will be considered in a moment.
+
+In the struggle for independence the colonies deliberately sought
+foreign alliances. In fact, the first treaty ever signed by the United
+States was the treaty of alliance with France, negotiated and ratified
+in 1778. The aid which France extended under this treaty to our
+revolutionary ancestors in men, money, and ships enabled them to
+establish the independence of our country. A few years later came the
+French Revolution, the establishment of the French Republic followed by
+the execution of Louis XVI, and in 1793 the war between England and
+France. With the arrival in this country of Genet, the minister of the
+newly established French Republic, there began a heated debate in the
+newspapers throughout the country as to our obligations under the
+treaty of alliance and the commercial treaty of 1778. President
+Washington requested the opinions in writing of the members of his
+cabinet as to whether Genet should be received and the new government
+which had been set up in France recognized, as to whether the treaties
+were still binding, and as to whether a proclamation of neutrality
+should be issued. Hamilton and Jefferson replied at great length,
+taking as usual opposite sides, particularly on the question as to the
+binding force of the treaties. Hamilton took the view that as the
+government of Louis XVI, with which the treaties had been negotiated,
+had been overthrown, we were under no obligations to fulfill their
+stipulations and had a perfect right to renounce them. Jefferson took
+the correct view that the treaties were with the French nation and that
+they were binding under whatever government the French people chose to
+set up. This principle, which is now one of the fundamental doctrines
+of international law, was so ably expounded by Jefferson that his words
+are well worth quoting.
+
+"I consider the people who constitute a society or nation as the source
+of all authority in that nation, as free to transact their common
+concerns by any agents they think proper, to change these agents
+individually, or the organization of them in form or function whenever
+they please: that all the acts done by those agents under the authority
+of the nation, are the acts of the nation, are obligatory on them, and
+enure to their use, and can in no wise be annulled or affected by any
+change in the form of the government, or of the persons administering
+it. Consequently the Treaties between the United States and France
+were not treaties between the United States and Louis Capet, but
+between the two nations of America and France, and the nations
+remaining in existence, tho' both of them have since changed their
+forms of government, the treaties are not annulled by these changes."
+
+The argument was so heated that Washington was reluctant to press
+matters to a definite conclusion. From his subsequent action it
+appears that he agreed with Jefferson that the treaties were binding,
+but he held that the treaty of alliance was purely defensive and that
+we were under no obligation to aid France in an offensive war such as
+she was then waging. He accordingly issued his now famous proclamation
+of neutrality, April, 1793. Of this proclamation W. E. Hall, a leading
+English authority on international law, writing one hundred years
+later, said: "The policy of the United States in 1793 constitutes an
+epoch in the development of the usages of neutrality. There can be no
+doubt that it was intended and believed to give effect to the
+obligations then incumbent upon neutrals. But it represented by far
+the most advanced existing opinions as to what those obligations were;
+and in some points it even went farther than authoritative
+international custom has up to the present time advanced. In the main,
+however, it is identical with the standard of conduct which is now
+adopted by the community of nations." Washington's proclamation laid
+the real foundations of the American policy of isolation.
+
+The very novelty of the rigid neutrality proclaimed by Washington made
+the policy a difficult one to pursue. In the Revolutionary and
+Napoleonic wars, which lasted for nearly a quarter of a century, the
+United States was the principal neutral. The problems to which this
+situation gave rise were so similar to the problems raised during the
+early years of the World War that many of the diplomatic notes prepared
+by Jefferson and Madison might, with a few changes of names and dates,
+be passed off as the correspondence of Wilson and Lansing.
+Washington's administration closed with the clouds of the European war
+still hanging heavy on the horizon. Under these circumstances he
+delivered his famous Farewell Address in which he said:
+
+"The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in
+extending our commercial relations to have with them as little
+_political_ connection as possible. So far as we have already formed
+engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us
+stop.
+
+"Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very
+remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies,
+the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence,
+therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial
+ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary
+combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
+
+"Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a
+different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient
+government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury
+from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will
+cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously
+respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making
+acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us
+provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided
+by justice, shall counsel.
+
+"Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our
+own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny
+with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in
+the toils of European ambitions, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
+
+"It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any
+portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty
+to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing
+infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less
+applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the
+best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in
+their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be
+unwise to extend them.
+
+"Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a
+respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary
+alliances for extraordinary emergencies."
+
+It will be observed that Washington warned his countrymen against
+_permanent_ alliances. He expressly said that we might "safely trust
+to _temporary_ alliances for extraordinary emergencies." Further than
+this many of those who are continually quoting Washington's warning
+against alliances not only fail to note the limitations under which the
+advice was given, but they also overlook the reasons assigned. In a
+succeeding paragraph of the Farewell Address he said:
+
+"With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our
+country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to
+progress without interruption to that degree of strength and
+consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the
+command of its own fortunes."
+
+The expression "entangling alliances" does not occur in the Farewell
+Address, but was given currency by Jefferson. In his first inaugural
+address he summed up the principles by which he proposed to regulate
+his foreign policy in the following terms: "Peace, commerce, and honest
+friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none."
+
+During the brief interval of peace following the treaty of Amiens in
+1801, Napoleon undertook the reëstablishment of French power in Santo
+Domingo as the first step in the development of a colonial empire which
+he determined upon when he forced Spain to retrocede Louisiana to
+France by the secret treaty of San Ildefonso in 1800. Fortunately for
+us the ill-fated expedition to Santo Domingo encountered the opposition
+of half a million negroes and ultimately fell a prey to the ravages of
+yellow fever. As soon as Jefferson heard of the cession of Louisiana
+to France, he instructed Livingston, his representative at Paris, to
+open negotiations for the purchase of New Orleans and West Florida,
+stating that the acquisition of New Orleans by a powerful nation like
+France would inevitably lead to friction and conflict. "The day that
+France takes possession of New Orleans fixes the sentence which is to
+restrain her forever within her low water mark. It seals the union of
+two nations who in conjunction can maintain exclusive possession of the
+ocean. From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet
+and nation. We must turn all our attentions to a maritime force, for
+which our resources place us on very high grounds: and having formed
+and cemented together a power which may render reinforcement of her
+settlements here impossible to France, make the first cannon, which
+shall be fired in Europe the signal for tearing up any settlement she
+may have made, and for holding the two continents of America in
+sequestration for the common purposes of the united British and
+American nations. This is not a state of things we seek or desire. It
+is one which this measure, if adopted by France, forces on us, as
+necessarily as any other cause, by the laws of nature, brings on its
+necessary effect."
+
+Monroe was later sent to Paris to support Livingston and he was
+instructed, in case there was no prospect of a favorable termination of
+the negotiations, to avoid a rupture until the spring and "in the
+meantime enter into conferences with the British Government, through
+their ambassador at Paris, to fix principles of alliance, and leave us
+in peace until Congress meets." Jefferson had already informed the
+British minister at Washington that if France should, by closing the
+mouth of the Mississippi, force the United States to war, "they would
+throw away the scabbard." Monroe and Livingston were now instructed,
+in case they should become convinced that France meditated hostilities
+against the United States, to negotiate an alliance with England and to
+stipulate that neither party should make peace or truce without the
+consent of the other. Thus notwithstanding his French proclivities and
+his warning against "entangling alliances," the author of the immortal
+Declaration of Independence was ready and willing in this emergency to
+form an alliance with England. The unexpected cession of the entire
+province of Louisiana to the United States made the contemplated
+alliance with England unnecessary.
+
+The United States was no more successful in its effort to remain
+neutral during the Napoleonic wars than it was during the late war,
+though the slow means of communication a hundred years ago caused the
+struggle for neutral rights to be drawn out for a much longer period of
+time. Neither England nor France regarded us as having any rights
+which they were bound to respect, and American commerce was fairly
+bombarded by French decrees and British orders in council. There was
+really not much more reason why we should have fought England than
+France, but as England's naval supremacy enabled her to interfere more
+effectually with our commerce on the sea and as this interference was
+accompanied by the practice of impressing American sailors into the
+British service, we finally declared war against her. No effort was
+made, however, to form an alliance or even to coöperate with Napoleon.
+The United States fought the War of 1812 without allies, and while we
+gained a number of single-ship actions and notable victories on Lake
+Erie and Lake Champlain, we failed utterly in two campaigns to occupy
+Canada, and the final result of the conflict was that our national
+capitol was burned and our commerce absolutely swept from the seas.
+Jackson's victory at New Orleans, while gratifying to our pride, took
+place two weeks after the treaty of Ghent had been signed and had,
+consequently, no effect on the outcome of the war.
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+FORMULATION OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE
+
+The international situation which gave rise to the Monroe Doctrine was
+the most unusual in some respects that modern history records. The
+European alliance which had been organized in 1813 for the purpose of
+bringing about the overthrow of Napoleon continued to dominate the
+affairs of Europe until 1823. This alliance, which met at the Congress
+of Vienna in 1815 and held later meetings at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818,
+at Troppau in 1820, at Laybach in 1821, and at Verona in 1822,
+undertook to legislate for all Europe and was the nearest approach to a
+world government that had ever been tried. While this alliance
+publicly proclaimed that it had no other object than the maintenance of
+peace and that the repose of the world was its motive and its end, its
+real object was to uphold absolute monarchy and to suppress every
+attempt at the establishment of representative government. As long as
+England remained in the alliance her statesmen exercised a restraining
+influence, for England was the only one of the allies which professed
+to have a representative system of government. As Castlereagh was
+setting out for the meeting at Aix-la-Chapelle Lord Liverpool, who was
+then prime minister, warned him that, "The Russian must be made to feel
+that we have a parliament and a public, to which we are responsible,
+and that we cannot permit ourselves to be drawn into views of policy
+which are wholly incompatible with the spirit of our government."
+
+The reactionary spirit of the continental members of the alliance was
+soon thoroughly aroused by the series of revolutions that followed one
+another in 1820. In March the Spanish army turned against the
+government of Ferdinand VII and demanded the restoration of the
+constitution of 1812. The action of the army was everywhere approved
+and sustained by the people and the king was forced to proclaim the
+constitution and to promise to uphold it. The Spanish revolution was
+followed in July by a constitutional movement in Naples, and in August
+by a similar movement in Portugal; while the next year witnessed the
+outbreak of the Greek struggle for independence. Thus in all three of
+the peninsulas of Southern Europe the people were struggling for the
+right of self-government. The great powers at once took alarm at the
+rapid spread of revolutionary ideas and proceeded to adopt measures for
+the suppression of the movements to which these ideas gave rise. At
+Troppau and Laybach measures were taken for the suppression of the
+revolutionary movements in Italy. An Austrian army entered Naples in
+March, 1821, overthrew the constitutional government that had been
+inaugurated, and restored Ferdinand II to absolute power. The
+revolution which had broken out in Piedmont was also suppressed by a
+detachment of the Austrian army. England held aloof from all
+participation in the conferences at Troppau and Laybach, though her
+ambassador to Austria was present to watch the proceedings.
+
+The next meeting of the allied powers was arranged for October, 1822,
+at Verona. Here the affairs of Greece, Italy, and in particular Spain
+came up for consideration. At this congress all five powers of the
+alliance were represented. France was especially concerned about the
+condition of affairs in Spain, and England sent Wellington out of
+self-defense. The Congress of Verona was devoted largely to a
+discussion of Spanish affairs. Wellington had been instructed to use
+all his influence against the adoption of measures of intervention in
+Spain. When he found that the other powers were bent upon this step
+and that his protest would be unheeded, he withdrew from the congress.
+The four remaining powers signed the secret treaty of Verona, November
+22, 1822, as a revision, so they declared in the preamble, of the
+Treaty of the Holy Alliance, which had been signed at Paris in 1815 by
+Austria, Russia, and Prussia. This last mentioned treaty sprang from
+the erratic brain of the Czar Alexander under the influence of Baroness
+Krüdener, and is one of the most remarkable political documents extant.
+No one had taken it seriously except the Czar himself and it had been
+without influence upon the politics of Europe. The text of the treaty
+of Verona was never officially published, but the following articles
+soon appeared in the press of Europe and America:
+
+"Article I.--The high contracting powers being convinced that the
+system of representative government is equally as incompatible with the
+monarchical principles as the maxim of the sovereignty of the people
+with the divine right, engage mutually, in the most solemn manner, to
+use all their efforts to put an end to the system of representative
+governments, in whatever country it may exist in Europe, and to prevent
+its being introduced in those countries where it is not yet known.
+
+"Article II.--As it cannot be doubted that the liberty of the press is
+the most powerful means used by the pretended supporters of the rights
+of nations, to the detriment of those of Princes, the high contracting
+parties promise reciprocally to adopt all proper measures to suppress
+it, not only in their own states, but, also, in the rest of Europe.
+
+"Article III.--Convinced that the principles of religion contribute
+most powerfully to keep nations in the state of passive obedience which
+they owe to their Princes, the high contracting parties declare it to
+be their intention to sustain, in their respective states, those
+measures which the clergy may adopt, with the aim of ameliorating their
+own interests, so intimately connected with the preservation of the
+authority of Princes; and the contracting powers join in offering their
+thanks to the Pope, for what he has already done for them, and solicit
+his constant coöperation in their views of submitting the nations.
+
+"Article IV.--The situation of Spain and Portugal unite unhappily all
+the circumstances to which this treaty has particular reference. The
+high contracting parties, in confiding to France the care of putting an
+end to them, engage to assist her in the manner which may the least
+compromise them with their own people and the people of France, by
+means of a subsidy on the part of the two empires, of twenty millions
+of francs every year, from the date of the signature of this treaty to
+the end of the war."
+
+Such was the code of despotism which the continental powers adopted for
+Europe and which they later proposed to extend to America. It was an
+attempt to make the world safe for autocracy. Wellington's protest at
+Verona marked the final withdrawal of England from the alliance which
+had overthrown Napoleon and naturally inclined her toward a
+rapprochement with the United States. The aim of the Holy Allies, as
+the remaining members of the alliance now called themselves, was to
+undo the work of the Revolution and of Napoleon and to restore all the
+peoples of Europe to the absolute sway of their legitimate sovereigns.
+After the overthrow of the constitutional movements in Piedmont,
+Naples, and Spain, absolutism reigned supreme once more in western
+Europe, but the Holy Allies felt that their task was not completed so
+long as Spain's revolted colonies in America remained unsubjugated.
+These colonies had drifted into practical independence while Napoleon's
+brother Joseph was on the throne of Spain. Nelson's great victory at
+Trafalgar had left England supreme on the seas and neither Napoleon nor
+Joseph had been able to establish any control over Spain's American
+colonies. When Ferdinand was restored to his throne in 1814, he
+unwisely undertook to refasten on his colonies the yoke of the old
+colonial system and to break up the commerce which had grown up with
+England and with the United States. The different colonies soon
+proclaimed their independence and the wars of liberation ensued. By
+1822 it was evident that Spain unassisted could never resubjugate them,
+and the United States after mature deliberation recognized the new
+republics and established diplomatic intercourse with them. England,
+although enjoying the full benefits of trade with the late colonies of
+Spain, still hesitated out of regard for the mother country to take the
+final step of recognition.
+
+In the late summer of 1823 circular letters were issued inviting the
+powers to a conference at Paris to consider the Spanish-American
+question. George Canning, the British foreign secretary, at once
+called into conference Richard Rush, the American minister, and
+proposed joint action against the schemes of the Holy Alliance. Rush
+replied that he was not authorized to enter into such an agreement, but
+that he would communicate the proposal at once to his government. As
+soon as Rush's dispatch was received President Monroe realized fully
+the magnitude of the issue presented by the proposal of an
+Anglo-American alliance. Before submitting the matter to his cabinet
+he transmitted copies of Rush's dispatch to ex-Presidents Jefferson and
+Madison and the following interesting correspondence took place. In
+his letter to Jefferson of October 17th, the President said:
+
+"I transmit to you two despatches, which were receiv'd from Mr. Rush,
+while I was lately in Washington, which involve interests of the
+highest importance. They contain two letters from Mr. Canning,
+suggesting designs of the holy alliance, against the Independence of
+So. America, & proposing a co-operation, between G. Britain & the U
+States, in support of it, against the members of that alliance. The
+project aims, in the first instance, at a mere expression of opinion,
+somewhat in the abstract, but which, it is expected by Mr. Canning,
+will have a great political effect, by defeating the combination. By
+Mr. Rush's answers, which are also enclosed, you will see the light in
+which he views the subject, & the extent to which he may have gone.
+Many important considerations are involved in this proposition. 1st
+Shall we entangle ourselves, at all, in European politicks, & wars, on
+the side of any power, against others, presuming that a concert, by
+agreement, of the kind proposed, may lead to that result? 2d If a case
+can exist in which a sound maxim may, & ought to be departed from, is
+not the present instance, precisely that case? 3d Has not the epoch
+arriv'd when G. Britain must take her stand, either on the side of the
+monarchs of Europe, or of the U States, & in consequence, either in
+favor of Despotism or of liberty & may it not be presum'd that, aware
+of that necessity, her government has seiz'd on the present occurrence,
+as that, which it deems, the most suitable, to announce & mark the
+commenc'ment of that career?
+
+"My own impression is that we ought to meet the proposal of the British
+govt. & to make it known, that we would view an interference on the
+part of the European powers, and especially an attack on the Colonies,
+by them, as an attack on ourselves, presuming that, if they succeeded
+with them, they would extend it to us. I am sensible however of the
+extent & difficulty of the question, & shall be happy to have yours, &
+Mr. Madison's opinions on it."
+
+Jefferson's reply dated Monticello, October 24th, displays not only a
+profound insight into the international situation, but a wide vision of
+the possibilities involved. He said:
+
+"The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most
+momentous which has ever been offered to my contemplation since that of
+Independence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass and points
+the course which we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on
+us. And never could we embark on it under circumstances more
+auspicious. Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to
+entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second, never to
+suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North
+and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and
+peculiarly her own. She should therefore have a system of her own,
+separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last is laboring to
+become the domicil of despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make
+our hemisphere that of freedom. One nation, most of all, could disturb
+us in this pursuit; she now offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in
+it. By acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the bands,
+bring her mighty weight into the scale of free government, and
+emancipate a continent at one stroke, which might otherwise linger long
+in doubt and difficulty. Great Britain is the nation which can do us
+the most harm of any one, or all on earth; and with her on our side we
+need not fear the whole world. With her then, we should most
+sedulously cherish a cordial friendship; and nothing would tend more to
+knit our affections than to be fighting once more, side by side, in the
+same cause. Not that I would purchase even her amity at the price of
+taking part in her wars. But the war in which the present proposition
+might engage us, should that be its consequence, is not her war, but
+ours. Its object is to introduce and establish the American system, of
+keeping out of our land all foreign powers, of never permitting those
+of Europe to intermeddle with the affairs of our nations. It is to
+maintain our own principle, not to depart from it. And if, to
+facilitate this, we can effect a division in the body of the European
+powers, and draw over to our side its most powerful member, surely we
+should do it. But I am clearly of Mr. Canning's opinion, that it will
+prevent instead of provoking war. With Great Britain withdrawn from
+their scale and shifted into that of our two continents, all Europe
+combined would not undertake such a war. For how would they propose to
+get at either enemy without superior fleets? Nor is the occasion to be
+slighted which this proposition offers, of declaring our protest
+against the atrocious violations of the rights of nations, by the
+interference of any one in the internal affairs of another, so
+flagitiously begun by Bonaparte, and now continued by the equally
+lawless Alliance, calling itself Holy."
+
+Madison not only agreed with Jefferson as to the wisdom of accepting
+the British proposal of some form of joint action, but he went even
+further and suggested that the declaration should not be limited to the
+American republics, but that it should express disapproval of the late
+invasion of Spain and of any interference with the Greeks who were then
+struggling for independence from Turkey. Monroe, it appears, was
+strongly inclined to act on Madison's suggestion, but his cabinet took
+a different view of the situation. From the diary of John Quincy
+Adams, Monroe's secretary of state, it appears that almost the whole of
+November was taken up by cabinet discussions on Canning's proposals and
+on Russia's aggressions in the northwest. Adams stoutly opposed any
+alliance or joint declaration with Great Britain. The composition of
+the President's message remained in doubt until the 27th, when the more
+conservative views of Adams were, according to his own statement of the
+case, adopted. He advocated an independent course of action on the
+part of the United States, without direct reference to Canning's
+proposals, though substantially in accord with them. Adams defined his
+position as follows: "The ground that I wish to take is that of earnest
+remonstrance against the interference of the European powers by force
+with South America, but to disclaim all interference on our part with
+Europe; to make an American cause and adhere inflexibly to that."
+Adams's dissent from Monroe's position was, it is claimed, due partly
+to the influence of Clay who advocated a Pan-American system, partly to
+the fact that the proposed coöperation with Great Britain would bind
+the United States not to acquire some of the coveted parts of the
+Spanish possessions, and partly to the fear that the United States as
+the ally of Great Britain would be compelled to play a secondary part.
+He probably carried his point by showing that the same ends could be
+accomplished by an independent declaration, since it was evident that
+the sea power of Great Britain would be used to prevent the reconquest
+of South America by the European powers. Monroe, as we have seen,
+thought that the exigencies of the situation justified a departure from
+the sound maxim of political isolation, and in this opinion he was
+supported by his two predecessors in the presidency.
+
+The opinions of Monroe, Jefferson, and Madison in favor of an alliance
+with Great Britain and a broad declaration against the intervention of
+the great powers in the affairs of weaker states in any part of the
+world, have been severely criticised by some historians and ridiculed
+by others, but time and circumstances often bring about a complete
+change in our point of view. After the beginning of the great world
+conflict, especially after our entrance into it, several writers raised
+the question as to whether, after all, the three elder statesmen were
+not right and Adams and Clay wrong. If the United States and England
+had come out in favor of a general declaration against intervention in
+the concerns of small states and established it as a world-wide
+principle, the course of human history during the next century might
+have been very different, but Adams's diary does not tell the whole
+story. On his own statement of the case he might be justly censured by
+posterity for persuading the president to take a narrow American view
+of a question which was world-wide in its bearing. An important
+element in the situation, however, was Canning's change of attitude
+between the time of his conference with Rush in August and the
+formulation of the president's message. Two days after the delivery of
+his now famous message Monroe wrote to Jefferson in explanation of the
+form the declaration had taken: "Mr. Canning's zeal has much abated of
+late." It appears from Rush's correspondence that the only thing which
+stood in the way of joint action by the two powers was Canning's
+unwillingness to extend immediate recognition to the South American
+republics. On August 27th, Rush stated to Canning that it would
+greatly facilitate joint action if England would acknowledge at once
+the full independence of the South American colonies. In communicating
+the account of this interview to his government Mr. Rush concluded:
+"Should I be asked by Mr. Canning, whether, in case the recognition be
+made by Great Britain without more delay, I am on my part prepared to
+make a declaration, in the name of my government, that it will not
+remain inactive under an attack upon the independence of those states
+by the Holy Alliance, the present determination of my judgment is that
+I will make such a declaration explicitly, and avow it before the
+world." About three weeks later Canning, who was growing restless at
+the delay in hearing from Washington, again urged Rush to act without
+waiting for specific instructions from his government. He tried to
+show that the proposed joint declaration would not conflict with the
+American policy of avoiding entangling alliances, for the question at
+issue was American as much as European, if not more. Rush then
+indicated his willingness to act provided England would "immediately
+and unequivocally acknowledge the independence of the new states."
+Canning did not care to extend full recognition to the South American
+states until he could do so without giving unnecessary offense to Spain
+and the allies, and he asked if Mr. Rush could not give his assent to
+the proposal on a promise of future recognition. Mr. Rush refused to
+accede to anything but immediate acknowledgment of independence and so
+the matter ended.
+
+As Canning could not come to a formal understanding with the United
+States, he determined to make a frank avowal of the views of the
+British cabinet to France and to this end he had an interview with
+Prince Polignac, the French ambassador at London, October 9, 1823, in
+which he declared that Great Britain had no desire to hasten
+recognition, but that any foreign interference, by force, or by menace,
+would be a motive for immediate recognition; that England "could not go
+into a joint deliberation upon the subject of Spanish America upon an
+equal footing with other powers, whose opinions were less formed upon
+that question." This declaration drew from Polignac the admission that
+he considered the reduction of the colonies by Spain as hopeless and
+that France "abjured in any case, any design of acting against the
+colonies by force of arms." This admission was a distinct victory for
+Canning, in that it prepared the way for ultimate recognition by
+England, and an account of the interview was communicated without delay
+to the allied courts. The interview was not communicated to Rush until
+the latter part of November, and therefore had no influence upon the
+formation of Monroe's message.
+
+The Monroe Doctrine is comprised in two widely separated paragraphs
+that occur in the message of December 2, 1823. The first, relating to
+Russia's encroachments on the northwest coast, and occurring near the
+beginning of the message, was an assertion to the effect that the
+American continents had assumed an independent condition and were no
+longer open to European colonization. This may be regarded as a
+statement of fact. No part of the continent at that time remained
+unclaimed. The second paragraph, relating to Spanish America and
+occurring near the close of the message, was a declaration against the
+extension to the American continents of the system of intervention
+adopted by the Holy Alliance for the suppression of popular government
+in Europe.
+
+The language used by President Monroe is as follows:
+
+1. "At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through
+the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and
+instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States
+at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective
+rights and interests of the two nations on the north-west coast of this
+continent. A similar proposal had been made by His Imperial Majesty to
+the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to.
+The Government of the United States has been desirous by this friendly
+proceeding of manifesting the great value which they have invariably
+attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to
+cultivate the best understanding with his Government. In the
+discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the
+arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged
+proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests
+of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the
+free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain,
+are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization
+by any European powers."
+
+2. "In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to
+themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our
+policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously
+menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense.
+With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more
+immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all
+enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the
+allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of
+America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their
+respective Governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been
+achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the
+wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have
+enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it,
+therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the
+United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any
+attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this
+hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing
+colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered
+and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared
+their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have,
+on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could
+not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or
+controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in
+any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition
+toward the United States."
+
+The message made a profound impression on the world, all the more
+profound for the fact that Canning's interview with Polignac was known
+only to the chancelleries of Europe. To the public at large it
+appeared that the United States was blazing the way for democracy and
+liberty and that Canning was holding back through fear of giving
+offense to the allies. The governments of Europe realized only too
+well that Monroe's declaration would be backed by the British navy, and
+all thought of intervention in Latin America was therefore abandoned.
+A few months later England formally recognized the independence of the
+Spanish-American republics, and Canning made his famous boast on the
+floor of the House of Commons. In a speech delivered December 12,
+1826, in defense of his position in not having arrested the French
+invasion of Spain, he said: "I looked another way--I sought for
+compensation in another hemisphere. Contemplating Spain, such as our
+ancestors had known her, I resolved that, if France had Spain, it
+should not be Spain _with the Indies_. I called the New World into
+existence to redress the balance of the Old."
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE EUROPEAN BALANCE OF POWER
+
+President Monroe said in effect that the western hemisphere must be
+made safe for democracy. It was reserved for our own generation and
+for President Wilson to extend the declaration and to say that the
+world must be made safe for democracy. President Monroe announced that
+we would uphold international law and republican government in this
+hemisphere, and as _quid pro quo_ he announced that it was the settled
+policy of the United States to refrain from all interference in the
+internal affairs of European states. He based his declaration,
+therefore, not mainly on right and justice, but on the doctrine of the
+separation of the European and American spheres of politics. The
+Monroe Doctrine and the policy of isolation thus became linked together
+in the public mind as compensating policies, neither one of which could
+stand without the other. Even Secretary Olney as late as 1895 declared
+that "American non-intervention in Europe implied European
+non-intervention in America." It is not strange, therefore, that the
+public at large should regard the policy of isolation as the sole
+justification for the Monroe Doctrine. There is, however, neither
+logic nor justice in basing our right to uphold law and freedom in this
+hemisphere on our promise not to interfere with the violation of law
+and humanity in Europe. The real difficulty is that the Monroe
+Doctrine as interpreted in recent years has developed certain
+imperialistic tendencies and that the imperialistic implications of the
+policy resemble too closely the imperialistic aims of the European
+powers.
+
+For three quarters of a century after Monroe's declaration the policy
+of isolation was more rigidly adhered to than ever, the principal
+departure from it being the signature and ratification of the
+Clayton-Bulwer Treaty in 1850. By the terms of this treaty we
+recognized a joint British interest in any canal that might be built
+through the isthmus connecting North and South America, undertook to
+establish the general neutralization of such canal, and agreed to
+invite other powers, European and American, to unite in protecting the
+same. Owing to differences that soon arose between the United States
+and England as to the interpretation of the treaty, the clause
+providing for the adherence of other powers was never carried out.
+
+For nearly a hundred years we have successfully upheld the Monroe
+Doctrine without a resort to force. The policy has never been
+favorably regarded by the powers of continental Europe. Bismarck
+described it as "an international impertinence." In recent years it
+has stirred up rather intense opposition in certain parts of Latin
+America. Until recently no American writers appear to have considered
+the real nature of the sanction on which the doctrine rested. How is
+it that without an army and until recent years without a navy of any
+size we have been able to uphold a policy which has been described as
+an impertinence to Latin America and a standing defiance to Europe?
+Americans generally seem to think that the Monroe Doctrine has in it an
+inherent sanctity which prevents other nations from violating it. In
+view of the general disregard of sanctities, inherent or acquired,
+during the early stages of the late war, this explanation will not hold
+good and some other must be sought. Americans have been so little
+concerned with international affairs that they have failed to see any
+connection between the Monroe Doctrine and the balance of power in
+Europe. The existence of a European balance of power is the only
+explanation of our having been able to uphold the Monroe Doctrine for
+so long a time without a resort to force. Some one or more of the
+European powers would long ago have stepped in and called our bluff,
+that is, forced us to repudiate the Monroe Doctrine or fight for it,
+had it not been for the well-grounded fear that as soon as they became
+engaged with us some other European power would attack them in the
+rear. A few illustrations will be sufficient to establish this thesis.
+
+The most serious strain to which the Monroe Doctrine was ever subjected
+was the attempt of Louis Napoleon during the American Civil War to
+establish the empire of Maximilian in Mexico under French auspices. He
+was clever enough to induce England and Spain to go in with him in 1861
+for the avowed purpose of collecting the claims of their subjects
+against the government of Mexico. Before the joint intervention had
+gone very far, however, these two powers became convinced that Napoleon
+had ulterior designs and withdrew their forces. Napoleon's Mexican
+venture was deliberately calculated on the success of the Southern
+Confederacy. Hence, his friendly relations with the Confederate
+commissioners and the talk of an alliance between the Confederacy and
+Maximilian backed by the power of France. Against each successive step
+taken by France in Mexico Mr. Seward, Lincoln's Secretary of State,
+protested. As the Civil War drew to a successful conclusion his
+protests became more and more emphatic. Finally, in the spring of
+1866, the United States Government began massing troops on the Mexican
+border and Mr. Seward sent what was practically an ultimatum to the
+French Emperor; he requested to know when the long-promised withdrawal
+of the French troops would take place. Napoleon replied, fixing the
+dates for their withdrawal in three separate detachments.
+
+American historians have usually attributed Napoleon's backdown to
+Seward's diplomacy supported by the military power of the United
+States, which was, of course, greater then than at any previous time in
+our history. All this undoubtedly had its effect on Napoleon's mind,
+but it appears that conditions in Europe just at that particular moment
+had an even greater influence in causing him to abandon his Mexican
+scheme. Within a few days of the receipt of Seward's ultimatum
+Napoleon was informed of Bismarck's determination to force a war with
+Austria over the Schleswig-Holstein controversy. Napoleon realized
+that the territorial aggrandizement of Prussia, without any
+corresponding gains by France, would be a serious blow to his prestige
+and in fact endanger his throne. He at once entered upon a long and
+hazardous diplomatic game in which Bismarck outplayed him and
+eventually forced him into war. In order to have a free hand to meet
+the European situation he decided to yield to the American demands. As
+the European situation developed he hastened the final withdrawal of
+his troops and left Maximilian to his fate. Thus the Monroe Doctrine
+was vindicated!
+
+Let us take next President Cleveland's intervention in the Venezuelan
+boundary dispute. Here surely was a clear and spectacular vindication
+of the Monroe Doctrine which no one can discount. Let us briefly
+examine the facts. Some 30,000 square miles of territory on the border
+of Venezuela and British Guiana were in dispute. Venezuela, a weak and
+helpless state, had offered to submit the question to arbitration.
+Great Britain, powerful and overbearing, refused. After Secretary
+Olney, in a long correspondence ably conducted, had failed to move the
+British Government, President Cleveland decided to intervene. In a
+message to Congress in December, 1895, he reviewed the controversy at
+length, declared that the acquisition of territory in America by a
+European power through the arbitrary advance of a boundary line was a
+clear violation of the Monroe Doctrine, and asked Congress for an
+appropriation to pay the expenses of a commission which he proposed to
+appoint for the purpose of determining the true boundary, which he said
+it would then be our duty to uphold. Lest there should be any
+misunderstanding as to his intentions he solemnly added: "In making
+these recommendations I am fully alive to the responsibility incurred
+and keenly realize all the consequences that may follow." Congress
+promptly voted the appropriation.
+
+Here was a bold and unqualified defiance of England. No one before had
+ever trod so roughly on the British lion's tail with impunity. The
+English-speaking public on both sides of the Atlantic was stunned and
+amazed. Outside of diplomatic circles few persons were aware that any
+subject of controversy between the two countries existed, and no one
+had any idea that it was of a serious nature. Suddenly the two nations
+found themselves on the point of war. After the first outburst of
+indignation the storm passed; and before the American boundary
+commission completed its investigation England signed an arbitration
+agreement with Venezuela. Some persons, after looking in vain for an
+explanation, have concluded that Lord Salisbury's failure to deal more
+seriously with Mr. Cleveland's affront to the British Government was
+due to his sense of humor.
+
+But here again the true explanation is to be found in events that were
+happening in another quarter of the globe. Cleveland's Venezuelan
+message was sent to Congress on December 17th. At the end of the year
+came Dr. Jameson's raid into the Transvaal and on the third of January
+the German Kaiser sent his famous telegram of congratulation to Paul
+Kruger. The wrath of England was suddenly diverted from America to
+Germany, and Lord Salisbury avoided a rupture with the United States
+over a matter which after all was not of such serious moment to England
+in order to be free to deal with a question involving much greater
+interests in South Africa. The Monroe Doctrine was none the less
+effectively vindicated.
+
+In 1902 Germany made a carefully planned and determined effort to test
+out the Monroe Doctrine and see whether we would fight for it. In that
+year Germany, England, and Italy made a naval demonstration against
+Venezuela for the purpose of forcing her to recognize as valid certain
+claims of their subjects. How England was led into the trap is still a
+mystery, but the Kaiser thought that he had her thoroughly committed,
+that if England once started in with him she could not turn against
+him. But he had evidently not profited by the experience of Napoleon
+III in Mexico. Through the mediation of Herbert Bowen, the American
+minister, Venezuela agreed to recognize in principle the claims of the
+foreign powers and to arbitrate the amount. England and Italy accepted
+this offer and withdrew their squadrons. Germany, however, remained
+for a time obdurate. This much was known at the time.
+
+A rather sensational account of what followed next has recently been
+made public in Thayer's "Life and Letters of John Hay." Into the
+merits of the controversy that arose over Thayer's version of the
+Roosevelt-Holleben interview it is not necessary to enter. The
+significant fact, that Germany withdrew from Venezuela under pressure,
+is, however, amply established. Admiral Dewey stated publicly that the
+entire American fleet was assembled at the time under his command in
+Porto Rican waters ready to move at a moment's notice. Why did Germany
+back down from her position? Her navy was supposed to be at least as
+powerful as ours. The reason why the Kaiser concluded not to measure
+strength with the United States was that England had accepted
+arbitration and withdrawn her support and he did not dare attack the
+United States with the British navy in his rear. Again the nicely
+adjusted European balance prevented the Monroe Doctrine from being put
+to the test of actual war.
+
+While England has from time to time objected to some of the corollaries
+deduced from the Monroe Doctrine, she has on the whole been not
+unfavorably disposed toward the essential features of that policy. The
+reason for this is that the Monroe Doctrine has been an open-door
+policy, and has thus been in general accord with the British policy of
+free trade. The United States has not used the Monroe Doctrine for the
+establishment of exclusive trade relations with our southern neighbors.
+In fact, we have largely neglected the South American countries as a
+field for the development of American commerce. The failure to
+cultivate this field has not been due wholly to neglect, however, but
+to the fact that we have had employment for all our capital at home and
+consequently have not been in a position to aid in the industrial
+development of the Latin-American states, and to the further fact that
+our exports have been so largely the same and hence the trade of both
+North and South America has been mainly with Europe. There has,
+therefore, been little rivalry between the United States and the powers
+of Europe in the field of South American commerce. Our interest has
+been political rather than commercial. We have prevented the
+establishment of spheres of influence and preserved the open door.
+This situation has been in full accord with British policy. Had Great
+Britain adopted a high tariff policy and been compelled to demand
+commercial concessions from Latin America by force, the Monroe Doctrine
+would long since have gone by the board and been forgotten. Americans
+should not forget the fact, moreover, that at any time during the past
+twenty years Great Britain could have settled all her outstanding
+difficulties with Germany by agreeing to sacrifice the Monroe Doctrine
+and give her rival a free hand in South America. In the face of such a
+combination our navy would have been of little avail.
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION WITHOUT THE SANCTION OF FORCE
+
+President Monroe's declaration had a negative as well as a positive
+side. It was in effect an announcement to the world that we would not
+use force in support of law and justice anywhere except in the Western
+Hemisphere, that we intended to stay at home and mind our own business.
+Washington and Jefferson had recommended a policy of isolation on
+grounds of expediency. Washington, as we have seen, regarded this
+policy as a temporary expedient, while Jefferson upon two separate
+occasions was ready to form an alliance with England. Probably neither
+one of them contemplated the possibility of the United States shirking
+its responsibilities as a member of the family of nations. Monroe's
+message contained the implied promise that if Europe would refrain from
+interfering in the political concerns of this hemisphere, we would
+abstain from all intervention in Europe. From that day until our
+entrance into the World War it was generally understood, and on
+numerous occasions officially proclaimed, that the United States would
+not resort to force on any question arising outside of America except
+where its material interests were directly involved. We have not
+refrained from diplomatic action in matters not strictly American, but
+it has always been understood that such action would not be backed by
+force. In the existing state of world politics this limitation has
+been a serious handicap to American diplomacy. To take what we could
+get and to give nothing in return has been a hard rule for our
+diplomats, and has greatly circumscribed their activities. Diplomatic
+action without the use or threat of force has, however, accomplished
+something in the world at large, so that American influence has by no
+means been limited to the western hemisphere.
+
+During the first half of the nineteenth century the subject of slavery
+absorbed a large part of the attention of American statesmen. The fact
+that they were not concerned with foreign problems outside of the
+American hemisphere probably caused them to devote more time and
+attention to this subject than they would otherwise have done. Slavery
+and isolation had a very narrowing effect on men in public life,
+especially during the period from 1830 to 1860. As the movement
+against slavery in the early thirties became world-wide, the retention
+of the "peculiar institution" in this country had the effect of
+increasing our isolation. The effort of the American Colonization
+Society to solve or mitigate the problem of slavery came very near
+giving us a colony in Africa. In fact, Liberia, the negro republic
+founded on the west coast of Africa by the Colonization Society, was in
+all essentials an American protectorate, though the United States
+carefully refrained in its communications with other powers from doing
+more than expressing its good will for the little republic. As Liberia
+was founded years before Africa became a field for European
+exploitation, it was suffered to pursue its course without outside
+interference, and the United States was never called upon to decide
+whether its diplomatic protection would be backed up by force.
+
+The slave trade was a subject of frequent discussion between the United
+States and England during the first half of the nineteenth century, and
+an arrangement for its suppression was finally embodied in Article VIII
+of the Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842. The only reason why the two
+countries had never been able to act in accord on this question before
+was that Great Britain persistently refused to renounce the right of
+impressment which she had exercised in the years preceding the War of
+1812. The United States therefore refused to sign any agreement which
+would permit British naval officers to search American vessels in time
+of peace. In 1820 the United States declared the slave trade to be a
+form of piracy, and Great Britain advanced the view that as there was
+no doubt of the right of a naval officer to visit and search a ship
+suspected of piracy, her officers should be permitted to visit and
+search ships found off the west coast of Africa under the American flag
+which were suspected of being engaged in the slave trade. The United
+States stoutly refused to acquiesce in this view. In the
+Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842 it was finally agreed that each of the
+two powers should maintain on the coast of Africa a sufficient squadron
+"to enforce, separately and respectively, the laws, rights, and
+obligations of each of the two countries for the suppression of the
+slave trade." It was further agreed that the officers should act in
+concert and coöperation, but the agreement was so worded as to avoid
+all possibility of our being drawn into an entangling alliance.
+
+The United States has upon various occasions expressed a humanitarian
+interest in the natives of Africa. In 1884 two delegates were sent to
+the Berlin conference which adopted a general act giving a recognized
+status to the Kongo Free State. The American delegates signed the
+treaty in common with the delegates of the European powers, but it was
+not submitted to the Senate for ratification for reasons stated as
+follows by President Cleveland in his annual message of December 8,
+1885:
+
+"A conference of delegates of the principal commercial nations was held
+at Berlin last winter to discuss methods whereby the Kongo basin might
+be kept open to the world's trade. Delegates attended on behalf of the
+United States on the understanding that their part should be merely
+deliberative, without imparting to the results any binding character so
+far as the United States were concerned. This reserve was due to the
+indisposition of this Government to share in any disposal by an
+international congress of jurisdictional questions in remote foreign
+territories. The results of the conference were embodied in a formal
+act of the nature of an international convention, which laid down
+certain obligations purporting to be binding on the signatories,
+subject to ratification within one year. Notwithstanding the
+reservation under which the delegates of the United States attended,
+their signatures were attached to the general act in the same manner as
+those of the plenipotentiaries of other governments, thus making the
+United States appear, without reserve or qualification, as signatories
+to a joint international engagement imposing on the signers the
+conservation of the territorial integrity of distant regions where we
+have no established interests or control.
+
+"This Government does not, however, regard its reservation of liberty
+of action in the premises as at all impaired; and holding that an
+engagement to share in the obligation of enforcing neutrality in the
+remote valley of the Kongo would be an alliance whose responsibilities
+we are not in a position to assume, I abstain from asking the sanction
+of the Senate to that general act."
+
+The United States also sent delegates to the international conference
+held at Brussels in 1890 for the purpose of dealing with the slave
+trade in certain unappropriated regions of Central Africa. The
+American delegates insisted that prohibitive duties should be imposed
+on the importation of spirituous liquors into the Kongo. The European
+representatives, being unwilling to incorporate the American proposals,
+framed a separate tariff convention for the Kongo, which the American
+delegates refused to sign. The latter did, however, affix their
+signatures to the general treaty which provided for the suppression of
+the African slave trade and the restriction of the sale of firearms,
+ammunition, and spirituous liquors in certain parts of the African
+continent. In ratifying the treaty the Senate reaffirmed the American
+policy of isolation in the following resolution:
+
+"That the United States of America, having neither possessions nor
+protectorates in Africa, hereby disclaims any intention, in ratifying
+this treaty, to indicate any interest whatsoever in the possessions or
+protectorates established or claimed on that Continent by the other
+powers, or any approval of the wisdom, expediency or lawfulness
+thereof, and does not join in any expressions in the said General Act
+which might be construed as such a declaration or acknowledgement; and,
+for this reason, that it is desirable that a copy of this resolution be
+inserted in the protocol to be drawn up at the time of the exchange of
+the ratifications of this treaty on the part of the United States."
+
+The United States has always stood for legality in international
+relations and has always endeavored to promote the arbitration of
+international disputes. Along these lines we have achieved notable
+success. It is, of course, sometimes difficult to separate questions
+of international law from questions of international politics. We have
+been so scrupulous in our efforts to keep out of political
+entanglements that we have sometimes failed to uphold principles of law
+in the validity of which we were as much concerned as any other nation.
+We have always recognized international law as a part of the law of the
+land, and we have always acknowledged the moral responsibilities that
+rested on us as a member of the society of nations. In fact, the
+Constitution of the United States expressly recognizes the binding
+force of the law of nations and of treaties. As international law is
+the only law that governs the relations between states, we are, of
+course, directly concerned in the enforcement of existing law and in
+the development of new law. When the Declaration of Paris was drawn up
+by the European powers at the close of the Crimean War in 1856, the
+United States was invited to give its adherence. The four rules
+embodied in the declaration, which have since formed the basis of
+maritime law, are as follows: First, privateering is, and remains,
+abolished. Second, the neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the
+exception of contraband of war. Third, neutral goods, with the
+exception of contraband of war, are not liable to capture under the
+enemy's flag. Fourth, blockades, in order to be binding, must be
+effective. The United States Government was in thorough accord with
+the second, third, and fourth rules but was unwilling, as matters then
+stood, to commit itself to the first rule. It had never been our
+policy to maintain a large standing navy. In the War of 1812, as in
+the Revolution, we depended upon privateers to attack the commerce of
+the enemy. In reply to the invitation to give our adherence to the
+declaration, Secretary Marcy made a counter proposition, namely, that
+the powers of Europe should agree to exempt all private property,
+except of course contraband of war, from capture on the high seas in
+time of war. He said that if they would agree to this, the United
+States would agree to abolish privateering. The powers of Europe
+refused to accept this amendment. We refrained from signing the
+Declaration of Paris, therefore, not because it went too far, but
+because it did not go far enough.
+
+During the Civil War the United States Government used its diplomatic
+efforts to prevent the recognition of the independence of the
+Confederacy and the formation of hostile alliances. It made no effort
+to form any alliance itself and insisted that the struggle be regarded
+as an American question. The dispute with England over the _Alabama_
+Claims came near precipitating war, but the matter was finally adjusted
+by the Treaty of Washington. The most significant feature of this
+treaty, as far as the present discussion is concerned, was the formal
+adoption of three rules which were not only to govern the decision of
+the "Alabama Claims," but which were to be binding upon England and the
+United States for the future. It was further agreed that these rules
+should be brought to the knowledge of other maritime powers who should
+be invited to accede to them. The rules forbade the fitting out,
+arming, or equipping within neutral jurisdiction of vessels intended to
+cruise or carry on war against a power with which the neutral is at
+peace; they forbade the use of neutral ports or waters as a base of
+naval operations; and they imposed upon neutrals the exercise of due
+diligence to prevent these things from being done. While these rules
+have never been formally adopted by the remaining powers, they are
+generally recognized as embodying obligations which are now incumbent
+upon all neutrals.
+
+When the United States decided to accept the invitation of the Czar of
+Russia to attend the first peace conference at The Hague in 1899, grave
+misgivings were expressed by many of the more conservative men in
+public life. The participation of the United States with the powers of
+Europe in this conference was taken by many Americans to mark the end
+of the old order and the beginning of a new era in American diplomacy.
+The conference, however, was concerned with questions of general
+international interest, and had no bearing upon the internal affairs of
+any state, European or American. Lest there should be any
+misapprehension as to the historic policy of the United States, the
+final treaty was signed by the American delegation under the express
+reservation of a declaration previously read in open session. This
+declaration was as follows:
+
+"Nothing contained in this convention shall be so construed as to
+require the United States of America to depart from its traditional
+policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling itself in
+the political questions or policy or internal administration of any
+foreign state; nor shall anything contained in the said convention be
+construed to imply a relinquishment by the United States of America of
+its traditional attitude toward purely American questions." The
+establishment of the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague which
+resulted from the first conference was a notable achievement, although
+the Court has accomplished less than its advocates hoped. This was the
+most important occasion on which American delegates had sat together
+with European diplomats in a general conference. Our delegation was
+the object of considerable interest and was not without influence in
+shaping the provisions of the final treaty. It was through the
+personal influence of Andrew D. White that the Emperor of Germany was
+persuaded to permit his delegation to take part in the proceedings
+establishing the Court of Arbitration.
+
+The second Hague Conference revised the Convention for the Pacific
+Settlement of International Disputes, drew up a plan for an
+International Prize Court, and attempted a codification of the rules of
+international law on a number of subjects relating to the conduct of
+war and the rights of neutrals. The American delegates, headed by Mr.
+Choate, not only took a prominent part in these proceedings, but,
+acting under instructions from Secretary Root, they proposed to the
+Conference the creation of a permanent international court of justice.
+The creation of an international court of justice whose decisions would
+have the force of law, as distinguished from an international court of
+arbitration whose decisions are usually arrived at by a compromise of
+conflicting legal or political points of view, had long been advocated
+by advanced thinkers, but the proposition had always been held by
+practical statesmen to be purely academic. The serious advocacy of the
+proposition at this time by a great nation like the United States and
+the able arguments advanced by Mr. Choate marked an important step
+forward and made a profound impression. There were two difficulties in
+the way of establishing such a court at the second Hague Conference.
+In the first place, the delegation of the United States was the only
+one which had instructions on this subject, and in the second place it
+was found to be impossible to agree upon a method of selecting the
+judges. The great world powers, with the exception of the United
+States, demanded permanent representation on the court. The smaller
+nations, relying on the doctrine of the equality of states, demanded
+likewise to be represented. If each nation could have been given the
+right to appoint a judge, the court could have been organized, but
+there would have been forty-four judges instead of fifteen, the number
+suggested in the American plan. The Draft Convention for the
+Establishment of the Court of Arbitral Justice, as it was agreed the
+new court should be designated, was submitted to the Conference and its
+adoption recommended to the signatory powers. This Draft contained
+thirty-five articles and covered everything except the method of
+appointing judges. This question was to be settled by diplomatic
+negotiation, and it was agreed that the court should be established as
+soon as a satisfactory agreement with regard to the choice of judges
+could be reached. After the adjournment of the Conference the United
+States continued its advocacy of the international court of justice
+through the ordinary diplomatic channels. The proposal was made that
+the method of selecting judges for the Prize Court be adopted for the
+court of justice, that is, that each power should appoint a judge, that
+the judges of the larger powers should always sit on the court while
+the judges of the other powers should sit by a system of rotation for
+limited periods. It was found, however, that many of the smaller
+states were unwilling to accept this suggestion, and as difficulties
+which we will mention presently prevented the establishment of the
+Prize Court, the whole question of the court of justice was postponed.
+
+Most of the conventions adopted by the second Hague Conference were
+ratified by the United States without reservation. The fact, however,
+that certain of these conventions were not ratified by all the powers
+represented at the Conference, and that others were ratified with
+important reservations, left the status of most of the conventions in
+doubt, so that at the beginning of the World War there was great
+confusion as to what rules were binding and what were not binding. The
+Conference found it impossible to arrive at an agreement on many of the
+most vital questions of maritime law. Under these circumstances the
+powers were not willing to have the proposed International Prize Court
+established without the previous codification of the body of law which
+was to govern its decisions.
+
+In order to supply this need the London Naval Conference was convened
+in December, 1908, and issued a few months later the Declaration of
+London. The London Naval Conference was attended by representatives of
+the principal maritime powers including the United States, and the
+Declaration which it issued was avowedly a codification of the existing
+rules of international law. This was not true, however, of all the
+provisions of the Declaration. On several of the most vital questions
+of maritime law, such as blockade, the doctrine of continuous voyage,
+the destruction of neutral prizes, and the inclusion of food stuffs in
+the list of conditional contraband, the Declaration was a compromise
+and therefore unsatisfactory. It encountered from the start the most
+violent opposition in England. In Parliament the Naval Prize Bill,
+which was to give the Declaration effect, was discussed at considerable
+length. It passed the House of Commons by a small vote, but was
+defeated in the House of Lords. It was denounced by the press, and a
+petition to the king, drawn up by the Imperial Maritime League
+protesting against it, was signed by a long list of commercial
+associations, mayors, members of the House of Lords, general officers,
+and other public officials. One hundred and thirty-eight naval
+officers of flag rank addressed to the prime minister a public protest
+against the Declaration. In the debate in the House of Lords the main
+objections to the Declaration were (1) that it made food stuffs
+conditional contraband instead of placing them on the free list, (2)
+that the clause permitting the seizure of conditional contraband bound
+for a fortified place or "other place serving as a base for the armed
+forces of the enemy" would render all English ports liable to be
+treated as bases by an enemy, and (3) that it permitted the destruction
+of neutral prizes.
+
+The refusal of England to ratify the Declaration of London sealed its
+fate. The United States Senate formally ratified it, but this
+ratification was, of course, conditional on the ratification of other
+powers. At the beginning of the Great War the United States made a
+formal proposal to the belligerent powers that they should agree to
+adopt the Declaration for the period of the war in order that there
+might be a definite body of law for all parties concerned. This
+proposal was accepted by Germany and Austria, but England, France, and
+Russia were not willing to accept the Declaration of London without
+modifications. The United States, therefore, promptly withdrew its
+proposal and stated that where its rights as a neutral were concerned
+it would expect the belligerent powers to observe the recognized rules
+of international law and existing treaties.
+
+The Hague Conferences were concerned with questions of general
+international interest, and had no bearing upon the internal affairs of
+states. Such, however, was not the character of the conference which
+convened at Algeciras, Spain, in December, 1905, for the purpose of
+adjusting the very serious dispute that had arisen between France and
+Germany over the status of Morocco. France had been engaged for some
+years in the peaceful penetration of Morocco. By the terms of the
+Entente of 1904 England recognized Morocco as being within the French
+sphere of influence and France agreed to recognize England's position
+in Egypt. The German Kaiser had no idea of permitting any part of the
+world to be divided up without his consent. In March, 1905, while on a
+cruise in the Mediterranean, he disembarked at Tangier and paid a visit
+to the Sultan "in his character of independent sovereign." As the
+Russian armies had just suffered disastrous defeats at the hands of the
+Japanese, France could not count on aid from her ally and the Kaiser
+did not believe that the recently formed Entente was strong enough to
+enable her to count on English support. His object in landing at
+Tangier was, therefore, to check and humiliate France while she was
+isolated and to break up the Entente before it should develop into an
+alliance. Delcassé, the French foreign minister, wanted to stand firm,
+but Germany demanded his retirement and the prime minister accepted his
+resignation. In recognition of this triumph, the German chancellor
+Count von Bülow was given the title of Prince. Not satisfied with this
+achievement, the Kaiser demanded a general European conference on the
+Moroccan question, and, in order to avoid war, President Roosevelt
+persuaded France to submit the whole dispute to the powers interested.
+The Algeciras conference turned out to be a bitter disappointment to
+Germany. Not only did France receive the loyal support of England, but
+she was also backed by the United States and even by Italy--a warning
+to Germany that the Triple Alliance was in danger. As the conference
+was called nominally for the purpose of instituting certain
+administrative reforms in Morocco, President Roosevelt decided, in view
+of our rights under a commercial treaty of 1880, to take part in the
+proceedings. The American delegates were Henry White, at that time
+ambassador to Italy, and Samuel R. Gummeré, minister to Morocco. As
+the United States professed to have no political interests at stake,
+its delegates were instrumental in composing many of the difficulties
+that arose during the conference and their influence was exerted to
+preserve the European balance of power. The facts in regard to
+America's part in this conference were carefully concealed from the
+public. There was nothing in any published American document to
+indicate that the participation of our representatives was anything
+more than casual. André Tardieu, the well-known French publicist, who
+reported the conference and later published his impressions in book
+form, first indicated that President Roosevelt was a positive factor in
+the proceedings. But it was not until the publication of Bishop's
+"Theodore Roosevelt and His Time" that the full extent of Roosevelt's
+activities in this connection became known.
+
+There can be no doubt that our participation in the Moroccan conference
+was the most radical departure ever made from our traditional policy of
+isolation. Roosevelt's influence was exerted for preserving the
+balance of power in Europe. As we look back upon the events of that
+year we feel, in view of what has since happened, that he was fully
+justified in the course he pursued. Had his motives for participating
+in the conference been known at the time, they would not have been
+upheld either by the Senate or by public opinion. There are many
+serious objections to secret diplomacy, but it cannot be entirely done
+away with even under a republican form of government until the people
+are educated to a fuller understanding of international politics. The
+German Kaiser was relentless in his attempt to score a diplomatic
+triumph while France was isolated. He was thwarted, however, by the
+moral support which England, Italy, and the United States gave to
+France.
+
+During the proceedings of the conference the American delegates
+declared in open session that the United States had no political
+interest in Morocco and that they would sign the treaty only with the
+understanding that the United States would thereby assume no
+"obligation or responsibility for the enforcement thereof." This
+declaration did not satisfy the United States Senate, which no doubt
+suspected the part that was actually played by America in the
+conference. At any rate, when the treaty was finally ratified the
+Senate attached to its resolution of ratification the following
+declaration:
+
+"Resolved further. That the Senate, as a part of this act of
+ratification, understands that the participation of the United States
+in the Algeciras conference and in the formation and adoption of the
+general act and protocol which resulted therefrom, was with the sole
+purpose of preserving and increasing its commerce in Morocco, the
+protection as to life, liberty, and property of its citizens residing
+or traveling therein, and of aiding by its friendly offices and
+efforts, in removing friction and controversy which seemed to menace
+the peace between powers signatory with the United States to the treaty
+of 1880, all of which are on terms of amity with this Government; and
+without purpose to depart from the traditional American foreign policy
+which forbids participation by the United States in the settlement of
+political questions which are entirely European in their scope."
+
+The determination of the United States not to interfere in the internal
+politics of European States has not prevented occasional protests in
+the name of humanity against the harsh treatment accorded the Jews in
+certain European countries. On July 17, 1902, Secretary Hay protested
+in a note to the Rumanian government against a policy which was forcing
+thousands of Jews to emigrate from that country. The United States, he
+claimed, had more than a philanthropic interest in this matter, for the
+enforced emigration of the Jews from Rumania in a condition of utter
+destitution was "the mere transplantation of an artificially produced
+diseased growth to a new place"; and, as the United States was
+practically their only place of refuge, we had a clearly established
+right of remonstrance. In the case of Russia information has
+repeatedly been sought through diplomatic channels as to the extent of
+destitution among the Jewish population, and permission has been
+requested for the distribution of relief funds raised in the United
+States. Such inquiries have been so framed as to amount to diplomatic
+protests. In his annual message of 1904 President Roosevelt went
+further and openly expressed the horror of the nation at the massacre
+of the Jews at Kishenef. These protests, however, were purely
+diplomatic in character. There was not the slightest hint at
+intervention. During the early stages of the Great War in Europe the
+Government of the United States endeavored to adhere strictly to its
+historic policy. The German invasion of Belgium with its attendant
+horrors made a deep impression upon the American people and aroused
+their fighting spirit even more perhaps than the German policy of
+submarine warfare, but it was on the latter issue, in which the
+interests and rights of the United States were directly involved, that
+we finally entered the war.
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+THE OPEN-DOOR POLICY
+
+In the Orient American diplomacy has had a somewhat freer hand than in
+Europe. Commodore Perry's expedition to Japan in 1852-1854 was quite a
+radical departure from the general policy of attending strictly to our
+own business. It would hardly have been undertaken against a country
+lying within the European sphere of influence. There were, it is true,
+certain definite grievances to redress, but the main reason for the
+expedition was that Japan refused to recognize her obligations as a
+member of the family of nations and closed her ports to all intercourse
+with the outside world. American sailors who had been shipwrecked on
+the coast of Japan had failed to receive the treatment usually accorded
+by civilized nations. Finally the United States decided to send a
+naval force to Japan and to force that country to abandon her policy of
+exclusion and to open her ports to intercourse with other countries.
+Japan yielded only under the threat of superior force. The conduct of
+the expedition, as well as our subsequent diplomatic negotiations with
+Japan, was highly creditable to the United States, and the Japanese
+people later erected a monument to the memory of Perry on the spot
+where he first landed.
+
+The acquisition of the Philippine Islands tended to bring us more fully
+into the current of world politics, but it did not necessarily disturb
+the balancing of European and American spheres as set up by President
+Monroe. Various explanations have been given of President McKinley's
+decision to retain the Philippine group, but the whole truth has in all
+probability not yet been fully revealed. The partition of China
+through the establishment of European spheres of influence was well
+under way when the Philippine Islands came within our grasp. American
+commerce with China was at this time second to that of England alone,
+and the concessions which were being wrung from China by the European
+powers in such rapid succession presented a bad outlook for us. The
+United States could not follow the example of the powers of Europe, for
+the seizure of a sphere of influence in China would not have been
+supported by the Senate or upheld by public opinion. It is probable
+that President McKinley thought that the Philippine Islands would not
+only provide a market for American goods, which owing to the Dingley
+tariff were beginning to face retaliatory legislation abroad, but that
+they would provide a naval base which would be of great assistance in
+upholding our interests in China.
+
+Talcott Williams made public some years later another explanation of
+President McKinley's decision which is interesting and appears to be
+well vouched for. He was informed by a member of McKinley's cabinet
+that while the President's mind was not yet made up on the question, a
+personal communication was received from Lord Salisbury who warned the
+President that Germany was preparing to take over the Philippine
+Islands in case the United States should withdraw; that such a step
+would probably precipitate a world war and that in the interests of
+peace and harmony it would be best for the United States to retain the
+entire group.
+
+The famous open-door policy was outlined by Secretary Hay in notes
+dated September 6, 1899, addressed to Great Britain, Germany, and
+Russia. Each of these powers was requested to give assurance and to
+make a declaration to the following effect: (1) that it would not
+interfere with any treaty port or vested interests in its so-called
+sphere of influence; (2) that it would permit the Chinese tariff to
+continue in force in such sphere and to be collected by Chinese
+officials; (3) that it would not discriminate against other foreigners
+in the matter of port dues or railroad rates. Similar notes were later
+addressed to France, Italy, and Japan. England alone expressed her
+willingness to sign such a declaration. The other powers, while
+professing thorough accord with the principles set forth by Mr. Hay,
+avoided committing themselves to a formal declaration and no such
+declaration was ever made. Mr. Hay made a skillful move, however, to
+clinch matters by informing each of the powers to whom the note had
+been addressed that in view of the favorable replies from the other
+powers, its acceptance of the proposals of the United States was
+considered "as final and definitive."
+
+Americans generally are under the impression that John Hay originated
+the open-door policy and that it was successfully upheld by the United
+States. Neither of these impressions is correct. A few months before
+John Hay formulated his famous note Lord Charles Beresford came through
+America on his return from China and addressed the leading chambers of
+commerce from San Francisco to New York, telling Americans what was
+actually taking place in China and urging this country to unite with
+England and Japan in an effort to maintain the open door. Like the
+Monroe Doctrine, the open-door policy was thus Anglo-American in
+origin. There is little doubt that England and Japan were willing to
+form an alliance with the United States for the purpose of maintaining
+the open door in China, but our traditional policy of isolation
+prevented our committing ourselves to the employment of force.
+President McKinley, following the example of President Monroe,
+preferred announcing our policy independently and requesting the other
+powers to consent to it. Had John Hay been able to carry out the plan
+which he favored of an alliance with England and Japan, the mere
+announcement of the fact would have been sufficient to check the
+aggressions of the powers in China. Instead of such an alliance,
+however, we let it be known that while we favored the open door we
+would not fight for it under any conditions.
+
+The utter worthlessness of the replies that were made in response to
+Hay's note of September 6, 1899, became fully apparent in the
+discussions that soon arose as to the status of consuls in the various
+spheres of influence. Japan claimed that sovereignty did not pass with
+a lease and that even if China should surrender jurisdiction over her
+own people, the lessee governments could not acquire jurisdiction over
+foreigners in leased territory. This position was undoubtedly correct
+if the territorial integrity of China was really to be preserved, but
+after negotiations with Russia and the other powers concerned Mr. Hay
+wrote to Minister Conger on February 3, 1900, that "The United States
+consuls in districts adjacent to the foreign leased territories are to
+be instructed that they have no authority to exercise extra-territorial
+consular jurisdiction or to perform ordinary non-judicial consular acts
+within the leased territory under their present Chinese exequaturs."
+Application was then made to the European powers for the admission of
+American consuls in the leased territories for the performance of the
+ordinary consular functions, but in no case were they to exercise
+extra-territorial jurisdiction within a leased territory.
+
+The exploitation of China which continued at a rapid rate naturally
+aroused an intense anti-foreign sentiment and led to the Boxer
+uprising. Events moved with startling rapidity and United States
+troops took a prominent part with those of England, France, Russia, and
+Japan in the march to Peking for the relief of the legations. In a
+note to the powers July 3, 1900, Secretary Hay, in defining the
+attitude of the United States on the Chinese question, said: "The
+policy of the government of the United States is to seek a solution
+which may bring about permanent safety and peace to China, preserve
+Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect all rights
+guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international law, and
+safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with
+all parts of the Chinese empire." Mr. Hay's notes were skillfully
+worded and had some influence in helping to formulate public opinion on
+the Chinese question both in this country and abroad, but we know now
+from his private letters which have recently been made public that he
+realized only too fully the utter futility of his efforts to stay the
+course of events. During the exciting days of June, 1900, when the
+foreign legations at Peking were in a state of siege, Mr. Hay wrote to
+John W. Foster as follows:
+
+"What can be done in the present diseased state of the public mind?
+There is such a mad-dog hatred of England prevalent among newspapers
+and politicians that anything we should now do in China to take care of
+our imperiled interests would be set down to 'subservience to Great
+Britain'. . . . Every Senator I see says, 'For God's sake, don't let
+it appear we have any understanding with England.' How can I make
+bricks without straw? That we should be compelled to refuse the
+assistance of the greatest power in the world, in carrying out our own
+policy, because all Irishmen are Democrats and some Germans are
+fools--is enough to drive a man mad. Yet we shall do what we can."
+
+A little later (September 20, 1900) in confidential letters to Henry
+Adams, he exclaimed:
+
+"About China, it is the devil's own mess. We cannot possibly publish
+all the facts without breaking off relations with several Powers. We
+shall have to do the best we can, and take the consequences, which will
+be pretty serious, I do not doubt. 'Give and take'--the axiom of
+diplomacy to the rest of the world--is positively forbidden to us, by
+both the Senate and public opinion. We must take what we can and give
+nothing--which greatly narrows our possibilities.
+
+"I take it, you agree with us that we are to limit as far as possible
+our military operations in China, to withdraw our troops at the
+earliest day consistent with our obligations, and in the final
+adjustment to do everything we can for the integrity and reform of
+China, and to hold on like grim death to the Open Door. . . ."
+
+Again, November 21, 1900:
+
+"What a business this has been in China! So far we have got on by
+being honest and naïf. . . . At least we are spared the infamy of an
+alliance with Germany. I would rather, I think, be the dupe of China,
+than the chum of the Kaiser. Have you noticed how the world will take
+anything nowadays from a German? Bülow said yesterday in
+substance--'We have demanded of China everything we can think of. If
+we think of anything else we will demand that, and be d--d to you'--and
+not a man in the world kicks."
+
+During the long negotiations that followed the occupation of Peking by
+the powers, the United States threw the weight of its influence on the
+side of moderation, urging the powers not to impose too many burdens on
+China and declaring that the only hope for the future lay in a strong,
+independent, responsible Chinese government. Contrary to the terms of
+the final protocol, however, Russia retained in Manchuria the troops
+concentrated there during the Boxer movement with a view to exacting
+further concessions from China. The open-door policy was again
+ignored. The seriousness of the situation led England and Japan to
+sign a defensive agreement January 30, 1902, recognizing England's
+interest in China and Japan's interest in Korea, and providing that if
+either party should be attacked in defense of its interest, the other
+party would remain neutral, unless a third power joined in, in which
+event the second party would come to the assistance of the first. A
+formal protest made by the United States, February 1, against some of
+the demands Russia was making on China led Russia to conclude that the
+American government had an understanding with England and Japan, but
+Mr. Hay gave the assurance that he had known nothing about the
+Anglo-Japanese agreement until it was made public. He succeeded in
+securing from Russia, however, a definite promise to evacuate
+Manchuria, but as the time for the withdrawal of her troops drew near,
+Russia again imposed new conditions on China, and deliberately
+misrepresented to the United States the character of the new proposals.
+
+After the suppression of the Boxer uprising, China had agreed to extend
+the scope of her commercial treaties with the powers. When the
+negotiation of a new treaty with the United States was begun, our
+representative demanded that at least two new ports in Manchuria be
+opened to foreign trade and residence. The Chinese commissioners
+declined to discuss the subject on the alleged ground that they had no
+instructions to do so. It was evident that there was secret opposition
+somewhere, and after considerable difficulty Mr. Hay finally secured
+evidence that it came from Russia. When confronted with the evidence
+the Russian Government finally admitted the facts. We were told that
+we could not be admitted to one of the ports that we had designated
+because it was situated within the Russian railway zone, and therefore
+not under the complete jurisdiction of China, but that another port
+would be substituted for it. Secretary Hay and President Roosevelt
+were helpless. They accepted what they could get and kept quiet. "The
+administrative entity" of China was again utterly ignored. The
+difficulty was that we did not have a strong enough navy in the Pacific
+to fight Russia alone, and President Roosevelt and Secretary Hay
+realized that neither the Senate nor public opinion would consent to an
+alliance with England and Japan. Had these three powers made a joint
+declaration in support of the open-door policy, the exploitation of
+China would have ceased, there would have been no Russo-Japanese war,
+and the course of world history during the period that has since
+intervened might have been very different.
+
+When we backed down and abandoned Manchuria to Russian exploitation
+Japan stepped into the breach. After long negotiations the Japanese
+Government finally delivered an ultimatum to Russia which resulted in
+the rupture of diplomatic relations and war. After a series of notable
+victories on land and sea Japan was fast approaching the end of her
+resources, and it is now an open secret that the Emperor wrote a
+personal letter to President Roosevelt requesting him to intervene
+diplomatically and pave the way for peace. The President was quick to
+act on the suggestion and the commissioners of Russia and Japan met at
+Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Here President Roosevelt's intervention
+should have ceased. The terms of the Treaty of Portsmouth were a
+bitter disappointment to the Japanese people and the Japanese
+commissioners undertook to shift the burden from their shoulders by
+stating that President Roosevelt had urged them to surrender their
+claim to the Island of Saghalien and to give up all idea of an
+indemnity. Japanese military triumph had again, as at the close of the
+Chino-Japanese War, been followed by diplomatic defeat, and for this
+defeat Japanese public opinion held President Roosevelt responsible.
+From the days of Commodore Perry and Townsend Harris to the Treaty of
+Portsmouth, relations between the United States and Japan had been
+almost ideal. Since the negotiations at Portsmouth there has been a
+considerable amount of bad feeling, and at times diplomatic relations
+have been subjected to a severe strain.
+
+Having fought a costly war in order to check the Russian advance in
+Manchuria, the Japanese naturally felt that they had a paramount
+interest in China. They consequently sharply resented the attempts
+which the United States subsequently made, particularly Secretary
+Knox's proposal for the neutralization of the railways of Manchuria, to
+formulate policies for China. They took the position that we had had
+our day and that we must henceforth remain hands off so far as China
+was concerned. This attitude of mind was not unnatural and during the
+World War the United States, in order to bind the Japanese government
+more closely to the Allied Cause, agreed to recognize, in the
+Lansing-Ishii agreement, the "special interests" of Japan in China.
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS
+
+A few years ago George L. Beer, one of our leading students of British
+colonial policy, said "It is easily conceivable, and not at all
+improbable, that the political evolution of the next centuries may take
+such a course that the American Revolution will lose the great
+significance that is now attached to it, and will appear merely as the
+temporary separation of two kindred peoples whose inherent similarity
+was obscured by superficial differences resulting from dissimilar
+economic and social conditions." This statement does not appear as
+extravagant to-day as it did ten years ago. As early as 1894, Captain
+Mahan, the great authority on naval history, published an essay
+entitled "Possibilities of an Anglo-American Reunion," in which he
+pointed out that these two countries were the only great powers which
+were by geographical position exempt from the burden of large armies
+and dependent upon the sea for intercourse with the other great nations.
+
+In a volume dealing with questions of American foreign policy,
+published in 1907, the present writer concluded the last paragraph with
+this statement: "By no means the least significant of recent changes is
+the development of cordial relations with England; and it seems now
+that the course of world politics is destined to lead to the further
+reknitting together of the two great branches of the Anglo-Saxon race
+in bonds of peace and international sympathy, in a union not cemented
+by any formal alliance, but based on community of interests and of
+aims, a union that will constitute the highest guarantee of the
+political stability and moral progress of the world."
+
+The United States has very naturally had closer contact with England
+than with any other European power. This has been due to the fact that
+England was the mother country, that after independence was established
+a large part of our trade continued to be with the British Isles, that
+our northern boundary touches British territory for nearly four
+thousand miles, and that the British navy and mercantile marine have
+dominated the Atlantic Ocean which has been our chief highway of
+intercourse with other nations. Having had more points of contact we
+have had more disputes with England than with any other nation. Some
+writers have half jocularly attributed this latter fact to our common
+language. The Englishman reads our books, papers, and magazines, and
+knows what we think of him, while we read what he writes about us, and
+in neither case is the resulting impression flattering to the national
+pride.
+
+Any one who takes the trouble to read what was written in England about
+America and the Americans between 1820 and 1850 will wonder how war was
+avoided. A large number of English travellers came to the United
+States during this period and published books about us when they got
+home. The books were bad enough in themselves, but the great English
+periodicals, the _Edinburgh Review_, _Blackwood's_, the _British
+Review_, and the _Quarterly_, quoted at length the most objectionable
+passages from these writers and made malicious attacks on Americans and
+American institutions. American men were described as "turbulent
+citizens, abandoned Christians, inconstant husbands, unnatural fathers,
+and treacherous friends." Our soldiers and sailors were charged with
+cowardice in the War of 1812. It was stated that "in the southern
+parts of the Union the rites of our holy faith are almost never
+practised. . . . Three and a half millions enjoy no means of religious
+instruction. The religious principle is gaining ground in the northern
+parts of the Union; it is becoming fashionable among the better orders
+of society to go to church . . . The greater number of states declare
+it to be unconstitutional to refer to the providence of God in any of
+their public acts." The _Quarterly Review_ informed its readers that
+"the supreme felicity of a true-born American is inaction of body and
+inanity of mind." Dickens's _American Notes_ was an ungrateful return
+for the kindness and enthusiasm with which he had been received in this
+country. De Tocqueville's _Democracy in America_ was widely read in
+England and doubtless had its influence in revising opinion concerning
+America. Richard Cobden was, however, the first Englishman to
+interpret correctly the significance of America as an economic force.
+His essay on America, published in 1835, pointed out that British
+policy should be more concerned with economic relations with America
+than with European politics. As Professor Dunning says, "Cobden made
+the United States the text of his earliest sermon against militarism
+and protectionism."
+
+Notwithstanding innumerable disputes over boundaries, fisheries, and
+fur seals, trade with the British West Indies and Canada, and questions
+of neutral rights and obligations, we have had unbroken peace for more
+than a hundred years. Upon several occasions, notably during the
+Canadian insurrection of 1837 and during our own Civil War,
+disturbances along the Canadian border created strained relations, but
+absence of frontier guards and forts has prevented hasty action on the
+part of either government. The agreement of 1817, effecting
+disarmament on the Great Lakes, has not only saved both countries the
+enormous cost of maintaining navies on these inland waters, but it has
+prevented hostile demonstrations in times of crisis.
+
+During the Canadian rebellion of 1837 Americans along the border
+expressed openly their sympathy for the insurgents who secured arms and
+munitions from the American side. In December a British force crossed
+the Niagara River, boarded and took possession of the _Caroline_, a
+vessel which had been hired by the insurgents to convey their cannon
+and other supplies. The ship was fired and sent over the Falls. When
+the _Caroline_ was boarded one American, Amos Durfee, was killed and
+several others wounded. The United States at once demanded redress,
+but the British Government took the position that the seizure of the
+_Caroline_ was a justifiable act of self-defense against people whom
+their own government either could not or would not control.
+
+The demands of the United States were still unredressed when in 1840 a
+Canadian named Alexander McLeod made the boast in a tavern on the
+American side that he had slain Durfee. He was taken at his word,
+examined before a magistrate, and committed to jail in Lockport.
+McLeod's arrest created great excitement on both sides of the border.
+The British minister at Washington called upon the Government of the
+United States "to take prompt and effectual steps for the liberation of
+Mr. McLeod." Secretary of State Forsyth replied that the offense with
+which McLeod was charged had been committed within the State of New
+York; that the jurisdiction of each State of the United States was,
+within its proper sphere, perfectly independent of the Federal
+Government; that the latter could not interfere. The date set for the
+trial of McLeod was the fourth Monday in March, 1841. Van Buren's term
+ended and Harrison's began on the 4th of March, and Webster became
+Secretary of State. The British minister was given instructions by his
+government to demand the immediate release of McLeod. This demand was
+made, he said, because the attack on the _Caroline_ was an act of a
+public character; because it was a justifiable use of force for the
+defense of British territory against unprovoked attack by "British
+rebels and American pirates"; because it was contrary to the principles
+of civilized nations to hold individuals responsible for acts done by
+order of the constituted authorities of the State; and because Her
+Majesty's government could not admit the doctrine that the Federal
+Government had no power to interfere and that the decision must rest
+with the State of New York. The relations of foreign powers were with
+the Federal Government. To admit that the Federal Government had no
+control over a State would lead to the dissolution of the Union so far
+as foreign powers were concerned, and to the accrediting of foreign
+diplomatic agents, not to the Federal Government, but to each separate
+State. Webster received the note quietly and sent the attorney-general
+to Lockport to see that McLeod had competent counsel. After
+considerable delay, during which Webster replied to the main arguments
+of the British note, McLeod was acquitted and released.
+
+In the midst of the dispute over the case of the _Caroline_ serious
+trouble arose between the authorities of Maine and New Brunswick over
+the undetermined boundary between the St. Croix River and the
+Highlands, and there ensued the so-called "Aroostook War." During the
+summer of 1838 British and American lumbermen began operating along the
+Aroostook River in large numbers. The governor of Maine sent a body of
+militia to enforce the authority of that State, and the New Brunswick
+authorities procured a detachment of British regulars to back up their
+position. Bloodshed was averted by the arrival of General Winfield
+Scott, who managed to restrain the Maine authorities. The
+administration found it necessary to take up seriously the settlement
+of the boundary question, and for the next three years the matter was
+under consideration, while each side had surveyors employed in a vain
+attempt to locate a line which would correspond to the line of the
+treaty. As soon as the McLeod affair was settled, Webster devoted
+himself earnestly to the boundary question. He decided to drop the
+mass of data accumulated by the surveyors and historians, and to reach
+an agreement by direct negotiation.
+
+In April, 1842, Alexander Baring, Lord Ashburton, arrived in Washington
+and the following August the Webster-Ashburton treaty was signed. The
+boundary fixed by the treaty gave Maine a little more than half the
+area which she claimed and the United States appropriated $150,000 to
+compensate Maine for the territory which she had lost.
+
+The settlement of these matters did not, however, insure peace with
+England. Settlers were crowding into Oregon and it was evident that
+the joint occupation, established by the convention of 1818, would soon
+have to be terminated and a divisional line agreed upon. Great Britain
+insisted that her southern boundary should extend at least as far as
+the Columbia River, while Americans finally claimed the whole of the
+disputed area, and one of the slogans of the presidential campaign of
+1844 was "Fifty-Four-Forty or Fight." At the same time Great Britain
+actively opposed the annexation of Texas by the United States. Her
+main reason for this course was that she wished to encourage the
+development of Texas as a cotton-growing country from which she could
+draw a large enough supply to make her independent of the United
+States. If Texas should thus devote herself to the production of
+cotton as her chief export crop, she would, of course, adopt a
+free-trade policy and thus create a considerable market for British
+goods.
+
+As soon as it became evident that Tyler contemplated taking definite
+steps toward annexation, Lord Aberdeen secured the coöperation of the
+government of Louis Philippe in opposing the absorption of Texas by the
+American republic. While the treaty for the annexation of Texas was
+before the Senate, Lord Aberdeen came forward with a proposition that
+England and France should unite with Texas and Mexico in a diplomatic
+act or perpetual treaty, securing to Texas recognition as an
+independent republic, but preventing her from ever acquiring territory
+beyond the Rio Grande or joining the American union. While the United
+States would be invited to join in this act, it was not expected that
+the government of that country would agree to it. Mexico obstinately
+refused to recognize the independence of Texas. Lord Aberdeen was so
+anxious to prevent the annexation of Texas that he was ready, if
+supported by France, to coerce Mexico and fight the United States, but
+the French Government was not willing to go this far, so the scheme was
+abandoned.
+
+The two foremost issues in the campaign of 1844 were the annexation of
+Texas and the occupation of Oregon. Texas was annexed by joint
+resolution a few days before the inauguration of Polk. This act, it
+was foreseen, would probably provoke a war with Mexico, so Polk's first
+task was to adjust the Oregon dispute in order to avoid complications
+with England. The fate of California was also involved. That province
+was not likely to remain long in the hands of a weak power like Mexico.
+In fact, British consular agents and naval officers had for several
+years been urging upon their government the great value of Upper
+California. Aberdeen refused to countenance any insurrectionary
+movement in California, but he directed his agents to keep vigilant
+watch on the proceedings of citizens of the United States in that
+province. Had England and Mexico arrived at an understanding and
+joined in a war against the United States, the probabilities are that
+England would have acquired not only the whole of Oregon, but
+California besides. In fact, in May, 1846, just as we were on the
+point of going to war with Mexico, the president of Mexico officially
+proposed to transfer California to England as security for a loan.
+Fortunately, the Oregon question had been adjusted and England had no
+reason for wishing to go to war with the United States. Mexico's offer
+was therefore rejected. Polk managed the diplomatic situation with
+admirable promptness and firmness. Notwithstanding the fact that the
+democratic platform had demanded "Fifty-Four-Forty or Fight," as soon
+as Polk became President he offered to compromise with England on the
+49th parallel. When this offer was declined he asked permission of
+Congress to give England the necessary notice for the termination of
+the joint occupation agreement, to provide for the military defense of
+the territory in dispute, and to extend over it the laws of the United
+States. A few months later notice was given to England, but at the
+same time the hope was expressed that the matter might be adjusted
+diplomatically. As soon as it was evident that the United States was
+in earnest, England gracefully yielded and accepted the terms which had
+been first proposed.
+
+As war with Mexico was imminent the public generally approved of the
+Oregon compromise, though the criticism was made by some in the North
+that the South, having secured in Texas a large addition to slave
+territory, was indifferent about the expansion of free territory. In
+fact, Henry Cabot Lodge, in his recent little book, "One Hundred Years
+of Peace," says: "The loss of the region between the forty-ninth
+parallel and the line of 54-40 was one of the most severe which ever
+befell the United States. Whether it could have been obtained without
+a war is probably doubtful, but it never ought to have been said,
+officially or otherwise, that we would fight for 54-40 unless we were
+fully prepared to do so. If we had stood firm for the line of 54-40
+without threats, it is quite possible that we might have succeeded in
+the end; but the hypotheses of history are of little practical value,
+and the fact remains that by the treaty of 1846 we lost a complete
+control of the Pacific coast."
+
+That the United States lived through what Professor Dunning calls "the
+roaring forties" without a war with England seems now little less than
+a miracle. During the next fifteen years relations were much more
+amicable, though by no means free from disputes. The most important
+diplomatic act was the signature in 1850 of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty
+which conceded to England a joint interest in any canal that might be
+built through the isthmus connecting North and South America. One of
+the interesting episodes of this period was the dismissal of Crampton,
+the British minister, who insisted on enlisting men in the United
+States for service in the Crimean War, an act which pales into
+insignificance in comparison with some of the things which Bernstorff
+did during the early stages of the Great War.
+
+Relations between the United States and England during the American
+Civil War involved so many highly technical questions that it is
+impossible to do more than touch upon them in the present connection.
+Diplomatic discussions centred about such questions as the validity of
+the blockade established by President Lincoln, the recognition by
+England of Confederate belligerency, the _Trent_ affair, and the
+responsibility of England for the depredations committed by the
+_Alabama_ and other Confederate cruisers. When the United States first
+demanded reparation for the damage inflicted on American commerce by
+the Confederate cruisers, the British Government disclaimed all
+liability on the ground that the fitting out of the cruisers had not
+been completed within British jurisdiction. Even after the close of
+the war the British Government continued to reject all proposals for a
+settlement. The American nation, flushed with victory, was bent on
+redress, and so deep-seated was the resentment against England, that
+the Fenian movement, which had for its object the establishment of an
+independent republic in Ireland, met with open encouragement in this
+country. The House of Representatives went so far as to repeal the law
+forbidding Americans to fit out ships for belligerents, but the Senate
+failed to concur. The successful war waged by Prussia against Austria
+in 1866 disturbed the European balance, and rumblings of the
+approaching Franco-Prussian war caused uneasiness in British cabinet
+circles. Fearing that if Great Britain were drawn into the conflict
+the American people might take a sweet revenge by fitting out
+"Alabamas" for her enemies, the British Government assumed a more
+conciliatory attitude, and in January, 1869, Lord Clarendon signed with
+Reverdy Johnson a convention providing for the submission to a mixed
+commission of all claims which had arisen since 1853. Though the
+convention included, it did not specifically mention, the _Alabama_
+Claims, and it failed to contain any expression of regret for the
+course pursued by the British Government during the war. The Senate,
+therefore, refused by an almost unanimous vote to ratify the
+arrangement.
+
+When Grant became President, Hamilton Fish renewed the negotiations
+through Motley, the American minister at London, but the latter was
+unduly influenced by the extreme views of Sumner, chairman of the
+Senate committee on foreign relations, to whose influence he owed his
+appointment, and got things in a bad tangle. Fish then transferred the
+negotiations to Washington, where a joint high commission, appointed to
+settle the various disputes with Canada, convened in 1871. A few
+months later the treaty of Washington was signed. Among other things
+it provided for submitting the _Alabama_ Claims to an arbitration
+tribunal composed of five members, one appointed by England, one by the
+United States, and the other three by the rulers of Italy, Switzerland,
+and Brazil. When this tribunal met at Geneva, the following year, the
+United States, greatly to the surprise of everybody, presented not only
+the direct claims for the damage inflicted by the Confederate cruisers,
+but also indirect claims for the loss sustained through the transfer of
+American shipping to foreign flags, for the prolongation of the war,
+and for increased rates of insurance. Great Britain threatened to
+withdraw from the arbitration, but Charles Francis Adams, the American
+member of the tribunal, rose nobly to the occasion and decided against
+the contention of his own government. The indirect claims were
+rejected by a unanimous vote and on the direct claims the United States
+was awarded the sum of $15,500,000. Although the British member of the
+tribunal dissented from the decision his government promptly paid the
+award. This was the most important case that had ever been submitted
+to arbitration and its successful adjustment encouraged the hope that
+the two great branches of the English-speaking peoples would never
+again have to resort to war.
+
+Between the settlement of the _Alabama_ Claims and the controversy over
+the Venezuelan boundary, diplomatic intercourse between the two
+countries was enlivened by the efforts of Blaine and Frelinghuysen to
+convince the British Government that the Clayton-Bulwer treaty was out
+of date and therefore no longer binding, by the assertion of American
+ownership in the seal herds of Bering Sea and the attempt to prevent
+Canadians from taking these animals in the open sea, and by the summary
+dismissal of Lord Sackville-West, the third British minister to receive
+his passports from the United States without request.
+
+President Cleveland's bold assertion of the Monroe Doctrine in the
+Venezuelan boundary dispute, while the subject of much criticism at the
+time both at home and abroad, turned out to be a most opportune
+assertion of the intention of the United States to protect the American
+continents from the sort of exploitation to which Africa and Asia have
+fallen a prey, and, strange to say, it had a clarifying effect on our
+relations with England, whose attitude has since been uniformly
+friendly.
+
+The Venezuelan affair was followed by the proposal of Lord Salisbury to
+renew the negotiations for a permanent treaty of arbitration which had
+been first entered into by Secretary Gresham and Sir Julian Pauncefote.
+In the spring of 1890 the Congress of the United States had adopted a
+resolution in favor of the negotiation of arbitration treaties with
+friendly nations, and the British House of Commons had in July, 1893,
+expressed its hearty approval of a general arbitration treaty between
+the United States and England. The matter was then taken up
+diplomatically, as stated above, but was dropped when the Venezuelan
+boundary dispute became acute. Lord Salisbury's proposal was favorably
+received by President Cleveland, and after mature deliberation the
+draft of a treaty was finally drawn up and signed by Secretary Olney
+and Sir Julian Pauncefote. This treaty provided for the submission of
+pecuniary claims to the familiar mixed commission with an umpire or
+referee to decide disputed points. Controversies involving the
+determination of territorial claims were to be submitted to a tribunal
+composed of six members, three justices of the Supreme Court of the
+United States or judges of the Circuit Court to be nominated by the
+president of the United States, and three judges of the British Supreme
+Court of Judicature or members of the Judicial Committee of the Privy
+Council to be nominated by the British sovereign, and an award made by
+a majority of not less than five to one was to be final. In case of an
+award made by less than the prescribed majority, the award was also to
+be final unless either power should within three months protest against
+it, in which case the award was to be of no validity. This treaty was
+concluded in January, 1897, and promptly submitted to the Senate. When
+President Cleveland's term expired in March no action had been taken.
+President McKinley endorsed the treaty in his inaugural address and
+urged the Senate to take prompt action, but when the vote was taken,
+May 5th, it stood forty-three for, and twenty-six against, the treaty.
+It thus lacked three votes of the two thirds required for ratification.
+The failure of this treaty was a great disappointment to the friends of
+international arbitration. The opposition within his own party to
+President Cleveland, under whose direction the treaty had been
+negotiated, and the change of administration, probably had a good deal
+to do with its defeat. Public opinion, especially in the Northern
+States of the Union, was still hostile to England. Irish agitators
+could always get a sympathetic hearing in America, and politicians
+could not resist the temptation to play on anti-British prejudices in
+order to bring out the Irish vote.
+
+The Spanish War was the turning point in our relations with England as
+in many other things. The question as to who were our friends in 1898
+was much discussed at the time, and when revived by the press upon the
+occasion of the visit of Prince Henry of Prussia to the United States
+in February, 1902, even the cabinets of Europe could not refrain from
+taking part in the controversy. In order to diminish the enthusiasm
+over the Prince's visit the British press circulated the story that
+Lord Pauncefote had checked a movement of the European powers to
+prevent any intervention of the United States in Cuba; while the German
+papers asserted that Lord Pauncefote had taken the initiative in
+opposing American intervention. It is certain that the attitude of the
+British Government, as well as of the British people, from the outbreak
+of hostilities to the close of the war, was friendly. As for Germany,
+while the conduct of the government was officially correct, public
+sentiment expressed itself with great violence against the United
+States. The conduct of the German admiral, Diederichs, in Manila Bay
+has never been satisfactorily explained. Shortly after Dewey's victory
+a German squadron, superior to the American in strength, steamed into
+the Bay and displayed, according to Dewey, an "extraordinary disregard
+of the usual courtesies of naval intercourse." Dewey finally sent his
+flag-lieutenant, Brumby, to inform the German admiral that "if he wants
+a fight he can have it right now." The German admiral at once
+apologized. It is well known now that the commander of the British
+squadron, which was in a position to bring its guns to bear on the
+Germans, gave Dewey to understand that he could rely on more than moral
+support from him in case of trouble. In fact, John Hay wrote from
+London at the beginning of the war that the British navy was at our
+disposal for the asking.
+
+Great Britain's change of attitude toward the United States was so
+marked that some writers have naïvely concluded that a secret treaty of
+alliance between the two countries was made in 1897. The absurdity of
+such a statement was pointed out by Senator Lodge several years ago.
+England's change of attitude is not difficult to understand. For a
+hundred years after the battle of Trafalgar, England had pursued the
+policy of maintaining a navy large enough to meet all comers. With the
+rapid growth of other navies during the closing years of the nineteenth
+century, England realized that she could no longer pursue this policy.
+Russia, Japan, and Germany had all adopted extensive naval programs
+when we went to war with Spain. Our acquisition of the Philippines and
+Porto Rico and our determination to build an isthmian canal made a
+large American navy inevitable. Great Britain realized, therefore,
+that she would have to cast about for future allies. She therefore
+signed the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty with us in 1901, and a defensive
+alliance with Japan in 1902.
+
+In view of the fact that the United States was bent on carrying out the
+long-deferred canal scheme, Great Britain realized that a further
+insistence on her rights under the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty would lead to
+friction and possible conflict. She wisely decided, therefore, to
+recede from the position which she had held for half a century and to
+give us a free hand in the construction and control of the canal at
+whatever point we might choose to build it. While the Hay-Pauncefote
+treaty was limited in terms to the canal question, it was in reality of
+much wider significance. It amounted, in fact, to the recognition of
+American naval supremacy in the West Indies, and since its signature
+Great Britain has withdrawn her squadron from this important strategic
+area. The supremacy of the United States in the Caribbean is now
+firmly established and in fact unquestioned. The American public did
+not appreciate at the time the true significance of the Hay-Pauncefote
+Treaty, and a few years later Congress inserted in the Panama Tolls Act
+a clause exempting American ships engaged in the coast-wise trade from
+the payment of tolls. Great Britain at once protested against the
+exemption clause as a violation of the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty and
+anti-British sentiment at once flared up in all parts of the United
+States. Most American authorities on international law and diplomacy
+believed that Great Britain's interpretation of the treaty was correct.
+Fortunately President Wilson took the same view, and in spite of strong
+opposition he persuaded Congress to repeal the exemption clause. This
+was an act of simple justice and it removed the only outstanding
+subject of dispute between the two countries.
+
+The Hay-Pauncefote Treaty was by no means the only evidence of a change
+of attitude on the part of Great Britain. As we have already seen,
+Great Britain and the United States were in close accord during the
+Boxer uprising in China and the subsequent negotiations. During the
+Russo-Japanese war public sentiment in both England and the United
+States was strongly in favor of Japan. At the Algeciras conference on
+Moroccan affairs in 1905 the United States, in its effort to preserve
+the European balance of power, threw the weight of its influence on the
+side of England and France.
+
+The submission of the Alaskan boundary dispute to a form of arbitration
+in which Canada could not win and we could not lose was another
+evidence of the friendly attitude of Great Britain. The boundary
+between the southern strip of Alaska and British Columbia had never
+been marked or even accurately surveyed when gold was discovered in the
+Klondike. The shortest and quickest route to the gold-bearing region
+was by the trails leading up from Dyea and Skagway on the headwaters of
+Lynn Canal. The Canadian officials at once advanced claims to
+jurisdiction over these village ports. The question turned on the
+treaty made in 1825 between Great Britain and Russia. Whatever rights
+Russia had under that treaty we acquired by the purchase of Alaska in
+1867. Not only did a long series of maps issued by the Canadian
+government in years past confirm the American claim to the region in
+dispute, but the correspondence of the British negotiator of the treaty
+of 1825 shows that he made every effort to secure for England an outlet
+to deep water through this strip of territory and failed. Under the
+circumstances President Roosevelt was not willing to submit the case to
+the arbitration of third parties. He agreed, however, to submit it to
+a mixed commission composed of three Americans, two Canadians, and Lord
+Alverstone, chief justice of England. As there was little doubt as to
+the views that would be taken by the three Americans and the two
+Canadians it was evident from the first that the trial was really
+before Lord Alverstone. In case he sustained the American contention
+there would be an end of the controversy; in case he sustained the
+Canadian view, there would be an even division, and matters would stand
+where they stood when the trial began except that a great deal more
+feeling would have been engendered and the United States might have had
+to make good its claims by force. Fortunately Lord Alverstone agreed
+with the three Americans on the main points involved in the
+controversy. The decision was, of course, a disappointment to the
+Canadians and it was charged that Lord Alverstone had sacrificed their
+interest in order to further the British policy of friendly relations
+with the United States.
+
+At the beginning of the Great War the interference of the British navy
+with cargoes consigned to Germany at once aroused the latent
+anti-British feeling in this country. Owing to the fact that cotton
+exports were so largely involved the feeling against Great Britain was
+even stronger in the Southern States than in the Northern. The State
+Department promptly protested against the naval policy adopted by Great
+Britain, and the dispute might have assumed very serious proportions
+had not Germany inaugurated her submarine campaign. The dispute with
+England involved merely property rights, while that with Germany
+involved the safety and lives of American citizens. The main feature
+of British policy, that is, her application of the doctrine of
+continuous voyage, was so thoroughly in line with the policy adopted by
+the United States during the Civil War that the protests of our State
+Department were of little avail. In fact Great Britain merely carried
+the American doctrine to its logical conclusions.
+
+We have undertaken in this brief review of Anglo-American relations to
+outline the more important controversies that have arisen between the
+two countries. They have been sufficiently numerous and irritating to
+jeopardize seriously the peace which has so happily subsisted for one
+hundred years between the two great members of the English-speaking
+family. After all, they have not been based on any fundamental
+conflict of policy, but have been for the most part superficial and in
+many cases the result of bad manners. In this connection Lord Bryce
+makes the following interesting observations:
+
+"There were moments when the stiff and frigid attitude of the British
+foreign secretary exasperated the American negotiators, or when a
+demagogic Secretary of State at Washington tried by a bullying tone to
+win credit as the patriotic champion of national claims. But whenever
+there were bad manners in London there was good temper at Washington,
+and when there was a storm on the Potomac there was calm on the Thames.
+It was the good fortune of the two countries that if at any moment
+rashness or vehemence was found on one side, it never happened to be
+met by the like quality on the other."
+
+"The moral of the story of Anglo-American relations," Lord Bryce says,
+"is that peace can always be kept, whatever be the grounds of
+controversy, between peoples that wish to keep it." He adds that Great
+Britain and the United States "have given the finest example ever seen
+in history of an undefended frontier, along which each people has
+trusted to the good faith of the other that it would create no naval
+armaments; and this very absence of armaments has itself helped to
+prevent hostile demonstrations. Neither of them has ever questioned
+the sanctity of treaties, or denied that states are bound by the moral
+law."
+
+It is not strange that so many controversies about more or less trivial
+matters should have obscured in the minds of both Englishmen and
+Americans the fundamental identity of aim and purpose in the larger
+things of life. For notwithstanding the German influence in America
+which has had an undue part in shaping our educational methods, our
+civilization is still English. Bismarck realized this when he said
+that one of the most significant facts in modern history was that all
+North America was English-speaking. Our fundamental ideals are the
+same. We have a passion for liberty; we uphold the rights of the
+individual as against the extreme claims of the state; we believe in
+government through public opinion; we believe in the rule of law; we
+believe in government limited by fundamental principles and
+constitutional restraints as against the exercise of arbitrary power;
+we have never been subjected to militarism or to the dominance of a
+military caste; we are both so situated geographically as to be
+dependent on sea power rather than on large armies, and not only do
+navies not endanger the liberty of peoples but they are negligible
+quantities politically. Great Britain had in 1914 only 137,500
+officers and men in her navy and 26,200 reserves, a wholly
+insignificant number compared to the millions that formed the army of
+Germany and gave a military color to the whole life and thought of the
+nation.
+
+Not only are our political ideals the same, but in general our attitude
+toward world politics is the same, and most people are surprised when
+they are told that our fundamental foreign policies are identical. The
+two most characteristic American foreign policies, the Monroe Doctrine
+and the Open Door, were both, as we have seen, Anglo-American in origin.
+
+
+
+
+VII
+
+IMPERIALISTIC TENDENCIES OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE
+
+In its original form the Monroe Doctrine was a direct defiance of
+Europe, and it has never been favorably regarded by the nations of the
+old world. Latterly, however, it has encountered adverse criticism in
+some of the Latin-American states whose independence it helped to
+secure and whose freedom from European control it has been instrumental
+in maintaining. The Latin-American attacks on the Doctrine during the
+last few years have been reflected to a greater or less extent by
+writers in this country, particularly in academic circles. The
+American writer who has become most conspicuous in this connection is
+Professor Bingham of Yale, who has travelled extensively in South
+America and who published in 1913 a little volume entitled "The Monroe
+Doctrine, an Obsolete Shibboleth." The reasons why the Monroe Doctrine
+has called forth so much criticism during the last few years are not
+far to seek. The rapid advance of the United States in the Caribbean
+Sea since 1898 has naturally aroused the apprehensions of the feebler
+Latin-American states in that region, while the building of the Panama
+Canal has rendered inevitable the adoption of a policy of naval
+supremacy in the Caribbean and has led to the formulation of new
+political policies in the zone of the Caribbean--what Admiral Chester
+calls the larger Panama Canal Zone--that is, the West Indies, Mexico
+and Central America, Colombia and Venezuela. Some of these policies,
+which have already been formulated to a far greater extent than is
+generally realized, are the establishment of protectorates, the
+supervision of finances, the control of all available canal routes, the
+acquisition of coaling stations, and the policing of disorderly
+countries.
+
+The long-delayed advance of the United States in the Caribbean Sea
+actually began with the Spanish War. Since then we have made rapid
+strides. Porto Rico was annexed at the close of the war, and Cuba
+became a protectorate; the Canal Zone was a little later leased on
+terms that amounted to practical annexation, and the Dominican Republic
+came under the financial supervision of the United States; President
+Wilson went further and assumed the administration of Haitian affairs,
+leased from Nicaragua for a term of ninety-nine years a naval base on
+Fonseca Bay, and purchased the Danish West Indies. As a result of this
+rapid extension of American influence the political relations of the
+countries bordering on the Caribbean will of necessity be profoundly
+affected. Our Latin-American policy has been enlarged in meaning and
+limited in territorial application so far as its newer phases are
+concerned.
+
+In 1904 President Roosevelt made a radical departure from our
+traditional policy in proposing that we should assume financial
+supervision over the Dominican Republic in order to prevent certain
+European powers from forcibly collecting debts due their subjects.
+Germany seemed especially determined to force a settlement of her
+demands, and it was well known that Germany had for years regarded the
+Monroe Doctrine as the main hindrance in the way of her acquiring a
+foothold in Latin America. The only effective method of collecting the
+interest on the foreign debt of the Dominican Republic appeared to be
+the seizure and administration of her custom houses by some foreign
+power or group of foreign powers. President Roosevelt foresaw that
+such an occupation of the Dominican custom houses would, in view of the
+large debt, constitute the occupation of American territory by European
+powers for an indefinite period of time, and would, therefore, be a
+violation of the Monroe Doctrine. He had before him also the results
+of a somewhat similar financial administration of Egypt undertaken
+jointly by England and France in 1878, and after Arabi's revolt
+continued by England alone, with the result that Egypt soon became a
+possession of the British crown to almost as great a degree as if it
+had been formally annexed, and during the World War it was in fact
+treated as an integral part of the British Empire. President Roosevelt
+concluded, therefore, that where it was necessary to place a bankrupt
+American republic in the hands of a receiver, the United States must
+undertake to act as receiver and take over the administration of its
+finances. He boldly adopted this policy and finally forced a reluctant
+Senate to acquiesce. The arrangement has worked admirably. In spite
+of the criticism that this policy encountered, the Taft administration
+not only continued it in Santo Domingo, but tried to extend it to
+Nicaragua and Honduras. In January, 1911, a treaty placing the
+finances of Honduras under the supervision of the United States was
+signed by Secretary Knox, and in June a similar treaty was signed with
+Nicaragua. These treaties provided for the refunding of the foreign
+debt, in each case through loans made by American bankers and secured
+by the customs duties, the collector in each case to be approved by the
+United States and to make an annual report to the Department of State.
+These treaties were not ratified by the Senate.
+
+Secretary Knox then tried another solution of the question. On
+February 26, 1913, a new treaty with Nicaragua was submitted to the
+Senate by the terms of which Nicaragua agreed to give the United States
+an exclusive right of way for a canal through her territory and a naval
+base in Fonseca Bay, in return for the payment of three millions of
+dollars. The Senate failed to act on this treaty, as the close of the
+Taft administration was then at hand. The Wilson administration
+followed the same policy, however, and in July, 1913, Mr. Bryan
+submitted to the Senate a third treaty with Nicaragua containing the
+provisions of the second Knox treaty and in addition certain provisions
+of the Platt amendment, which defines our protectorate over Cuba. This
+treaty aroused strong opposition in the other Central American states,
+and Costa Rica, Salvador, and Honduras filed formal protests with the
+United States Government against its ratification on the ground that it
+would convert Nicaragua into a protectorate of the United States and
+thus defeat the long-cherished plan for a union of the Central American
+republics. The Senate of the United States objected to the
+protectorate feature of the treaty and refused to ratify it, but the
+negotiations were renewed by the Wilson administration and on February
+18, 1916, a new treaty, which omits the provisions of the Platt
+amendment, was accepted by the Senate. This treaty grants to the
+United States in perpetuity the exclusive right to construct a canal by
+way of the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua, and leases to the United
+States for ninety-nine years a naval base on the Gulf of Fonseca, and
+also the Great Corn and Little Corn islands as coaling stations. The
+consideration for these favors was the sum of three millions of dollars
+to be expended, with the approval of the Secretary of State of the
+United States, in paying the public debt of Nicaragua and for other
+public purposes to be agreed on by the two contracting parties.
+
+The treaty with the black Republic of Haiti, ratified by the Senate
+February 28, 1916, carries the new Caribbean policies of the United
+States to the farthest limits short of actual annexation. It provides
+for the establishment of a receivership of Haitian customs under the
+control of the United States similar in most respects to that
+established over the Dominican Republic. It provides further for the
+appointment, on the nomination of the President of the United States,
+of a financial adviser, who shall assist in the settlement of the
+foreign debt and direct expenditures of the surplus for the development
+of the agricultural, mineral, and commercial resources of the republic.
+It provides further for a native constabulary under American officers
+appointed by the President of Haiti upon nomination by the President of
+the United States. It further extends to Haiti the main provisions of
+the Platt amendment. By controlling the internal financial
+administration of the government the United States hopes to remove all
+incentives for those revolutions which have in the past had for their
+object a raid on the public treasury, and by controlling the customs
+and maintaining order the United States hopes to avoid all possibility
+of foreign intervention. The treaty is to remain in force for a period
+of ten years and for another period of ten years if either party
+presents specific reasons for continuing it on the ground that its
+purpose has not been fully accomplished.
+
+Prior to the Roosevelt administration the Monroe Doctrine was regarded
+by the Latin-American states as solely a protective policy. The United
+States did not undertake to control the financial administration or the
+foreign policy of any of these republics. It was only after their
+misconduct had gotten them into difficulty and some foreign power, or
+group of foreign powers, was on the point of demanding reparation by
+force that the United States stepped in and undertook to see to it that
+foreign intervention did not take the form of occupation of territory
+or interference in internal politics. The Monroe Doctrine has always
+been in principle a policy of American intervention for the purpose of
+preventing European intervention, but American intervention always
+awaited the threat of immediate action on the part of some European
+power. President Roosevelt concluded that it would be wiser to
+restrain the reckless conduct of the smaller American republics before
+disorders or public debts should reach a point which gave European
+powers an excuse for intervening. In a message to Congress in 1904 he
+laid down this new doctrine, which soon became famous as the Big Stick
+policy. He said: "If a nation shows that it knows how to act with
+reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political matters, if
+it keeps order and pays its obligations, it need fear no interference
+from the United States. Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which
+results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in
+America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some
+civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the
+United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States,
+however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence,
+to the exercise of an international police power." In other words,
+since we could not permit European powers to restrain or punish
+American states in cases of wrongdoing, we must ourselves undertake
+that task. As long as the Monroe Doctrine was merely a policy of
+benevolent protection which Latin-American states could invoke after
+their unwise or evil conduct had brought European powers to the point
+of demanding just retribution, it was regarded with favor and no
+objection was raised to it; but the Roosevelt doctrine, that if we were
+to continue to protect Latin-American states against European
+intervention, we had a right to demand that they should refrain from
+conduct which was likely to provoke such intervention, was quite a
+different thing, and raised a storm of criticism and opposition.
+
+The Roosevelt application of the Monroe Doctrine was undoubtedly a
+perfectly logical step. It was endorsed by the Taft administration and
+further extended by the Wilson administration and made one of our most
+important policies in regard to the zone of the Caribbean. President
+Roosevelt was right in drawing the conclusion that we had arrived at a
+point where we had either to abandon the Monroe Doctrine or to extend
+its application so as to cover the constantly increasing number of
+disputes arising from the reckless creation of public debts and loose
+financial administration. It was absurd for us to stand quietly by and
+witness the utterly irresponsible creation of financial obligations
+that would inevitably lead to European intervention and then undertake
+to fix the bounds and limits of that intervention. It is interesting
+to note that President Wilson did not hesitate to carry the new policy
+to its logical conclusion, and that he went so far as to warn
+Latin-American countries against granting to foreign corporations
+concessions which, on account of their extended character, would be
+certain to give rise to foreign claims which would, in turn, give an
+excuse for European intervention. In discussing our Latin-American
+policy shortly after the beginning of his administration, President
+Wilson said: "You hear of 'concessions' to foreign capitalists in Latin
+America. You do not hear of concessions to foreign capitalists in the
+United States. They are not granted concessions. They are invited to
+make investments. The work is ours, though they are welcome to invest
+in it. We do not ask them to supply the capital and do the work. It
+is an invitation, not a privilege; and states that are obliged, because
+their territory does not lie within the main field of modern enterprise
+and action, to grant concessions are in this condition, that foreign
+interests are apt to dominate their domestic affairs--a condition of
+affairs always dangerous and apt to become intolerable. . . . What
+these states are going to seek, therefore, is an emancipation from the
+subordination, which has been inevitable, to foreign enterprise and an
+assertion of the splendid character which, in spite of these
+difficulties, they have again and again been able to demonstrate."
+
+These remarks probably had reference to the oil concession which
+Pearson and Son of London had arranged with the president of Colombia.
+This concession is said to have covered practically all of the oil
+interests in Colombia, and carried with it the right to improve harbors
+and dig canals in the country. However, before the meeting of the
+Colombian congress in November, 1913, which was expected to confirm the
+concession, Lord Cowdray, the president of Pearson and Son, withdrew
+the contract, alleging as his reason the opposition of the United
+States.
+
+Unfortunately President Roosevelt's assertion of the Big Stick policy
+and of the duty of the United States to play policeman in the western
+hemisphere was accompanied by his seizure of the Canal Zone. This
+action naturally aroused serious apprehensions in Latin America and
+gave color to the charge that the United States had converted the
+Monroe Doctrine from a protective policy into a policy of selfish
+aggression. Colombia felt outraged and aggrieved, and this feeling was
+not alleviated by Mr. Roosevelt's speech several years later to the
+students of the University of California, in which he boasted of having
+taken the Canal Zone and said that if he had not taken it as he did,
+the debate over the matter in Congress would still be going on. Before
+the close of his administration President Roosevelt undertook to
+placate Colombia, but the sop which he offered was indignantly
+rejected. In January, 1909, Secretary Root proposed three treaties,
+one between the United States and Panama, one between the United States
+and Colombia, and one between Colombia and Panama. These treaties
+provided for the recognition of the Republic of Panama by Colombia and
+for the transference to Colombia of the first ten installments of the
+annual rental of $250,000 which the United States had agreed to pay to
+Panama for the lease of the Canal Zone. The treaties were ratified by
+the United States and by Panama, but not by Colombia.
+
+The Taft administration made repeated efforts to appease Colombia,
+resulting in the formulation of a definite proposition by Secretary
+Knox shortly before the close of President Taft's term. His proposals
+were that if Colombia would ratify the Root treaties just referred to,
+the United States would be willing to pay $10,000,000 for an exclusive
+right of way for a canal by the Atrato route and for the perpetual
+lease of the islands of St. Andrews and Old Providence as coaling
+stations. These proposals were also rejected. The American minister,
+Mr. Du Bois, acting, he said, on his own responsibility, then inquired
+informally whether $25,000,000 without options of any kind would
+satisfy Colombia. The answer was that Colombia would accept nothing
+but the arbitration of the whole Panama question. Mr. Knox, in
+reporting the matter to the President, said that Colombia seemed
+determined to treat with the incoming Democratic administration.
+Secretary Bryan took up the negotiations where Knox dropped them, and
+concluded a treaty, according to the terms of which the United States
+was to express regret at what had occurred and to pay Colombia
+$25,000,000. The Senate of the United States refused to ratify this
+treaty while Wilson was in the White House, but as soon as Harding
+became president they consented to the payment and ratified the treaty
+with a few changes in the preamble.
+
+The facts stated above show conclusively that the two most significant
+developments of American policy in the Caribbean during the last twenty
+years have been the establishment of formal protectorates and the
+exercise of financial supervision over weak and disorderly states. Our
+protectorate over Cuba was clearly defined in the so-called Platt
+amendment, which was inserted in the army appropriation bill of March
+2, 1901, and directed the President to leave control of the island of
+Cuba to its people so soon as a government should be established under
+a constitution which defined the future relations with the United
+States substantially as follows: (1) That the government of Cuba would
+never enter into any treaty or other compact with any foreign power
+which would impair the independence of the island; (2) that the said
+government would not contract any public debt which could not be met by
+the ordinary revenues of the island; (3) that the government of Cuba
+would permit the United States to exercise the right to intervene for
+the preservation of Cuban independence, and for the protection of life,
+property, and individual liberty; (4) that all acts of the United
+States in Cuba during its military occupancy thereof should be ratified
+and validated; (5) that the government of Cuba would carry out the
+plans already devised for the sanitation of the cities of the island;
+and finally that the government of Cuba would sell or lease to the
+United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations at certain
+specified points, to be agreed upon with the President of the United
+States.
+
+It is understood that these articles, with the exception of the fifth,
+which was proposed by General Leonard Wood, were carefully drafted by
+Elihu Root, at that time Secretary of War, discussed at length by
+President McKinley's Cabinet, and entrusted to Senator Platt of
+Connecticut, who offered them as an amendment to the army appropriation
+bill. The Wilson administration, as already stated, embodied the first
+three provisions of the Platt amendment in the Haitian treaty of 1916.
+Prior to the World War, which has upset all calculations, it seemed
+highly probable that the Platt amendment would in time be extended to
+all the weaker states within the zone of the Caribbean. If the United
+States is to exercise a protectorate over such states, the right to
+intervene and the conditions of intervention should be clearly defined
+and publicly proclaimed. Hitherto whatever action we have taken in
+Latin America has been taken under the Monroe Doctrine--a policy
+without legal sanction--which an international court might not
+recognize. Action under a treaty would have the advantage of legality.
+In other words, the recent treaties with Caribbean states have
+converted American policy into law.
+
+The charge that in establishing protectorates and financial supervision
+over independent states we have violated the terms of the Monroe
+Doctrine is one that has been frequently made. Those who have made it
+appear to be laboring under the illusion that the Monroe Doctrine was
+wholly altruistic in its aim. As a matter of fact, the Monroe Doctrine
+has never been regarded by the United States as in any sense a
+self-denying declaration. President Monroe said that we should
+consider any attempt on the part of the European powers "to extend
+their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our
+peace and safety." The primary object of the policy outlined by
+President Monroe was, therefore, the peace and safety of the United
+States. The protection of Latin-American states against European
+intervention was merely a means of protecting ourselves. While the
+United States undertook to prevent the encroachment of European powers
+in Latin America, it never for one moment admitted any limitation upon
+the possibility of its own expansion in this region. The whole course
+of American history establishes the contrary point of view. Since the
+Monroe Doctrine was enunciated we have annexed at the expense of
+Latin-American states, Texas, New Mexico, California, and the Canal
+Zone. Upon other occasions we emphatically declined to bind ourselves
+by treaty stipulations with England and France that under no
+circumstance would we annex the island of Cuba. Shortly after the
+beginning of his first term President Wilson declared in a public
+address at Mobile that "the United States will never again seek one
+additional foot of territory by conquest." This declaration introduces
+a new chapter in American diplomacy.
+
+
+
+
+VIII
+
+THE NEW PAN-AMERICANISM
+
+When President Wilson assumed office March 4, 1913, there was nothing
+but the Huerta revolution, the full significance of which was not then
+appreciated, to suggest to his mind the forecast that before the close
+of his term questions of foreign policy would absorb the attention of
+the American people and tax to the limit his own powers of mind and
+body. It seems now a strange fact that neither in his writings nor in
+his public addresses had President Wilson ever shown any marked
+interest in questions of international law and diplomacy. He had, on
+the contrary, made a life-long study of political organization and
+legislative procedure. Those who knew him had always thought that he
+was by nature fitted to be a great parliamentary leader and it soon
+appeared that he had a very definite legislative program which he
+intended to put through Congress. The foreign problems that confronted
+him so suddenly and unexpectedly were doubtless felt to be annoying
+distractions from the work which he had mapped out for himself and
+which was far more congenial to his tastes. As time went by, however,
+he was forced to give more and more thought to our relations with Latin
+America on the one hand and to the European war on the other. His
+ideas on international problems at first cautiously set forth, soon
+caught step with the rapid march of events and guided the thought of
+the world.
+
+The Mexican situation, which reached a crisis a few days before Mr.
+Wilson came into office, at once demanded his attention and led to the
+enunciation of a general Latin-American policy. He had scarcely been
+in office a week when he issued a statement which was forwarded by the
+secretary of state to all American diplomatic officers in Latin
+America. In it he said:
+
+"One of the chief objects of my administration will be to cultivate the
+friendship and deserve the confidence of our sister republics of
+Central and South America, and to promote in every proper and honorable
+way the interests which are common to the peoples of the two
+continents. . . .
+
+"The United States has nothing to seek in Central and South America
+except the lasting interests of the peoples of the two continents, the
+security of governments intended for the people and for no special
+group or interest, and the development of personal and trade
+relationships between the two continents which shall redound to the
+profit and advantage of both, and interfere with the rights and
+liberties of neither.
+
+"From these principles may be read so much of the future policy of this
+government as it is necessary now to forecast, and in the spirit of
+these principles I may, I hope, be permitted with as much confidence as
+earnestness, to extend to the governments of all the republics of
+America the hand of genuine disinterested friendship and to pledge my
+own honor and the honor of my colleagues to every enterprise of peace
+and amity that a fortunate future may disclose."
+
+The policy here outlined, and elaborated a few months later in an
+address before the Southern Commercial Congress at Mobile, Alabama, has
+been termed the New Pan-Americanism. The Pan-American ideal is an old
+one, dating back in fact to the Panama Congress of 1826. The object of
+this congress was not very definitely stated in the call, which was
+issued by Simon Bolivar, but his purpose was to secure the independence
+and peace of the new Spanish republics through either a permanent
+confederation or a series of diplomatic congresses. President Adams
+through Henry Clay, who was at that time Secretary of State, promptly
+accepted the invitation to send delegates. The matter was debated at
+such length, however, in the House and Senate that the American
+delegates did not reach Panama until after the congress had adjourned.
+In view of the opposition which the whole scheme encountered in
+Congress, the instructions to the American delegates were very
+carefully drawn and their powers were strictly limited. They were
+cautioned against committing their government in any way to the
+establishment of "an amphictyonic council, invested with power fully to
+decide controversies between the American states or to regulate in any
+respect their conduct." They were also to oppose the formation of an
+offensive and defensive alliance between the American powers, for, as
+Mr. Clay pointed out, the Holy Alliance had abandoned all idea of
+assisting Spain in the reconquest of her late colonies. After
+referring to "the avoidance of foreign alliances as a leading maxim" of
+our foreign policy, Mr. Clay continued: "Without, therefore, asserting
+that an exigency may not occur in which an alliance of the most
+intimate kind between the United States and the other American
+republics would be highly proper and expedient, it may be safely said
+that the occasion which would warrant a departure from that established
+maxim ought to be one of great urgency, and that none such is believed
+now to exist."
+
+The British Government sent a special envoy to reside near the Congress
+and to place himself in frank and friendly communication with the
+delegates. Canning's private instructions to this envoy declared that,
+"Any project for putting the U. S. of North America at the head of an
+American Confederacy, as against Europe, would be highly displeasing to
+your Government. It would be felt as an ill return for the service
+which has been rendered to those States, and the dangers which have
+been averted from them, by the countenance and friendship, and public
+declarations of Great Britain; and it would probably, at no distant
+period, endanger the peace both of America and of Europe."
+
+The Panama Congress was without practical results and it was more than
+half a century before the scheme for international coöperation on the
+part of American states was again taken up. In 1881 Secretary Blaine
+issued an invitation to the American republics to hold a conference at
+Washington, but the continuance of the war between Chile and Peru
+caused an indefinite postponement of the proposed conference. Toward
+the close of President Cleveland's first administration the invitation
+was renewed and the First International Conference of American States
+convened at Washington in 1890. It happened that when the Conference
+met Mr. Blaine was again Secretary of State and presided over its
+opening sessions. The most notable achievement of this Conference was
+the establishment of the Bureau of American Republics, now known as the
+Pan-American Union. The Second International Conference of American
+States, held in the City of Mexico in 1901, arranged for all American
+states to become parties to the Hague Convention of 1899 for the
+pacific settlement of international disputes and drafted a treaty for
+the compulsory arbitration, as between American states, of pecuniary
+claims. The Third Conference, held at Rio Janeiro in 1906, extended
+the above treaty for another period of five years and proposed that the
+subject of pecuniary claims be considered at the second Hague
+Conference. Added significance was given to the Rio Conference by the
+presence of Secretary Root who, although not a delegate, made it the
+occasion of a special mission to South America. The series of notable
+addresses which he delivered on this mission gave a new impetus to the
+Pan-American movement. The Fourth Conference, held at Buenos Ayres in
+1910, was occupied largely with routine matters. It extended the
+pecuniary claims convention for an indefinite period.
+
+The conferences above referred to were political or diplomatic in
+character. There have been held two Pan-American Scientific Congresses
+in which the United States participated, one at Chile in 1908 and one
+at Washington, December, 1915, to January, 1916. A very important
+Pan-American Financial Congress was held at Washington in May, 1915.
+These congresses have accomplished a great deal in the way of promoting
+friendly feeling as well as the advancement of science and commerce
+among the republics of the Western Hemisphere.
+
+The American Institute of International Law, organized at Washington in
+October, 1912, is a body which is likely to have great influence in
+promoting the peace and welfare of this hemisphere. The Institute is
+composed of five representatives from the national society of
+international law in each of the twenty-one American republics. At a
+session held in the city of Washington, January 6, 1916, the Institute
+adopted a Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Nations. This
+declaration, designed to give a solid legal basis to the new
+Pan-Americanism, was as follows:
+
+I. Every nation has the right to exist and to protect and to conserve
+its existence; but this right neither implies the right nor justifies
+the act of the state to protect itself or to conserve its existence by
+the commission of unlawful acts against innocent and unoffending states.
+
+II. Every nation has the right to independence in the sense that it has
+a right to the pursuit of happiness and is free to develop itself
+without interference or control from other states, provided that in so
+doing it does not interfere with or violate the rights of other states.
+
+III. Every nation is in law and before law the equal of every other
+nation belonging to the society of nations, and all nations have the
+right to claim and, according to the Declaration of Independence of the
+United States, "to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate
+and equal station to which the laws of nature and of Nature's God
+entitle them."
+
+IV. Every nation has the right to territory within defined boundaries,
+and to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over its territory, and all
+persons whether native or foreign found therein.
+
+V. Every nation entitled to a right by the law of nations is entitled
+to have that right respected and protected by all other nations, for
+right and duty are correlative, and the right of one is the duty of all
+to observe.
+
+VI. International law is at one and the same time both national and
+international; national in the sense that it is the law of the land and
+applicable as such to the decision of all questions involving its
+principles; international in the sense that it is the law of the
+society of nations and applicable as such to all questions between and
+among the members of the society of nations involving its principles.
+
+This Declaration has been criticised as being too altruistic for a
+world in which diplomacy has been occupied with selfish aims, yet Mr.
+Root, in presenting it at the annual meeting of the American Society of
+International Law, claimed that every statement in it was "based upon
+the decisions of American courts and the authority of American
+publicists."
+
+The Mexican situation put the principles of the new Pan-Americanism to
+a severe test. On February 18, 1913, Francisco Madero was seized and
+imprisoned as the result of a conspiracy formed by one of his generals,
+Victoriano Huerta, who forthwith proclaimed himself dictator. Four
+days later Madero was murdered while in the custody of Huerta's troops.
+Henry Lane Wilson, the American ambassador, promptly urged his
+government to recognize Huerta, but President Taft, whose term was
+rapidly drawing to a close, took no action and left the question to his
+successor.
+
+President Wilson thus had a very disagreeable situation to face when he
+assumed control of affairs at Washington. He refused to recognize
+Huerta, whose authority was contested by insurrectionary chiefs in
+various parts of the country. It was claimed by the critics of the
+administration that the refusal to recognize Huerta was a direct
+violation of the well-known American policy of recognizing de facto
+governments without undertaking to pass upon the rights involved. It
+is perfectly true that the United States has consistently followed the
+policy of recognizing de facto governments as soon as it is evident in
+each case that the new government rests on popular approval and is
+likely to be permanent. This doctrine of recognition is distinctively
+an American doctrine. It was first laid down by Thomas Jefferson when
+he was Secretary of State as an offset to the European doctrine of
+divine right, and it was the natural outgrowth of that other
+Jeffersonian doctrine that all governments derive their just powers
+from the consent of the governed. Huerta could lay no claim to
+authority derived from a majority or anything like a majority of the
+Mexican people. He was a self-constituted dictator, whose authority
+rested solely on military force. President Wilson and Secretary Bryan
+were fully justified in refusing to recognize his usurpation of power,
+though they probably made a mistake in announcing that they would never
+recognize him and in demanding his elimination from the presidential
+contest. This announcement made him deaf to advice from Washington and
+utterly indifferent to the destruction of American life and property.
+
+The next step in the President's course with reference to Mexico was
+the occupation of Vera Cruz. On April 20, 1914, the President asked
+Congress for authority to employ the armed forces of the United States
+in demanding redress for the arbitrary arrest of American marines at
+Vera Cruz, and the next day Admiral Fletcher was ordered to seize the
+custom house at that port. This he did after a sharp fight with
+Huerta's troops in which nineteen Americans were killed and seventy
+wounded. The American chargé d'affaires, Nelson O'Shaughnessy, was at
+once handed his passports, and all diplomatic relations between the
+United States and Mexico were severed.
+
+A few days later the representatives of the so-called ABC Alliance,
+Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, tendered their good offices for a
+peaceful settlement of the conflict and President Wilson promptly
+accepted their mediation. The resulting conference at Niagara, May 20,
+was not successful in its immediate object, but it resulted in the
+elimination of Huerta who resigned July 15, 1914. On August 20,
+General Venustiano Carranza, head of one of the revolutionary factions,
+assumed control of affairs at the capital, but his authority was
+disputed by General Francisco Villa, another insurrectionary chief. On
+Carranza's promise to respect the lives and property of American
+citizens the United States forces were withdrawn from Vera Cruz in
+November, 1914.
+
+In August, 1915, at the request of President Wilson, the six ranking
+representatives of Latin America at Washington made an unsuccessful
+effort to reconcile the contending factions of Mexico. On their
+advice, however, President Wilson decided in October to recognize the
+government of Carranza, who now controlled three fourths of the
+territory of Mexico. As a result of this action Villa began a series
+of attacks on American citizens and raids across the border, which in
+March, 1916, compelled the President to send a punitive expedition into
+Mexico and later to dispatch most of the regular army and large bodies
+of militia to the border.
+
+The raids of Villa created a very awkward situation. Carranza not only
+made no real effort to suppress Villa, but he vigorously opposed the
+steps taken by the United States to protect its own citizens along the
+border, and even assumed a threatening attitude. There was a loud and
+persistent demand in the United States for war against Mexico.
+American investments in land, mines, rubber plantations, and other
+enterprises were very large, and these financial interests were
+particularly outraged at the President's policy of "watchful waiting."
+The President remained deaf to this clamor. No country had been so
+shamelessly exploited by foreign capital as Mexico. Furthermore, it
+was suspected and very generally believed that the recent revolutions
+had been financed by American capital. President Wilson was determined
+to give the Mexican people an opportunity to reorganize their national
+life on a better basis and to lend them every assistance in the task.
+War with Mexico would have been a very serious undertaking and even a
+successful war would have meant the military occupation of Mexico for
+an indefinite period. After our entrance into the World War many of
+those Americans who dissented radically from Wilson's Mexican policy
+became convinced that his refusal to become involved in war with Mexico
+was a most fortunate thing for us.
+
+It has been charged that there was a lack of consistency between the
+President's Mexican policy and his Haitian policy. The difference
+between the two cases, however, was that order could be restored in
+Haiti with a relatively small force of marines, while any attempt to
+apply force to Mexico would have led to a long and bloody conflict.
+The most novel feature of the President's Mexican policy was his
+acceptance of the mediation of the ABC Alliance and his subsequent
+consultation with the leading representatives of Latin America. This
+action brought the Pan-American ideal almost to the point of
+realization. It was received with enthusiasm and it placed our
+relations with Latin America on a better footing than they had been for
+years.
+
+It was suggested by more than one critic of American foreign policy
+that if we were to undertake to set the world right, we must come
+before the bar of public opinion with clean hands, that before we
+denounced the imperialistic policies of Europe, we should have
+abandoned imperialistic policies at home. The main features of
+President Wilson's Latin-American policy, if we may draw a general
+conclusion, were to pledge American republics not to do anything which
+would invite European intervention, and to secure by treaty the right
+of the United States to intervene for the protection of life, liberty,
+and property, and for the establishment of self-government. Such a
+policy, unselfishly carried out, was not inconsistent with the general
+war aims defined by President Wilson.
+
+
+
+
+IX
+
+THE FAILURE OF NEUTRALITY AND ISOLATION
+
+In Washington's day the United States was an experiment in democracy.
+The vital question was not our duty to the rest of the world, but
+whether the rest of the world would let us live. The policy of wisdom
+was to keep aloof from world politics and give as little cause for
+offense as possible to the great powers of Europe. Washington pointed
+out that "our detached and distant situation" rendered such a course
+possible. This policy was justified by events. We were enabled to
+follow unhindered the bent of our own political genius, to extend our
+institutions over a vast continent and to attain a position of great
+prosperity and power in the economic world. While we are still a young
+country, our government is, with the possible exception of that of
+Great Britain, the oldest and most stable in the world, and since we
+declared ourselves a nation and adopted our present constitution the
+British Government has undergone radical changes of a democratic
+character. By age and stability we have long been entitled to a voice
+and influence in the world, and yet we have been singularly indifferent
+to our responsibilities as a member of the society of nations. We have
+been in the world, but not of it.
+
+Our policy of isolation corresponded with the situation as it existed a
+hundred years ago, but not with the situation as it exists to-day and
+as it has existed for some years past. We no longer occupy a "detached
+and distant situation." Steam and electricity, the cable and wireless
+telegraphy have overcome the intervening space and made us the close
+neighbors of Europe. The whole world has been drawn together in a way
+that our forefathers never dreamed of, and our commercial, financial,
+and social relations with the rest of the world are intimate. Under
+such circumstances political isolation is an impossibility. It has for
+years been nothing more than a tradition, but a tradition which has
+tied the hands of American diplomats and caused the American public to
+ignore what was actually going on in the world. The Spanish War and
+the acquisition of the Philippines brought us into the full current of
+world politics, and yet we refused to recognize the changes that
+inevitably followed.
+
+The emergence of Japan as a first-class power, conscious of achievement
+and eager to enter on a great career, introduced a new and disturbing
+element into world politics. Our diplomacy, which had hitherto been
+comparatively simple, now became exceedingly complex. Formerly the
+United States was the only great power outside the European balance.
+The existence of a second detached power greatly complicated the
+international situation and presented opportunities for new
+combinations. We have already seen how Germany undertook to use the
+opportunity presented by Russia's war with Japan to humiliate France
+and that the United States took a prominent part in the Algeciras
+Conference for the purpose of preventing the threatened overthrow of
+the European balance of power. Thus, even before the World War began,
+it had become evident to close observers of international affairs that
+the European balance would soon be superseded by a world balance in
+which the United States would be forced to take its place.
+
+It took a world war, however, to dispel the popular illusion of
+isolation and to arouse us to a temporary sense of our international
+responsibilities. When the war began the President, following the
+traditions of a hundred years, issued, as a matter of course, a
+proclamation of neutrality, and he thought that the more scrupulously
+it was observed the greater would be the opportunity for the United
+States to act as impartial mediator in the final adjustment of peace
+terms. As the fierceness of the conflict grew it became evident that
+the role of neutral would not be an easy one to play and that the vital
+interests of the United States would be involved to a far greater
+extent than anyone had foreseen.
+
+Neutrality in the modern sense is essentially an American doctrine and
+the result of our policy of isolation. If we were to keep out of
+European conflicts, it was necessary for us to pursue a course of rigid
+impartiality in wars between European powers. In the Napoleonic wars
+we insisted that neutrals had certain rights which belligerents were
+bound to respect and we fought the War of 1812 with England in order to
+establish that principle. Half a century later, in the American Civil
+War, we insisted that neutrals had certain duties which every
+belligerent had a right to expect them to perform, and we forced Great
+Britain in the settlement of the _Alabama_ Claims to pay us damages to
+the extent of $15,500,000 for having failed to perform her neutral
+obligations. We have thus been the leading champion of the rights and
+duties of neutrals, and the principles for which we have contended have
+been written into the modern law of nations. When two or three nations
+are engaged in war and the rest of the world is neutral, there is
+usually very little difficulty in enforcing neutral rights, but when a
+majority of the great powers are at war, it is impossible for the
+remaining great powers, much less for the smaller neutrals, to maintain
+their rights. This was true in the Napoleonic wars, but at that time
+the law of neutrality was in its infancy and had never been fully
+recognized by the powers at war. The failure of neutrality in the
+Great War was far more serious, for the rights of neutrals had been
+clearly defined and universally recognized.
+
+Notwithstanding the large German population in this country and the
+propaganda which we now know that the German Government had
+systematically carried on for years in our very midst, the invasion of
+Belgium and the atrocities committed by the Germans soon arrayed
+opinion on the side of the Allies. This was not a departure from
+neutrality, for it should be remembered that neutrality is not an
+attitude of mind, but a legal status. As long as our Government
+fulfilled its obligations as defined by the law of nations, no charge
+of a violation of neutrality could be justly made. To deny to the
+citizens of a neutral country the right to express their moral
+judgments would be to deny that the world can ever be governed by
+public opinion. The effort of the German propagandists to draw a
+distinction between so-called ethical and legal neutrality was
+plausible, but without real force. While neutrality is based on the
+general principle of impartiality, this principle has been embodied in
+a fairly well-defined set of rules which may, and frequently do, in any
+given war, work to the advantage of one belligerent and to the
+disadvantage of the other. In the Great War this result was brought
+about by the naval superiority of Great Britain. So far as our legal
+obligations to Germany were concerned she had no cause for complaint.
+If, on the other hand, our conduct had been determined solely by
+ethical considerations, we would have joined the Allies long before we
+did.
+
+The naval superiority of Great Britain made it comparatively easy for
+her to stop all direct trade with the enemy in articles contraband of
+war, but this was of little avail so long as Germany could import these
+articles through the neutral ports of Italy, Holland, and the
+Scandinavian countries. Under these circumstances an ordinary blockade
+of the German coast would have had little effect. Therefore, no such
+blockade was proclaimed by Great Britain. She adopted other methods of
+cutting off overseas supplies from Germany. She enlarged the lists of
+both absolute and conditional contraband and under the doctrine of
+continuous voyage seized articles on both lists bound for Germany
+through neutral countries.
+
+As to the right of a belligerent to enlarge the contraband lists there
+can be no doubt. Even the Declaration of London, which undertook for
+the first time to establish an international classification of
+contraband, provided in Article 23 that "articles and materials which
+are exclusively used for war may be added to the list of absolute
+contraband by means of a notified declaration," and Article 25 provided
+that the list of conditional contraband might be enlarged in the same
+manner. Under modern conditions of warfare it would seem impossible to
+determine in advance what articles are to be treated as contraband.
+During the Great War many articles regarded in previous wars as
+innocent became indispensable to the carrying on of the war.
+
+Great Britain's application of the doctrine of continuous voyage was
+more open to dispute. She assumed that contraband articles shipped to
+neutral countries adjacent to Germany and Austria were intended for
+them unless proof to the contrary was forthcoming, and she failed to
+draw any distinction between absolute and conditional contraband. The
+United States protested vigorously against this policy, but the force
+of its protest was weakened by the fact that during the Civil War the
+American Government had pursued substantially the same policy in regard
+to goods shipped by neutrals to Nassau, Havana, Matamoros, and other
+ports adjacent to the Confederacy. Prior to the American Civil War
+goods could not be seized on any grounds unless bound directly for a
+belligerent port. Under the English doctrine of continuous voyage as
+advanced during the Napoleonic wars, goods brought from the French West
+Indies to the United States and reshipped to continental Europe were
+condemned by the British Admiralty Court on the ground that
+notwithstanding the unloading and reloading at an American port the
+voyage from the West Indies to Europe was in effect a continuous
+voyage, and under the Rule of 1756 Great Britain refused to admit the
+right of neutral ships to engage in commerce between France and her
+colonies. Great Britain, however, seized ships only on the second leg
+of the voyage, that is, when bound directly for a belligerent port.
+During the American Civil War the United States seized goods under an
+extension of the English doctrine on the first leg of the voyage, that
+is, while they were in transit from one neutral port to another neutral
+port, on the ground that they were to be subsequently shipped in
+another vessel to a Confederate port. Great Britain adopted and
+applied the American doctrine during the Boer War. The doctrine of
+continuous voyage, as applied by the United States and England, was
+strongly condemned by most of the continental writers on international
+law. The Declaration of London adopted a compromise by providing that
+absolute contraband might be seized when bound through third countries,
+but that conditional contraband was not liable to capture under such
+circumstances. As the Declaration of London was not ratified by the
+British Government this distinction was ignored, and conditional as
+well as absolute contraband was seized when bound for Germany through
+neutral countries.
+
+While Great Britain may be charged with having unwarrantably extended
+the application of certain rules of international law and may have
+rendered herself liable to pecuniary damages, she displayed in all her
+measures a scrupulous regard for human life. Her declaration that "The
+whole of the North Sea must be considered a military area," was
+explained as an act of retaliation against Germany for having scattered
+floating mines on the high seas in the path of British commerce. She
+did not undertake to exclude neutral vessels from the North Sea, but
+merely notified them that certain areas had been mined and warned them
+not to enter without receiving sailing directions from the British
+squadron.
+
+The German decree of February 4, 1915, establishing a submarine
+blockade or "war zone" around the British Isles, on the other hand, was
+absolutely without legal justification. It did not fulfill the
+requirements of a valid blockade, because it cut off only a very small
+percentage of British commerce, and the first requirement of a blockade
+is that it must be effective. The decree was aimed directly at enemy
+merchant vessels and indirectly at the ships of neutrals. It utterly
+ignored the well-recognized right of neutral passengers to travel on
+merchant vessels of belligerents. The second decree announcing
+unrestricted submarine warfare after February 1, 1917, was directed
+against neutral as well as enemy ships. It undertook to exclude all
+neutral ships from a wide zone extending far out on the high seas,
+irrespective of their mission or the character of their cargo. It was
+an utter defiance of all law.
+
+The citizens of neutral countries have always had the right to travel
+on the merchant vessels of belligerents, subject, of course, to the
+risk of capture and detention. The act of the German ambassador in
+inserting an advertisement in a New York paper warning Americans not to
+take passage on the _Lusitania_, when the President had publicly
+asserted that they had a perfect right to travel on belligerent ships,
+was an insolent and unparalleled violation of diplomatic usage and
+would have justified his instant dismissal. Some action would probably
+have been taken by the State Department had not the incident been
+overshadowed by the carrying out of the threat and the actual
+destruction of the _Lusitania_.
+
+The destruction of enemy prizes at sea is recognized by international
+law under exceptional circumstances and subject to certain definite
+restrictions, but an unlimited right of destruction even of enemy
+merchant vessels had never been claimed by any authority on
+international law or by any government prior to the German decree. The
+destruction of neutral prizes, though practised by some governments,
+has not been so generally acquiesced in, and when resorted to has been
+attended by an even more rigid observance of the rules designed to
+safeguard human life. Article 48 of the Declaration of London provided
+that, "A captured neutral vessel is not to be destroyed by the captor,
+but must be taken into such port as is proper in order to determine
+there the rights as regards the validity of the capture."
+Unfortunately Article 49 largely negatived this statement by leaving
+the whole matter to the discretion of the captor. It is as follows:
+"As an exception, a neutral vessel captured by a belligerent ship, and
+which would be liable to condemnation, may be destroyed if the
+observance of Article 48 would involve danger to the ship of war or to
+the success of the operations in which she is at the time engaged."
+The next article provided the following safeguards: "Before the
+destruction the persons on board must be placed in safety, and all the
+ship's papers and other documents which those interested consider
+relevant for the decision as to the validity of the capture must be
+taken on board the ship of war."
+
+The Declaration of London was freely criticised for recognizing an
+unlimited discretionary right on the part of a captor to destroy a
+neutral prize. Under all the circumstances the main grievance against
+Germany was not that she destroyed prizes at sea, but that she utterly
+ignored the restrictions imposed upon this right and the rules designed
+to safeguard human life.
+
+Germany sought to justify her submarine policy on the ground (1) that
+the American manufacture and sale of munitions of war was one-sided and
+therefore unneutral, and (2) that the United States had practically
+acquiesced in what she considered the unlawful efforts of Great Britain
+to cut off the food supply of Germany. The subject of the munitions
+trade was brought to the attention of the United States by Germany in a
+note of April 4, 1915. While not denying the legality of the trade in
+munitions under ordinary circumstances the contentions of the German
+Government were that the situation in the present war differed from
+that of any previous war; that the recognition of the trade in the past
+had sprung from the necessity of protecting existing industries, while
+in the present war an entirely new industry had been created in the
+United States; and it concluded with the following statement which was
+the real point of the note: "This industry is actually delivering goods
+to the enemies of Germany. The theoretical willingness to supply
+Germany also, if shipments were possible, does not alter the case. If
+it is the will of the American people that there should be a true
+neutrality, the United States will find means of preventing this
+one-sided supply of arms or at least of utilizing it to protect
+legitimate trade with Germany, especially that in food stuffs." To
+this note Secretary Bryan replied that "Any change in its own laws of
+neutrality during the progress of the war which would affect unequally
+the relations of the United States with the nations at war would be an
+unjustifiable departure from the principle of strict neutrality."
+
+Two months later the discussion was renewed by the Austro-Hungarian
+Government. The Austrian note did not question the intention of the
+United States to conform to the letter of the law, but complained that
+we were not carrying out its spirit, and suggested that a threat to
+withhold food stuffs and raw materials from the Allies would be
+sufficient to protect legitimate commerce between the United States and
+the Central Powers. To this note Secretary Lansing replied at length.
+He held: (1) that the United States was under no obligation to change
+or modify the rules of international usage on account of special
+conditions. (2) He rejected what he construed to be the contention of
+the Austrian Government that "the advantages gained to a belligerent by
+its superiority on the sea should be equalized by the neutral powers by
+the establishment of a system of non-intercourse with the victor." (3)
+He called attention to the fact that Austria-Hungary and Germany had
+during the years preceding the present European war produced "a great
+surplus of arms and ammunition which they sold throughout the world and
+especially to belligerents. Never during that period did either of
+them suggest or apply the principle now advocated by the Imperial and
+Royal Government." (4) "But, in addition to the question of principle,
+there is a practical and substantial reason why the Government of the
+United States has from the foundation of the Republic to the present
+time advocated and practised unrestricted trade in arms and military
+supplies. It has never been the policy of this country to maintain in
+time of peace a large military establishment or stores of arms and
+ammunition sufficient to repel invasion by a well-equipped and powerful
+enemy. It has desired to remain at peace with all nations and to avoid
+any appearance of menacing such peace by the threat of its armies and
+navies. In consequence of this standing policy the United States
+would, in the event of attack by a foreign power, be at the outset of
+the war seriously, if not fatally, embarrassed by the lack of arms and
+ammunition and by the means to produce them in sufficient quantities to
+supply the requirements of national defense. The United States has
+always depended upon the right and power to purchase arms and
+ammunition from neutral nations in case of foreign attack. This right,
+which it claims for itself, it cannot deny to others."
+
+The German and Austrian authorities were fully aware that their
+arguments had no basis in international law or practice. Indeed, their
+notes were probably designed to influence public opinion and help the
+German propagandists in this country who were making a desperate effort
+to get Congress to place an embargo on the export of munitions. Having
+failed in this attempt, an extensive conspiracy was formed to break up
+the trade in munitions by a resort to criminal methods. Numerous
+explosions occurred in munition plants destroying many lives and
+millions of dollars' worth of property, and bombs were placed in a
+number of ships engaged in carrying supplies to the Allies. The
+Austrian ambassador and the German military and naval attachés at
+Washington were involved in these activities and their recall was
+promptly demanded by Secretary Lansing.
+
+The violations of international law by Germany were so flagrant, her
+methods of waging war so barbarous, the activities of her diplomats so
+devoid of honor, and her solemn pledges were so ruthlessly broken that
+the technical discussion of the rules of maritime law was completely
+overshadowed by the higher moral issues involved in the contest. All
+further efforts to maintain neutrality finally became intolerable even
+to President Wilson, who had exercised patience until patience ceased
+to be a virtue. Having failed in his efforts to persuade Congress to
+authorize the arming of merchantmen, the President finally concluded,
+in view of Germany's threat to treat armed guards as pirates, that
+armed neutrality was impracticable. He accepted the only alternative
+and on April 2, 1917, went before Congress to ask for a formal
+declaration of war against Germany.
+
+Had Germany observed the rules of international law, the United States
+would probably have remained neutral notwithstanding the imminent
+danger of the overthrow of France and the possible invasion of England.
+The upsetting of the European balance would eventually have led to a
+conflict between Germany and the United States. The violation of
+American rights forced us to go to war, but having once entered the
+war, we fought not merely for the vindication of American rights, but
+for the establishment of human freedom and the recognition of human
+rights throughout the world. In his war address President Wilson said:
+"Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the
+world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to
+that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic Governments
+backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not
+by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in
+such circumstances." Having once abandoned neutrality and isolation we
+are not likely to remain neutral again in any war which involves the
+balance of power in the world or the destinies of the major portion of
+mankind. Neutrality and isolation were correlative. They were both
+based on the view that we were a remote and distant people and had no
+intimate concern with what was going on in the great world across the
+seas.
+
+The failure of neutrality and the abandonment of isolation marked a
+radical, though inevitable, change in our attitude toward world
+politics. President Wilson did not propose, however, to abandon the
+great principles for which we as a nation had stood, but rather to
+extend them and give them a world-wide application. In his address to
+the Senate on January 22, 1917, he said:
+
+"I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord
+adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world;
+that no nation should seek to extend its polity over any other nation
+or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its
+own polity, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened,
+unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful.
+
+"I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances
+which would draw them into competitions of power, catch them in a net
+of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with
+influences intruded from without. There is no entangling alliance in a
+concert of power."
+
+In other words, the Monroe Doctrine, stripped of its imperialistic
+tendencies, was to be internationalized, and the American policy of
+isolation, in the sense of avoiding secret alliances, was to become a
+fundamental principle of the new international order. If the United
+States was to go into a league of nations, every member of the league
+must stand on its own footing. We were not to be made a buffer between
+alliances and ententes.
+
+
+
+
+X
+
+THE WAR AIMS OF THE UNITED STATES
+
+The advent of the United States into the family of nations nearly a
+century and a half ago was an event of worldwide significance. Our
+revolutionary ancestors set up a government founded on a new principle,
+happily phrased by Jefferson in the statement that governments derive
+their just powers from the consent of the governed. This principle
+threatened, although remotely, the existence of the aristocratic
+governments of the Old World which were still based on the doctrine of
+divine right. The entrance of the United States into the World War was
+an event of equal significance because it gave an American president,
+who was thoroughly grounded in the political philosophy of the Virginia
+Bill of Rights, the Declaration of Independence, and the writings of
+the founders of the Republic, an opportunity to proclaim to the world
+the things for which America has always stood. In this connection H.
+W. V. Temperley in "A History of the Peace Conference of Paris" (vol.
+i, page 173) says: "The utterances of President Wilson have a unique
+significance, not only because they were taken as the legal basis of
+the Peace negotiations, but because they form a definite and coherent
+body of political doctrine. This doctrine, though developed and
+expanded in view of the tremendous changes produced by the war, was not
+formed or even altered by them. His ideas, like those of no other
+great statesman of the war, are capable of being worked out as a
+complete political philosophy. A peculiar interest, therefore,
+attaches to his pre-war speeches, for they contain the germs of his
+political faith and were not influenced by the terrifying portents of
+to-day. The tenets in themselves were few and simple, but their
+consequences, when developed by the war, were such as to produce the
+most far-reaching results. It is not possible or necessary to discuss
+how far these tenets were accepted by the American people as a whole,
+for, as the utterances of their legal representative at a supreme
+moment of world history, they will always retain their value."
+
+The principal features of Wilson's political philosophy were revealed
+in his policy toward Latin America before he had any idea of
+intervening in the European situation. At the outset of his
+administration he declared that the United States would "never again
+seek one additional foot of territory by conquest." In December, 1915,
+he declared: "From the first we have made common cause with all
+partisans of liberty on this side of the sea and . . . have set America
+aside as a whole for the uses of independent nations and political
+freemen." A few weeks later he proposed that the nations of America
+should unite "in guaranteeing to each other absolute political
+independence and territorial integrity." This proposal was actually
+embodied in a treaty, but this plan for an American league of nations
+did not meet with the approval of the other states, who probably feared
+that the United States would occupy too dominant a position in such a
+league. President Wilson's refusal to recognize the despotic power of
+Huerta, while expressing sympathy for the people of Mexico, was the
+first application of the policy which later so successfully drove a
+wedge in between the Kaiser and the German people. His refusal to
+invade Mexico and his determination to give the people of that country
+a chance to work out their own salvation gave evidence to the world of
+the unselfishness and sincerity of his policies, and paved the way for
+the moral leadership which he later exercised over the peoples of
+Europe.
+
+President Wilson's insistence on neutrality in "thought, word, and
+deed," the expression "too proud to fight," and his statement in regard
+to the war, May 27, 1916, that "with its causes and objects we are not
+concerned," caused deep offense to many of his countrymen and were
+received with ridicule by others at home and abroad. His reasons for
+remaining neutral were best stated in the speech accepting his second
+nomination for the presidency, September 2, 1916: "We have been neutral
+not only because it was the fixed and traditional policy of the United
+States to stand aloof from the politics of Europe and because we had
+had no part either of action or of policy in the influences which
+brought on the present war, but also because it was manifestly our duty
+to prevent, if it were possible, the indefinite extension of the fires
+of hate and desolation kindled by that terrible conflict and seek to
+serve mankind by reserving our strength and our resources for the
+anxious and difficult days of restoration and healing which must
+follow, when peace will have to build its house anew."
+
+Other speeches made during the year 1916 show, however, that he was
+being gradually forced to the conclusion that "peace is not always
+within the choice of the nation" and that we must be "ready to fight
+for our rights when those rights are coincident with the rights of man
+and humanity."
+
+After the German peace proposals of December 12, 1916, President Wilson
+called on all the belligerents to state publicly what they were
+fighting for. This demand caused a searching of hearts everywhere, led
+to a restatement of aims on the part of the Allies, and threw the
+Central Governments on the defensive. In formulating their replies the
+Allies were somewhat embarrassed by the secret treaties relating to
+Russia and Italy, which were later made public by the Bolsheviki. In
+March, 1915, England and France had made an agreement with Russia by
+which she was to get Constantinople, the aim of her policy since the
+days of Peter the Great. By the secret Treaty of London, signed April
+26, 1915, England, France, and Russia had promised Italy that she
+should receive the Trentino and Southern Tyrol, including in its
+population more than 250,000 Germans. Italy was also promised Trieste
+and the Istrian peninsula, the boundary running just west of Fiume,
+over which city, it should be remembered, she acquired no claim under
+this treaty. Italy was also to receive about half of Dalmatia,
+including towns over half of whose population were Jugo-Slavs. To
+President Wilson's note the Allies had to reply, therefore, in somewhat
+general terms. Their territorial demands were: "The restitution of
+provinces formerly torn from the Allies by force or against the wish of
+their inhabitants; the liberation of the Italians, as also of the
+Slavs, Roumanes, and Czecho-Slovaks from foreign domination, the
+setting free of the populations subject to the bloody tyranny of the
+Turks; and the turning out of Europe of the Ottoman Empire as decidedly
+foreign to Western civilization." The German reply contained no
+statement of territorial claims and gave no pledge even as to the
+future status of Belgium.
+
+In reporting the results of this interchange of views to the Senate,
+January 22, 1917, President Wilson delivered the first of that series
+of addresses on the essentials of a just and lasting peace which made
+him the recognized spokesman of the liberal element in all countries
+and gained for him a moral leadership that was without parallel in the
+history of the world. "In every discussion of the peace that must end
+this war," he declared, "it is taken for granted that that peace must
+be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it
+virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us
+again. Every lover of mankind, every sane and thoughtful man must take
+that for granted." In fact, there was no dissent from this statement.
+Most of our leading men, including Taft, Roosevelt, and Lodge, were
+committed to the idea of a league of nations for the maintenance of law
+and international peace. The League to Enforce Peace, which had
+branches in all the Allied countries, had done a great work in
+popularizing this idea. The President came before the Senate, he said,
+"as the council associated with me in the final determination of our
+international obligations," to formulate the conditions upon which he
+would feel justified in asking the American people to give "formal and
+solemn adherence to a League for Peace." He disclaimed any right to a
+voice in determining what the terms of peace should be, but he did
+claim a right to "have a voice in determining whether they shall be
+made lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal covenant." First
+of all, the peace must be a "peace without victory," for "only a peace
+between equals can last." And, he added, "there is a deeper thing
+involved than even equality of right among organized nations. No peace
+can last, or ought to last, which does not recognize and accept the
+principle that governments derive all their just powers from the
+consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand
+peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were
+property." He cited Poland as an example, declaring that statesmen
+everywhere were agreed that she should be "united, independent, and
+autonomous."
+
+He declared that every great people "should be assured a direct outlet
+to the sea," and that "no nation should be shut away from free access
+to the open paths of the world's commerce." He added: "The freedom of
+the seas is the _sine qua non_ of peace, equality, and coöperation."
+This problem, he said, was closely connected with the limitation of
+naval armaments. "The question of armaments, whether on land or sea,
+is the most immediately and intensely practical question connected with
+the future fortunes of nations and of mankind."
+
+The Russian revolution, which came in March, 1917, and resulted in the
+overthrow of the Czar's government, cleared the political atmosphere
+for the time being, and enabled President Wilson in his address to
+Congress on April 2 to proclaim a war of democracy against autocracy.
+The new Russian government repudiated all imperialistic aims and
+adopted the formula: "Self-determination, no annexations, no
+indemnities." Poland was given her freedom and the demand for
+Constantinople was abandoned. The Allies were thus relieved from one
+of their most embarrassing secret treaties.
+
+Even after America entered the war, President Wilson continued to
+advance the same ideas as to the ultimate conditions of peace. His
+attitude remained essentially different from that of the Allies, who
+were hampered by secret treaties wholly at variance with the
+President's aims. In his war address he declared that we had "no
+quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but
+one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that
+their government acted in entering this war." Prussian autocracy was
+the object of his attack. "We are now about to accept gauge of battle
+with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the
+whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its
+power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false
+pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world
+and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for
+the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men
+everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world
+must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the
+tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to
+serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for
+ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely
+make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We
+shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the
+faith and the freedom of nations can make them."
+
+About the time that the United States declared war, Austria and Germany
+began another so-called "peace offensive." Overtures were made by
+Austria to France in March, and in August the Pope made a direct appeal
+to the Powers. This move was unmasked by President Wilson in a public
+address at the Washington Monument, June 14, 1917. "The military
+masters under whom Germany is bleeding," he declared, "see very clearly
+to what point fate has brought them: if they fall back or are forced
+back an inch, their power abroad and at home will fall to pieces. It
+is their power at home of which they are thinking now more than of
+their power abroad. It is that power which is trembling under their
+very feet. Deep fear has entered their hearts. They have but one
+chance to perpetuate their military power, or even their controlling
+political influence. If they can secure peace now, with the immense
+advantage still in their hands, they will have justified themselves
+before the German people. They will have gained by force what they
+promised to gain by it--an immense expansion of German power and an
+immense enlargement of German industrial and commercial opportunities.
+Their prestige will be secure, and with their prestige their political
+power. If they fail, their people will thrust them aside. A
+government accountable to the people themselves will be set up in
+Germany, as has been the case in England, the United States, and
+France--in all great countries of modern times except Germany. If they
+succeed they are safe, and Germany and the world are undone. If they
+fail, Germany is saved and the world will be at peace. If they
+succeed, America will fall within the menace, and we, and all the rest
+of the world, must remain armed, as they will remain, and must make
+ready for the next step in their aggression. If they fail, the world
+may unite for peace and Germany may be of the union."
+
+The task of replying to the Pope was left by the Allied governments to
+Wilson, who was not hampered by secret treaties. In this remarkable
+document he drove still further the wedge between the German people and
+the Kaiser. "The American people have suffered intolerable wrongs at
+the hands of the Imperial German Government, but they desire no
+reprisal upon the German people who have themselves suffered all things
+in this war which they did not choose. They believe that peace should
+rest upon the rights of peoples, not the rights of Governments--the
+rights of peoples great or small, weak or powerful--their equal right
+to freedom and security and self-government and to a participation upon
+fair terms in the economic opportunities of the world, the German
+people of course included if they will accept equality and not seek
+domination."
+
+In conclusion he said: "We cannot take the word of the present rulers
+of Germany as a guarantee of anything that is to endure, unless
+explicitly supported by such conclusive evidence of the will and
+purpose of the German people themselves as the other peoples of the
+world would be justified in accepting. Without such guarantees,
+treaties of settlement, agreements for disarmament, covenants to set up
+arbitration in the place of force, territorial adjustments,
+reconstitutions of small nations, if made with the German Government,
+no man, no nation could now depend on. We must await some new evidence
+of the purposes of the great peoples of the Central Powers. God grant
+it may be given soon and in a way to restore the confidence of all
+peoples everywhere in the faith of nations and the possibility of
+covenanted peace."
+
+Early in November, 1917, the Kerensky Government was overthrown in
+Russia and the Bolsheviki came into power. They at once proposed a
+general armistice and called upon all the belligerents to enter into
+peace negotiations. The Central Powers accepted the invitation, and
+early in December negotiations began at Brest-Litovsk. The Russian
+peace proposals were: the evacuation of occupied territories,
+self-determination for nationalities not hitherto independent, no war
+indemnities or economic boycotts, and the settlement of colonial
+questions in accordance with the above principles. The Austrian
+minister, Count Czernin, replied for the Central Powers, accepting more
+of the Russian program than had been expected, but rejecting the
+principle of a free plebiscite for national groups not hitherto
+independent, and conditioning the whole on the acceptance by the Allies
+of the offer of general peace. The conference called on the Allies for
+an answer by January 4. No direct reply was made to this demand, but
+the Russian proposals had made a profound impression on the laboring
+classes in all countries, and both Lloyd George and President Wilson
+felt called on to define more clearly the war aims of the Allies.
+
+In a speech delivered January 5, 1918, Lloyd George made the first
+comprehensive and authoritative statement of British war aims. He had
+consulted the labor leaders and Viscount Grey and Mr. Asquith, as well
+as some of the representatives of the overseas dominions, and he was
+speaking, he said, for "the nation and the Empire as a whole." He
+explained first what the British were not fighting for. He disclaimed
+any idea of overthrowing the German Government, although he considered
+military autocracy "a dangerous anachronism"; they were not fighting to
+destroy Austria-Hungary, but genuine self-government must be granted to
+"those Austro-Hungarian nationalities who have long desired it"; they
+were not fighting "to deprive Turkey of its capital or of the rich and
+renowned lands of Thrace, which are predominantly Turkish in race," but
+the passage between the Mediterranean and the Black Sea must be
+"internationalized and neutralized." The positive statement of aims
+included the complete restoration of Belgium, the return of
+Alsace-Lorraine to France, rectification of the Italian boundary, the
+independence of Poland, the restoration of Serbia, Montenegro, and the
+occupied parts of France, Italy, and Rumania, and a disposition of the
+German colonies with "primary regard to the wishes and interests of the
+native inhabitants of such colonies." He insisted on reparation for
+injuries done in violation of international law, but disclaimed a
+demand for war indemnity. In conclusion he declared the following
+conditions to be essential to a lasting peace: "First, the sanctity of
+treaties must be reëstablished; secondly, a territorial settlement must
+be secured, based on the right of self-determination or the consent of
+the governed; and lastly, we must seek, by the creation of some
+international organization, to limit the burden of armaments and
+diminish the probability of war."
+
+On January 8, 1918, three days after Lloyd George's speech, President
+Wilson appeared before both Houses of Congress and delivered the most
+important of all his addresses on war aims. It contained the famous
+Fourteen Points:
+
+I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall
+be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy
+shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
+
+II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial
+waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in
+whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of
+international covenants.
+
+III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the
+establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations
+consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.
+
+IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be
+reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
+
+V. A free, open-minded and absolutely impartial adjustment of all
+colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that
+in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the
+populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims
+of the Government whose title is to be determined.
+
+VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of
+all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest
+coöperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an
+unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent
+determination of her own political development and national policy and
+assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under
+institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance
+also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The
+treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations will be the acid test
+of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as
+distinguished from their own interests and of their intelligent and
+unselfish sympathy.
+
+VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and
+restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys
+in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve
+as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws
+which they have themselves set and determined for the government of
+their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole
+structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
+
+VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions
+restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter
+of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for
+nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once
+more be made secure in the interest of all.
+
+IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along
+clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
+
+X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we
+wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest
+opportunity of autonomous development.
+
+XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated: occupied
+territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the
+sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another
+determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of
+allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the
+political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the
+several Balkan states should be entered into.
+
+XII. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be
+assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now
+under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and
+an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the
+Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships
+and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
+
+XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should
+include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations,
+which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose
+political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be
+guaranteed by international covenant.
+
+XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific
+covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political
+independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.
+
+
+In February negotiations at Brest-Litovsk were broken off as a result
+of the excessive demands of the Germans and the armistice was declared
+at an end. The Germans quickly overran Poland and the Baltic provinces
+and occupied Ukraine under a treaty which virtually placed the material
+resources of that country at the disposal of the Central Powers. In an
+address at Baltimore, April 6, the anniversary of our entrance into the
+war, President Wilson denounced the insincerity and perfidy of the
+German rulers, who, he said, were "enjoying in Russia a cheap triumph
+in which no brave or gallant nation can long take pride." He concluded
+with these strong words: "Germany has once more said that force, and
+force alone, shall decide whether justice and peace shall reign in the
+affairs of men, whether right as America conceives it or dominion as
+she conceives it shall determine the destinies of mankind. There is,
+therefore, but one response possible from us: Force, force to the
+utmost, force without stint or limit, the righteous and triumphant
+force which shall make right the law of the world and cast every
+selfish dominion down in the dust."
+
+Between the addresses of January 8 and the Armistice, the President
+delivered other addresses in which he elaborated some of the principles
+of the Fourteen Points. Of special significance were his speeches of
+February 11, July 4, and September 27. In the last his mind centered
+on the League of Nations. "There can be no leagues or alliances or
+special covenants and understandings within the general and common
+family of the League of Nations," he declared, and "there can be no
+special selfish economic combinations within the League, and no
+employment of any form of economic boycott or exclusion, except as the
+power of economic penalty, by exclusion from the markets of the world,
+may be vested in the League of Nations itself as a means of discipline
+and control." In conclusion he said that the United States was
+prepared "to assume its full share of responsibility for the
+maintenance of the common covenants and understandings upon which peace
+must henceforth rest."
+
+We now know from the published memoirs of German and Austrian statesmen
+that President Wilson's speeches made a profound impression on the
+peoples of Central Europe. His utterances in behalf of the oppressed
+nationalities, not only Belgium, Serbia, and Poland, but also the
+Czecho-Slovaks and the Jugo-Slavs, became stronger and more frequent
+during the spring and summer of 1918, and solidified the opposition to
+Germany at a critical period of the war. On September 3 he recognized
+the Czecho-Slovak National Council as a belligerent government. This
+meant the break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which had not been
+contemplated at an earlier period, but, as he stated in his reply to
+the Austrian request for an armistice in October, conditions had
+changed since the announcement of the Fourteen Points, and these
+peoples would no longer be satisfied with mere autonomy.
+
+As a result of the Russian collapse and the negotiations at
+Brest-Litovsk, the Germans withdrew their divisions from the eastern
+front and staked everything on the great western drive of March, 1918.
+When this movement was finally checked and the Allied advance began,
+the German military leaders knew that the game was up, but they did not
+have the courage to face the facts, for an acknowledgment of defeat
+meant the overthrow of the old system of government based on military
+success. They waited in vain for some military advantage which would
+give them an opportunity to open negotiations without openly
+acknowledging defeat. Finally the state of demoralization at
+Headquarters became so complete that there was no alternative but to
+ask for an immediate armistice. In order to pave the way for this
+step, the ministry resigned October 1, and Prince Max of Baden was
+called on to form a new government. On the 4th he dispatched a note to
+President Wilson through the Swiss Government, requesting him to call a
+peace conference and stating that the German Government "accepts the
+program set forth by the President of the United States in his message
+to Congress of the 8th January, 1918, and in his later pronouncements,
+especially his speech of the 27th September, as a basis for peace
+negotiations."
+
+In reply the President asked for a clearer understanding on three
+points: (1) Did the Imperial Chancellor mean that the German Government
+accepted the terms laid down in the President's addresses referred to,
+and "that its object in entering into discussion would be only to agree
+upon the practical details of their application?" (2) The President
+would not feel at liberty to propose a cessation of arms to the Allied
+Governments so long as the armies of the Central Powers were upon their
+soil. (3) The President asked whether the Chancellor was speaking for
+the constituted authorities of the Empire who had so far conducted the
+war.
+
+The German reply of October 12 was satisfactory on the first point.
+With respect to the withdrawal of their troops from occupied territory
+they proposed a mixed commission to arrange the details. On the third
+point it was stated that the new government had been formed in
+agreement with the great majority of the Reichstag. Having
+accomplished this much, the President's next step was skilfully taken.
+He replied that the process of evacuation and the conditions of an
+armistice were matters which must be left to the judgment of the
+military advisers of the United States and the Allied Governments, but
+that he would not agree to any arrangement which did not provide
+"absolutely satisfactory safeguards and guarantees of the maintenance
+of the present military supremacy of the armies of the United States
+and of the Allies in the field." Referring next to submarine warfare,
+he declared that the United States and the Allied Governments could not
+consider an armistice "so long as the armed forces of Germany continue
+the illegal and inhumane practices which they persist in." In
+conclusion he referred to a clause contained in his speech of July 4,
+now accepted by the German Government as one of the conditions of
+peace, namely, "The destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere that
+can separately, secretly, and of its single choice disturb the peace of
+the world." He added: "The power which has hitherto controlled the
+German nation is of the sort here described. It is within the choice
+of the German nation to alter it." He demanded that the United States
+and the Allied Governments "should know beyond a peradventure" with
+whom they were dealing.
+
+In reply the Chancellor assured the President that a bill had been
+introduced in the Reichstag to alter the constitution of the Empire so
+as to give the representatives of the people the right to decide for
+war or peace, but the President was not satisfied that there had been
+any real change. "It may be that future wars have been brought under
+the control of the German people, but the present war has not been; and
+it is with the present war that we are dealing." He was not willing to
+accept any armistice which did not make a renewal of hostilities on the
+part of Germany impossible. If, he concluded, the United States "must
+deal with the military masters and the monarchical autocrats of Germany
+now, or if it is likely to have to deal with them later in regard to
+the international obligations of the German Empire, it must demand not
+peace negotiations but surrender. Nothing can be gained by leaving
+this essential thing unsaid." This note was written October 23. Four
+days later the Chancellor replied: "The President knows the deep-rooted
+changes which have taken place and are still taking place in German
+constitutional life. The peace negotiations will be conducted by a
+People's Government, in whose hands the decisive legal power rests in
+accordance with the Constitution, and to which the Military Power will
+also be subject. The German Government now awaits the proposals for an
+armistice which will introduce a peace of justice such as the President
+in his manifestations has described."
+
+The terms of the Armistice were drawn up by the Interallied Council at
+Versailles and completed by November 5. They were much more severe
+than the public had expected them to be. Germany was required
+immediately to evacuate Belgium, France, Alsace-Lorraine, and
+Luxemburg; to withdraw her armies from the entire territory on the left
+bank of the Rhine, and from Russia, Austria-Hungary, Rumania, and
+Turkey; she was to surrender enormous quantities of heavy artillery and
+airplanes, all her submarines, and most of her battleships, cruisers,
+and destroyers. This was practically unconditional surrender.
+Contrary to the general belief at the time, it is now known that Foch
+and Haig considered these terms too severe and feared that Germany
+would not accept them. They wanted an armistice that Germany would
+accept. General Bliss, on the other hand, wanted to demand "the
+complete disarmament and demobilization of the military and naval
+forces of the enemy." In America there was much criticism of the
+President for being willing to negotiate with Germany at all. "On to
+Berlin" was a popular cry, and it was thought that the President was
+preventing a complete military triumph. On October 10 Senator Lodge
+declared in the Senate: "The Republican party stands for unconditional
+surrender and complete victory, just as Grant stood. My own belief is
+that the American people mean to have an unconditional surrender. They
+mean to have a dictated, not a negotiated peace."
+
+After reviewing the Armistice negotiations André Tardieu, a member of
+the French Cabinet and delegate to the Peace Conference, says:
+
+"What remains of the fiction, believed by so many, of an armistice
+secretly determined upon by an American dictator; submitted to by the
+European governments: imposed by their weakness upon the victorious
+armies, despite the opposition of the generals? The Armistice was
+discussed in the open light of day. President Wilson only consented to
+communicate it to his associates on the triple condition that its
+principle be approved by the military authorities and its clauses would
+be drawn up by them; that it be imposed upon the enemy and not
+discussed with him; that it be such as to prevent all resumption of
+hostilities and assure the submission of the vanquished to the terms of
+peace. So it was that the discussion went on with Berlin till October
+23, and in Paris from that date till November 5. It was to the
+Commander-in-Chief [Foch] that final decision was left not only on the
+principle of the Armistice but upon its application. He it was who
+drew up the text. And it was his draft that was adopted. The action
+of the governments was limited to endorsing it and making it more
+severe. That is the truth:--it is perhaps less picturesque but
+certainly more in accord with common sense."
+
+The terms of the Armistice were delivered to the Germans by Marshal
+Foch November 7, and they were given seventy-two hours to accept or
+reject them. Meanwhile Germany's allies were rapidly deserting her.
+Bulgaria surrendered September 30, and on October 30 Turkey signed an
+armistice. Finally on November 4, the rapidly disintegrating
+Austro-Hungarian Monarchy also signed an armistice. On October 28
+there had been a naval mutiny at Kiel which spread rapidly to the other
+ports. On the 31st the Emperor departed for Army Headquarters, leaving
+Berlin on the verge of revolution. On the 7th of November the Social
+Democrats demanded the abdication of the Emperor and the Crown Prince.
+On the 9th Prince Max resigned the Chancellorship, and the Kaiser
+abdicated and ignominiously fled across the border into Holland. On
+the 11th at 5 A. M. the Armistice was signed by the German delegates
+and Marshal Foch, and it went into effect at 11 o'clock that day.
+
+In two particulars the Wilson principles had been modified by the
+Allies. In the American note to Germany of November 5 Secretary
+Lansing stated that the President had submitted his correspondence with
+the German authorities to the Allied Governments and that he had
+received in reply the following memorandum:
+
+"The Allied Governments have given careful consideration to the
+correspondence which has passed between the President of the United
+States and the German Government. Subject to the qualifications which
+follow, they declare their willingness to make peace with the
+Government of Germany on the terms of peace laid down in the
+President's Address to Congress of January 8, 1918, and the principles
+of settlement enunciated in his subsequent Addresses. They must point
+out, however, that Clause 2, relating to what is usually described as
+the freedom of the seas, is open to various interpretations, some of
+which they could not accept. They must therefore reserve to themselves
+complete freedom on this subject when they enter the Peace Conference.
+Further, in the conditions of peace laid down in his Address to
+Congress of January 8, 1918, the President declared that the invaded
+territories must be restored as well as evacuated and freed, and the
+Allied Governments feel that no doubt ought to be allowed to exist as
+to what this provision implies. By it they understand that
+compensation will be made by Germany for all damage done to the
+civilian population of the Allies and their property by the aggression
+of Germany by land, by sea, and from the air." In transmitting this
+memorandum Secretary Lansing stated that he was instructed by the
+President to say that he agreed with this interpretation.
+
+With these modifications the Wilson principles were accepted by all
+parties as the legal basis of the peace negotiations.
+
+
+
+
+XI
+
+THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES
+
+It was agreed that the Peace Conference should meet at Paris, and
+President Wilson considered the issues involved of such magnitude that
+he decided to head the American delegation himself. Great Britain,
+France, and Italy were to be represented by their premiers, and it was
+fitting that the United States should be represented by its most
+responsible leader, who, furthermore, had been the chief spokesman of
+the Allies and had formulated the principles upon which the peace was
+to be made. But the decision of the President to go to Paris was
+without precedent in our history and, therefore, it met with criticism
+and opposition. When he announced the names of the other members of
+the delegation, the criticism became even more outspoken and severe.
+They were Secretary of State Lansing, Henry White, former ambassador to
+France, Colonel Edward M. House, and General Tasker H. Bliss. There
+had been a widespread demand for a non-partisan peace commission, and
+many people thought that the President should have taken Root, or
+Roosevelt, or Taft. Mr. White was a Republican but he had never been
+active in party affairs or in any sense a leader. In the Senate there
+was deep resentment that the President had not selected any members of
+that body to accompany him. President McKinley had appointed three
+senators as members of the commission of five that negotiated the
+treaty of peace at the close of the Spanish War. With that exception,
+senators had never taken part directly in the negotiation of a treaty.
+The delegation was attended by a large group of experts on military,
+economic, geographical, ethnological, and legal matters, some of whom
+were men of great ability, and in their selection no party lines were
+drawn.
+
+But just before the signing of the Armistice, the President had
+suffered a serious political defeat at home. There had been severe
+criticism of Democratic leadership in Congress and growing
+dissatisfaction with some of the members of the Cabinet. In response
+to the appeals of Democratic Congressmen, the President issued a
+statement from the White House on October 25, asking the people, if
+they approved of his leadership and wished him to continue to be their
+"unembarrassed spokesman in affairs at home and abroad," to vote for
+the Democratic candidates for Congress. He acknowledged that the
+Republicans in Congress had loyally supported his war measures, but he
+declared that they were hostile to the administration and that the time
+was too critical for divided leadership. This statement created a
+storm of criticism, and did more than any other act in his
+administration to turn the tide of public opinion against the
+President. The elections resulted in a Republican majority of
+thirty-nine in the House and two in the Senate. The President had
+followed the practice of European premiers in appealing to the people,
+but under our constitutional system he could not very well resign. Had
+he not issued his appeal, the election would have been regarded as a
+repudiation of the Democratic Congress, but not necessarily as a
+repudiation of the President. The situation was most unfortunate, but
+the President made no comments and soon after announced his intention
+of going to Paris. In December Lloyd George went to the country, and
+on pledging himself to make Germany pay for the war and to hang the
+Kaiser, he was returned by a substantial majority. These pledges were
+unnecessary and had a most unfortunate influence on the subsequent
+negotiations at Paris.
+
+The President sailed for France December 4, leaving a divided country
+behind him. His enemies promptly seized the opportunity to assail him.
+Senator Sherman introduced a resolution declaring the presidency vacant
+because the President had left the territory of the United States, and
+Senator Knox offered another resolution declaring that the Conference
+should confine itself solely to the restoration of peace, and that the
+proposed league of nations should be reserved for consideration at some
+future time.
+
+While his enemies in the Senate were busily organizing all the forces
+of opposition against him, the President was welcomed by the war-weary
+peoples of Europe with demonstrations of genuine enthusiasm such as had
+been the lot of few men in history to receive. Sovereigns and heads of
+States bestowed the highest honors upon him, while great crowds of
+working men gathered at the railroad stations in order to get a glimpse
+of the man who had led the crusade for a peace that would end war and
+establish justice as the rule of conduct between the nations of the
+world, great and small nations alike.
+
+No mortal man could have fulfilled the hopes and expectations that
+centered in Wilson when he landed on the shores of France in December,
+1918. The Armistice had been signed on the basis of his ideals, and
+the peoples of Europe confidently expected to see those ideals embodied
+in the treaty of peace. He still held the moral leadership of the
+world, but the war was over, the German menace ended, and national
+rivalries and jealousies were beginning to reappear, even among those
+nations who had so recently fought and bled side by side. This change
+was to be revealed when the Conference met. There was no sign of it in
+the plaudits of the multitudes who welcomed the President in France, in
+England, and in Italy. He returned on January 7, 1919, from Italy to
+Paris, where delegates to the Conference from all the countries which
+had been at war with Germany were gathering.
+
+The first session of the Peace Conference was held January 18. The
+main work of the Conference was carried on by the Supreme Council,
+constituted at this meeting and composed of the two ranking delegates
+of each of the five great powers, Great Britain, France, Italy, the
+United States, and Japan. The decisions which this Council arrived at,
+with the aid of the large groups of technical advisers which
+accompanied the delegations of the great powers, were reported to the
+Conference in plenary session from time to time and ratified. The
+Supreme Council was, however, gradually superseded by the "Big Four,"
+Wilson, Lloyd George, Clemenceau, and Orlando, while the "Five,"
+composed of ministers of foreign affairs, handled much of the routine
+business, and made some important decisions, subject to the approval of
+the "Four." According to statistics compiled by Tardieu, the Council
+of Ten held seventy-two sessions, the "Five" held thirty-nine, and the
+"Four" held one hundred and forty-five. As one of the American experts
+puts it: "The 'Ten' fell into the background, the 'Five' never emerged
+from obscurity, the 'Four' ruled the Conference in the culminating
+period when its decisions took shape."
+
+At the plenary session of January 25, President Wilson made a notable
+speech in which he proposed the creation of a league of nations, and a
+resolution to organize such a league and make it an integral part of
+the general treaty was unanimously adopted. A commission to draft a
+constitution for the League was appointed with President Wilson as
+chairman. On February 14 the first draft of the Covenant of the League
+was presented by him to the Conference, and on the following day he
+sailed for the United States in order to consider the bills passed by
+Congress before the expiration of the session on March 4. The first
+draft of the Covenant was hastily prepared, and it went back to the
+commission for revision. As soon as the text was made known in the
+United States, opposition to the Covenant was expressed in the Senate.
+During the President's brief visit to Washington, he gave a dinner at
+the White House to members of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations
+and of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs for the purpose of
+explaining to them the terms of the Covenant. There was no official
+report of what occurred at this dinner, but it was stated that some of
+the senators objected to the Covenant on the ground that it was
+contrary to our traditional policies and inconsistent with our
+Constitution and form of government. On March 4, the day before the
+President left New York to resume his duties at the Conference,
+Senators Lodge and Knox issued a round robin, signed by thirty-seven
+senators, declaring that they would not vote for the Covenant in the
+form proposed, and that consideration of the League of Nations should
+be postponed until peace had been concluded with Germany. That same
+night the President made a speech at the Metropolitan Opera House in
+New York City in which, after explaining and defining the Covenant, he
+said: "When that treaty comes back gentlemen on this side will find the
+Covenant not only in it, but so many threads of the treaty tied to the
+Covenant that you cannot dissect the Covenant from the treaty without
+destroying the whole vital structure." In this same address he also
+said: "The first thing I am going to tell the people on the other side
+of the water is that an overwhelming majority of the American people is
+in favour of the League of Nations. I know that this is true. I have
+had unmistakable intimations of it from all parts of the country, and
+the voice rings true in every case." The President was evidently quite
+confident that public sentiment would compel the Senate to ratify the
+peace treaty, including the Covenant of the League. A nation-wide
+propaganda was being carried on by the League to Enforce Peace and
+other organizations, and public sentiment for the League appeared to be
+overwhelming. The President took back to Paris with him various
+suggestions of changes in the Covenant, and later ex-President Taft,
+Elihu Root, and Charles E. Hughes proposed amendments which were
+forwarded to him and carefully considered by the commission. Some of
+these suggestions, such as the reservation of the Monroe Doctrine and
+the right of withdrawal from the League, were embodied in the final
+draft.
+
+When the President returned to Paris he found that Secretary Lansing
+and Colonel House had consented to the separation of the League from
+the treaty of peace. He immediately reversed this decision, but the
+final adoption of the Covenant was delayed by the demand of Japan that
+a clause be inserted establishing "the principle of equality of nations
+and just treatment of their nationals," which would have brought within
+the jurisdiction of the League the status of Japan's subjects in
+California and in the British dominions. France urged the inclusion of
+a provision creating a permanent General Staff to direct the military
+operations of the League, and Belgium insisted that Brussels rather
+than Geneva should be the seat of the League. Meanwhile other national
+aspirations were also brought forward which delayed the general treaty
+of peace. France wanted the entire left bank of the Rhine; Italy put
+forth a claim to Fiume; and Japan, relying on secret agreements with
+England, France, and Italy, insisted on her claims to Shantung. No
+economic settlement had as yet been agreed upon, and the question of
+reparations was threatening the disruption of the Conference.
+
+The most difficult problem that the Conference had to solve was the
+establishment of a new Franco-German frontier. There was no question
+about Alsace-Lorraine. That had been disposed of by the Fourteen
+Points, and Germany had acquiesced in its return to France in the
+pre-Armistice agreement. But no sooner was the Armistice signed than
+Foch addressed a note to Clemenceau, setting forth the necessity of
+making the Rhine the western frontier of Germany. The Left Bank,
+extending from Alsace-Lorraine to the Dutch frontier, embraced about
+10,000 square miles and 5,500,000 people. The debate on this question
+continued at intervals for six months and at times became very
+acrimonious. The French representatives did not demand the direct
+annexation of the Left Bank, but they proposed an independent or
+autonomous Rhineland and French, or inter-Allied, occupation of the
+Rhine for an indefinite period, or at least until the full execution by
+Germany of the financial clauses of the treaty. Both the British and
+American delegates opposed the French proposals. Lloyd George
+repeatedly said: "We must not create another Alsace-Lorraine." He also
+remarked on one occasion: "The strongest impression made upon me by my
+first visit to Paris was the statue of Strasburg veiled in mourning.
+Do not let us make it possible for Germany to erect a similar statue."
+
+This discussion was being carried on with great earnestness and
+intensity of feeling when Wilson returned to Paris March 14. That very
+afternoon he met Lloyd George and Clemenceau. The French argument was
+set forth again at length and with great skill. The fact was again
+pointed out that the destruction of the German fleet had relieved
+England from all fear of German invasion, and that the Atlantic Ocean
+lay between Germany and the United States, while France, which had
+suffered two German invasions in half a century, had no safeguard but
+the League of Nations, which she did not deem as good a guarantee as
+the Rhine bridges. Finally Wilson and Lloyd George offered the
+guarantee treaties, and Clemenceau agreed to take the proposal under
+consideration. Three days later he came back with a counter
+proposition and a compromise was reached. France gave up her demand
+for a separate Rhineland, but secured occupation of the Left Bank,
+including the bridge-heads, for a period of fifteen years as a
+guarantee of the execution of the treaty. In return the United States
+and Great Britain pledged themselves to come to the immediate aid of
+France, in case of an unprovoked attack, by an agreement which was to
+be binding only if ratified by both countries. This treaty the United
+States Senate refused to ratify. Foch was opposed to this compromise,
+and adopted a course of action which was very embarrassing to
+Clemenceau. Fierce attacks on the French Government and on the
+representatives of Great Britain and the United States, inspired by
+him, appeared in the papers. When the treaty was finally completed, he
+even went so far as to refuse to transmit the note summoning the German
+delegates to Versailles to receive it. Wilson and Lloyd George finally
+protested so vigorously to Clemenceau that Foch had to give way.
+
+In view of the promises of Clemenceau and Lloyd George that Germany
+should pay the cost of the war, the question of reparations was an
+exceedingly difficult one to adjust. President Wilson stoutly opposed
+the inclusion of war costs as contrary to the pre-Armistice agreement,
+and Lloyd George and Clemenceau finally had to give in. The entire
+American delegation and their corps of experts endeavored to limit the
+charges imposed on Germany rigidly to reparation for damage done to
+civilians in the occupied areas and on land and sea. Lloyd George,
+remembering the promises which he had made prior to the December
+elections, insisted that pensions paid by the Allied governments should
+be included as damage done to the civilian population. This claim was
+utterly illogical, for pensions fall properly into the category of
+military expenses, but it was pressed with such skill and determination
+by Lloyd George and General Smuts that President Wilson finally gave
+his assent.
+
+From the first the American delegates and experts were in favor of
+fixing definitely the amount that Germany was to pay in the way of
+reparations and settling this question once for all. They hoped to
+agree upon a sum which it was within Germany's power to pay. But
+Clemenceau and Lloyd George had made such extravagant promises to their
+people that they were afraid to announce at this time a sum which would
+necessarily be much less than the people expected. They, therefore,
+insisted that the question should be left open to be determined later
+by a Reparations Commission. They declared that any other course would
+mean the immediate overthrow of their governments and the
+reorganization of the British and French delegations. President Wilson
+did not care to put himself in the position of appearing to precipitate
+a political crisis in either country, so he finally gave way on this
+point also. These concessions proved to be the most serious mistakes
+that he made at Paris, for they did more than anything else to
+undermine the faith of liberals everywhere in him.
+
+The Italian delegation advanced a claim to Fiume which was inconsistent
+both with the Treaty of London and the Fourteen Points. When
+disagreement over this question had been delaying for weeks the
+settlement of other matters, President Wilson finally made a public
+statement of his position which was virtually an appeal to the Italian
+people over the heads of their delegation. The entire delegation
+withdrew from the Conference and went home, but Premier Orlando
+received an almost unanimous vote of confidence from his parliament,
+and he was supported by an overwhelming tide of public sentiment
+throughout Italy. This was the first indication of Wilson's loss of
+prestige with the peoples of Europe.
+
+As already stated, the Japanese had insisted on the insertion in the
+Covenant of the League of the principle of racial equality. It is very
+doubtful whether they ever expected to succeed in this. The
+probability is that they advanced this principle in order to compel
+concessions on other points. Japan's main demand was that the German
+leases and concessions in the Chinese province of Shantung should be
+definitely confirmed to her by the treaty. Two weeks after the
+outbreak of the World War, Japan had addressed an ultimatum to Germany
+to the effect that she immediately withdraw all German vessels from
+Chinese and Japanese waters and deliver not later than September 15 "to
+the Imperial Japanese authorities without condition or compensation the
+entire leased territory of Kiao-chau with a view to the eventual
+restoration of the same to China." In a statement issued to the press
+Count Okuma said:
+
+"As Premier of Japan, I have stated and I now again state to the people
+of America and all the world that Japan has no ulterior motive or
+desire to secure more territory, no thought of depriving China or any
+other peoples of anything which they now possess."
+
+The Germans had spent about $100,000,000 in improving Tsing-tau, the
+principal city of Kiao-chau, and they had no intention of surrendering.
+After a siege of two months the city was captured by the Japanese army
+and navy, assisted by a small force of British troops. This was the
+first act in the drama. On January 8, 1915, Japan suddenly presented
+to the Chinese government the now famous Twenty-one Demands,
+deliberately misrepresenting to the United States and other powers the
+nature of these demands. Among other things, Japan demanded not only
+that China should assent to any agreement in regard to Shantung that
+Japan and Germany might reach at the conclusion of the war, but that
+she should also grant to her greater rights and concessions in Shantung
+than Germany had enjoyed. China was finally forced to agree to these
+demands.
+
+Japan's next step was to acquire from the Allies the assurance that
+they would support her claims to Shantung and to the islands in the
+Pacific north of the equator on the conclusion of the war. This she
+did in secret agreements signed in February and March, 1917, with
+England, France, Italy, and Russia. England agreed to support Japan's
+claim on condition that Japan would support her claims to the Pacific
+islands south of the equator. France signed on condition that Japan
+would use her influence on China to break relations with Germany and
+place at the disposal of the Allies the German ships interned in
+Chinese ports. The Allies were evidently uneasy about Japan, and were
+willing to do anything that was necessary to satisfy her. This
+uncertainty about Japan may also be the explanation of the
+Lansing-Ishii agreement signed November 2, 1917, in which the United
+States recognized the "special interests" of Japan in China.
+
+The secret treaties of the Allies relating to the Japanese claims were
+not revealed until the disposition of the German islands in the Pacific
+was under discussion at the Peace Conference. When informed by Baron
+Makino that the islands north of the equator had been pledged to Japan
+by agreements signed two years before, President Wilson inquired
+whether there were other secret agreements, and was informed that the
+German rights in Shantung had also been promised to Japan. As the
+other powers were pledged to support Japan's claims, President Wilson
+found himself in a very embarrassing situation, especially as he had
+also to oppose Japan's demand that a clause recognizing racial equality
+be inserted in the Covenant of the League. This was a moral claim that
+Japan urged with great strategic effect. In pushing her claims to
+Shantung she ignored all moral considerations and relied entirely upon
+her legal status, secured (1) by the secret treaties with the Allies,
+(2) by the treaty of 1915 with China, and (3) by right of conquest.
+When charged with having coerced China into signing the treaty of 1915,
+Japan replied with truth that most of the important treaties with China
+had been extorted by force. Japan declared, however, that she had no
+intention of holding Shantung permanently, but that she would restore
+the province in full sovereignty to China, retaining only the economic
+privileges transferred from Germany. In view of this oral promise,
+President Wilson finally acquiesced in the recognition of Japan's legal
+status in Shantung.
+
+On May 7 the completed treaty was presented to the German delegates who
+had been summoned to Versailles to receive it. When the text was made
+public in Berlin there was an indignant outcry against the alleged
+injustice of certain provisions which were held to be inconsistent with
+the pledges given by President Wilson in the pre-Armistice
+negotiations, and the Germans made repeated efforts to draw the Allies
+into a general discussion of principles. They were, however, finally
+given to understand that they must accept or reject the treaty as it
+stood, and on June 28 it was signed in the Hall of Mirrors at
+Versailles--the same hall in which William I had been crowned Emperor
+of Germany forty-eight years before.
+
+The next day President Wilson sailed for the United States, and on July
+10 personally presented the treaty to the Senate with an earnest appeal
+for prompt ratification. The Committee on Foreign Relations, to which
+the treaty was referred, proceeded with great deliberation, and on July
+31 began a series of public hearings which lasted until September 12.
+The Committee called before it Secretary Lansing and several of the
+technical advisors to the American delegation, including B. M. Baruch,
+economic adviser, Norman H. Davis, financial adviser, and David Hunter
+Miller, legal adviser. The Committee also called before it a number of
+American citizens who had had no official connection with the
+negotiations but who wished to speak in behalf of foreign groups,
+including Thomas F. Millard for China, Joseph W. Folk for Egypt, Dudley
+Field Malone for India, and a large delegation of Americans of Irish
+descent, who opposed the League of Nations on the ground that it would
+stand in the way of Ireland's aspiration for independence. The rival
+claims of Jugo-Slavs and Italians to Fiume, the demand of Albania for
+self-determination, the claims of Greece to Thrace, and arguments for
+and against the separation of Austria and Hungary were all presented at
+great length to the Committee. On August 19 the President received the
+Committee at the White House, and after submitting a written statement
+on certain features of the Covenant, he was questioned by members of
+the Committee and a general discussion followed.
+
+Meanwhile, the treaty was being openly debated in the Senate. The
+President had been an advocate of publicity in diplomacy as well as in
+other things, and the Senate now undertook to use his own weapon
+against him by a public attack on the treaty. Although the opposition
+to the treaty was started in the Senate by Lodge, Borah, Johnson,
+Sherman, Reed, and Poindexter, it was not confined to that body.
+Throughout the country there were persons of liberal views who favored
+the League of Nations but objected to the severe terms imposed on
+Germany, and charged the President with having proved false to the
+principles of the Fourteen Points. There were others who did not
+object to a severe peace, but who were bound fast by the tradition of
+isolation and thought membership in the League of Nations would involve
+the sacrifice of national sovereignty. The main object of attack was
+Article X, which guaranteed the territorial integrity and political
+independence of all the members of the League. President Wilson stated
+to the Senate Committee that he regarded Article X as "the very
+backbone of the whole Covenant," and that "without it the League would
+be hardly more than an influential debating society." The opponents of
+the League declared that this article would embroil the United States
+in the internal affairs of Europe, and that it deprived Congress of its
+constitutional right to declare war.
+
+In the Senate there were three groups: the small number of
+"irreconcilables" who opposed the ratification of the treaty in any
+form; a larger group who favored ratification without amendments, but
+who finally expressed their willingness to accept "interpretative
+reservations"; and a large group composed mainly of Republicans who
+favored the ratification of the treaty only on condition that there
+should be attached to it reservations safeguarding what they declared
+to be the fundamental rights and interests of the United States. This
+group differed among themselves as to the character of the reservations
+that were necessary, and some of them became known as "mild
+reservationists."
+
+It is probable that at the outset only the small group of
+"irreconcilables" hoped or intended to bring about the defeat of the
+treaty, but as the debate proceeded and the opposition to the treaty
+received more and more popular support, the reservationists determined
+to defeat the treaty altogether rather than to accept any compromise.
+The Republican leaders were quick to realize that the tide of public
+opinion had turned and was now running strongly against the President.
+They determined, therefore, to ruin him at all hazards, and thus to
+bring about the election of a Republican president.
+
+When President Wilson realized that the treaty was really in danger of
+defeat, he determined to go on an extended tour of the country for the
+purpose of explaining the treaty to the people and bringing pressure to
+bear on the Senate. Beginning at Columbus, Ohio, on September 4, he
+proceeded through the northern tier of states to the Pacific coast,
+then visited California and returned through Colorado. He addressed
+large audiences who received him with great enthusiasm. He was
+"trailed" by Senator Hiram Johnson, who was sent out by the opposition
+in the Senate to present the other side. Johnson also attracted large
+crowds. On the return trip, while delivering an address at Wichita,
+Kansas, September 26, the President showed signs of a nervous breakdown
+and returned immediately to Washington. He was able to walk from the
+train to his automobile, but a few days later he was partially
+paralyzed. The full extent and seriousness of his illness was
+carefully concealed from the public. He was confined to the White
+House for five months, and had to abandon all efforts in behalf of the
+treaty.
+
+On September 10 the Committee on Foreign Relations reported the treaty
+to the Senate with a number of amendments and reservations. The
+Committee declared that the League was an alliance, and that it would
+"breed wars instead of securing peace." They also declared that the
+Covenant demanded "sacrifices of American independence and sovereignty
+which would in no way promote the world's peace," and that the
+amendments and reservations which they proposed were intended "to guard
+American rights and American sovereignty." The following day the
+minority members of the Committee submitted a report opposing both
+amendments and reservations. A few days later Senator McCumber
+presented a third report representing the views of the "mild
+reservationists." It objected to the phraseology of the Committee's
+reservations as unnecessarily severe and recommended substitute
+reservations. The treaty then became the regular order in the Senate
+and was read section by section and debated each day for over two
+months. The amendments of the text of the treaty were all rejected by
+substantial majorities for the reason that their adoption would have
+made it necessary to resubmit the treaty not only to the Allies but
+also to Germany. The majority of the senators were opposed to such a
+course. The Committee, therefore, decided to substitute reservations
+for amendments, and Senator Lodge finally submitted, on behalf of the
+Committee, fourteen reservations preceded by a preamble, which declared
+that the ratification of the treaty was not to take effect or bind the
+United States until these reservations had been accepted as a condition
+of ratification by at least three of the four principal Allied and
+associated powers, namely, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan.
+
+The first reservation provided that in case of withdrawal from the
+League the United States should be the sole judge as to whether its
+international obligations under the Covenant had been fulfilled. This
+reservation was adopted by a vote of 50 to 35.
+
+The second reservation declared that the United States assumed no
+obligation to preserve the territorial integrity or political
+independence of any other country or to interfere in controversies
+between nations under the provisions of Article X "or to employ the
+military or naval forces of the United States under any article of the
+treaty for any purpose, unless in any particular case the Congress,
+which, under the Constitution, has the sole power to declare war or
+authorize the employment of the military or naval forces of the United
+States, shall by act or joint resolution so provide." This reservation
+was adopted by a vote of 46 to 33.
+
+Reservation Number 3, providing that no mandate under the treaty should
+be accepted by the United States except by action of Congress, was
+adopted by a vote of 52 to 31.
+
+Number 4, excluding domestic questions from consideration by the
+Council or the Assembly of the League, was adopted by a vote of 59 to
+26.
+
+Number 5, declaring the Monroe Doctrine "to be wholly outside the
+jurisdiction of said League of Nations and entirely unaffected by any
+provision contained in said treaty of peace with Germany," and
+reserving to the United States the sole right to interpret the Monroe
+Doctrine, was adopted by a vote of 55 to 34.
+
+Number 6, withholding the assent of the United States from the
+provisions of the treaty relating to Shantung and reserving full
+liberty of action with respect to any controversy which might arise
+under said articles between China and Japan, was adopted by a vote of
+53 to 41.
+
+Number 7, reserving to Congress the right to provide by law for the
+appointment of the representatives of the United States in the Assembly
+and Council of the League and members of commissions, committees or
+courts under the League, and requiring the confirmation of all by the
+Senate, was adopted by a vote of 53 to 40.
+
+Number 8, declaring that the Reparations Commission should not be
+understood as having the right to regulate or interfere with exports
+from the United States to Germany or from Germany to the United States
+without an act or joint resolution of Congress, was adopted by a vote
+of 54 to 40.
+
+Number 9, declaring that the United States should not be under any
+obligation to contribute to any of the expenses of the League without
+an act of Congress, was adopted by a vote of 56 to 39.
+
+Number 10, providing that if the United States should at any time adopt
+any plan for the limitation of armaments proposed by the Council of the
+League, it reserved "the right to increase such armaments without the
+consent of the Council whenever the United States is threatened with
+invasion or engaged in war," was adopted by a vote of 56 to 39.
+
+Number 11, reserving the right of the United States to permit the
+nationals of a Covenant-breaking State residing within the United
+States to continue their commercial, financial, and personal relations
+with the nationals of the United States, was adopted by a vote of 53 to
+41.
+
+Number 12, relating to the very complicated question of private debts,
+property rights and interests of American citizens, was adopted by a
+vote of 52 to 41.
+
+Number 13, withholding the assent of the United States from the entire
+section of the treaty relating to international labor organization
+until Congress should decide to participate, was adopted by a vote of
+54 to 35.
+
+Number 14 declared that the United States would not be bound by any
+action of the Council or Assembly in which any member of the League and
+its self-governing dominions or colonies should cast in the aggregate
+more than one vote. This reservation was adopted by a vote of 55 to 38.
+
+A number of other reservations were offered and rejected. Under the
+rules of the Senate, amendments and reservations to a treaty may be
+adopted by a majority vote, while a treaty can be ratified only by a
+two-thirds vote. A number of senators who were opposed to the treaty
+voted for the Lodge reservations in order to insure its defeat. When
+the vote on the treaty with the reservations was taken November 19, it
+stood 39 for and 55 against. A motion to reconsider the vote was then
+adopted, and Senator Hitchcock, the Democratic leader, proposed five
+reservations covering the right of withdrawal, domestic questions, the
+Monroe Doctrine, the right of Congress to decide on the employment of
+the naval and military forces of the United States in any case arising
+under Article X, and restrictions on the voting powers of
+self-governing colonies or dominions. These reservations were
+rejected, the vote being 41 to 50. Another vote was then taken on the
+treaty with the Lodge reservations, the result being 41 for and 51
+against. Senator Underwood then offered a resolution to ratify the
+treaty without reservations of any kind. The vote on this resolution
+was 38 for and 53 against.
+
+It was now evident that there was little prospect of securing the
+ratification of the treaty without compromise. On January 8, 1920, a
+letter from the President was read at the Jackson Day dinner in
+Washington, in which he refused to accept the decision of the Senate as
+final and said: "There can be no reasonable objection to
+interpretations accompanying the act of ratification itself. But when
+the treaty is acted upon, I must know whether it means that we have
+ratified or rejected it. We cannot rewrite this treaty. We must take
+it without changes which alter its meaning, or leave it, and then,
+after the rest of the world has signed it, we must face the unthinkable
+task of making another and separate kind of treaty with Germany." In
+conclusion he declared: "If there is any doubt as to what the people of
+the country think on this vital matter, the clear and single way out is
+to submit it for determination at the next election to the voters of
+the nation, to give the next election the form of a great and solemn
+referendum, a referendum as to the part the United States is to play in
+completing the settlements of the war and in the prevention in the
+future of such outrages as Germany attempted to perpetrate."
+
+During the last week of January a compromise was discussed by an
+informal by-partisan committee, and the President wrote a letter saying
+he would accept the Hitchcock reservations, but Lodge refused to accept
+any compromise. On February 9 the Senate again referred the treaty to
+the Committee on Foreign Relations with instructions to report it back
+immediately with the reservations previously adopted. After several
+weeks of fruitless debate a fifteenth reservation, expressing sympathy
+for Ireland, was added to the others, by a vote of 38 to 36. It was as
+follows: "In consenting to the ratification of the treaty with Germany
+the United States adheres to the principle of self-determination and to
+the resolution of sympathy with the aspirations of the Irish people for
+a government of their own choice adopted by the Senate June 6, 1919,
+and declares that when such government is obtained by Ireland, a
+consummation it is hoped is at hand, it should promptly be admitted as
+a member of the League of Nations."
+
+With a few changes in the resolutions previously adopted and an
+important change in the preamble, the ratifying resolution was finally
+put to the vote March 19, 1920. The result was 49 votes for and 35
+against. On the following day the secretary of the Senate was
+instructed by a formal resolution to return the treaty to the President
+and to inform him that the Senate had failed to ratify it.
+
+The treaty thus became the leading issue in the presidential campaign,
+but unfortunately it was not the only issue. The election proved to be
+a referendum on the Wilson administration as a whole rather than on the
+treaty. The Republican candidate, Senator Harding, attacked the Wilson
+administration for its arbitrary and unconstitutional methods and
+advocated a return to "normalcy." He denounced the Wilson League as an
+attempt to set up a super-government, but said he favored an
+association of nations and an international court. Governor Cox, the
+Democratic candidate, came out strongly for the treaty, particularly
+during the latter part of his campaign. The result was an overwhelming
+victory for Harding. President Wilson had been too ill to take any
+part in the campaign. His administration had been the chief issue, and
+the people had, certainly for the time being, repudiated it. He
+accepted the result philosophically and refrained from comments,
+content, apparently, to leave the part he had played in world affairs
+to the verdict of history. In December, 1920, the Nobel Peace Prize
+was awarded to him as a foreign recognition of the services he had
+rendered to humanity.
+
+
+
+
+XII
+
+THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
+
+After the rejection of the Treaty of Versailles by the Senate,
+President Wilson withdrew as far as possible from participation in
+European affairs, and after the election of Harding he let it be known
+that he would do nothing to embarrass the incoming administration. The
+public had been led to believe that when Harding became President there
+would be a complete reversal of our foreign policy all along the line,
+but such was not to be the case. The new administration continued
+unchanged the Wilson policy toward Mexico and toward Russia, and before
+many months had passed was seeking from Congress the authority,
+withheld from Wilson, to appoint a member on the Reparations
+Commission. On the question of our rights in mandated areas, Secretary
+Hughes adopted in whole the arguments which had been advanced by
+Secretary Colby in his note to Great Britain of November 20, 1920, in
+regard to the oil resources of Mesopotamia. By the San Remo agreement
+of April 25, 1920, Great Britain and France had agreed upon a division
+of the oil output of Mesopotamia by which France was to be allowed 25
+per cent. and Great Britain 75 per cent. The British Government had
+intimated that the United States, having declined to join the League of
+Nations, had no voice in the matter. On this point Secretary Colby
+took sharp issue in the following statement: "Such powers as the Allied
+and Associated nations may enjoy or wield, in the determination of the
+governmental status of the mandated areas, accrued to them as a direct
+result of the war against the Central Powers. The United States, as a
+participant in that conflict and as a contributor to its successful
+issue, cannot consider any of the Associated Powers, the smallest not
+less than herself, debarred from the discussion of any of its
+consequences, or from participation in the rights and privileges
+secured under the mandates provided for in the treaties of peace."
+
+Japan likewise assumed that we had nothing to do with the disposition
+of the former German islands in the Pacific. When the Supreme Council
+at Paris decided to give Japan a mandate over the islands north of the
+equator, President Wilson reserved for future consideration the final
+disposition of the island of Yap, which lies between Guam and the
+Philippines, and is one of the most important cable stations in the
+Pacific. The entire question of cable communications was reserved for
+a special conference which met at Washington in the autumn of 1920, but
+this conference adjourned about the middle of December without having
+reached any final conclusions, and the status of Yap became the subject
+of a very sharp correspondence between the American and Japanese
+governments. When Hughes became Secretary of State, he restated the
+American position in a note of April 2, 1921, as follows:
+
+"It will not be questioned that the right to dispose of the overseas
+possessions of Germany was acquired only through the victory of the
+Allied and Associated Powers, and it is also believed that there is no
+disposition on the part of the Japanese Government to deny the
+participation of the United States in that victory. It would seem to
+follow necessarily that the right accruing to the Allied and Associated
+Powers through the common victory is shared by the United States and
+that there could be no valid or effective disposition of the overseas
+possessions of Germany, now under consideration, without the assent of
+the United States."
+
+The discussion between the two governments was still in progress when
+the Washington Conference convened, and at the close of the Conference
+it was announced that an agreement had been reached which would be
+embodied in a treaty. The United States recognized Japan's mandate
+over the islands north of the equator on the condition that the United
+States should have full cable rights on the island of Yap, and that its
+citizens should enjoy certain rights of residence on the island. The
+agreement also covered radio telegraphic service.
+
+During the presidential campaign Harding's position on the League of
+Nations had been so equivocal that the public knew not what to expect,
+but when Hughes and Hoover were appointed members of the Cabinet, it
+was generally expected that the new administration would go into the
+League with reservations. This expectation was not to be fulfilled,
+however, for the President persistently ignored the existence of the
+League, and took no notice of the establishment of the permanent Court
+of International Justice provided for in Article 14 of the Covenant.
+Meanwhile Elihu Root, who as Secretary of State had instructed our
+delegates to the Hague Conference of 1907 to propose the establishment
+of such a court, had been invited by the Council of the League to be
+one of a commission of distinguished jurists to draft the statute
+establishing the court. This service he performed with conspicuous
+ability. As another evidence of Europe's unwillingness to leave us
+out, when the court was organized John Bassett Moore, America's most
+distinguished authority on international law, was elected one of the
+judges.
+
+Meanwhile a technical state of war with Germany existed and American
+troops were still on the Rhine. On July 2, 1921, Congress passed a
+joint resolution declaring the war at an end, but undertaking to
+reserve to the United States "all rights, privileges, indemnities,
+reparations or advantages" to which it was entitled under the terms of
+the Armistice, or by reason of its participation in the war, or which
+had been stipulated for its benefit in the Treaty of Versailles, or to
+which it was entitled as one of the Principal Allied and Associated
+Powers, or to which it was entitled by virtue of any act or acts of
+Congress. On August 25 the United States Government, through its
+commissioner to Germany, signed at Berlin a separate treaty of peace
+with Germany, reserving in detail the rights referred to in the joint
+resolution of Congress. About the same time a similar treaty was
+signed with Austria, and the two treaties were ratified by the Senate
+of the United States October 18. The proclamation of peace produced no
+immediate results of any importance. American troops continued on the
+Rhine, and there was no apparent increase in trade, which had been
+carried on before the signing of the treaty by special licenses.
+
+If mankind is capable of learning any lessons from history, the events
+leading up to the World War should have exploded the fallacy that the
+way to preserve peace is to prepare for war. Competition in armament,
+whether on land or sea, inevitably leads to war, and it can lead to
+nothing else. And yet, after the terrible lessons of the recent war,
+the race for armaments continued with increased momentum. France,
+Russia, and Poland maintained huge armies, while the United States and
+Japan entered upon the most extensive naval construction programs in
+the history of the world. Great Britain, burdened with debt, was
+making every effort to keep pace with the United States.
+
+This naval rivalry between powers which had so lately been united in
+the war against Germany, led thoughtful people to consider the probable
+outcome and to ask against whom these powers were arming. We had no
+quarrel with England, but England was the ally of Japan, and relations
+between Japan and the United States in the Pacific and in Eastern Asia
+were far from reassuring. The question of the continuance of the
+Anglo-Japanese Alliance was discussed at the British Imperial
+Conference, which met at London in the early summer of 1921. The
+original purpose of this compact was to check the Russian advance in
+Manchuria. It was renewed in revised form in 1905 against Germany, and
+again renewed in 1911 against Germany for a period of ten years. With
+the removal of the German menace, what reasons were there for Great
+Britain to continue the alliance? It bore too much the aspect of a
+combination against the United States, and was of course the main
+reason for the naval program which we had adopted. So long as there
+were only three navies of importance in the world and two of them
+united in a defensive alliance, it behooved us to safeguard our
+position as a sea power.
+
+One of the main objects of the formation of the League of Nations was
+to bring about a limitation of armaments on land and sea, and a
+commission was organized under the League to consider this question,
+but this commission could not take any steps toward the limitation of
+navies so long as a great naval power like the United States refused to
+coöperate with the League of Nations or even to recognize its
+existence. As President Harding had promised the American people some
+substitute for the League of Nations, he decided, soon after coming
+into office, to convene an international conference to consider the
+limitation of armament on land and sea. By the time the Conference
+convened it was evident that no agreement was possible on the subject
+of land armament. It was recognized from the first that the mere
+proposal to limit navies would be utterly futile unless effective steps
+could be taken to remove some of the causes of international conflict
+which make navies necessary. Therefore the formal invitation to the
+Conference extended to the governments of Great Britain, France, Italy
+and Japan, August 11, 1921, linked the subject of Limitation of
+Armament with Pacific and Far Eastern Questions. The European powers
+accepted the invitation without much enthusiasm, but Japan's answer was
+held back for some time. She was reluctant to have the powers review
+the course she had pursued in China and Siberia while they were at war
+with Germany. After agreeing to attend the Conference, Japan
+endeavored to confine the program to as narrow limits as possible, and
+she soon entered into negotiations with China over the Shantung
+question with the hope of arriving at a settlement which would prevent
+that question from coming before the Conference. Invitations to the
+Conference were later sent to the governments of Belgium, the
+Netherlands, Portugal, and China. Portugal was interested because of
+her settlement at Macao, the oldest European settlement in China.
+Holland of course is one of the great colonial powers of the Pacific.
+While Belgium has no territorial interests in the Orient, she has for
+years been interested in Chinese financial matters.
+
+The Washington Conference convened in plenary session November 12,
+1921, in Memorial Continental Hall. Seats were reserved on the main
+floor for press representatives, and the galleries were reserved for
+officials and those individuals who were fortunate enough to secure
+tickets of admission. The question of open diplomacy which had been
+much discussed, was settled at the first session by Secretary Hughes,
+who, in his introductory speech, boldly laid the American proposals for
+the limitation of navies before the Conference. There were in all
+seven plenary sessions, but the subsequent sessions did little more
+than confirm agreements that had already been reached in committee.
+The real work of the Conference was carried on by committees, and from
+the meetings of these committees the public and press representatives
+were as a matter of course excluded. There were two principal
+committees, one on the Limitation of Armament, and the other on Pacific
+and Far Eastern Questions. There were various sub-committees, in the
+work of which technical delegates participated. Minutes were kept of
+the meetings of the two principal committees, and after each meeting a
+communiqué was prepared for the press. In fact, the demand for
+publicity defeated to a large extent its own ends. So much matter was
+given to the press that when it was published in full very few people
+had time to read it. As a general rule, the less real information
+there was to give out, the longer were the communiqués. Experienced
+correspondents maintained that decisions on delicate questions were
+made with as much secrecy in Washington as at Paris.
+
+The plan of the United States for the limitation of armament presented
+by Secretary Hughes at the first session proposed (1) that all programs
+for the construction of capital ships, either actual or projected, be
+abandoned; (2) that a large number of battleships of older types still
+in commission be scrapped; and (3) that the allowance of auxiliary
+combatant craft, such as cruisers, destroyers, submarines, and airplane
+carriers, be in proportion to the tonnage of capital ships. These
+proposals, it was claimed, would leave the powers under consideration
+in the same relative positions. Under this plan the United States
+would be allowed 500,000 tons of capital ships, Great Britain 500,000
+tons, and Japan 300,000 tons.
+
+Japan objected to the 5-5-3 ratio proposed by Secretary Hughes, and
+urged a 10-10-7 ratio as more in accord with existing strength. The
+American proposal included the scrapping of the _Mutsu_, the pride of
+the Japanese navy, which had been launched but not quite completed.
+The sacrifices voluntarily proposed by the United States for its navy
+were much greater than those which England or Japan were called upon to
+make, and in this lay the strength of the American position. The
+Japanese refused, however, to give up the _Mutsu_, and they were
+finally permitted to retain it, but in order to preserve the 5-5-3
+ratio, it was necessary to increase the tonnage allowance of the United
+States and Great Britain. In the treaty as finally agreed upon, Japan
+was allowed 315,000 tons of capital ships and the United States and
+Great Britain each 525,000 tons.
+
+In his address at the opening session, Secretary Hughes said: "In view
+of the extraordinary conditions due to the World War affecting the
+existing strength of the navies of France and Italy, it is not thought
+to be necessary to discuss at this stage of the proceedings the tonnage
+allowance of these nations, but the United States proposes that this
+subject be reserved for the later consideration of the Conference."
+This somewhat blunt, matter-of-fact way of stating the case gave
+unexpected offense to the French delegation. During the next four or
+five weeks, while Great Britain, the United States, and Japan were
+discussing the case of the _Mutsu_ and the question of fortifications
+in the Pacific, the French delegates were cherishing their resentment
+at being treated as the representatives of a second-class power.
+Hughes's failure to regard the susceptibilities of a great nation like
+France undoubtedly had a good deal to do with the upsetting of that
+part of the naval program relating to subsidiary craft and submarines.
+
+When, after the agreement on the 5-5-3 ratio, the question of the
+allowance of capital ship tonnage for France and Italy was taken up in
+committee, the other powers were wholly unprepared for France's demand
+of 350,000 tons of capital ships. According to Hughes's figures based
+on existing strength, she was entitled to 175,000 tons. It is not
+probable that the French delegates intended to insist on such a large
+tonnage. It is more likely that they put forth this proposal in the
+committee in order to give the other delegates to understand that
+France could not be ignored or dictated to with impunity and in order
+to pave the way for their submarine proposal. Unfortunately the French
+demands were given to the press through some misunderstanding and
+caused an outburst of criticism in the British and American papers. In
+the committee the relations between the British and French delegates
+became very bitter over the refusal of the latter to abandon the
+submarine, or even agree to a moderate proposal as to submarine
+tonnage. On December 16 Secretary Hughes cabled an appeal, over the
+heads of the French delegation, to Briand, who had returned to Paris.
+As a result, the French finally agreed to accept the 1.75 ratio for
+capital ships, but refused to place any reasonable limits upon
+cruisers, destroyers, submarines, or aircraft. Italy accepted the same
+ratio as France.
+
+Thus an important part of the Hughes program failed. As a result, the
+treaty leaves the contracting parties free to direct their energies, if
+they so desire, to the comparatively new fields of submarine and aerial
+warfare. As is well known, many eminent naval authorities, such as Sir
+Percy Scott in England and Admiral Sims in this country, believe that
+the capital ship is an obsolete type, and that the warfare of the
+future will be carried on by submarines, aircraft, and lighter surface
+ships. The unfortunate feature of the situation created by the naval
+treaty is, therefore, that those who regard the capital ship as
+obsolete will now have an opportunity to bring forward and press their
+submarine and aircraft programs. There is no limitation upon the
+building of cruisers, provided they do not exceed 10,000 tons
+displacement or carry guns with a calibre exceeding eight inches.
+
+By Article 19 of the naval treaty the United States, Great Britain, and
+Japan agreed to maintain the _status quo_ as regards fortifications and
+naval bases in the islands of the Pacific with certain exceptions,
+notably the Hawaiian Islands, Australia, and New Zealand. This
+agreement relieves Japan of all fear of attack from us, and let us hope
+that it may prove as beneficent and as enduring as the agreement of
+1817 between the United States and Great Britain for disarmament on the
+Great Lakes.
+
+The 5-5-3 ratio puts the navies of Great Britain, the United States,
+and Japan, for the present at least, on a strictly defensive basis.
+Each navy is strong enough to defend its home territory, but no one of
+them will be able to attack the home territory of the others. Of
+course it is possible that the development of aircraft and submarines,
+together with cruisers and other surface craft, may eventually alter
+the situation. Hitherto navies have existed for two purposes: national
+defense and the enforcement of foreign policies. The new treaty means
+that as long as it lasts the navies of the ratifying powers can be used
+for defense only and not for the enforcement of their policies in
+distant quarters of the globe. In other words, when disputes arise,
+British policies will prevail in the British area, American policies in
+the American area, and Japanese policies in the Japanese area. Having
+agreed to place ourselves in a position in which we cannot attack
+Japan, the only pressure we can bring to bear upon her in China or
+elsewhere is moral pressure. Through what was considered by some a
+grave strategical error, the naval treaty was completed before any
+settlement of the Chinese and Siberian questions had been reached.
+
+The French insistence on the practically unlimited right to build
+submarines caused much hard feeling in England. The British delegates
+had proposed the total abolition of submarines, and this proposal had
+been ably supported by the arguments of Mr. Balfour and Lord Lee.
+Unfortunately the United States delegation stood for the submarine,
+proposing merely certain limits upon its use. The five naval powers
+finally signed a treaty reaffirming the old rules of international law
+in regard to the search and seizure of merchant vessels, and declaring
+that "any person in the service of any Power who shall violate any of
+those rules, whether or not such person is under orders of a
+governmental superior, shall be deemed to have violated the laws of war
+and shall be liable to trial and punishment as if for an act of piracy
+and may be brought to trial before the civil or military authorities of
+any Power within the jurisdiction of which he may be found." By the
+same treaty the signatory powers solemnly bound themselves to prohibit
+the use in war of poisonous gases.
+
+The attempt to limit by treaty the use of the submarine and to prohibit
+altogether the use of gases appears to many to be utterly futile.
+After the experience of the late war, no nation would readily trust the
+good faith of another in these matters. Each party to a war would
+probably feel justified in being prepared to use the submarine and
+poison gases, contrary to law, in case the other party should do so.
+We would thus have the same old dispute as in the late war in regard to
+floating mines as to which party first resorted to the outlawed
+practice. What is the use in solemnly declaring that a submarine shall
+not attack a merchant vessel, and that the commander of a submarine who
+violates this law shall be treated as a pirate, when the contracting
+parties found it utterly impossible to agree among themselves upon a
+definition of a merchant vessel?
+
+But the reader may ask, what is the use in signing any treaty if
+nations are so devoid of good faith? The answer is that the vast
+majority of treaties are faithfully kept in time of peace, but that
+very few treaties are fully observed in time of war. Had these five
+powers signed a treaty pledging themselves not to build or maintain
+submarines of any kind or description, we would have every reason to
+expect them to live up to it. But when a nation is engaged in war and
+has a large flotilla of submarines which it has agreed to use only for
+certain purposes, there is apt to come a time when the temptation to
+use them for wholly different purposes will be overwhelming.
+
+The Committee on Pacific and Far Eastern Questions held its first
+meeting November 16. This committee was primarily concerned with the
+very delicate situation created by the aggressive action and expansion
+of Japan during the past twenty years. In 1905, by the Treaty of
+Portsmouth, Japan succeeded to the Russian rights in southern
+Manchuria; in 1910 she annexed Korea; in 1911, during the Chinese
+Revolution, she stationed troops at Hankow and later constructed
+permanent barracks; in 1914, after the defeat of the Germans at
+Kiao-chau, she took over all the German interests in the Shantung
+peninsula; in 1915 she presented the Twenty-one Demands to China and
+coerced that power into granting most of them; and in 1918, in
+conjunction with the United States, Great Britain, and France, she
+landed a military force in the Maritime Province of Siberia for the
+definite purpose of rescuing the Czecho-Slovak troops who had made
+their way to that province and of guarding the military stores at
+Vladivostok. The other powers had all withdrawn their contingents, but
+Japan had increased her force from one division to more than 70,000
+troops. The eastern coast of Asia was thus in the firm grip of Japan,
+and she had secured concessions from China which seriously impaired the
+independence of that country.
+
+It was commonly supposed that the United States delegation had prepared
+a program on the Far Eastern question, and that this would be presented
+in the same way that Hughes had presented the naval program. If this
+was the intention there was a sudden change of plan, for between one
+and two o'clock at night the Chinese delegates were aroused from their
+slumbers and informed that there would be an opportunity for them to
+present China's case before the committee at eleven o'clock that
+morning. They at once went to work with their advisers, and a few
+minutes before the appointed hour they completed the drafting of the
+Ten Points, which Minister Sze read before the committee. These Points
+constituted a Chinese declaration of independence, and set forth a
+series of general principles to be applied in the determination of
+questions relating to China. Several days later the committee adopted
+four resolutions, presented by Mr. Root, covering in part some of the
+Chinese principles. By these resolutions the powers agreed to respect
+the independence and territorial integrity of China, to give China the
+fullest opportunity to develop and maintain an effective and stable
+government, to recognize the principle of equality for the commerce and
+industry of all nations throughout the territory of China, and to
+refrain from taking advantage of present conditions in order to seek
+special rights or privileges. This somewhat vague and general
+declaration of principles appeared to be all that China was likely to
+get. Had Mr. Hughes presented a Far Eastern program and gotten nothing
+more than this, it would have been a serious blow to the prestige of
+the United States. That is probably why he decided at the last moment
+to let China present her own case.
+
+At the fourth plenary session of the Conference the treaty relating to
+the Pacific islands, generally known as the Four-Power Treaty, was
+presented by Senator Lodge. By the terms of this treaty, the United
+States, Great Britain, France, and Japan agreed "to respect their
+rights in relation to their insular possessions and insular dominions
+in the region of the Pacific Ocean," and in case of any dispute arising
+out of any Pacific question to refer the matter to a joint conference
+for consideration and adjustment. This article appeared harmless
+enough, but Article 2 seemed to lay the foundations of an alliance
+between these powers. It was as follows: "If the said rights are
+threatened by the aggressive action of any other Power, the High
+Contracting Parties shall communicate with one another fully and
+frankly in order to arrive at an understanding as to the most efficient
+measures to be taken, jointly or separately, to meet the exigencies of
+the particular situation." This treaty is to remain in force for ten
+years, after which it may be terminated by any of the High Contracting
+Parties on twelve months' notice. It supersedes the Anglo-Japanese
+Alliance which, it expressly provided, should terminate on the exchange
+of ratifications.
+
+In presenting the treaty, Senator Lodge assured his hearers that "no
+military or naval sanction lurks anywhere in the background or under
+cover of these plain and direct clauses," and Secretary Hughes in
+closing the discussion declared that it would probably not be possible
+to find in all history "an international document couched in more
+simple or even briefer terms," but he added, "we are again reminded
+that the great things are the simple ones." In view of these
+statements the members of the Conference and the public generally were
+completely flabbergasted some days later when Secretary Hughes and the
+President gave out contradictory statements as to whether the treaty
+included the Japanese homeland. Hughes stated to the correspondents
+that it did, the President said it did not. Whereupon some wag
+remarked that at Paris President Wilson did not let the American
+delegation know what he did, while at Washington the delegates did not
+let President Harding know what they were doing. In deference to the
+President's views and to criticisms of the treaty in the Japanese press
+a supplementary treaty was later signed expressly declaring that the
+term "insular possessions and insular dominions" did not include the
+Japanese homeland.
+
+Meanwhile the Shantung question was being discussed by China and Japan
+outside of the Conference, but with representatives of the British and
+American governments sitting as observers ready to use their good
+offices if called on. The reason for not bringing the question before
+the Conference was that Great Britain, France, and Italy were parties
+to the Treaty of Versailles, which gave Japan a legal title to the
+German leases in Shantung. The restoration of the province to China
+was vital to a satisfactory adjustment of Chinese affairs generally.
+Japan, however, was in no hurry to reach an agreement with China,
+wishing for strategical purposes to keep the matter in suspense to the
+last, if not to avoid a settlement until after the adjournment of the
+Conference and continue negotiations under more favorable conditions at
+Peking or Tokio.
+
+By Christmas it seemed that the Conference had accomplished about all
+that was possible, and that it would adjourn as soon as the agreements
+already reached could be put into treaty form and signed. At the end
+of the first week in January it looked as if the Chinese and Japanese
+had reached a deadlock, and that the Conference would adjourn without a
+satisfactory adjustment of any of the Chinese problems. Mr. Balfour
+and other important delegates had engaged return passage, and all
+indications pointed to an early dissolution of the Conference. But the
+unexpected happened. At an informal gathering of Administration
+leaders at the White House on Saturday night, January 7, stock was
+taken of the work of the Conference, and some of the senators present
+expressed the opinion that if it adjourned without doing more for
+China, there would be little hope of getting the treaties ratified. As
+a result Secretary Hughes persuaded the British and Japanese delegates
+to cancel their sailings, and with characteristic energy and
+determination took personal charge of the Far Eastern situation, which
+up to this time had been left mainly to Mr. Root. After a little
+pressure had been brought to bear on the Chinese by President Harding,
+and probably on the Japanese by Mr. Balfour, Secretary Hughes was
+finally able to announce at the plenary session of February 1 that
+China and Japan had reached an agreement as to the terms on which
+Shantung was to be restored. At the same session the agreements in
+regard to China reached by the Committee on Far Eastern Affairs were
+announced. These agreements were finally embodied in two treaties, one
+dealing with the tariff and the other with the open door, and a series
+of ten resolutions.
+
+Since the middle of the last century Chinese tariffs have been
+regulated by treaties with foreign powers, the customs service
+organized and administered by foreigners, and the receipts mortgaged to
+meet the interest on foreign loans. China has never been permitted to
+levy duties in excess of 5 per cent., and, in fact, as a result of the
+methods of valuation the duties have not averaged above 3 1/2 per cent.
+This has been an unjust state of affairs, and has deprived the Chinese
+Government of what would naturally be one of its main sources of
+revenue. By the new agreement there is to be an immediate revision of
+tariff valuations so as to make the 5 per cent. effective. China is
+also to be allowed to levy a surtax on certain articles, mainly
+luxuries, which will yield an additional revenue. It is estimated that
+the total annual increase in revenue derived from maritime customs will
+be about $150,000,000 silver. It is claimed by some, with a certain
+degree of truth, that any increase in Chinese customs duties will be
+immediately covered by liens to secure new loans, and that putting
+money into the Chinese treasury just now is like pouring it into a rat
+hole. As soon as China is able to establish a stable and honest
+government, she should, without question, be relieved of all treaty
+restrictions on her tariffs.
+
+The Conference also took certain steps to restore to China other
+sovereign rights long impaired by the encroachments of foreign powers.
+A commission is to be appointed to investigate the administration of
+justice with a view to the ultimate extinction of extraterritorial
+rights now enjoyed by foreigners. The powers also agreed to abandon
+not later than January 1, 1923, their existing postal agencies in
+China, provided an efficient Chinese postal service be maintained. The
+system of foreign post offices in China has been the subject of great
+abuses, as through these agencies goods of various kinds, including
+opium and other drugs, have been smuggled into China. The powers
+further made a general promise to aid the Chinese Government in the
+unification of railways into a general system under Chinese control.
+They also agreed to restore to China all radio stations other than
+those regulated by treaty or maintained by foreign governments within
+their legation limits.
+
+In the treaty relating to the open door, the Contracting Powers other
+than China pledged themselves to the following principles:
+
+"(1) To respect the sovereignty, the independence, and the territorial
+and administrative integrity of China;
+
+"(2) To provide the fullest and most unembarrassed opportunity to China
+to develop and maintain for herself an effective and stable government;
+
+"(3) To use their influence for the purpose of effectually establishing
+and maintaining the principle of equal opportunity for the commerce and
+industry of all nations throughout the territory of China;
+
+"(4) To refrain from taking advantage of conditions in China in order
+to seek special rights or privileges which would abridge the rights of
+subjects or citizens of friendly States, and from countenancing action
+inimical to the security of such States."
+
+China on her part accepted fully the principle of the open door, and
+pledged herself for the first time to respect it. Pledges to respect
+the open door in China have been made by foreign powers upon various
+occasions in the past and broken as often as made. The expression
+"equal opportunity for the commerce and industry of all nations" is not
+new. It occurs in the Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902, in the
+Root-Takahira agreement of 1908, and in numerous other documents. In
+recent years, however, the United States has been the only power which
+has tried to preserve the open door in China. Most of the other powers
+have regarded the Chinese situation as hopeless, and have believed that
+the only solution was to let foreign powers come in and divide and rule
+the territory of the empire. In view of the new treaty the open door
+is no longer merely an American policy, but an international policy,
+and responsibility for its enforcement rests not on the United States
+alone but on all nine parties to the treaty.
+
+The agenda or program of the Conference offered as one of the subjects
+to be considered the status of existing commitments in China. When
+Secretary Hughes brought this subject up before the Far Eastern
+Committee, Japan entered an emphatic objection to its consideration,
+and the matter was dropped immediately without argument. The treaty,
+therefore, is not retroactive, for it recognizes the status quo in
+Manchuria and to a less extent in other parts of China. The saving
+clause of the new agreement is, however, a resolution providing for the
+establishment of an international board of reference, to which
+questions arising in regard to the open door may be referred.
+
+Will Japan respect the pledges she has made and live up to the spirit
+of her promises? If she does, the Washington Conference will prove to
+be a great success. If, on the contrary, Japan does not intend to live
+up to her pledges or intends to fulfill them only in part, her position
+in Asia has been greatly strengthened. She is more firmly intrenched
+in Manchuria than ever. She holds the Maritime Province of Siberia
+under a promise to get out, which she has repeatedly made and
+repeatedly broken, as was plainly stated by Secretary Hughes before the
+full Committee on Far Eastern Affairs, and repeated at a plenary
+session of the Conference. His statement was one of the most
+remarkable, by reason of its directness and unvarnished truth, in the
+history of American diplomacy. After reviewing the correspondence
+between the two governments and the reiterated assurances of Japan of
+her intention to withdraw from Siberia, assurances which so far had not
+been carried out, Mr. Hughes expressed his gratification at the renewal
+of these assurances before the Conference in plenary session. Unless
+Japan is utterly devoid of moral shame, she will have to make good her
+word this time.
+
+When the treaties drafted by the Conference were submitted by the
+President to the Senate, they encountered serious opposition, but were
+finally ratified. The Republican leaders, particularly Senator Lodge,
+were twitted with charges of inconsistency in advocating certain
+features of these treaties when they had violently opposed the League
+of Nations. The Four-Power Treaty is much more of an entangling
+alliance than the Covenant of the League, and the Naval Treaty deprives
+Congress for a period of fifteen years of its constitutional right to
+determine the size of the navy and to provide for the defense of Guam
+and the Philippines. In fact, there were very few objections raised to
+the League of Nations which could not with equal force be applied to
+the Four-Power and Naval Treaties. The Four-Power Treaty was the main
+object of attack, and Senators Lodge and Underwood were greatly
+embarrassed in attempting to explain its meaning. Its "baffling
+brevity" demanded explanations, but no satisfactory explanations were
+forthcoming. They talked in general terms about the tremendous
+importance of the treaty, but they dared not state the real fact that
+the treaty was drafted by Mr. Balfour and Baron Kato as the most
+convenient method of terminating the Anglo-Japanese Alliance without
+making it appear to the Japanese public that their government had
+surrendered the alliance without due compensation. According to an
+Associated Press Dispatch from Tokio, January 31, 1922, Baron Uchida,
+the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, replying to interpolations in
+the House of Peers, said: "The Four-Power Treaty was not intended to
+abrogate the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, but rather to widen and extend
+it." The real _quid pro quo_ for the termination of the Anglo-Japanese
+Alliance was the agreement of the United States not to construct naval
+bases or new fortifications in Guam and the Philippines, and the clause
+terminating the Anglo-Japanese Alliance might just as well have been
+attached to the Naval Treaty, but this would not have satisfied
+Japanese public opinion. Great Britain and Japan were permitted to
+terminate their alliance in any way that they might deem best. After
+the Four-Power Treaty was accepted by the American delegates, they
+feared that it would look too much as if the United States had merely
+been drawn into the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. It was decided,
+therefore, at the eleventh hour to give the agreement a more general
+character by inviting France to adhere to it. France agreed to sign,
+although she resented not having been consulted during the negotiation
+of the treaty.
+
+The achievements of the Conference, although falling far short of the
+extravagant claims made by the President and the American delegates,
+are undoubtedly of great importance. The actual scrapping of millions
+of dollars' worth of ships in commission or in process of construction
+gives the world an object lesson such as it has never had before. One
+of the most significant results of the Conference was the development
+of a complete accord between England and the United States, made
+possible by the settlement of the Irish question and furthered by the
+tact and gracious bearing of Mr. Balfour. One of the unfortunate
+results was the increased isolation of France, due to the failure of
+her delegates to grasp the essential elements of the situation and to
+play any but a negative role. The success of the Conference was due
+largely to Secretary Hughes who, though handicapped at every point by
+fear of the Senate and by the unfortunate commitments of President
+Harding during the last campaign, may be said on the whole to have
+played his hand reasonably well.
+
+Meanwhile we are still drifting, so far as a general European policy is
+concerned. President Harding's idea of holding aloof from "Europe's
+league," as he prefers to designate the League of Nations, and of
+having a little league of our own in the Pacific, will not work. The
+world's problems cannot be segregated in this way. Europe's league
+includes all of the principal American nations except the United States
+and Mexico, while our Pacific league includes the two leading European
+powers. As soon as the American people realize--and there are
+indications that they are already waking up to the reality--that the
+depression in domestic industry and foreign commerce is due to
+conditions in Europe and that prosperity will not return until we take
+a hand in the solution of European problems, there will be a general
+demand for a constructive policy and America will no longer hesitate to
+reassume the leadership which she renounced in the referendum of 1920,
+but which the rest of the world is ready to accord to her again.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+ABC alliance, 162, 165.
+
+Aberdeen, Lord, opposes annexation of Texas by United States, 108.
+
+Adams, Charles Francis, 114.
+
+Adams, Henry, letter from Hay to, 90.
+
+Adams, John Quincy, opposes joint action with England, 31; accepts
+invitation to send delegates to Panama Congress, 154.
+
+"Alabama Claims," 66, 113, 114.
+
+Alaskan Boundary Dispute, 122, 124.
+
+Algeciras Conference, 74; American participation in, 76, 77.
+
+Alliance, of 1778 with France, 5-8; proposed alliance with England, 13,
+26; Holy Alliance, 22, 24; Anglo-Japanese alliance, 92, 120. _See_
+"Entangling Alliances."
+
+Alverstone, Lord, member of Alaskan boundary commission, 123.
+
+American Colonisation Society, 59.
+
+American delegation to Peace Conference, 225.
+
+American Institute of International Law, 157.
+
+American Republics, Bureau of, 156.
+
+American Revolution, significance of, 99.
+
+Anglo-American ideals, 126, 127.
+
+Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 92, 120, 265, 279, 288.
+
+Arbitration, international, 64. _See_ Hague Court, Olney-Pauncefote
+Treaty.
+
+Armistice, negotiations preceding, 213-217.
+
+Arms and ammunition. _See_ Munitions of war.
+
+"Aroostook War," 106.
+
+Austria-Hungary, protests against trade in munitions, 182.
+
+
+Balfour, Arthur James, 274, 288, 289.
+
+Beer, George L., quoted, 99.
+
+Belgium, German invasion of, 79; restoration of, demanded, 207.
+
+Beresford, Lord Charles, advocates open door in China, 86.
+
+Berlin Conference of 1884, 6l.
+
+"Big Four," at Peace Conference, 230.
+
+Bingham, Hiram, on Monroe Doctrine, 131.
+
+Bismarck, Prince, on Monroe Doctrine, 45; on English control of North
+America, 126; forces war on Austria, 47; forces war on France, 48.
+
+Blaine, James G., efforts to modify Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 115; issues
+invitation to International Conference of American States, 155, 156.
+
+Bliss, Gen. Tasker H., 225.
+
+Board of Reference, in China, 286.
+
+Bolivar, Simon, 153.
+
+Bolsheviki, 203.
+
+Bonaparte, Napoleon, acquires Louisiana, 12; fails to establish control
+over Spain's Colonies, 25.
+
+Bowen, Herbert, 51.
+
+Boxer uprising in China, 88
+
+Brest-Litovsk, peace negotiations at, 203, 210, 212.
+
+Brussels Conference on African slave trade, 62.
+
+Bryan, William Jennings, negotiates treaty with Nicaragua, 135; with
+Colombia, 144; refuses to modify neutrality laws at demand of Germany,
+182.
+
+Bryce, Lord, quoted, 125, 126.
+
+Bülow, Prince von, 75, 91.
+
+
+California, danger of English occupation of, 109.
+
+Canada, insurrection of 1837, 103.
+
+Canning, George, British foreign secretary, proposes Anglo-American
+alliance, 26; delays recognition of South American republics, 33, 34;
+interview with Prince Polignac, 35; boasts of calling new world into
+existence, 39; opposes Pan-American movement, 155.
+
+Caribbean Sea, American supremacy in, 121; advance of United States in,
+132; new American policies in, 132, 137, 144.
+
+_Caroline_, the, 103.
+
+Carranza, Venustiano, 162, 163.
+
+Castlereagh, Viscount, 20.
+
+China, treaties relating to tariff and open door, 282-285. _See_
+Open-door policy.
+
+Choate, Joseph H., at Second Hague Conference, 68, 69.
+
+Civil War, foreign policy of United States during, 65; disputes with
+England, 112.
+
+Clay, Henry, opposes joint action with England, 31; instructions to
+delegates to Panama Congress, 154.
+
+Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 44, 111.
+
+Cleveland, Grover, intervenes in Venezuelan boundary dispute, 48;
+withholds Kongo treaty from Senate, 61; Venezuelan policy justified by
+events, 115; favours general arbitration treaty with England, 116.
+
+Cobden, Richard, essay on America, 102.
+
+Colby, Bainbridge, secretary of state, 259, 260.
+
+Colombia, aggrieved at seizure of Canal Zone, 142; attempts of United
+States to settle controversy, 143, 144.
+
+Consuls, status of, in European leases in China, 87, 88.
+
+Continuous voyage, doctrine of, 72, 124, 176, 177.
+
+Cowdray, Lord, seeks concession from Colombia, 142.
+
+Cox, James M., candidate for President, 255.
+
+Crampton, British Minister to United States, dismissal of, 111.
+
+
+Declaration of London, 71-73, 175, 177.
+
+Declaration of Paris, 64, 65.
+
+Declaration of Rights and Duties of Nations, adopted by American
+Institute of International Law, 158, 159.
+
+Democracy against autocracy, 198.
+
+Dewey, Admiral George, on withdrawal of Germany from Venezuela, 51;
+demands apology from German admiral in Manila Bay, 119.
+
+Dickens, Charles, "American Notes," 102.
+
+Diederichs, German Admiral, 119.
+
+Diplomacy, secret, 76, 77.
+
+Dunning, William A., "British Empire and the United States," quoted,
+102, 111.
+
+Durfee, Amos, 103.
+
+
+Egypt, financial administration of, by Great Britain, 134.
+
+England. _See_ Great Britain.
+
+"Entangling Alliances," warning of Jefferson against, 12; Wilson's
+views on, 187.
+
+Entente treaty of 1904 between England and France, 74.
+
+European balance of power, interest of United States in preserving, 76;
+disturbed by Japan, 171.
+
+
+Fenian movement, encouraged in United States, 112, 113.
+
+Ferdinand VII, king of Spain, 20, 25.
+
+Fish, Hamilton, secretary of state, renews negotiations for settlement
+of "Alabama Claims," 113, 114.
+
+Fiume, and Treaty of London, 195.
+
+Foch, Ferdinand, 217-219, 236.
+
+Fonseca Bay, United States acquires naval base on, 135, 136.
+
+Forsyth, John, secretary of state, 104.
+
+Fortifications in the Pacific, limitation of, 272.
+
+Foster, John W., letter from Hay, to, 89.
+
+Four-power Treaty, 278-280, 287-289.
+
+Fourteen Points, 205-210, 220, 221.
+
+France, treaty of alliance with, 5-8; refuses to accept plan for
+limitation of navies, 270, 271; isolation of, 289.
+
+
+Gases, use of poisonous, prohibited, 274, 275.
+
+Gênet, Edmond C., minister of the French Republic, 6.
+
+George, David Lloyd, defines British war aims, 204-205; pre-election
+pledges of, 227; opposes French demand for Left Bank of Rhine, 234.
+
+Germany, intervenes in Venezuela, 50; excluded from South America by
+aid of England, 53; designs of, on Philippine Islands, 85; adopts naval
+policy, 120; influence of, in America, 126; submarine policy of, 178,
+179; attempts of, to justify, 181; protests against munitions trade,
+181; organizes propaganda and conspiracy in United States, 184.
+
+Great Britain, withdraws from European alliance, 22; intervenes in
+Mexico, 46; not unfavorable to Monroe Doctrine, 52, 53; forms alliance
+with Japan, 92; points of contact with United States, 100; unfriendly
+attitude, 101; change of attitude in Spanish War, 118; naval policy of,
+120; interference with shipments to Germany resented in United States,
+124; size of navy, 127; so-called blockade of Germany, 174-178. _See_
+Anglo-American ideals.
+
+Great Lakes, disarmament on, 103.
+
+Guarantee treaties, offered to France, 235.
+
+Gummeré, S. R., delegate to Algeciras Conference, 75.
+
+
+Hague Conference, of 1899, 67; of 1907, 68.
+
+Hague Conventions, status of, 71.
+
+Hague Court of Arbitration, 68.
+
+Haiti, Republic of, United States acquires financial supervision over,
+136, 137.
+
+Hamilton, Alexander, opinion on French treaty of 1778, 6.
+
+Harding, Warren G., elected president, 255; ignores League of Nations,
+262; calls Washington Conference, 266; differs with Hughes as to
+meaning of Four-Power Treaty, 279; attitude toward Europe, 290.
+
+Harris, Townsend, 95.
+
+Hay, John, secretary of state, protests against persecution of Jews in
+Rumania, 78; formulates open-door policy for China, 85; defines status
+of consuls in European leases in China, 88; insists on "territorial and
+administrative entity" of China, 89; private correspondence on Chinese
+situation, 89-91.
+
+Hay-Pauncefote treaty, 120, 121.
+
+Henry, of Prussia, Prince, visit of, to United States, 118.
+
+Hitchcock, Senator G. H., 252.
+
+Holy Alliance, 22, 24.
+
+House, Edward M., 225, 233.
+
+Huerta, Victoriano, 160, 162, 193.
+
+Hughes, Charles E., suggests changes in Covenant of League, 232;
+asserts rights of the United States in mandated areas, 261; proposes
+reduction of navies, 267; details of plan, 268, 269; offends the French
+delegates, 270; takes personal charge of Far Eastern question, 281;
+success of Washington Conference, due to, 290.
+
+
+International Conference of American States, 156.
+
+International Court of Arbitral Justice, plan for, 70; Permanent Court
+of International Justice, 263.
+
+International Law, attitude of United States toward, 64; attempts to
+codify, 68, 72.
+
+International Law, American Institute of, 157.
+
+International Prize Court, plan for, adopted by Second Hague
+Conference, 68.
+
+Isolation, policy of, distinct from Monroe Doctrine, 3, 5; policy no
+longer possible, 170.
+
+
+Jameson Raid, in the Transvaal, 50.
+
+Japan, beginning of American intercourse with, 83, 84; forms alliance
+with Great Britain, 92; goes to war with Russia, 94; disturbing factor
+in world politics, 171; advocates principle of racial equality, 233,
+238; demands German leases in Shantung, 239; secures consent of Allies,
+240; reluctantly accepts invitation to Washington Conference, 266;
+objects to 5-5-3 ratio, 269; expansion of, 276.
+
+Jefferson, Thomas, opinion on French treaty of 1778, 7; warns against
+"entangling alliances," 12; plans alliance with England against France,
+12-14; favors joint action with England against Holy Alliance, 28-30;
+author of doctrine of recognition, 161.
+
+Jews, diplomatic protests against harsh treatment of, 78, 79.
+
+Johnson, Senator Hiram, 246.
+
+Johnson-Clarendon convention, 113.
+
+
+Knox, Philander C., proposes neutralisation of railways of Manchuria,
+95; negotiates treaties with Honduras and Nicaragua, 134, 135; proposes
+settlement with Colombia, 143; opposes League of Nations, 228, 231.
+
+Kongo Free State, treaty establishing, signed by American delegates but
+withheld from Senate by President Cleveland, 6l, 62.
+
+Kruger, Paul, 50.
+
+
+Lansing, Robert, secretary of state, replies to Austro-Hungarian note
+on munitions trade, 182, 183; dismisses Austrian Ambassador and German
+military and naval attachés, 185; delegate to Peace Conference, 225,
+233.
+
+Lansing-Ishii agreement, 95.
+
+League of Nations, 188, 196, 205, 209, 211, 230, 244-254.
+
+League to Enforce Peace, 197, 232.
+
+Left Bank of Rhine, French demand for, 234.
+
+Liberia, Republic of, 59
+
+Limitation of Armament, commission of League on, 265; Conference on,
+266-290.
+
+Liverpool, Lord, 20.
+
+Livingston, Robert R., minister to France, 12.
+
+Lodge, Senator Henry Cabot, on Oregon dispute, 110, 111; denies
+existence of secret treaty with England, 120; stands for unconditional
+surrender of Germany, 217; issues round robin, 231; presents
+reservations to Treaty of Versailles, 248; presents Four-Power Treaty,
+278, inconsistency of, 287.
+
+London Naval Conference, 71.
+
+_Lusitania_, sinking of, 179.
+
+
+Madero, Francisco, 160.
+
+Madison, James, favors joint action with England against Holy Alliance,
+30.
+
+Mahan, Alfred T., 99.
+
+Maine, boundary dispute with New Brunswick, 106.
+
+Manchuria, Russian encroachments on, 91-93, 95.
+
+Marcy, William L., secretary of state, views on Declaration of Paris,
+65.
+
+Maximilian, Prince, placed by Louis Napoleon on throne of Mexico, 46.
+
+Merchant vessels, proposal to arm, 185.
+
+Mexico, French intervention in, 46; Huerta revolution in, 160; American
+policy toward, 160-164.
+
+Monroe, James, sent to Paris to aid Livingston in negotiations for
+purchase of New Orleans and West Florida, 13; consults Jefferson and
+Madison on subject of British proposals for joint action against Holy
+Alliance, 26-28; message of December 2, 1823, 36-39; emphasizes
+separation of European and American politics, 43.
+
+Monroe Doctrine, compared with policy of isolation, 3; justification
+of, 4; formulation of, 19; text of, 36-39; reception of, in Europe, 39;
+basis of, 43; sanction of, 45; relation of, to European balance of
+power, 46, 52; attitude of England toward, 52; negative side of, 57;
+adverse criticism of, 131; not a self-denying declaration, 147;
+reservation of, 232, 249.
+
+Moore, John Bassett, 263.
+
+Moroccan question. _See_ Algeciras Conference.
+
+Motley, John L., 113.
+
+Munitions of war, sale of to belligerents, 181-184.
+
+McKinley, William, reasons for retaining Philippine Islands, 84, 85.
+
+McLeod, Alexander, arrest of, 104; acquittal of, 105.
+
+
+Napoleon, Louis, intervenes in Mexico, 46; decides to withdraw, 47, 48.
+
+Neutral prizes, destruction of, 72, 180.
+
+Neutrality, Washington's proclamation of 1793, 8; failure of, in
+Napoleonic wars, 14, 15; Wilson's proclamation of, 172; nature of, 172,
+173; so-called ethical neutrality, 174; abandonment of, 186.
+
+New Brunswick, boundary dispute with Maine, 106.
+
+Niagara conference on Mexican question, 162.
+
+
+Olney, Richard, on Monroe Doctrine, 43; conducts correspondence on
+Venezuelan boundary dispute, 48; signs general arbitration treaty with
+England, 116.
+
+Olney-Pauncefote treaty, 116, 117.
+
+Open-door policy in China, Hay's note of September 6, 1890, 85;
+Anglo-American origin of, 87; guaranteed by treaty, 284.
+
+Oregon, joint occupation of, 107.
+
+O'Shaughnessy, Nelson, 162.
+
+
+Pacific and Far Eastern Questions, Conference on, 266-290.
+
+Panama Canal, effect of, on naval policy, 132.
+
+Panama Canal Zone, seizure of, 142.
+
+Panama Congress of 1826, 153, 154.
+
+Panama Tolls Act, 121.
+
+Pan-American Financial Congress, 157.
+
+Pan-American Scientific Congress, 157.
+
+Pan-American Union, 156.
+
+Pan-Americanism, 153-157.
+
+Pauncefote, Sir Julian, signs general arbitration treaty with United
+States, 116; signs Canal treaty, 120.
+
+Platt Amendment, provisions of, 144, 145.
+
+Peace Conference of Paris, 225-242. _See_ Hague Conference.
+
+Perry, Commodore Matthew C. commands expedition to Japan, 83, 84, 95.
+
+Philippine Islands, McKinley's reasons for retaining, 84, 85.
+
+Polignac, Prince, interview with Canning on subject of the Spanish
+colonies, 35.
+
+Polk, James K., settles Oregon dispute, 110.
+
+Portsmouth, treaty of, 94.
+
+Prize Court. _See_ International Prize Court.
+
+Prizes, destruction of, 179, 180.
+
+
+Recognition, doctrine of, discussed with reference to Mexican question,
+161.
+
+Reparations, 236, 237.
+
+Reservations to Treaty of Versailles, 248-251, 254.
+
+Roosevelt, Theodore, forces Germany to withdraw from Venezuela, 51;
+sends delegates to Algeciras Conference, 75; exerts influence to
+preserve European balance of power, 76; protests against persecution of
+Jews in Rumania and Russia, 78, 79; invites Russia and Japan to peace
+conference, 94; incurs ill will of Japan, 95; submits Alaskan boundary
+dispute to limited arbitration, 123; establishes financial supervision
+over Dominican Republic, 133, 138; Big-Stick policy, 139; extension of
+Monroe Doctrine, 140; seizure of Canal Zone, 142.
+
+Root, Elihu, proposes international court of justice, 69; author of
+Platt Amendment, 146; visits South America, 156; suggests changes in
+Covenant of League, 232; member of commission to draft statute of
+Permanent Court of International Justice, 263; presents resolutions on
+China, 277.
+
+Rush, Richard, conferences with Canning on South American situation,
+26, 33, 34.
+
+Russia, occupies Manchuria, 91, 92; opposes opening of Manchurian ports
+to American commerce, 93; goes to war with Japan, 94; revolution, of
+March, 1917, 198; of November, 1917, 203.
+
+Russo-Japanese war, 94.
+
+
+Sackville-West, Lord, dismissal of, 115.
+
+Salisbury, Lord, backs down in Venezuelan dispute, 50; warns President
+McKinley of Germany's designs on Philippines.
+
+San Remo agreement, 259, 260.
+
+Santo Domingo, financial supervision over, 133, 134.
+
+Secret Treaties, 193.
+
+Self-determination, 198, 203, 205.
+
+Senate of the United States, debates Treaty of Versailles, 244-254.
+
+Seward, William H., protests against French occupation of Mexico, 47.
+
+Shantung question, at Peace Conference of Paris, 239-242; at Washington
+Conference, 280-282.
+
+Siberia, Japanese troops in, 276; promise of Japan to evacuate, 286.
+
+Slave trade, provision for suppression of, in Webster-Ashburton treaty,
+59, 60; Brussels conference on, 62.
+
+Slavery, and isolation, 58.
+
+South America, neglected by United States as field for commercial
+development, 52; open door in, 53.
+
+Spanish colonies, revolt of, 25.
+
+Spanish revolution of 1820, 20.
+
+Spanish War, turning point in relations of United States and England,
+118.
+
+Submarines, question of, discussed at Washington Conference, 271, 272;
+use of, limited by treaty, 274, 275.
+
+Sumner, Charles, 113.
+
+
+Taft, William H., proposes to bring Nicaragua and Honduras under
+financial supervision of United States, 134, 135; tries to reëstablish
+friendly relations with Colombia, 143; suggests changes in Covenant of
+League, 232.
+
+Tardieu, André, report of Algeciras Conference, 76; quoted on Armistice
+negotiations, 217, 218.
+
+Temperley, H. W. V., "History of the Peace Conference of Paris," 191.
+
+"Ten Points," 278.
+
+Texas, annexation of, opposed by Great Britain, 107, 108.
+
+Thayer, William R., gives version of Roosevelt-Holleben interview, 51.
+
+Tocqueville, Alexis de, "Democracy in America," 102.
+
+Treaty of London, 195.
+
+Treaty of Peace with Austria, 263.
+
+Treaty of Peace with Germany, 263.
+
+Treaty of Versailles, signed, 242; laid before Senate, 243; debate on,
+244-254; votes on, 252-254.
+
+Twenty-One Demands, 276.
+
+
+Vera Cruz, American occupation of, 162; evacuation of, 163.
+
+Verona, Congress of, 19, 21, secret treaty of, 22-24.
+
+Vienna, Congress of, 19.
+
+Villa, Francisco, 162, 163.
+
+
+War aims, of Allies, 196; British, 204.
+
+War of 1812, 15.
+
+Washington, George, requests opinions of cabinet on French treaty, 6;
+issues proclamation of neutrality, 8; Farewell Address, 9-11.
+
+Washington Conference, 266-290.
+
+Washington, treaty of, 66, 114.
+
+Webster, Daniel, secretary of state, 104, 105.
+
+Webster-Ashburton treaty, 59, 60, 107.
+
+Wellington, Duke of, at Congress of Verona, 21; protest and withdrawal,
+22.
+
+West Indies, American supremacy in, 120.
+
+White, Henry, delegate to Algeciras Conference, 75; to Peace
+Conference, 225.
+
+William II, German Kaiser, telegram to President Kruger, 50; forced to
+withdraw from Venezuela, 51; visits Morocco, 74; demands retirement of
+Delcassé, 75; insists on general conference on Morocco, 75; thwarted in
+efforts to humiliate France, 77; abdicates and flees to Holland, 219.
+
+Williams, Talcott, on McKinley's reasons for retaining Philippines, 85.
+
+Wilson, Henry Lane, 160.
+
+Wilson, Woodrow, secures modification of Panama Tolls Act, 121; extends
+financial supervision over Nicaragua and Haiti, 136, 137; warns
+Latin-American states against granting concessions to European
+syndicates, 140, 141; attitude of, on questions of international law
+and diplomacy, 151, 152; general Latin-American policy, 152, 165; New
+Pan-Americanism, 153; Mexican policy, 160-164; asks for declaration of
+war on Germany, 185; views on extension of Monroe Doctrine, 187;
+political philosophy of, 192; refusal to recognize Huerta, 193; reasons
+for neutrality, 194; calls on all belligerents to state war aims, 195;
+first discussion of war aims, 196; war address, 199; draws distinction
+between German people and German Government, 200-202; reply to Pope,
+201; announces Fourteen Points, 205-210; decides to go to Paris, 225;
+suffers political defeat, 226, 227; greeted with enthusiasm in Europe,
+228; proposes League of Nations, 230; returns temporarily to the United
+States, 231; makes concessions to French and British, 238; returns to
+the United States and lays treaty before Senate, 242; tours the country
+on behalf of League of Nations, 246; illness of, 247; letter read at
+Jackson day dinner proposing referendum on Treaty of Versailles, 252,
+253; awarded Nobel Peace Prize, 255; withdraws from participation in
+European affairs, 259.
+
+Wood, General Leonard, 146.
+
+
+Yap, island of, 260-262.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of From Isolation to Leadership, Revised, by
+John Holladay Latane
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP ***
+
+***** This file should be named 18553-8.txt or 18553-8.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+ http://www.gutenberg.org/1/8/5/5/18553/
+
+Produced by Al Haines
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+http://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
+paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works. See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+ the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+ you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
+ owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+ has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+ Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
+ must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+ prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+ returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+ sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+ address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+ the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+ you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+ does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+ License. You must require such a user to return or
+ destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+ and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+ Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+ money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+ electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+ of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+ distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at http://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+ Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+ Chief Executive and Director
+ gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit http://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+ http://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
diff --git a/18553-8.zip b/18553-8.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..85c0bc1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18553-8.zip
Binary files differ
diff --git a/18553.txt b/18553.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1a874da
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18553.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,6237 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of From Isolation to Leadership, Revised, by
+John Holladay Latane
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: From Isolation to Leadership, Revised
+ A Review of American Foreign Policy
+
+Author: John Holladay Latane
+
+Release Date: June 11, 2006 [EBook #18553]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Al Haines
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+FROM ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP
+
+REVISED
+
+
+A Review of American Foreign Policy
+
+
+BY
+
+JOHN HOLLADAY LATANE, PH.D., LL.D.
+
+ PROFESSOR OF AMERICAN HISTORY AND DEAN OF THE
+ COLLEGE FACULTY IN THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY
+
+
+
+ Author of
+ "The United States and Latin America"
+ "America as a World Power"
+ Etc.
+
+
+
+GARDEN CITY ------ NEW YORK
+
+DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY
+
+1922
+
+
+
+
+COPYRIGHT, 1918, 1922, BY
+
+DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY
+
+
+ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THAT OF
+
+TRANSLATION INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES,
+
+INCLUDING THE SCANDINAVIAN
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+The first edition of this book appeared in October, 1918, a few weeks
+before the signing of the Armistice, when the United States was at the
+high tide of its power and influence. In view of the subsequent course
+of events, some of my readers may question the propriety of the
+original title. In fact, one of my friends has suggested that a more
+appropriate title for the new edition would be "From Isolation to
+Leadership, and Back." But I do not regard the verdict of 1920 as an
+expression of the final judgment of the American people. The world
+still waits on America, and sooner or later we must recognize and
+assume the responsibilities of our position as a great world power.
+
+The first nine chapters are reprinted with only a few verbal changes.
+Chapter X has been rewritten, and chapters XI and XII have been added.
+
+JOHN H. LATANE.
+
+Baltimore, June 10, 1922.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAPTER
+
+ I. ORIGIN OF THE POLICY OF ISOLATION
+ II. FORMULATION OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE
+ III. THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE EUROPEAN BALANCE OF POWER
+ IV. INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION WITHOUT THE SANCTION OF FORCE
+ V. THE OPEN-DOOR POLICY
+ VI. ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS
+ VII. IMPERIALISTIC TENDENCIES OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE
+ VIII. THE NEW PAN-AMERICANISM
+ IX. THE FAILURE OF NEUTRALITY AND ISOLATION
+ X. THE WAR AIMS OF THE UNITED STATES
+ XI. THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES
+ XII. THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
+ INDEX
+
+
+
+
+From Isolation to Leadership
+
+I
+
+ORIGIN OF THE POLICY OF ISOLATION
+
+The Monroe Doctrine and the policy of political isolation are two
+phases of American diplomacy so closely related that very few writers
+appear to draw any distinction between them. The Monroe Doctrine was
+in its origin nothing more than the assertion, with special application
+to the American continents, of the right of independent states to
+pursue their own careers without fear or threat of intervention,
+domination, or subjugation by other states. President Monroe announced
+to the world that this principle would be upheld by the United States
+in this hemisphere. The policy of isolation was the outgrowth of
+Washington's warning against _permanent_ alliances and Jefferson's
+warning against _entangling_ alliances. Both Washington and Jefferson
+had in mind apparently the form of European alliance common in their
+day, which bound one nation to support another both diplomatically and
+by force in any dispute that might arise no matter whether it concerned
+the interests of the first state or not. Such alliances were usually
+of the nature of family compacts between different dynasties, or
+between different branches of the same dynasty, rather than treaties
+between nations. In fact, dynastic aims and ambitions were frequently,
+if not usually, at variance with the real interests of the peoples
+affected. It will be shown later that neither Washington nor Jefferson
+intended that the United States should refrain permanently from the
+exercise of its due influence in matters which properly concern the
+peace and welfare of the community of nations. Washington did not
+object to temporary alliances for special emergencies nor did Jefferson
+object to special alliances for the accomplishment of definite objects.
+Their advice has, however, been generally interpreted as meaning that
+the United States must hold aloof from world politics and attend
+strictly to its own business.
+
+The Monroe Doctrine was a perfectly sound principle and it has been
+fully justified by nearly a century of experience. It has saved South
+America from the kind of exploitation to which the continents of Africa
+and Asia have, during the past generation, fallen a prey. The policy
+of isolation, on the other hand, still cherished by so many Americans
+as a sacred tradition of the fathers, is in principle quite distinct
+from the Monroe Doctrine and is in fact utterly inconsistent with the
+position and importance of the United States as a world power. The
+difference in principle between the two policies can perhaps best be
+illustrated by the following supposition. If the United States were to
+sign a permanent treaty with England placing our navy at her disposal
+in the event of attack from Germany or some other power, on condition
+that England would unite with us in opposing the intervention of any
+European power in Latin America, such a treaty would not be a violation
+of the Monroe Doctrine, but a distinct recognition of that principle.
+Such a treaty would, however, be a departure from our traditional
+policy of isolation. Of the two policies, that of avoiding political
+alliances is the older. It was announced by Washington under
+circumstances that will be considered in a moment.
+
+In the struggle for independence the colonies deliberately sought
+foreign alliances. In fact, the first treaty ever signed by the United
+States was the treaty of alliance with France, negotiated and ratified
+in 1778. The aid which France extended under this treaty to our
+revolutionary ancestors in men, money, and ships enabled them to
+establish the independence of our country. A few years later came the
+French Revolution, the establishment of the French Republic followed by
+the execution of Louis XVI, and in 1793 the war between England and
+France. With the arrival in this country of Genet, the minister of the
+newly established French Republic, there began a heated debate in the
+newspapers throughout the country as to our obligations under the
+treaty of alliance and the commercial treaty of 1778. President
+Washington requested the opinions in writing of the members of his
+cabinet as to whether Genet should be received and the new government
+which had been set up in France recognized, as to whether the treaties
+were still binding, and as to whether a proclamation of neutrality
+should be issued. Hamilton and Jefferson replied at great length,
+taking as usual opposite sides, particularly on the question as to the
+binding force of the treaties. Hamilton took the view that as the
+government of Louis XVI, with which the treaties had been negotiated,
+had been overthrown, we were under no obligations to fulfill their
+stipulations and had a perfect right to renounce them. Jefferson took
+the correct view that the treaties were with the French nation and that
+they were binding under whatever government the French people chose to
+set up. This principle, which is now one of the fundamental doctrines
+of international law, was so ably expounded by Jefferson that his words
+are well worth quoting.
+
+"I consider the people who constitute a society or nation as the source
+of all authority in that nation, as free to transact their common
+concerns by any agents they think proper, to change these agents
+individually, or the organization of them in form or function whenever
+they please: that all the acts done by those agents under the authority
+of the nation, are the acts of the nation, are obligatory on them, and
+enure to their use, and can in no wise be annulled or affected by any
+change in the form of the government, or of the persons administering
+it. Consequently the Treaties between the United States and France
+were not treaties between the United States and Louis Capet, but
+between the two nations of America and France, and the nations
+remaining in existence, tho' both of them have since changed their
+forms of government, the treaties are not annulled by these changes."
+
+The argument was so heated that Washington was reluctant to press
+matters to a definite conclusion. From his subsequent action it
+appears that he agreed with Jefferson that the treaties were binding,
+but he held that the treaty of alliance was purely defensive and that
+we were under no obligation to aid France in an offensive war such as
+she was then waging. He accordingly issued his now famous proclamation
+of neutrality, April, 1793. Of this proclamation W. E. Hall, a leading
+English authority on international law, writing one hundred years
+later, said: "The policy of the United States in 1793 constitutes an
+epoch in the development of the usages of neutrality. There can be no
+doubt that it was intended and believed to give effect to the
+obligations then incumbent upon neutrals. But it represented by far
+the most advanced existing opinions as to what those obligations were;
+and in some points it even went farther than authoritative
+international custom has up to the present time advanced. In the main,
+however, it is identical with the standard of conduct which is now
+adopted by the community of nations." Washington's proclamation laid
+the real foundations of the American policy of isolation.
+
+The very novelty of the rigid neutrality proclaimed by Washington made
+the policy a difficult one to pursue. In the Revolutionary and
+Napoleonic wars, which lasted for nearly a quarter of a century, the
+United States was the principal neutral. The problems to which this
+situation gave rise were so similar to the problems raised during the
+early years of the World War that many of the diplomatic notes prepared
+by Jefferson and Madison might, with a few changes of names and dates,
+be passed off as the correspondence of Wilson and Lansing.
+Washington's administration closed with the clouds of the European war
+still hanging heavy on the horizon. Under these circumstances he
+delivered his famous Farewell Address in which he said:
+
+"The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in
+extending our commercial relations to have with them as little
+_political_ connection as possible. So far as we have already formed
+engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us
+stop.
+
+"Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very
+remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies,
+the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence,
+therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial
+ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary
+combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
+
+"Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a
+different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient
+government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury
+from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will
+cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously
+respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making
+acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us
+provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided
+by justice, shall counsel.
+
+"Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our
+own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny
+with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in
+the toils of European ambitions, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
+
+"It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any
+portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty
+to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing
+infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less
+applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the
+best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in
+their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be
+unwise to extend them.
+
+"Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a
+respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary
+alliances for extraordinary emergencies."
+
+It will be observed that Washington warned his countrymen against
+_permanent_ alliances. He expressly said that we might "safely trust
+to _temporary_ alliances for extraordinary emergencies." Further than
+this many of those who are continually quoting Washington's warning
+against alliances not only fail to note the limitations under which the
+advice was given, but they also overlook the reasons assigned. In a
+succeeding paragraph of the Farewell Address he said:
+
+"With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our
+country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to
+progress without interruption to that degree of strength and
+consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the
+command of its own fortunes."
+
+The expression "entangling alliances" does not occur in the Farewell
+Address, but was given currency by Jefferson. In his first inaugural
+address he summed up the principles by which he proposed to regulate
+his foreign policy in the following terms: "Peace, commerce, and honest
+friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none."
+
+During the brief interval of peace following the treaty of Amiens in
+1801, Napoleon undertook the reestablishment of French power in Santo
+Domingo as the first step in the development of a colonial empire which
+he determined upon when he forced Spain to retrocede Louisiana to
+France by the secret treaty of San Ildefonso in 1800. Fortunately for
+us the ill-fated expedition to Santo Domingo encountered the opposition
+of half a million negroes and ultimately fell a prey to the ravages of
+yellow fever. As soon as Jefferson heard of the cession of Louisiana
+to France, he instructed Livingston, his representative at Paris, to
+open negotiations for the purchase of New Orleans and West Florida,
+stating that the acquisition of New Orleans by a powerful nation like
+France would inevitably lead to friction and conflict. "The day that
+France takes possession of New Orleans fixes the sentence which is to
+restrain her forever within her low water mark. It seals the union of
+two nations who in conjunction can maintain exclusive possession of the
+ocean. From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet
+and nation. We must turn all our attentions to a maritime force, for
+which our resources place us on very high grounds: and having formed
+and cemented together a power which may render reinforcement of her
+settlements here impossible to France, make the first cannon, which
+shall be fired in Europe the signal for tearing up any settlement she
+may have made, and for holding the two continents of America in
+sequestration for the common purposes of the united British and
+American nations. This is not a state of things we seek or desire. It
+is one which this measure, if adopted by France, forces on us, as
+necessarily as any other cause, by the laws of nature, brings on its
+necessary effect."
+
+Monroe was later sent to Paris to support Livingston and he was
+instructed, in case there was no prospect of a favorable termination of
+the negotiations, to avoid a rupture until the spring and "in the
+meantime enter into conferences with the British Government, through
+their ambassador at Paris, to fix principles of alliance, and leave us
+in peace until Congress meets." Jefferson had already informed the
+British minister at Washington that if France should, by closing the
+mouth of the Mississippi, force the United States to war, "they would
+throw away the scabbard." Monroe and Livingston were now instructed,
+in case they should become convinced that France meditated hostilities
+against the United States, to negotiate an alliance with England and to
+stipulate that neither party should make peace or truce without the
+consent of the other. Thus notwithstanding his French proclivities and
+his warning against "entangling alliances," the author of the immortal
+Declaration of Independence was ready and willing in this emergency to
+form an alliance with England. The unexpected cession of the entire
+province of Louisiana to the United States made the contemplated
+alliance with England unnecessary.
+
+The United States was no more successful in its effort to remain
+neutral during the Napoleonic wars than it was during the late war,
+though the slow means of communication a hundred years ago caused the
+struggle for neutral rights to be drawn out for a much longer period of
+time. Neither England nor France regarded us as having any rights
+which they were bound to respect, and American commerce was fairly
+bombarded by French decrees and British orders in council. There was
+really not much more reason why we should have fought England than
+France, but as England's naval supremacy enabled her to interfere more
+effectually with our commerce on the sea and as this interference was
+accompanied by the practice of impressing American sailors into the
+British service, we finally declared war against her. No effort was
+made, however, to form an alliance or even to cooeperate with Napoleon.
+The United States fought the War of 1812 without allies, and while we
+gained a number of single-ship actions and notable victories on Lake
+Erie and Lake Champlain, we failed utterly in two campaigns to occupy
+Canada, and the final result of the conflict was that our national
+capitol was burned and our commerce absolutely swept from the seas.
+Jackson's victory at New Orleans, while gratifying to our pride, took
+place two weeks after the treaty of Ghent had been signed and had,
+consequently, no effect on the outcome of the war.
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+FORMULATION OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE
+
+The international situation which gave rise to the Monroe Doctrine was
+the most unusual in some respects that modern history records. The
+European alliance which had been organized in 1813 for the purpose of
+bringing about the overthrow of Napoleon continued to dominate the
+affairs of Europe until 1823. This alliance, which met at the Congress
+of Vienna in 1815 and held later meetings at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818,
+at Troppau in 1820, at Laybach in 1821, and at Verona in 1822,
+undertook to legislate for all Europe and was the nearest approach to a
+world government that had ever been tried. While this alliance
+publicly proclaimed that it had no other object than the maintenance of
+peace and that the repose of the world was its motive and its end, its
+real object was to uphold absolute monarchy and to suppress every
+attempt at the establishment of representative government. As long as
+England remained in the alliance her statesmen exercised a restraining
+influence, for England was the only one of the allies which professed
+to have a representative system of government. As Castlereagh was
+setting out for the meeting at Aix-la-Chapelle Lord Liverpool, who was
+then prime minister, warned him that, "The Russian must be made to feel
+that we have a parliament and a public, to which we are responsible,
+and that we cannot permit ourselves to be drawn into views of policy
+which are wholly incompatible with the spirit of our government."
+
+The reactionary spirit of the continental members of the alliance was
+soon thoroughly aroused by the series of revolutions that followed one
+another in 1820. In March the Spanish army turned against the
+government of Ferdinand VII and demanded the restoration of the
+constitution of 1812. The action of the army was everywhere approved
+and sustained by the people and the king was forced to proclaim the
+constitution and to promise to uphold it. The Spanish revolution was
+followed in July by a constitutional movement in Naples, and in August
+by a similar movement in Portugal; while the next year witnessed the
+outbreak of the Greek struggle for independence. Thus in all three of
+the peninsulas of Southern Europe the people were struggling for the
+right of self-government. The great powers at once took alarm at the
+rapid spread of revolutionary ideas and proceeded to adopt measures for
+the suppression of the movements to which these ideas gave rise. At
+Troppau and Laybach measures were taken for the suppression of the
+revolutionary movements in Italy. An Austrian army entered Naples in
+March, 1821, overthrew the constitutional government that had been
+inaugurated, and restored Ferdinand II to absolute power. The
+revolution which had broken out in Piedmont was also suppressed by a
+detachment of the Austrian army. England held aloof from all
+participation in the conferences at Troppau and Laybach, though her
+ambassador to Austria was present to watch the proceedings.
+
+The next meeting of the allied powers was arranged for October, 1822,
+at Verona. Here the affairs of Greece, Italy, and in particular Spain
+came up for consideration. At this congress all five powers of the
+alliance were represented. France was especially concerned about the
+condition of affairs in Spain, and England sent Wellington out of
+self-defense. The Congress of Verona was devoted largely to a
+discussion of Spanish affairs. Wellington had been instructed to use
+all his influence against the adoption of measures of intervention in
+Spain. When he found that the other powers were bent upon this step
+and that his protest would be unheeded, he withdrew from the congress.
+The four remaining powers signed the secret treaty of Verona, November
+22, 1822, as a revision, so they declared in the preamble, of the
+Treaty of the Holy Alliance, which had been signed at Paris in 1815 by
+Austria, Russia, and Prussia. This last mentioned treaty sprang from
+the erratic brain of the Czar Alexander under the influence of Baroness
+Kruedener, and is one of the most remarkable political documents extant.
+No one had taken it seriously except the Czar himself and it had been
+without influence upon the politics of Europe. The text of the treaty
+of Verona was never officially published, but the following articles
+soon appeared in the press of Europe and America:
+
+"Article I.--The high contracting powers being convinced that the
+system of representative government is equally as incompatible with the
+monarchical principles as the maxim of the sovereignty of the people
+with the divine right, engage mutually, in the most solemn manner, to
+use all their efforts to put an end to the system of representative
+governments, in whatever country it may exist in Europe, and to prevent
+its being introduced in those countries where it is not yet known.
+
+"Article II.--As it cannot be doubted that the liberty of the press is
+the most powerful means used by the pretended supporters of the rights
+of nations, to the detriment of those of Princes, the high contracting
+parties promise reciprocally to adopt all proper measures to suppress
+it, not only in their own states, but, also, in the rest of Europe.
+
+"Article III.--Convinced that the principles of religion contribute
+most powerfully to keep nations in the state of passive obedience which
+they owe to their Princes, the high contracting parties declare it to
+be their intention to sustain, in their respective states, those
+measures which the clergy may adopt, with the aim of ameliorating their
+own interests, so intimately connected with the preservation of the
+authority of Princes; and the contracting powers join in offering their
+thanks to the Pope, for what he has already done for them, and solicit
+his constant cooeperation in their views of submitting the nations.
+
+"Article IV.--The situation of Spain and Portugal unite unhappily all
+the circumstances to which this treaty has particular reference. The
+high contracting parties, in confiding to France the care of putting an
+end to them, engage to assist her in the manner which may the least
+compromise them with their own people and the people of France, by
+means of a subsidy on the part of the two empires, of twenty millions
+of francs every year, from the date of the signature of this treaty to
+the end of the war."
+
+Such was the code of despotism which the continental powers adopted for
+Europe and which they later proposed to extend to America. It was an
+attempt to make the world safe for autocracy. Wellington's protest at
+Verona marked the final withdrawal of England from the alliance which
+had overthrown Napoleon and naturally inclined her toward a
+rapprochement with the United States. The aim of the Holy Allies, as
+the remaining members of the alliance now called themselves, was to
+undo the work of the Revolution and of Napoleon and to restore all the
+peoples of Europe to the absolute sway of their legitimate sovereigns.
+After the overthrow of the constitutional movements in Piedmont,
+Naples, and Spain, absolutism reigned supreme once more in western
+Europe, but the Holy Allies felt that their task was not completed so
+long as Spain's revolted colonies in America remained unsubjugated.
+These colonies had drifted into practical independence while Napoleon's
+brother Joseph was on the throne of Spain. Nelson's great victory at
+Trafalgar had left England supreme on the seas and neither Napoleon nor
+Joseph had been able to establish any control over Spain's American
+colonies. When Ferdinand was restored to his throne in 1814, he
+unwisely undertook to refasten on his colonies the yoke of the old
+colonial system and to break up the commerce which had grown up with
+England and with the United States. The different colonies soon
+proclaimed their independence and the wars of liberation ensued. By
+1822 it was evident that Spain unassisted could never resubjugate them,
+and the United States after mature deliberation recognized the new
+republics and established diplomatic intercourse with them. England,
+although enjoying the full benefits of trade with the late colonies of
+Spain, still hesitated out of regard for the mother country to take the
+final step of recognition.
+
+In the late summer of 1823 circular letters were issued inviting the
+powers to a conference at Paris to consider the Spanish-American
+question. George Canning, the British foreign secretary, at once
+called into conference Richard Rush, the American minister, and
+proposed joint action against the schemes of the Holy Alliance. Rush
+replied that he was not authorized to enter into such an agreement, but
+that he would communicate the proposal at once to his government. As
+soon as Rush's dispatch was received President Monroe realized fully
+the magnitude of the issue presented by the proposal of an
+Anglo-American alliance. Before submitting the matter to his cabinet
+he transmitted copies of Rush's dispatch to ex-Presidents Jefferson and
+Madison and the following interesting correspondence took place. In
+his letter to Jefferson of October 17th, the President said:
+
+"I transmit to you two despatches, which were receiv'd from Mr. Rush,
+while I was lately in Washington, which involve interests of the
+highest importance. They contain two letters from Mr. Canning,
+suggesting designs of the holy alliance, against the Independence of
+So. America, & proposing a co-operation, between G. Britain & the U
+States, in support of it, against the members of that alliance. The
+project aims, in the first instance, at a mere expression of opinion,
+somewhat in the abstract, but which, it is expected by Mr. Canning,
+will have a great political effect, by defeating the combination. By
+Mr. Rush's answers, which are also enclosed, you will see the light in
+which he views the subject, & the extent to which he may have gone.
+Many important considerations are involved in this proposition. 1st
+Shall we entangle ourselves, at all, in European politicks, & wars, on
+the side of any power, against others, presuming that a concert, by
+agreement, of the kind proposed, may lead to that result? 2d If a case
+can exist in which a sound maxim may, & ought to be departed from, is
+not the present instance, precisely that case? 3d Has not the epoch
+arriv'd when G. Britain must take her stand, either on the side of the
+monarchs of Europe, or of the U States, & in consequence, either in
+favor of Despotism or of liberty & may it not be presum'd that, aware
+of that necessity, her government has seiz'd on the present occurrence,
+as that, which it deems, the most suitable, to announce & mark the
+commenc'ment of that career?
+
+"My own impression is that we ought to meet the proposal of the British
+govt. & to make it known, that we would view an interference on the
+part of the European powers, and especially an attack on the Colonies,
+by them, as an attack on ourselves, presuming that, if they succeeded
+with them, they would extend it to us. I am sensible however of the
+extent & difficulty of the question, & shall be happy to have yours, &
+Mr. Madison's opinions on it."
+
+Jefferson's reply dated Monticello, October 24th, displays not only a
+profound insight into the international situation, but a wide vision of
+the possibilities involved. He said:
+
+"The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most
+momentous which has ever been offered to my contemplation since that of
+Independence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass and points
+the course which we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on
+us. And never could we embark on it under circumstances more
+auspicious. Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to
+entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second, never to
+suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North
+and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and
+peculiarly her own. She should therefore have a system of her own,
+separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last is laboring to
+become the domicil of despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make
+our hemisphere that of freedom. One nation, most of all, could disturb
+us in this pursuit; she now offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in
+it. By acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the bands,
+bring her mighty weight into the scale of free government, and
+emancipate a continent at one stroke, which might otherwise linger long
+in doubt and difficulty. Great Britain is the nation which can do us
+the most harm of any one, or all on earth; and with her on our side we
+need not fear the whole world. With her then, we should most
+sedulously cherish a cordial friendship; and nothing would tend more to
+knit our affections than to be fighting once more, side by side, in the
+same cause. Not that I would purchase even her amity at the price of
+taking part in her wars. But the war in which the present proposition
+might engage us, should that be its consequence, is not her war, but
+ours. Its object is to introduce and establish the American system, of
+keeping out of our land all foreign powers, of never permitting those
+of Europe to intermeddle with the affairs of our nations. It is to
+maintain our own principle, not to depart from it. And if, to
+facilitate this, we can effect a division in the body of the European
+powers, and draw over to our side its most powerful member, surely we
+should do it. But I am clearly of Mr. Canning's opinion, that it will
+prevent instead of provoking war. With Great Britain withdrawn from
+their scale and shifted into that of our two continents, all Europe
+combined would not undertake such a war. For how would they propose to
+get at either enemy without superior fleets? Nor is the occasion to be
+slighted which this proposition offers, of declaring our protest
+against the atrocious violations of the rights of nations, by the
+interference of any one in the internal affairs of another, so
+flagitiously begun by Bonaparte, and now continued by the equally
+lawless Alliance, calling itself Holy."
+
+Madison not only agreed with Jefferson as to the wisdom of accepting
+the British proposal of some form of joint action, but he went even
+further and suggested that the declaration should not be limited to the
+American republics, but that it should express disapproval of the late
+invasion of Spain and of any interference with the Greeks who were then
+struggling for independence from Turkey. Monroe, it appears, was
+strongly inclined to act on Madison's suggestion, but his cabinet took
+a different view of the situation. From the diary of John Quincy
+Adams, Monroe's secretary of state, it appears that almost the whole of
+November was taken up by cabinet discussions on Canning's proposals and
+on Russia's aggressions in the northwest. Adams stoutly opposed any
+alliance or joint declaration with Great Britain. The composition of
+the President's message remained in doubt until the 27th, when the more
+conservative views of Adams were, according to his own statement of the
+case, adopted. He advocated an independent course of action on the
+part of the United States, without direct reference to Canning's
+proposals, though substantially in accord with them. Adams defined his
+position as follows: "The ground that I wish to take is that of earnest
+remonstrance against the interference of the European powers by force
+with South America, but to disclaim all interference on our part with
+Europe; to make an American cause and adhere inflexibly to that."
+Adams's dissent from Monroe's position was, it is claimed, due partly
+to the influence of Clay who advocated a Pan-American system, partly to
+the fact that the proposed cooeperation with Great Britain would bind
+the United States not to acquire some of the coveted parts of the
+Spanish possessions, and partly to the fear that the United States as
+the ally of Great Britain would be compelled to play a secondary part.
+He probably carried his point by showing that the same ends could be
+accomplished by an independent declaration, since it was evident that
+the sea power of Great Britain would be used to prevent the reconquest
+of South America by the European powers. Monroe, as we have seen,
+thought that the exigencies of the situation justified a departure from
+the sound maxim of political isolation, and in this opinion he was
+supported by his two predecessors in the presidency.
+
+The opinions of Monroe, Jefferson, and Madison in favor of an alliance
+with Great Britain and a broad declaration against the intervention of
+the great powers in the affairs of weaker states in any part of the
+world, have been severely criticised by some historians and ridiculed
+by others, but time and circumstances often bring about a complete
+change in our point of view. After the beginning of the great world
+conflict, especially after our entrance into it, several writers raised
+the question as to whether, after all, the three elder statesmen were
+not right and Adams and Clay wrong. If the United States and England
+had come out in favor of a general declaration against intervention in
+the concerns of small states and established it as a world-wide
+principle, the course of human history during the next century might
+have been very different, but Adams's diary does not tell the whole
+story. On his own statement of the case he might be justly censured by
+posterity for persuading the president to take a narrow American view
+of a question which was world-wide in its bearing. An important
+element in the situation, however, was Canning's change of attitude
+between the time of his conference with Rush in August and the
+formulation of the president's message. Two days after the delivery of
+his now famous message Monroe wrote to Jefferson in explanation of the
+form the declaration had taken: "Mr. Canning's zeal has much abated of
+late." It appears from Rush's correspondence that the only thing which
+stood in the way of joint action by the two powers was Canning's
+unwillingness to extend immediate recognition to the South American
+republics. On August 27th, Rush stated to Canning that it would
+greatly facilitate joint action if England would acknowledge at once
+the full independence of the South American colonies. In communicating
+the account of this interview to his government Mr. Rush concluded:
+"Should I be asked by Mr. Canning, whether, in case the recognition be
+made by Great Britain without more delay, I am on my part prepared to
+make a declaration, in the name of my government, that it will not
+remain inactive under an attack upon the independence of those states
+by the Holy Alliance, the present determination of my judgment is that
+I will make such a declaration explicitly, and avow it before the
+world." About three weeks later Canning, who was growing restless at
+the delay in hearing from Washington, again urged Rush to act without
+waiting for specific instructions from his government. He tried to
+show that the proposed joint declaration would not conflict with the
+American policy of avoiding entangling alliances, for the question at
+issue was American as much as European, if not more. Rush then
+indicated his willingness to act provided England would "immediately
+and unequivocally acknowledge the independence of the new states."
+Canning did not care to extend full recognition to the South American
+states until he could do so without giving unnecessary offense to Spain
+and the allies, and he asked if Mr. Rush could not give his assent to
+the proposal on a promise of future recognition. Mr. Rush refused to
+accede to anything but immediate acknowledgment of independence and so
+the matter ended.
+
+As Canning could not come to a formal understanding with the United
+States, he determined to make a frank avowal of the views of the
+British cabinet to France and to this end he had an interview with
+Prince Polignac, the French ambassador at London, October 9, 1823, in
+which he declared that Great Britain had no desire to hasten
+recognition, but that any foreign interference, by force, or by menace,
+would be a motive for immediate recognition; that England "could not go
+into a joint deliberation upon the subject of Spanish America upon an
+equal footing with other powers, whose opinions were less formed upon
+that question." This declaration drew from Polignac the admission that
+he considered the reduction of the colonies by Spain as hopeless and
+that France "abjured in any case, any design of acting against the
+colonies by force of arms." This admission was a distinct victory for
+Canning, in that it prepared the way for ultimate recognition by
+England, and an account of the interview was communicated without delay
+to the allied courts. The interview was not communicated to Rush until
+the latter part of November, and therefore had no influence upon the
+formation of Monroe's message.
+
+The Monroe Doctrine is comprised in two widely separated paragraphs
+that occur in the message of December 2, 1823. The first, relating to
+Russia's encroachments on the northwest coast, and occurring near the
+beginning of the message, was an assertion to the effect that the
+American continents had assumed an independent condition and were no
+longer open to European colonization. This may be regarded as a
+statement of fact. No part of the continent at that time remained
+unclaimed. The second paragraph, relating to Spanish America and
+occurring near the close of the message, was a declaration against the
+extension to the American continents of the system of intervention
+adopted by the Holy Alliance for the suppression of popular government
+in Europe.
+
+The language used by President Monroe is as follows:
+
+1. "At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through
+the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and
+instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States
+at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective
+rights and interests of the two nations on the north-west coast of this
+continent. A similar proposal had been made by His Imperial Majesty to
+the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to.
+The Government of the United States has been desirous by this friendly
+proceeding of manifesting the great value which they have invariably
+attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to
+cultivate the best understanding with his Government. In the
+discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the
+arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged
+proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests
+of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the
+free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain,
+are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization
+by any European powers."
+
+2. "In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to
+themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our
+policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously
+menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense.
+With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more
+immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all
+enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the
+allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of
+America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their
+respective Governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been
+achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the
+wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have
+enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it,
+therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the
+United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any
+attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this
+hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing
+colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered
+and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared
+their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have,
+on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could
+not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or
+controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in
+any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition
+toward the United States."
+
+The message made a profound impression on the world, all the more
+profound for the fact that Canning's interview with Polignac was known
+only to the chancelleries of Europe. To the public at large it
+appeared that the United States was blazing the way for democracy and
+liberty and that Canning was holding back through fear of giving
+offense to the allies. The governments of Europe realized only too
+well that Monroe's declaration would be backed by the British navy, and
+all thought of intervention in Latin America was therefore abandoned.
+A few months later England formally recognized the independence of the
+Spanish-American republics, and Canning made his famous boast on the
+floor of the House of Commons. In a speech delivered December 12,
+1826, in defense of his position in not having arrested the French
+invasion of Spain, he said: "I looked another way--I sought for
+compensation in another hemisphere. Contemplating Spain, such as our
+ancestors had known her, I resolved that, if France had Spain, it
+should not be Spain _with the Indies_. I called the New World into
+existence to redress the balance of the Old."
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE EUROPEAN BALANCE OF POWER
+
+President Monroe said in effect that the western hemisphere must be
+made safe for democracy. It was reserved for our own generation and
+for President Wilson to extend the declaration and to say that the
+world must be made safe for democracy. President Monroe announced that
+we would uphold international law and republican government in this
+hemisphere, and as _quid pro quo_ he announced that it was the settled
+policy of the United States to refrain from all interference in the
+internal affairs of European states. He based his declaration,
+therefore, not mainly on right and justice, but on the doctrine of the
+separation of the European and American spheres of politics. The
+Monroe Doctrine and the policy of isolation thus became linked together
+in the public mind as compensating policies, neither one of which could
+stand without the other. Even Secretary Olney as late as 1895 declared
+that "American non-intervention in Europe implied European
+non-intervention in America." It is not strange, therefore, that the
+public at large should regard the policy of isolation as the sole
+justification for the Monroe Doctrine. There is, however, neither
+logic nor justice in basing our right to uphold law and freedom in this
+hemisphere on our promise not to interfere with the violation of law
+and humanity in Europe. The real difficulty is that the Monroe
+Doctrine as interpreted in recent years has developed certain
+imperialistic tendencies and that the imperialistic implications of the
+policy resemble too closely the imperialistic aims of the European
+powers.
+
+For three quarters of a century after Monroe's declaration the policy
+of isolation was more rigidly adhered to than ever, the principal
+departure from it being the signature and ratification of the
+Clayton-Bulwer Treaty in 1850. By the terms of this treaty we
+recognized a joint British interest in any canal that might be built
+through the isthmus connecting North and South America, undertook to
+establish the general neutralization of such canal, and agreed to
+invite other powers, European and American, to unite in protecting the
+same. Owing to differences that soon arose between the United States
+and England as to the interpretation of the treaty, the clause
+providing for the adherence of other powers was never carried out.
+
+For nearly a hundred years we have successfully upheld the Monroe
+Doctrine without a resort to force. The policy has never been
+favorably regarded by the powers of continental Europe. Bismarck
+described it as "an international impertinence." In recent years it
+has stirred up rather intense opposition in certain parts of Latin
+America. Until recently no American writers appear to have considered
+the real nature of the sanction on which the doctrine rested. How is
+it that without an army and until recent years without a navy of any
+size we have been able to uphold a policy which has been described as
+an impertinence to Latin America and a standing defiance to Europe?
+Americans generally seem to think that the Monroe Doctrine has in it an
+inherent sanctity which prevents other nations from violating it. In
+view of the general disregard of sanctities, inherent or acquired,
+during the early stages of the late war, this explanation will not hold
+good and some other must be sought. Americans have been so little
+concerned with international affairs that they have failed to see any
+connection between the Monroe Doctrine and the balance of power in
+Europe. The existence of a European balance of power is the only
+explanation of our having been able to uphold the Monroe Doctrine for
+so long a time without a resort to force. Some one or more of the
+European powers would long ago have stepped in and called our bluff,
+that is, forced us to repudiate the Monroe Doctrine or fight for it,
+had it not been for the well-grounded fear that as soon as they became
+engaged with us some other European power would attack them in the
+rear. A few illustrations will be sufficient to establish this thesis.
+
+The most serious strain to which the Monroe Doctrine was ever subjected
+was the attempt of Louis Napoleon during the American Civil War to
+establish the empire of Maximilian in Mexico under French auspices. He
+was clever enough to induce England and Spain to go in with him in 1861
+for the avowed purpose of collecting the claims of their subjects
+against the government of Mexico. Before the joint intervention had
+gone very far, however, these two powers became convinced that Napoleon
+had ulterior designs and withdrew their forces. Napoleon's Mexican
+venture was deliberately calculated on the success of the Southern
+Confederacy. Hence, his friendly relations with the Confederate
+commissioners and the talk of an alliance between the Confederacy and
+Maximilian backed by the power of France. Against each successive step
+taken by France in Mexico Mr. Seward, Lincoln's Secretary of State,
+protested. As the Civil War drew to a successful conclusion his
+protests became more and more emphatic. Finally, in the spring of
+1866, the United States Government began massing troops on the Mexican
+border and Mr. Seward sent what was practically an ultimatum to the
+French Emperor; he requested to know when the long-promised withdrawal
+of the French troops would take place. Napoleon replied, fixing the
+dates for their withdrawal in three separate detachments.
+
+American historians have usually attributed Napoleon's backdown to
+Seward's diplomacy supported by the military power of the United
+States, which was, of course, greater then than at any previous time in
+our history. All this undoubtedly had its effect on Napoleon's mind,
+but it appears that conditions in Europe just at that particular moment
+had an even greater influence in causing him to abandon his Mexican
+scheme. Within a few days of the receipt of Seward's ultimatum
+Napoleon was informed of Bismarck's determination to force a war with
+Austria over the Schleswig-Holstein controversy. Napoleon realized
+that the territorial aggrandizement of Prussia, without any
+corresponding gains by France, would be a serious blow to his prestige
+and in fact endanger his throne. He at once entered upon a long and
+hazardous diplomatic game in which Bismarck outplayed him and
+eventually forced him into war. In order to have a free hand to meet
+the European situation he decided to yield to the American demands. As
+the European situation developed he hastened the final withdrawal of
+his troops and left Maximilian to his fate. Thus the Monroe Doctrine
+was vindicated!
+
+Let us take next President Cleveland's intervention in the Venezuelan
+boundary dispute. Here surely was a clear and spectacular vindication
+of the Monroe Doctrine which no one can discount. Let us briefly
+examine the facts. Some 30,000 square miles of territory on the border
+of Venezuela and British Guiana were in dispute. Venezuela, a weak and
+helpless state, had offered to submit the question to arbitration.
+Great Britain, powerful and overbearing, refused. After Secretary
+Olney, in a long correspondence ably conducted, had failed to move the
+British Government, President Cleveland decided to intervene. In a
+message to Congress in December, 1895, he reviewed the controversy at
+length, declared that the acquisition of territory in America by a
+European power through the arbitrary advance of a boundary line was a
+clear violation of the Monroe Doctrine, and asked Congress for an
+appropriation to pay the expenses of a commission which he proposed to
+appoint for the purpose of determining the true boundary, which he said
+it would then be our duty to uphold. Lest there should be any
+misunderstanding as to his intentions he solemnly added: "In making
+these recommendations I am fully alive to the responsibility incurred
+and keenly realize all the consequences that may follow." Congress
+promptly voted the appropriation.
+
+Here was a bold and unqualified defiance of England. No one before had
+ever trod so roughly on the British lion's tail with impunity. The
+English-speaking public on both sides of the Atlantic was stunned and
+amazed. Outside of diplomatic circles few persons were aware that any
+subject of controversy between the two countries existed, and no one
+had any idea that it was of a serious nature. Suddenly the two nations
+found themselves on the point of war. After the first outburst of
+indignation the storm passed; and before the American boundary
+commission completed its investigation England signed an arbitration
+agreement with Venezuela. Some persons, after looking in vain for an
+explanation, have concluded that Lord Salisbury's failure to deal more
+seriously with Mr. Cleveland's affront to the British Government was
+due to his sense of humor.
+
+But here again the true explanation is to be found in events that were
+happening in another quarter of the globe. Cleveland's Venezuelan
+message was sent to Congress on December 17th. At the end of the year
+came Dr. Jameson's raid into the Transvaal and on the third of January
+the German Kaiser sent his famous telegram of congratulation to Paul
+Kruger. The wrath of England was suddenly diverted from America to
+Germany, and Lord Salisbury avoided a rupture with the United States
+over a matter which after all was not of such serious moment to England
+in order to be free to deal with a question involving much greater
+interests in South Africa. The Monroe Doctrine was none the less
+effectively vindicated.
+
+In 1902 Germany made a carefully planned and determined effort to test
+out the Monroe Doctrine and see whether we would fight for it. In that
+year Germany, England, and Italy made a naval demonstration against
+Venezuela for the purpose of forcing her to recognize as valid certain
+claims of their subjects. How England was led into the trap is still a
+mystery, but the Kaiser thought that he had her thoroughly committed,
+that if England once started in with him she could not turn against
+him. But he had evidently not profited by the experience of Napoleon
+III in Mexico. Through the mediation of Herbert Bowen, the American
+minister, Venezuela agreed to recognize in principle the claims of the
+foreign powers and to arbitrate the amount. England and Italy accepted
+this offer and withdrew their squadrons. Germany, however, remained
+for a time obdurate. This much was known at the time.
+
+A rather sensational account of what followed next has recently been
+made public in Thayer's "Life and Letters of John Hay." Into the
+merits of the controversy that arose over Thayer's version of the
+Roosevelt-Holleben interview it is not necessary to enter. The
+significant fact, that Germany withdrew from Venezuela under pressure,
+is, however, amply established. Admiral Dewey stated publicly that the
+entire American fleet was assembled at the time under his command in
+Porto Rican waters ready to move at a moment's notice. Why did Germany
+back down from her position? Her navy was supposed to be at least as
+powerful as ours. The reason why the Kaiser concluded not to measure
+strength with the United States was that England had accepted
+arbitration and withdrawn her support and he did not dare attack the
+United States with the British navy in his rear. Again the nicely
+adjusted European balance prevented the Monroe Doctrine from being put
+to the test of actual war.
+
+While England has from time to time objected to some of the corollaries
+deduced from the Monroe Doctrine, she has on the whole been not
+unfavorably disposed toward the essential features of that policy. The
+reason for this is that the Monroe Doctrine has been an open-door
+policy, and has thus been in general accord with the British policy of
+free trade. The United States has not used the Monroe Doctrine for the
+establishment of exclusive trade relations with our southern neighbors.
+In fact, we have largely neglected the South American countries as a
+field for the development of American commerce. The failure to
+cultivate this field has not been due wholly to neglect, however, but
+to the fact that we have had employment for all our capital at home and
+consequently have not been in a position to aid in the industrial
+development of the Latin-American states, and to the further fact that
+our exports have been so largely the same and hence the trade of both
+North and South America has been mainly with Europe. There has,
+therefore, been little rivalry between the United States and the powers
+of Europe in the field of South American commerce. Our interest has
+been political rather than commercial. We have prevented the
+establishment of spheres of influence and preserved the open door.
+This situation has been in full accord with British policy. Had Great
+Britain adopted a high tariff policy and been compelled to demand
+commercial concessions from Latin America by force, the Monroe Doctrine
+would long since have gone by the board and been forgotten. Americans
+should not forget the fact, moreover, that at any time during the past
+twenty years Great Britain could have settled all her outstanding
+difficulties with Germany by agreeing to sacrifice the Monroe Doctrine
+and give her rival a free hand in South America. In the face of such a
+combination our navy would have been of little avail.
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION WITHOUT THE SANCTION OF FORCE
+
+President Monroe's declaration had a negative as well as a positive
+side. It was in effect an announcement to the world that we would not
+use force in support of law and justice anywhere except in the Western
+Hemisphere, that we intended to stay at home and mind our own business.
+Washington and Jefferson had recommended a policy of isolation on
+grounds of expediency. Washington, as we have seen, regarded this
+policy as a temporary expedient, while Jefferson upon two separate
+occasions was ready to form an alliance with England. Probably neither
+one of them contemplated the possibility of the United States shirking
+its responsibilities as a member of the family of nations. Monroe's
+message contained the implied promise that if Europe would refrain from
+interfering in the political concerns of this hemisphere, we would
+abstain from all intervention in Europe. From that day until our
+entrance into the World War it was generally understood, and on
+numerous occasions officially proclaimed, that the United States would
+not resort to force on any question arising outside of America except
+where its material interests were directly involved. We have not
+refrained from diplomatic action in matters not strictly American, but
+it has always been understood that such action would not be backed by
+force. In the existing state of world politics this limitation has
+been a serious handicap to American diplomacy. To take what we could
+get and to give nothing in return has been a hard rule for our
+diplomats, and has greatly circumscribed their activities. Diplomatic
+action without the use or threat of force has, however, accomplished
+something in the world at large, so that American influence has by no
+means been limited to the western hemisphere.
+
+During the first half of the nineteenth century the subject of slavery
+absorbed a large part of the attention of American statesmen. The fact
+that they were not concerned with foreign problems outside of the
+American hemisphere probably caused them to devote more time and
+attention to this subject than they would otherwise have done. Slavery
+and isolation had a very narrowing effect on men in public life,
+especially during the period from 1830 to 1860. As the movement
+against slavery in the early thirties became world-wide, the retention
+of the "peculiar institution" in this country had the effect of
+increasing our isolation. The effort of the American Colonization
+Society to solve or mitigate the problem of slavery came very near
+giving us a colony in Africa. In fact, Liberia, the negro republic
+founded on the west coast of Africa by the Colonization Society, was in
+all essentials an American protectorate, though the United States
+carefully refrained in its communications with other powers from doing
+more than expressing its good will for the little republic. As Liberia
+was founded years before Africa became a field for European
+exploitation, it was suffered to pursue its course without outside
+interference, and the United States was never called upon to decide
+whether its diplomatic protection would be backed up by force.
+
+The slave trade was a subject of frequent discussion between the United
+States and England during the first half of the nineteenth century, and
+an arrangement for its suppression was finally embodied in Article VIII
+of the Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842. The only reason why the two
+countries had never been able to act in accord on this question before
+was that Great Britain persistently refused to renounce the right of
+impressment which she had exercised in the years preceding the War of
+1812. The United States therefore refused to sign any agreement which
+would permit British naval officers to search American vessels in time
+of peace. In 1820 the United States declared the slave trade to be a
+form of piracy, and Great Britain advanced the view that as there was
+no doubt of the right of a naval officer to visit and search a ship
+suspected of piracy, her officers should be permitted to visit and
+search ships found off the west coast of Africa under the American flag
+which were suspected of being engaged in the slave trade. The United
+States stoutly refused to acquiesce in this view. In the
+Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842 it was finally agreed that each of the
+two powers should maintain on the coast of Africa a sufficient squadron
+"to enforce, separately and respectively, the laws, rights, and
+obligations of each of the two countries for the suppression of the
+slave trade." It was further agreed that the officers should act in
+concert and cooeperation, but the agreement was so worded as to avoid
+all possibility of our being drawn into an entangling alliance.
+
+The United States has upon various occasions expressed a humanitarian
+interest in the natives of Africa. In 1884 two delegates were sent to
+the Berlin conference which adopted a general act giving a recognized
+status to the Kongo Free State. The American delegates signed the
+treaty in common with the delegates of the European powers, but it was
+not submitted to the Senate for ratification for reasons stated as
+follows by President Cleveland in his annual message of December 8,
+1885:
+
+"A conference of delegates of the principal commercial nations was held
+at Berlin last winter to discuss methods whereby the Kongo basin might
+be kept open to the world's trade. Delegates attended on behalf of the
+United States on the understanding that their part should be merely
+deliberative, without imparting to the results any binding character so
+far as the United States were concerned. This reserve was due to the
+indisposition of this Government to share in any disposal by an
+international congress of jurisdictional questions in remote foreign
+territories. The results of the conference were embodied in a formal
+act of the nature of an international convention, which laid down
+certain obligations purporting to be binding on the signatories,
+subject to ratification within one year. Notwithstanding the
+reservation under which the delegates of the United States attended,
+their signatures were attached to the general act in the same manner as
+those of the plenipotentiaries of other governments, thus making the
+United States appear, without reserve or qualification, as signatories
+to a joint international engagement imposing on the signers the
+conservation of the territorial integrity of distant regions where we
+have no established interests or control.
+
+"This Government does not, however, regard its reservation of liberty
+of action in the premises as at all impaired; and holding that an
+engagement to share in the obligation of enforcing neutrality in the
+remote valley of the Kongo would be an alliance whose responsibilities
+we are not in a position to assume, I abstain from asking the sanction
+of the Senate to that general act."
+
+The United States also sent delegates to the international conference
+held at Brussels in 1890 for the purpose of dealing with the slave
+trade in certain unappropriated regions of Central Africa. The
+American delegates insisted that prohibitive duties should be imposed
+on the importation of spirituous liquors into the Kongo. The European
+representatives, being unwilling to incorporate the American proposals,
+framed a separate tariff convention for the Kongo, which the American
+delegates refused to sign. The latter did, however, affix their
+signatures to the general treaty which provided for the suppression of
+the African slave trade and the restriction of the sale of firearms,
+ammunition, and spirituous liquors in certain parts of the African
+continent. In ratifying the treaty the Senate reaffirmed the American
+policy of isolation in the following resolution:
+
+"That the United States of America, having neither possessions nor
+protectorates in Africa, hereby disclaims any intention, in ratifying
+this treaty, to indicate any interest whatsoever in the possessions or
+protectorates established or claimed on that Continent by the other
+powers, or any approval of the wisdom, expediency or lawfulness
+thereof, and does not join in any expressions in the said General Act
+which might be construed as such a declaration or acknowledgement; and,
+for this reason, that it is desirable that a copy of this resolution be
+inserted in the protocol to be drawn up at the time of the exchange of
+the ratifications of this treaty on the part of the United States."
+
+The United States has always stood for legality in international
+relations and has always endeavored to promote the arbitration of
+international disputes. Along these lines we have achieved notable
+success. It is, of course, sometimes difficult to separate questions
+of international law from questions of international politics. We have
+been so scrupulous in our efforts to keep out of political
+entanglements that we have sometimes failed to uphold principles of law
+in the validity of which we were as much concerned as any other nation.
+We have always recognized international law as a part of the law of the
+land, and we have always acknowledged the moral responsibilities that
+rested on us as a member of the society of nations. In fact, the
+Constitution of the United States expressly recognizes the binding
+force of the law of nations and of treaties. As international law is
+the only law that governs the relations between states, we are, of
+course, directly concerned in the enforcement of existing law and in
+the development of new law. When the Declaration of Paris was drawn up
+by the European powers at the close of the Crimean War in 1856, the
+United States was invited to give its adherence. The four rules
+embodied in the declaration, which have since formed the basis of
+maritime law, are as follows: First, privateering is, and remains,
+abolished. Second, the neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the
+exception of contraband of war. Third, neutral goods, with the
+exception of contraband of war, are not liable to capture under the
+enemy's flag. Fourth, blockades, in order to be binding, must be
+effective. The United States Government was in thorough accord with
+the second, third, and fourth rules but was unwilling, as matters then
+stood, to commit itself to the first rule. It had never been our
+policy to maintain a large standing navy. In the War of 1812, as in
+the Revolution, we depended upon privateers to attack the commerce of
+the enemy. In reply to the invitation to give our adherence to the
+declaration, Secretary Marcy made a counter proposition, namely, that
+the powers of Europe should agree to exempt all private property,
+except of course contraband of war, from capture on the high seas in
+time of war. He said that if they would agree to this, the United
+States would agree to abolish privateering. The powers of Europe
+refused to accept this amendment. We refrained from signing the
+Declaration of Paris, therefore, not because it went too far, but
+because it did not go far enough.
+
+During the Civil War the United States Government used its diplomatic
+efforts to prevent the recognition of the independence of the
+Confederacy and the formation of hostile alliances. It made no effort
+to form any alliance itself and insisted that the struggle be regarded
+as an American question. The dispute with England over the _Alabama_
+Claims came near precipitating war, but the matter was finally adjusted
+by the Treaty of Washington. The most significant feature of this
+treaty, as far as the present discussion is concerned, was the formal
+adoption of three rules which were not only to govern the decision of
+the "Alabama Claims," but which were to be binding upon England and the
+United States for the future. It was further agreed that these rules
+should be brought to the knowledge of other maritime powers who should
+be invited to accede to them. The rules forbade the fitting out,
+arming, or equipping within neutral jurisdiction of vessels intended to
+cruise or carry on war against a power with which the neutral is at
+peace; they forbade the use of neutral ports or waters as a base of
+naval operations; and they imposed upon neutrals the exercise of due
+diligence to prevent these things from being done. While these rules
+have never been formally adopted by the remaining powers, they are
+generally recognized as embodying obligations which are now incumbent
+upon all neutrals.
+
+When the United States decided to accept the invitation of the Czar of
+Russia to attend the first peace conference at The Hague in 1899, grave
+misgivings were expressed by many of the more conservative men in
+public life. The participation of the United States with the powers of
+Europe in this conference was taken by many Americans to mark the end
+of the old order and the beginning of a new era in American diplomacy.
+The conference, however, was concerned with questions of general
+international interest, and had no bearing upon the internal affairs of
+any state, European or American. Lest there should be any
+misapprehension as to the historic policy of the United States, the
+final treaty was signed by the American delegation under the express
+reservation of a declaration previously read in open session. This
+declaration was as follows:
+
+"Nothing contained in this convention shall be so construed as to
+require the United States of America to depart from its traditional
+policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling itself in
+the political questions or policy or internal administration of any
+foreign state; nor shall anything contained in the said convention be
+construed to imply a relinquishment by the United States of America of
+its traditional attitude toward purely American questions." The
+establishment of the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague which
+resulted from the first conference was a notable achievement, although
+the Court has accomplished less than its advocates hoped. This was the
+most important occasion on which American delegates had sat together
+with European diplomats in a general conference. Our delegation was
+the object of considerable interest and was not without influence in
+shaping the provisions of the final treaty. It was through the
+personal influence of Andrew D. White that the Emperor of Germany was
+persuaded to permit his delegation to take part in the proceedings
+establishing the Court of Arbitration.
+
+The second Hague Conference revised the Convention for the Pacific
+Settlement of International Disputes, drew up a plan for an
+International Prize Court, and attempted a codification of the rules of
+international law on a number of subjects relating to the conduct of
+war and the rights of neutrals. The American delegates, headed by Mr.
+Choate, not only took a prominent part in these proceedings, but,
+acting under instructions from Secretary Root, they proposed to the
+Conference the creation of a permanent international court of justice.
+The creation of an international court of justice whose decisions would
+have the force of law, as distinguished from an international court of
+arbitration whose decisions are usually arrived at by a compromise of
+conflicting legal or political points of view, had long been advocated
+by advanced thinkers, but the proposition had always been held by
+practical statesmen to be purely academic. The serious advocacy of the
+proposition at this time by a great nation like the United States and
+the able arguments advanced by Mr. Choate marked an important step
+forward and made a profound impression. There were two difficulties in
+the way of establishing such a court at the second Hague Conference.
+In the first place, the delegation of the United States was the only
+one which had instructions on this subject, and in the second place it
+was found to be impossible to agree upon a method of selecting the
+judges. The great world powers, with the exception of the United
+States, demanded permanent representation on the court. The smaller
+nations, relying on the doctrine of the equality of states, demanded
+likewise to be represented. If each nation could have been given the
+right to appoint a judge, the court could have been organized, but
+there would have been forty-four judges instead of fifteen, the number
+suggested in the American plan. The Draft Convention for the
+Establishment of the Court of Arbitral Justice, as it was agreed the
+new court should be designated, was submitted to the Conference and its
+adoption recommended to the signatory powers. This Draft contained
+thirty-five articles and covered everything except the method of
+appointing judges. This question was to be settled by diplomatic
+negotiation, and it was agreed that the court should be established as
+soon as a satisfactory agreement with regard to the choice of judges
+could be reached. After the adjournment of the Conference the United
+States continued its advocacy of the international court of justice
+through the ordinary diplomatic channels. The proposal was made that
+the method of selecting judges for the Prize Court be adopted for the
+court of justice, that is, that each power should appoint a judge, that
+the judges of the larger powers should always sit on the court while
+the judges of the other powers should sit by a system of rotation for
+limited periods. It was found, however, that many of the smaller
+states were unwilling to accept this suggestion, and as difficulties
+which we will mention presently prevented the establishment of the
+Prize Court, the whole question of the court of justice was postponed.
+
+Most of the conventions adopted by the second Hague Conference were
+ratified by the United States without reservation. The fact, however,
+that certain of these conventions were not ratified by all the powers
+represented at the Conference, and that others were ratified with
+important reservations, left the status of most of the conventions in
+doubt, so that at the beginning of the World War there was great
+confusion as to what rules were binding and what were not binding. The
+Conference found it impossible to arrive at an agreement on many of the
+most vital questions of maritime law. Under these circumstances the
+powers were not willing to have the proposed International Prize Court
+established without the previous codification of the body of law which
+was to govern its decisions.
+
+In order to supply this need the London Naval Conference was convened
+in December, 1908, and issued a few months later the Declaration of
+London. The London Naval Conference was attended by representatives of
+the principal maritime powers including the United States, and the
+Declaration which it issued was avowedly a codification of the existing
+rules of international law. This was not true, however, of all the
+provisions of the Declaration. On several of the most vital questions
+of maritime law, such as blockade, the doctrine of continuous voyage,
+the destruction of neutral prizes, and the inclusion of food stuffs in
+the list of conditional contraband, the Declaration was a compromise
+and therefore unsatisfactory. It encountered from the start the most
+violent opposition in England. In Parliament the Naval Prize Bill,
+which was to give the Declaration effect, was discussed at considerable
+length. It passed the House of Commons by a small vote, but was
+defeated in the House of Lords. It was denounced by the press, and a
+petition to the king, drawn up by the Imperial Maritime League
+protesting against it, was signed by a long list of commercial
+associations, mayors, members of the House of Lords, general officers,
+and other public officials. One hundred and thirty-eight naval
+officers of flag rank addressed to the prime minister a public protest
+against the Declaration. In the debate in the House of Lords the main
+objections to the Declaration were (1) that it made food stuffs
+conditional contraband instead of placing them on the free list, (2)
+that the clause permitting the seizure of conditional contraband bound
+for a fortified place or "other place serving as a base for the armed
+forces of the enemy" would render all English ports liable to be
+treated as bases by an enemy, and (3) that it permitted the destruction
+of neutral prizes.
+
+The refusal of England to ratify the Declaration of London sealed its
+fate. The United States Senate formally ratified it, but this
+ratification was, of course, conditional on the ratification of other
+powers. At the beginning of the Great War the United States made a
+formal proposal to the belligerent powers that they should agree to
+adopt the Declaration for the period of the war in order that there
+might be a definite body of law for all parties concerned. This
+proposal was accepted by Germany and Austria, but England, France, and
+Russia were not willing to accept the Declaration of London without
+modifications. The United States, therefore, promptly withdrew its
+proposal and stated that where its rights as a neutral were concerned
+it would expect the belligerent powers to observe the recognized rules
+of international law and existing treaties.
+
+The Hague Conferences were concerned with questions of general
+international interest, and had no bearing upon the internal affairs of
+states. Such, however, was not the character of the conference which
+convened at Algeciras, Spain, in December, 1905, for the purpose of
+adjusting the very serious dispute that had arisen between France and
+Germany over the status of Morocco. France had been engaged for some
+years in the peaceful penetration of Morocco. By the terms of the
+Entente of 1904 England recognized Morocco as being within the French
+sphere of influence and France agreed to recognize England's position
+in Egypt. The German Kaiser had no idea of permitting any part of the
+world to be divided up without his consent. In March, 1905, while on a
+cruise in the Mediterranean, he disembarked at Tangier and paid a visit
+to the Sultan "in his character of independent sovereign." As the
+Russian armies had just suffered disastrous defeats at the hands of the
+Japanese, France could not count on aid from her ally and the Kaiser
+did not believe that the recently formed Entente was strong enough to
+enable her to count on English support. His object in landing at
+Tangier was, therefore, to check and humiliate France while she was
+isolated and to break up the Entente before it should develop into an
+alliance. Delcasse, the French foreign minister, wanted to stand firm,
+but Germany demanded his retirement and the prime minister accepted his
+resignation. In recognition of this triumph, the German chancellor
+Count von Buelow was given the title of Prince. Not satisfied with this
+achievement, the Kaiser demanded a general European conference on the
+Moroccan question, and, in order to avoid war, President Roosevelt
+persuaded France to submit the whole dispute to the powers interested.
+The Algeciras conference turned out to be a bitter disappointment to
+Germany. Not only did France receive the loyal support of England, but
+she was also backed by the United States and even by Italy--a warning
+to Germany that the Triple Alliance was in danger. As the conference
+was called nominally for the purpose of instituting certain
+administrative reforms in Morocco, President Roosevelt decided, in view
+of our rights under a commercial treaty of 1880, to take part in the
+proceedings. The American delegates were Henry White, at that time
+ambassador to Italy, and Samuel R. Gummere, minister to Morocco. As
+the United States professed to have no political interests at stake,
+its delegates were instrumental in composing many of the difficulties
+that arose during the conference and their influence was exerted to
+preserve the European balance of power. The facts in regard to
+America's part in this conference were carefully concealed from the
+public. There was nothing in any published American document to
+indicate that the participation of our representatives was anything
+more than casual. Andre Tardieu, the well-known French publicist, who
+reported the conference and later published his impressions in book
+form, first indicated that President Roosevelt was a positive factor in
+the proceedings. But it was not until the publication of Bishop's
+"Theodore Roosevelt and His Time" that the full extent of Roosevelt's
+activities in this connection became known.
+
+There can be no doubt that our participation in the Moroccan conference
+was the most radical departure ever made from our traditional policy of
+isolation. Roosevelt's influence was exerted for preserving the
+balance of power in Europe. As we look back upon the events of that
+year we feel, in view of what has since happened, that he was fully
+justified in the course he pursued. Had his motives for participating
+in the conference been known at the time, they would not have been
+upheld either by the Senate or by public opinion. There are many
+serious objections to secret diplomacy, but it cannot be entirely done
+away with even under a republican form of government until the people
+are educated to a fuller understanding of international politics. The
+German Kaiser was relentless in his attempt to score a diplomatic
+triumph while France was isolated. He was thwarted, however, by the
+moral support which England, Italy, and the United States gave to
+France.
+
+During the proceedings of the conference the American delegates
+declared in open session that the United States had no political
+interest in Morocco and that they would sign the treaty only with the
+understanding that the United States would thereby assume no
+"obligation or responsibility for the enforcement thereof." This
+declaration did not satisfy the United States Senate, which no doubt
+suspected the part that was actually played by America in the
+conference. At any rate, when the treaty was finally ratified the
+Senate attached to its resolution of ratification the following
+declaration:
+
+"Resolved further. That the Senate, as a part of this act of
+ratification, understands that the participation of the United States
+in the Algeciras conference and in the formation and adoption of the
+general act and protocol which resulted therefrom, was with the sole
+purpose of preserving and increasing its commerce in Morocco, the
+protection as to life, liberty, and property of its citizens residing
+or traveling therein, and of aiding by its friendly offices and
+efforts, in removing friction and controversy which seemed to menace
+the peace between powers signatory with the United States to the treaty
+of 1880, all of which are on terms of amity with this Government; and
+without purpose to depart from the traditional American foreign policy
+which forbids participation by the United States in the settlement of
+political questions which are entirely European in their scope."
+
+The determination of the United States not to interfere in the internal
+politics of European States has not prevented occasional protests in
+the name of humanity against the harsh treatment accorded the Jews in
+certain European countries. On July 17, 1902, Secretary Hay protested
+in a note to the Rumanian government against a policy which was forcing
+thousands of Jews to emigrate from that country. The United States, he
+claimed, had more than a philanthropic interest in this matter, for the
+enforced emigration of the Jews from Rumania in a condition of utter
+destitution was "the mere transplantation of an artificially produced
+diseased growth to a new place"; and, as the United States was
+practically their only place of refuge, we had a clearly established
+right of remonstrance. In the case of Russia information has
+repeatedly been sought through diplomatic channels as to the extent of
+destitution among the Jewish population, and permission has been
+requested for the distribution of relief funds raised in the United
+States. Such inquiries have been so framed as to amount to diplomatic
+protests. In his annual message of 1904 President Roosevelt went
+further and openly expressed the horror of the nation at the massacre
+of the Jews at Kishenef. These protests, however, were purely
+diplomatic in character. There was not the slightest hint at
+intervention. During the early stages of the Great War in Europe the
+Government of the United States endeavored to adhere strictly to its
+historic policy. The German invasion of Belgium with its attendant
+horrors made a deep impression upon the American people and aroused
+their fighting spirit even more perhaps than the German policy of
+submarine warfare, but it was on the latter issue, in which the
+interests and rights of the United States were directly involved, that
+we finally entered the war.
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+THE OPEN-DOOR POLICY
+
+In the Orient American diplomacy has had a somewhat freer hand than in
+Europe. Commodore Perry's expedition to Japan in 1852-1854 was quite a
+radical departure from the general policy of attending strictly to our
+own business. It would hardly have been undertaken against a country
+lying within the European sphere of influence. There were, it is true,
+certain definite grievances to redress, but the main reason for the
+expedition was that Japan refused to recognize her obligations as a
+member of the family of nations and closed her ports to all intercourse
+with the outside world. American sailors who had been shipwrecked on
+the coast of Japan had failed to receive the treatment usually accorded
+by civilized nations. Finally the United States decided to send a
+naval force to Japan and to force that country to abandon her policy of
+exclusion and to open her ports to intercourse with other countries.
+Japan yielded only under the threat of superior force. The conduct of
+the expedition, as well as our subsequent diplomatic negotiations with
+Japan, was highly creditable to the United States, and the Japanese
+people later erected a monument to the memory of Perry on the spot
+where he first landed.
+
+The acquisition of the Philippine Islands tended to bring us more fully
+into the current of world politics, but it did not necessarily disturb
+the balancing of European and American spheres as set up by President
+Monroe. Various explanations have been given of President McKinley's
+decision to retain the Philippine group, but the whole truth has in all
+probability not yet been fully revealed. The partition of China
+through the establishment of European spheres of influence was well
+under way when the Philippine Islands came within our grasp. American
+commerce with China was at this time second to that of England alone,
+and the concessions which were being wrung from China by the European
+powers in such rapid succession presented a bad outlook for us. The
+United States could not follow the example of the powers of Europe, for
+the seizure of a sphere of influence in China would not have been
+supported by the Senate or upheld by public opinion. It is probable
+that President McKinley thought that the Philippine Islands would not
+only provide a market for American goods, which owing to the Dingley
+tariff were beginning to face retaliatory legislation abroad, but that
+they would provide a naval base which would be of great assistance in
+upholding our interests in China.
+
+Talcott Williams made public some years later another explanation of
+President McKinley's decision which is interesting and appears to be
+well vouched for. He was informed by a member of McKinley's cabinet
+that while the President's mind was not yet made up on the question, a
+personal communication was received from Lord Salisbury who warned the
+President that Germany was preparing to take over the Philippine
+Islands in case the United States should withdraw; that such a step
+would probably precipitate a world war and that in the interests of
+peace and harmony it would be best for the United States to retain the
+entire group.
+
+The famous open-door policy was outlined by Secretary Hay in notes
+dated September 6, 1899, addressed to Great Britain, Germany, and
+Russia. Each of these powers was requested to give assurance and to
+make a declaration to the following effect: (1) that it would not
+interfere with any treaty port or vested interests in its so-called
+sphere of influence; (2) that it would permit the Chinese tariff to
+continue in force in such sphere and to be collected by Chinese
+officials; (3) that it would not discriminate against other foreigners
+in the matter of port dues or railroad rates. Similar notes were later
+addressed to France, Italy, and Japan. England alone expressed her
+willingness to sign such a declaration. The other powers, while
+professing thorough accord with the principles set forth by Mr. Hay,
+avoided committing themselves to a formal declaration and no such
+declaration was ever made. Mr. Hay made a skillful move, however, to
+clinch matters by informing each of the powers to whom the note had
+been addressed that in view of the favorable replies from the other
+powers, its acceptance of the proposals of the United States was
+considered "as final and definitive."
+
+Americans generally are under the impression that John Hay originated
+the open-door policy and that it was successfully upheld by the United
+States. Neither of these impressions is correct. A few months before
+John Hay formulated his famous note Lord Charles Beresford came through
+America on his return from China and addressed the leading chambers of
+commerce from San Francisco to New York, telling Americans what was
+actually taking place in China and urging this country to unite with
+England and Japan in an effort to maintain the open door. Like the
+Monroe Doctrine, the open-door policy was thus Anglo-American in
+origin. There is little doubt that England and Japan were willing to
+form an alliance with the United States for the purpose of maintaining
+the open door in China, but our traditional policy of isolation
+prevented our committing ourselves to the employment of force.
+President McKinley, following the example of President Monroe,
+preferred announcing our policy independently and requesting the other
+powers to consent to it. Had John Hay been able to carry out the plan
+which he favored of an alliance with England and Japan, the mere
+announcement of the fact would have been sufficient to check the
+aggressions of the powers in China. Instead of such an alliance,
+however, we let it be known that while we favored the open door we
+would not fight for it under any conditions.
+
+The utter worthlessness of the replies that were made in response to
+Hay's note of September 6, 1899, became fully apparent in the
+discussions that soon arose as to the status of consuls in the various
+spheres of influence. Japan claimed that sovereignty did not pass with
+a lease and that even if China should surrender jurisdiction over her
+own people, the lessee governments could not acquire jurisdiction over
+foreigners in leased territory. This position was undoubtedly correct
+if the territorial integrity of China was really to be preserved, but
+after negotiations with Russia and the other powers concerned Mr. Hay
+wrote to Minister Conger on February 3, 1900, that "The United States
+consuls in districts adjacent to the foreign leased territories are to
+be instructed that they have no authority to exercise extra-territorial
+consular jurisdiction or to perform ordinary non-judicial consular acts
+within the leased territory under their present Chinese exequaturs."
+Application was then made to the European powers for the admission of
+American consuls in the leased territories for the performance of the
+ordinary consular functions, but in no case were they to exercise
+extra-territorial jurisdiction within a leased territory.
+
+The exploitation of China which continued at a rapid rate naturally
+aroused an intense anti-foreign sentiment and led to the Boxer
+uprising. Events moved with startling rapidity and United States
+troops took a prominent part with those of England, France, Russia, and
+Japan in the march to Peking for the relief of the legations. In a
+note to the powers July 3, 1900, Secretary Hay, in defining the
+attitude of the United States on the Chinese question, said: "The
+policy of the government of the United States is to seek a solution
+which may bring about permanent safety and peace to China, preserve
+Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect all rights
+guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international law, and
+safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with
+all parts of the Chinese empire." Mr. Hay's notes were skillfully
+worded and had some influence in helping to formulate public opinion on
+the Chinese question both in this country and abroad, but we know now
+from his private letters which have recently been made public that he
+realized only too fully the utter futility of his efforts to stay the
+course of events. During the exciting days of June, 1900, when the
+foreign legations at Peking were in a state of siege, Mr. Hay wrote to
+John W. Foster as follows:
+
+"What can be done in the present diseased state of the public mind?
+There is such a mad-dog hatred of England prevalent among newspapers
+and politicians that anything we should now do in China to take care of
+our imperiled interests would be set down to 'subservience to Great
+Britain'. . . . Every Senator I see says, 'For God's sake, don't let
+it appear we have any understanding with England.' How can I make
+bricks without straw? That we should be compelled to refuse the
+assistance of the greatest power in the world, in carrying out our own
+policy, because all Irishmen are Democrats and some Germans are
+fools--is enough to drive a man mad. Yet we shall do what we can."
+
+A little later (September 20, 1900) in confidential letters to Henry
+Adams, he exclaimed:
+
+"About China, it is the devil's own mess. We cannot possibly publish
+all the facts without breaking off relations with several Powers. We
+shall have to do the best we can, and take the consequences, which will
+be pretty serious, I do not doubt. 'Give and take'--the axiom of
+diplomacy to the rest of the world--is positively forbidden to us, by
+both the Senate and public opinion. We must take what we can and give
+nothing--which greatly narrows our possibilities.
+
+"I take it, you agree with us that we are to limit as far as possible
+our military operations in China, to withdraw our troops at the
+earliest day consistent with our obligations, and in the final
+adjustment to do everything we can for the integrity and reform of
+China, and to hold on like grim death to the Open Door. . . ."
+
+Again, November 21, 1900:
+
+"What a business this has been in China! So far we have got on by
+being honest and naif. . . . At least we are spared the infamy of an
+alliance with Germany. I would rather, I think, be the dupe of China,
+than the chum of the Kaiser. Have you noticed how the world will take
+anything nowadays from a German? Buelow said yesterday in
+substance--'We have demanded of China everything we can think of. If
+we think of anything else we will demand that, and be d--d to you'--and
+not a man in the world kicks."
+
+During the long negotiations that followed the occupation of Peking by
+the powers, the United States threw the weight of its influence on the
+side of moderation, urging the powers not to impose too many burdens on
+China and declaring that the only hope for the future lay in a strong,
+independent, responsible Chinese government. Contrary to the terms of
+the final protocol, however, Russia retained in Manchuria the troops
+concentrated there during the Boxer movement with a view to exacting
+further concessions from China. The open-door policy was again
+ignored. The seriousness of the situation led England and Japan to
+sign a defensive agreement January 30, 1902, recognizing England's
+interest in China and Japan's interest in Korea, and providing that if
+either party should be attacked in defense of its interest, the other
+party would remain neutral, unless a third power joined in, in which
+event the second party would come to the assistance of the first. A
+formal protest made by the United States, February 1, against some of
+the demands Russia was making on China led Russia to conclude that the
+American government had an understanding with England and Japan, but
+Mr. Hay gave the assurance that he had known nothing about the
+Anglo-Japanese agreement until it was made public. He succeeded in
+securing from Russia, however, a definite promise to evacuate
+Manchuria, but as the time for the withdrawal of her troops drew near,
+Russia again imposed new conditions on China, and deliberately
+misrepresented to the United States the character of the new proposals.
+
+After the suppression of the Boxer uprising, China had agreed to extend
+the scope of her commercial treaties with the powers. When the
+negotiation of a new treaty with the United States was begun, our
+representative demanded that at least two new ports in Manchuria be
+opened to foreign trade and residence. The Chinese commissioners
+declined to discuss the subject on the alleged ground that they had no
+instructions to do so. It was evident that there was secret opposition
+somewhere, and after considerable difficulty Mr. Hay finally secured
+evidence that it came from Russia. When confronted with the evidence
+the Russian Government finally admitted the facts. We were told that
+we could not be admitted to one of the ports that we had designated
+because it was situated within the Russian railway zone, and therefore
+not under the complete jurisdiction of China, but that another port
+would be substituted for it. Secretary Hay and President Roosevelt
+were helpless. They accepted what they could get and kept quiet. "The
+administrative entity" of China was again utterly ignored. The
+difficulty was that we did not have a strong enough navy in the Pacific
+to fight Russia alone, and President Roosevelt and Secretary Hay
+realized that neither the Senate nor public opinion would consent to an
+alliance with England and Japan. Had these three powers made a joint
+declaration in support of the open-door policy, the exploitation of
+China would have ceased, there would have been no Russo-Japanese war,
+and the course of world history during the period that has since
+intervened might have been very different.
+
+When we backed down and abandoned Manchuria to Russian exploitation
+Japan stepped into the breach. After long negotiations the Japanese
+Government finally delivered an ultimatum to Russia which resulted in
+the rupture of diplomatic relations and war. After a series of notable
+victories on land and sea Japan was fast approaching the end of her
+resources, and it is now an open secret that the Emperor wrote a
+personal letter to President Roosevelt requesting him to intervene
+diplomatically and pave the way for peace. The President was quick to
+act on the suggestion and the commissioners of Russia and Japan met at
+Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Here President Roosevelt's intervention
+should have ceased. The terms of the Treaty of Portsmouth were a
+bitter disappointment to the Japanese people and the Japanese
+commissioners undertook to shift the burden from their shoulders by
+stating that President Roosevelt had urged them to surrender their
+claim to the Island of Saghalien and to give up all idea of an
+indemnity. Japanese military triumph had again, as at the close of the
+Chino-Japanese War, been followed by diplomatic defeat, and for this
+defeat Japanese public opinion held President Roosevelt responsible.
+From the days of Commodore Perry and Townsend Harris to the Treaty of
+Portsmouth, relations between the United States and Japan had been
+almost ideal. Since the negotiations at Portsmouth there has been a
+considerable amount of bad feeling, and at times diplomatic relations
+have been subjected to a severe strain.
+
+Having fought a costly war in order to check the Russian advance in
+Manchuria, the Japanese naturally felt that they had a paramount
+interest in China. They consequently sharply resented the attempts
+which the United States subsequently made, particularly Secretary
+Knox's proposal for the neutralization of the railways of Manchuria, to
+formulate policies for China. They took the position that we had had
+our day and that we must henceforth remain hands off so far as China
+was concerned. This attitude of mind was not unnatural and during the
+World War the United States, in order to bind the Japanese government
+more closely to the Allied Cause, agreed to recognize, in the
+Lansing-Ishii agreement, the "special interests" of Japan in China.
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS
+
+A few years ago George L. Beer, one of our leading students of British
+colonial policy, said "It is easily conceivable, and not at all
+improbable, that the political evolution of the next centuries may take
+such a course that the American Revolution will lose the great
+significance that is now attached to it, and will appear merely as the
+temporary separation of two kindred peoples whose inherent similarity
+was obscured by superficial differences resulting from dissimilar
+economic and social conditions." This statement does not appear as
+extravagant to-day as it did ten years ago. As early as 1894, Captain
+Mahan, the great authority on naval history, published an essay
+entitled "Possibilities of an Anglo-American Reunion," in which he
+pointed out that these two countries were the only great powers which
+were by geographical position exempt from the burden of large armies
+and dependent upon the sea for intercourse with the other great nations.
+
+In a volume dealing with questions of American foreign policy,
+published in 1907, the present writer concluded the last paragraph with
+this statement: "By no means the least significant of recent changes is
+the development of cordial relations with England; and it seems now
+that the course of world politics is destined to lead to the further
+reknitting together of the two great branches of the Anglo-Saxon race
+in bonds of peace and international sympathy, in a union not cemented
+by any formal alliance, but based on community of interests and of
+aims, a union that will constitute the highest guarantee of the
+political stability and moral progress of the world."
+
+The United States has very naturally had closer contact with England
+than with any other European power. This has been due to the fact that
+England was the mother country, that after independence was established
+a large part of our trade continued to be with the British Isles, that
+our northern boundary touches British territory for nearly four
+thousand miles, and that the British navy and mercantile marine have
+dominated the Atlantic Ocean which has been our chief highway of
+intercourse with other nations. Having had more points of contact we
+have had more disputes with England than with any other nation. Some
+writers have half jocularly attributed this latter fact to our common
+language. The Englishman reads our books, papers, and magazines, and
+knows what we think of him, while we read what he writes about us, and
+in neither case is the resulting impression flattering to the national
+pride.
+
+Any one who takes the trouble to read what was written in England about
+America and the Americans between 1820 and 1850 will wonder how war was
+avoided. A large number of English travellers came to the United
+States during this period and published books about us when they got
+home. The books were bad enough in themselves, but the great English
+periodicals, the _Edinburgh Review_, _Blackwood's_, the _British
+Review_, and the _Quarterly_, quoted at length the most objectionable
+passages from these writers and made malicious attacks on Americans and
+American institutions. American men were described as "turbulent
+citizens, abandoned Christians, inconstant husbands, unnatural fathers,
+and treacherous friends." Our soldiers and sailors were charged with
+cowardice in the War of 1812. It was stated that "in the southern
+parts of the Union the rites of our holy faith are almost never
+practised. . . . Three and a half millions enjoy no means of religious
+instruction. The religious principle is gaining ground in the northern
+parts of the Union; it is becoming fashionable among the better orders
+of society to go to church . . . The greater number of states declare
+it to be unconstitutional to refer to the providence of God in any of
+their public acts." The _Quarterly Review_ informed its readers that
+"the supreme felicity of a true-born American is inaction of body and
+inanity of mind." Dickens's _American Notes_ was an ungrateful return
+for the kindness and enthusiasm with which he had been received in this
+country. De Tocqueville's _Democracy in America_ was widely read in
+England and doubtless had its influence in revising opinion concerning
+America. Richard Cobden was, however, the first Englishman to
+interpret correctly the significance of America as an economic force.
+His essay on America, published in 1835, pointed out that British
+policy should be more concerned with economic relations with America
+than with European politics. As Professor Dunning says, "Cobden made
+the United States the text of his earliest sermon against militarism
+and protectionism."
+
+Notwithstanding innumerable disputes over boundaries, fisheries, and
+fur seals, trade with the British West Indies and Canada, and questions
+of neutral rights and obligations, we have had unbroken peace for more
+than a hundred years. Upon several occasions, notably during the
+Canadian insurrection of 1837 and during our own Civil War,
+disturbances along the Canadian border created strained relations, but
+absence of frontier guards and forts has prevented hasty action on the
+part of either government. The agreement of 1817, effecting
+disarmament on the Great Lakes, has not only saved both countries the
+enormous cost of maintaining navies on these inland waters, but it has
+prevented hostile demonstrations in times of crisis.
+
+During the Canadian rebellion of 1837 Americans along the border
+expressed openly their sympathy for the insurgents who secured arms and
+munitions from the American side. In December a British force crossed
+the Niagara River, boarded and took possession of the _Caroline_, a
+vessel which had been hired by the insurgents to convey their cannon
+and other supplies. The ship was fired and sent over the Falls. When
+the _Caroline_ was boarded one American, Amos Durfee, was killed and
+several others wounded. The United States at once demanded redress,
+but the British Government took the position that the seizure of the
+_Caroline_ was a justifiable act of self-defense against people whom
+their own government either could not or would not control.
+
+The demands of the United States were still unredressed when in 1840 a
+Canadian named Alexander McLeod made the boast in a tavern on the
+American side that he had slain Durfee. He was taken at his word,
+examined before a magistrate, and committed to jail in Lockport.
+McLeod's arrest created great excitement on both sides of the border.
+The British minister at Washington called upon the Government of the
+United States "to take prompt and effectual steps for the liberation of
+Mr. McLeod." Secretary of State Forsyth replied that the offense with
+which McLeod was charged had been committed within the State of New
+York; that the jurisdiction of each State of the United States was,
+within its proper sphere, perfectly independent of the Federal
+Government; that the latter could not interfere. The date set for the
+trial of McLeod was the fourth Monday in March, 1841. Van Buren's term
+ended and Harrison's began on the 4th of March, and Webster became
+Secretary of State. The British minister was given instructions by his
+government to demand the immediate release of McLeod. This demand was
+made, he said, because the attack on the _Caroline_ was an act of a
+public character; because it was a justifiable use of force for the
+defense of British territory against unprovoked attack by "British
+rebels and American pirates"; because it was contrary to the principles
+of civilized nations to hold individuals responsible for acts done by
+order of the constituted authorities of the State; and because Her
+Majesty's government could not admit the doctrine that the Federal
+Government had no power to interfere and that the decision must rest
+with the State of New York. The relations of foreign powers were with
+the Federal Government. To admit that the Federal Government had no
+control over a State would lead to the dissolution of the Union so far
+as foreign powers were concerned, and to the accrediting of foreign
+diplomatic agents, not to the Federal Government, but to each separate
+State. Webster received the note quietly and sent the attorney-general
+to Lockport to see that McLeod had competent counsel. After
+considerable delay, during which Webster replied to the main arguments
+of the British note, McLeod was acquitted and released.
+
+In the midst of the dispute over the case of the _Caroline_ serious
+trouble arose between the authorities of Maine and New Brunswick over
+the undetermined boundary between the St. Croix River and the
+Highlands, and there ensued the so-called "Aroostook War." During the
+summer of 1838 British and American lumbermen began operating along the
+Aroostook River in large numbers. The governor of Maine sent a body of
+militia to enforce the authority of that State, and the New Brunswick
+authorities procured a detachment of British regulars to back up their
+position. Bloodshed was averted by the arrival of General Winfield
+Scott, who managed to restrain the Maine authorities. The
+administration found it necessary to take up seriously the settlement
+of the boundary question, and for the next three years the matter was
+under consideration, while each side had surveyors employed in a vain
+attempt to locate a line which would correspond to the line of the
+treaty. As soon as the McLeod affair was settled, Webster devoted
+himself earnestly to the boundary question. He decided to drop the
+mass of data accumulated by the surveyors and historians, and to reach
+an agreement by direct negotiation.
+
+In April, 1842, Alexander Baring, Lord Ashburton, arrived in Washington
+and the following August the Webster-Ashburton treaty was signed. The
+boundary fixed by the treaty gave Maine a little more than half the
+area which she claimed and the United States appropriated $150,000 to
+compensate Maine for the territory which she had lost.
+
+The settlement of these matters did not, however, insure peace with
+England. Settlers were crowding into Oregon and it was evident that
+the joint occupation, established by the convention of 1818, would soon
+have to be terminated and a divisional line agreed upon. Great Britain
+insisted that her southern boundary should extend at least as far as
+the Columbia River, while Americans finally claimed the whole of the
+disputed area, and one of the slogans of the presidential campaign of
+1844 was "Fifty-Four-Forty or Fight." At the same time Great Britain
+actively opposed the annexation of Texas by the United States. Her
+main reason for this course was that she wished to encourage the
+development of Texas as a cotton-growing country from which she could
+draw a large enough supply to make her independent of the United
+States. If Texas should thus devote herself to the production of
+cotton as her chief export crop, she would, of course, adopt a
+free-trade policy and thus create a considerable market for British
+goods.
+
+As soon as it became evident that Tyler contemplated taking definite
+steps toward annexation, Lord Aberdeen secured the cooeperation of the
+government of Louis Philippe in opposing the absorption of Texas by the
+American republic. While the treaty for the annexation of Texas was
+before the Senate, Lord Aberdeen came forward with a proposition that
+England and France should unite with Texas and Mexico in a diplomatic
+act or perpetual treaty, securing to Texas recognition as an
+independent republic, but preventing her from ever acquiring territory
+beyond the Rio Grande or joining the American union. While the United
+States would be invited to join in this act, it was not expected that
+the government of that country would agree to it. Mexico obstinately
+refused to recognize the independence of Texas. Lord Aberdeen was so
+anxious to prevent the annexation of Texas that he was ready, if
+supported by France, to coerce Mexico and fight the United States, but
+the French Government was not willing to go this far, so the scheme was
+abandoned.
+
+The two foremost issues in the campaign of 1844 were the annexation of
+Texas and the occupation of Oregon. Texas was annexed by joint
+resolution a few days before the inauguration of Polk. This act, it
+was foreseen, would probably provoke a war with Mexico, so Polk's first
+task was to adjust the Oregon dispute in order to avoid complications
+with England. The fate of California was also involved. That province
+was not likely to remain long in the hands of a weak power like Mexico.
+In fact, British consular agents and naval officers had for several
+years been urging upon their government the great value of Upper
+California. Aberdeen refused to countenance any insurrectionary
+movement in California, but he directed his agents to keep vigilant
+watch on the proceedings of citizens of the United States in that
+province. Had England and Mexico arrived at an understanding and
+joined in a war against the United States, the probabilities are that
+England would have acquired not only the whole of Oregon, but
+California besides. In fact, in May, 1846, just as we were on the
+point of going to war with Mexico, the president of Mexico officially
+proposed to transfer California to England as security for a loan.
+Fortunately, the Oregon question had been adjusted and England had no
+reason for wishing to go to war with the United States. Mexico's offer
+was therefore rejected. Polk managed the diplomatic situation with
+admirable promptness and firmness. Notwithstanding the fact that the
+democratic platform had demanded "Fifty-Four-Forty or Fight," as soon
+as Polk became President he offered to compromise with England on the
+49th parallel. When this offer was declined he asked permission of
+Congress to give England the necessary notice for the termination of
+the joint occupation agreement, to provide for the military defense of
+the territory in dispute, and to extend over it the laws of the United
+States. A few months later notice was given to England, but at the
+same time the hope was expressed that the matter might be adjusted
+diplomatically. As soon as it was evident that the United States was
+in earnest, England gracefully yielded and accepted the terms which had
+been first proposed.
+
+As war with Mexico was imminent the public generally approved of the
+Oregon compromise, though the criticism was made by some in the North
+that the South, having secured in Texas a large addition to slave
+territory, was indifferent about the expansion of free territory. In
+fact, Henry Cabot Lodge, in his recent little book, "One Hundred Years
+of Peace," says: "The loss of the region between the forty-ninth
+parallel and the line of 54-40 was one of the most severe which ever
+befell the United States. Whether it could have been obtained without
+a war is probably doubtful, but it never ought to have been said,
+officially or otherwise, that we would fight for 54-40 unless we were
+fully prepared to do so. If we had stood firm for the line of 54-40
+without threats, it is quite possible that we might have succeeded in
+the end; but the hypotheses of history are of little practical value,
+and the fact remains that by the treaty of 1846 we lost a complete
+control of the Pacific coast."
+
+That the United States lived through what Professor Dunning calls "the
+roaring forties" without a war with England seems now little less than
+a miracle. During the next fifteen years relations were much more
+amicable, though by no means free from disputes. The most important
+diplomatic act was the signature in 1850 of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty
+which conceded to England a joint interest in any canal that might be
+built through the isthmus connecting North and South America. One of
+the interesting episodes of this period was the dismissal of Crampton,
+the British minister, who insisted on enlisting men in the United
+States for service in the Crimean War, an act which pales into
+insignificance in comparison with some of the things which Bernstorff
+did during the early stages of the Great War.
+
+Relations between the United States and England during the American
+Civil War involved so many highly technical questions that it is
+impossible to do more than touch upon them in the present connection.
+Diplomatic discussions centred about such questions as the validity of
+the blockade established by President Lincoln, the recognition by
+England of Confederate belligerency, the _Trent_ affair, and the
+responsibility of England for the depredations committed by the
+_Alabama_ and other Confederate cruisers. When the United States first
+demanded reparation for the damage inflicted on American commerce by
+the Confederate cruisers, the British Government disclaimed all
+liability on the ground that the fitting out of the cruisers had not
+been completed within British jurisdiction. Even after the close of
+the war the British Government continued to reject all proposals for a
+settlement. The American nation, flushed with victory, was bent on
+redress, and so deep-seated was the resentment against England, that
+the Fenian movement, which had for its object the establishment of an
+independent republic in Ireland, met with open encouragement in this
+country. The House of Representatives went so far as to repeal the law
+forbidding Americans to fit out ships for belligerents, but the Senate
+failed to concur. The successful war waged by Prussia against Austria
+in 1866 disturbed the European balance, and rumblings of the
+approaching Franco-Prussian war caused uneasiness in British cabinet
+circles. Fearing that if Great Britain were drawn into the conflict
+the American people might take a sweet revenge by fitting out
+"Alabamas" for her enemies, the British Government assumed a more
+conciliatory attitude, and in January, 1869, Lord Clarendon signed with
+Reverdy Johnson a convention providing for the submission to a mixed
+commission of all claims which had arisen since 1853. Though the
+convention included, it did not specifically mention, the _Alabama_
+Claims, and it failed to contain any expression of regret for the
+course pursued by the British Government during the war. The Senate,
+therefore, refused by an almost unanimous vote to ratify the
+arrangement.
+
+When Grant became President, Hamilton Fish renewed the negotiations
+through Motley, the American minister at London, but the latter was
+unduly influenced by the extreme views of Sumner, chairman of the
+Senate committee on foreign relations, to whose influence he owed his
+appointment, and got things in a bad tangle. Fish then transferred the
+negotiations to Washington, where a joint high commission, appointed to
+settle the various disputes with Canada, convened in 1871. A few
+months later the treaty of Washington was signed. Among other things
+it provided for submitting the _Alabama_ Claims to an arbitration
+tribunal composed of five members, one appointed by England, one by the
+United States, and the other three by the rulers of Italy, Switzerland,
+and Brazil. When this tribunal met at Geneva, the following year, the
+United States, greatly to the surprise of everybody, presented not only
+the direct claims for the damage inflicted by the Confederate cruisers,
+but also indirect claims for the loss sustained through the transfer of
+American shipping to foreign flags, for the prolongation of the war,
+and for increased rates of insurance. Great Britain threatened to
+withdraw from the arbitration, but Charles Francis Adams, the American
+member of the tribunal, rose nobly to the occasion and decided against
+the contention of his own government. The indirect claims were
+rejected by a unanimous vote and on the direct claims the United States
+was awarded the sum of $15,500,000. Although the British member of the
+tribunal dissented from the decision his government promptly paid the
+award. This was the most important case that had ever been submitted
+to arbitration and its successful adjustment encouraged the hope that
+the two great branches of the English-speaking peoples would never
+again have to resort to war.
+
+Between the settlement of the _Alabama_ Claims and the controversy over
+the Venezuelan boundary, diplomatic intercourse between the two
+countries was enlivened by the efforts of Blaine and Frelinghuysen to
+convince the British Government that the Clayton-Bulwer treaty was out
+of date and therefore no longer binding, by the assertion of American
+ownership in the seal herds of Bering Sea and the attempt to prevent
+Canadians from taking these animals in the open sea, and by the summary
+dismissal of Lord Sackville-West, the third British minister to receive
+his passports from the United States without request.
+
+President Cleveland's bold assertion of the Monroe Doctrine in the
+Venezuelan boundary dispute, while the subject of much criticism at the
+time both at home and abroad, turned out to be a most opportune
+assertion of the intention of the United States to protect the American
+continents from the sort of exploitation to which Africa and Asia have
+fallen a prey, and, strange to say, it had a clarifying effect on our
+relations with England, whose attitude has since been uniformly
+friendly.
+
+The Venezuelan affair was followed by the proposal of Lord Salisbury to
+renew the negotiations for a permanent treaty of arbitration which had
+been first entered into by Secretary Gresham and Sir Julian Pauncefote.
+In the spring of 1890 the Congress of the United States had adopted a
+resolution in favor of the negotiation of arbitration treaties with
+friendly nations, and the British House of Commons had in July, 1893,
+expressed its hearty approval of a general arbitration treaty between
+the United States and England. The matter was then taken up
+diplomatically, as stated above, but was dropped when the Venezuelan
+boundary dispute became acute. Lord Salisbury's proposal was favorably
+received by President Cleveland, and after mature deliberation the
+draft of a treaty was finally drawn up and signed by Secretary Olney
+and Sir Julian Pauncefote. This treaty provided for the submission of
+pecuniary claims to the familiar mixed commission with an umpire or
+referee to decide disputed points. Controversies involving the
+determination of territorial claims were to be submitted to a tribunal
+composed of six members, three justices of the Supreme Court of the
+United States or judges of the Circuit Court to be nominated by the
+president of the United States, and three judges of the British Supreme
+Court of Judicature or members of the Judicial Committee of the Privy
+Council to be nominated by the British sovereign, and an award made by
+a majority of not less than five to one was to be final. In case of an
+award made by less than the prescribed majority, the award was also to
+be final unless either power should within three months protest against
+it, in which case the award was to be of no validity. This treaty was
+concluded in January, 1897, and promptly submitted to the Senate. When
+President Cleveland's term expired in March no action had been taken.
+President McKinley endorsed the treaty in his inaugural address and
+urged the Senate to take prompt action, but when the vote was taken,
+May 5th, it stood forty-three for, and twenty-six against, the treaty.
+It thus lacked three votes of the two thirds required for ratification.
+The failure of this treaty was a great disappointment to the friends of
+international arbitration. The opposition within his own party to
+President Cleveland, under whose direction the treaty had been
+negotiated, and the change of administration, probably had a good deal
+to do with its defeat. Public opinion, especially in the Northern
+States of the Union, was still hostile to England. Irish agitators
+could always get a sympathetic hearing in America, and politicians
+could not resist the temptation to play on anti-British prejudices in
+order to bring out the Irish vote.
+
+The Spanish War was the turning point in our relations with England as
+in many other things. The question as to who were our friends in 1898
+was much discussed at the time, and when revived by the press upon the
+occasion of the visit of Prince Henry of Prussia to the United States
+in February, 1902, even the cabinets of Europe could not refrain from
+taking part in the controversy. In order to diminish the enthusiasm
+over the Prince's visit the British press circulated the story that
+Lord Pauncefote had checked a movement of the European powers to
+prevent any intervention of the United States in Cuba; while the German
+papers asserted that Lord Pauncefote had taken the initiative in
+opposing American intervention. It is certain that the attitude of the
+British Government, as well as of the British people, from the outbreak
+of hostilities to the close of the war, was friendly. As for Germany,
+while the conduct of the government was officially correct, public
+sentiment expressed itself with great violence against the United
+States. The conduct of the German admiral, Diederichs, in Manila Bay
+has never been satisfactorily explained. Shortly after Dewey's victory
+a German squadron, superior to the American in strength, steamed into
+the Bay and displayed, according to Dewey, an "extraordinary disregard
+of the usual courtesies of naval intercourse." Dewey finally sent his
+flag-lieutenant, Brumby, to inform the German admiral that "if he wants
+a fight he can have it right now." The German admiral at once
+apologized. It is well known now that the commander of the British
+squadron, which was in a position to bring its guns to bear on the
+Germans, gave Dewey to understand that he could rely on more than moral
+support from him in case of trouble. In fact, John Hay wrote from
+London at the beginning of the war that the British navy was at our
+disposal for the asking.
+
+Great Britain's change of attitude toward the United States was so
+marked that some writers have naively concluded that a secret treaty of
+alliance between the two countries was made in 1897. The absurdity of
+such a statement was pointed out by Senator Lodge several years ago.
+England's change of attitude is not difficult to understand. For a
+hundred years after the battle of Trafalgar, England had pursued the
+policy of maintaining a navy large enough to meet all comers. With the
+rapid growth of other navies during the closing years of the nineteenth
+century, England realized that she could no longer pursue this policy.
+Russia, Japan, and Germany had all adopted extensive naval programs
+when we went to war with Spain. Our acquisition of the Philippines and
+Porto Rico and our determination to build an isthmian canal made a
+large American navy inevitable. Great Britain realized, therefore,
+that she would have to cast about for future allies. She therefore
+signed the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty with us in 1901, and a defensive
+alliance with Japan in 1902.
+
+In view of the fact that the United States was bent on carrying out the
+long-deferred canal scheme, Great Britain realized that a further
+insistence on her rights under the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty would lead to
+friction and possible conflict. She wisely decided, therefore, to
+recede from the position which she had held for half a century and to
+give us a free hand in the construction and control of the canal at
+whatever point we might choose to build it. While the Hay-Pauncefote
+treaty was limited in terms to the canal question, it was in reality of
+much wider significance. It amounted, in fact, to the recognition of
+American naval supremacy in the West Indies, and since its signature
+Great Britain has withdrawn her squadron from this important strategic
+area. The supremacy of the United States in the Caribbean is now
+firmly established and in fact unquestioned. The American public did
+not appreciate at the time the true significance of the Hay-Pauncefote
+Treaty, and a few years later Congress inserted in the Panama Tolls Act
+a clause exempting American ships engaged in the coast-wise trade from
+the payment of tolls. Great Britain at once protested against the
+exemption clause as a violation of the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty and
+anti-British sentiment at once flared up in all parts of the United
+States. Most American authorities on international law and diplomacy
+believed that Great Britain's interpretation of the treaty was correct.
+Fortunately President Wilson took the same view, and in spite of strong
+opposition he persuaded Congress to repeal the exemption clause. This
+was an act of simple justice and it removed the only outstanding
+subject of dispute between the two countries.
+
+The Hay-Pauncefote Treaty was by no means the only evidence of a change
+of attitude on the part of Great Britain. As we have already seen,
+Great Britain and the United States were in close accord during the
+Boxer uprising in China and the subsequent negotiations. During the
+Russo-Japanese war public sentiment in both England and the United
+States was strongly in favor of Japan. At the Algeciras conference on
+Moroccan affairs in 1905 the United States, in its effort to preserve
+the European balance of power, threw the weight of its influence on the
+side of England and France.
+
+The submission of the Alaskan boundary dispute to a form of arbitration
+in which Canada could not win and we could not lose was another
+evidence of the friendly attitude of Great Britain. The boundary
+between the southern strip of Alaska and British Columbia had never
+been marked or even accurately surveyed when gold was discovered in the
+Klondike. The shortest and quickest route to the gold-bearing region
+was by the trails leading up from Dyea and Skagway on the headwaters of
+Lynn Canal. The Canadian officials at once advanced claims to
+jurisdiction over these village ports. The question turned on the
+treaty made in 1825 between Great Britain and Russia. Whatever rights
+Russia had under that treaty we acquired by the purchase of Alaska in
+1867. Not only did a long series of maps issued by the Canadian
+government in years past confirm the American claim to the region in
+dispute, but the correspondence of the British negotiator of the treaty
+of 1825 shows that he made every effort to secure for England an outlet
+to deep water through this strip of territory and failed. Under the
+circumstances President Roosevelt was not willing to submit the case to
+the arbitration of third parties. He agreed, however, to submit it to
+a mixed commission composed of three Americans, two Canadians, and Lord
+Alverstone, chief justice of England. As there was little doubt as to
+the views that would be taken by the three Americans and the two
+Canadians it was evident from the first that the trial was really
+before Lord Alverstone. In case he sustained the American contention
+there would be an end of the controversy; in case he sustained the
+Canadian view, there would be an even division, and matters would stand
+where they stood when the trial began except that a great deal more
+feeling would have been engendered and the United States might have had
+to make good its claims by force. Fortunately Lord Alverstone agreed
+with the three Americans on the main points involved in the
+controversy. The decision was, of course, a disappointment to the
+Canadians and it was charged that Lord Alverstone had sacrificed their
+interest in order to further the British policy of friendly relations
+with the United States.
+
+At the beginning of the Great War the interference of the British navy
+with cargoes consigned to Germany at once aroused the latent
+anti-British feeling in this country. Owing to the fact that cotton
+exports were so largely involved the feeling against Great Britain was
+even stronger in the Southern States than in the Northern. The State
+Department promptly protested against the naval policy adopted by Great
+Britain, and the dispute might have assumed very serious proportions
+had not Germany inaugurated her submarine campaign. The dispute with
+England involved merely property rights, while that with Germany
+involved the safety and lives of American citizens. The main feature
+of British policy, that is, her application of the doctrine of
+continuous voyage, was so thoroughly in line with the policy adopted by
+the United States during the Civil War that the protests of our State
+Department were of little avail. In fact Great Britain merely carried
+the American doctrine to its logical conclusions.
+
+We have undertaken in this brief review of Anglo-American relations to
+outline the more important controversies that have arisen between the
+two countries. They have been sufficiently numerous and irritating to
+jeopardize seriously the peace which has so happily subsisted for one
+hundred years between the two great members of the English-speaking
+family. After all, they have not been based on any fundamental
+conflict of policy, but have been for the most part superficial and in
+many cases the result of bad manners. In this connection Lord Bryce
+makes the following interesting observations:
+
+"There were moments when the stiff and frigid attitude of the British
+foreign secretary exasperated the American negotiators, or when a
+demagogic Secretary of State at Washington tried by a bullying tone to
+win credit as the patriotic champion of national claims. But whenever
+there were bad manners in London there was good temper at Washington,
+and when there was a storm on the Potomac there was calm on the Thames.
+It was the good fortune of the two countries that if at any moment
+rashness or vehemence was found on one side, it never happened to be
+met by the like quality on the other."
+
+"The moral of the story of Anglo-American relations," Lord Bryce says,
+"is that peace can always be kept, whatever be the grounds of
+controversy, between peoples that wish to keep it." He adds that Great
+Britain and the United States "have given the finest example ever seen
+in history of an undefended frontier, along which each people has
+trusted to the good faith of the other that it would create no naval
+armaments; and this very absence of armaments has itself helped to
+prevent hostile demonstrations. Neither of them has ever questioned
+the sanctity of treaties, or denied that states are bound by the moral
+law."
+
+It is not strange that so many controversies about more or less trivial
+matters should have obscured in the minds of both Englishmen and
+Americans the fundamental identity of aim and purpose in the larger
+things of life. For notwithstanding the German influence in America
+which has had an undue part in shaping our educational methods, our
+civilization is still English. Bismarck realized this when he said
+that one of the most significant facts in modern history was that all
+North America was English-speaking. Our fundamental ideals are the
+same. We have a passion for liberty; we uphold the rights of the
+individual as against the extreme claims of the state; we believe in
+government through public opinion; we believe in the rule of law; we
+believe in government limited by fundamental principles and
+constitutional restraints as against the exercise of arbitrary power;
+we have never been subjected to militarism or to the dominance of a
+military caste; we are both so situated geographically as to be
+dependent on sea power rather than on large armies, and not only do
+navies not endanger the liberty of peoples but they are negligible
+quantities politically. Great Britain had in 1914 only 137,500
+officers and men in her navy and 26,200 reserves, a wholly
+insignificant number compared to the millions that formed the army of
+Germany and gave a military color to the whole life and thought of the
+nation.
+
+Not only are our political ideals the same, but in general our attitude
+toward world politics is the same, and most people are surprised when
+they are told that our fundamental foreign policies are identical. The
+two most characteristic American foreign policies, the Monroe Doctrine
+and the Open Door, were both, as we have seen, Anglo-American in origin.
+
+
+
+
+VII
+
+IMPERIALISTIC TENDENCIES OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE
+
+In its original form the Monroe Doctrine was a direct defiance of
+Europe, and it has never been favorably regarded by the nations of the
+old world. Latterly, however, it has encountered adverse criticism in
+some of the Latin-American states whose independence it helped to
+secure and whose freedom from European control it has been instrumental
+in maintaining. The Latin-American attacks on the Doctrine during the
+last few years have been reflected to a greater or less extent by
+writers in this country, particularly in academic circles. The
+American writer who has become most conspicuous in this connection is
+Professor Bingham of Yale, who has travelled extensively in South
+America and who published in 1913 a little volume entitled "The Monroe
+Doctrine, an Obsolete Shibboleth." The reasons why the Monroe Doctrine
+has called forth so much criticism during the last few years are not
+far to seek. The rapid advance of the United States in the Caribbean
+Sea since 1898 has naturally aroused the apprehensions of the feebler
+Latin-American states in that region, while the building of the Panama
+Canal has rendered inevitable the adoption of a policy of naval
+supremacy in the Caribbean and has led to the formulation of new
+political policies in the zone of the Caribbean--what Admiral Chester
+calls the larger Panama Canal Zone--that is, the West Indies, Mexico
+and Central America, Colombia and Venezuela. Some of these policies,
+which have already been formulated to a far greater extent than is
+generally realized, are the establishment of protectorates, the
+supervision of finances, the control of all available canal routes, the
+acquisition of coaling stations, and the policing of disorderly
+countries.
+
+The long-delayed advance of the United States in the Caribbean Sea
+actually began with the Spanish War. Since then we have made rapid
+strides. Porto Rico was annexed at the close of the war, and Cuba
+became a protectorate; the Canal Zone was a little later leased on
+terms that amounted to practical annexation, and the Dominican Republic
+came under the financial supervision of the United States; President
+Wilson went further and assumed the administration of Haitian affairs,
+leased from Nicaragua for a term of ninety-nine years a naval base on
+Fonseca Bay, and purchased the Danish West Indies. As a result of this
+rapid extension of American influence the political relations of the
+countries bordering on the Caribbean will of necessity be profoundly
+affected. Our Latin-American policy has been enlarged in meaning and
+limited in territorial application so far as its newer phases are
+concerned.
+
+In 1904 President Roosevelt made a radical departure from our
+traditional policy in proposing that we should assume financial
+supervision over the Dominican Republic in order to prevent certain
+European powers from forcibly collecting debts due their subjects.
+Germany seemed especially determined to force a settlement of her
+demands, and it was well known that Germany had for years regarded the
+Monroe Doctrine as the main hindrance in the way of her acquiring a
+foothold in Latin America. The only effective method of collecting the
+interest on the foreign debt of the Dominican Republic appeared to be
+the seizure and administration of her custom houses by some foreign
+power or group of foreign powers. President Roosevelt foresaw that
+such an occupation of the Dominican custom houses would, in view of the
+large debt, constitute the occupation of American territory by European
+powers for an indefinite period of time, and would, therefore, be a
+violation of the Monroe Doctrine. He had before him also the results
+of a somewhat similar financial administration of Egypt undertaken
+jointly by England and France in 1878, and after Arabi's revolt
+continued by England alone, with the result that Egypt soon became a
+possession of the British crown to almost as great a degree as if it
+had been formally annexed, and during the World War it was in fact
+treated as an integral part of the British Empire. President Roosevelt
+concluded, therefore, that where it was necessary to place a bankrupt
+American republic in the hands of a receiver, the United States must
+undertake to act as receiver and take over the administration of its
+finances. He boldly adopted this policy and finally forced a reluctant
+Senate to acquiesce. The arrangement has worked admirably. In spite
+of the criticism that this policy encountered, the Taft administration
+not only continued it in Santo Domingo, but tried to extend it to
+Nicaragua and Honduras. In January, 1911, a treaty placing the
+finances of Honduras under the supervision of the United States was
+signed by Secretary Knox, and in June a similar treaty was signed with
+Nicaragua. These treaties provided for the refunding of the foreign
+debt, in each case through loans made by American bankers and secured
+by the customs duties, the collector in each case to be approved by the
+United States and to make an annual report to the Department of State.
+These treaties were not ratified by the Senate.
+
+Secretary Knox then tried another solution of the question. On
+February 26, 1913, a new treaty with Nicaragua was submitted to the
+Senate by the terms of which Nicaragua agreed to give the United States
+an exclusive right of way for a canal through her territory and a naval
+base in Fonseca Bay, in return for the payment of three millions of
+dollars. The Senate failed to act on this treaty, as the close of the
+Taft administration was then at hand. The Wilson administration
+followed the same policy, however, and in July, 1913, Mr. Bryan
+submitted to the Senate a third treaty with Nicaragua containing the
+provisions of the second Knox treaty and in addition certain provisions
+of the Platt amendment, which defines our protectorate over Cuba. This
+treaty aroused strong opposition in the other Central American states,
+and Costa Rica, Salvador, and Honduras filed formal protests with the
+United States Government against its ratification on the ground that it
+would convert Nicaragua into a protectorate of the United States and
+thus defeat the long-cherished plan for a union of the Central American
+republics. The Senate of the United States objected to the
+protectorate feature of the treaty and refused to ratify it, but the
+negotiations were renewed by the Wilson administration and on February
+18, 1916, a new treaty, which omits the provisions of the Platt
+amendment, was accepted by the Senate. This treaty grants to the
+United States in perpetuity the exclusive right to construct a canal by
+way of the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua, and leases to the United
+States for ninety-nine years a naval base on the Gulf of Fonseca, and
+also the Great Corn and Little Corn islands as coaling stations. The
+consideration for these favors was the sum of three millions of dollars
+to be expended, with the approval of the Secretary of State of the
+United States, in paying the public debt of Nicaragua and for other
+public purposes to be agreed on by the two contracting parties.
+
+The treaty with the black Republic of Haiti, ratified by the Senate
+February 28, 1916, carries the new Caribbean policies of the United
+States to the farthest limits short of actual annexation. It provides
+for the establishment of a receivership of Haitian customs under the
+control of the United States similar in most respects to that
+established over the Dominican Republic. It provides further for the
+appointment, on the nomination of the President of the United States,
+of a financial adviser, who shall assist in the settlement of the
+foreign debt and direct expenditures of the surplus for the development
+of the agricultural, mineral, and commercial resources of the republic.
+It provides further for a native constabulary under American officers
+appointed by the President of Haiti upon nomination by the President of
+the United States. It further extends to Haiti the main provisions of
+the Platt amendment. By controlling the internal financial
+administration of the government the United States hopes to remove all
+incentives for those revolutions which have in the past had for their
+object a raid on the public treasury, and by controlling the customs
+and maintaining order the United States hopes to avoid all possibility
+of foreign intervention. The treaty is to remain in force for a period
+of ten years and for another period of ten years if either party
+presents specific reasons for continuing it on the ground that its
+purpose has not been fully accomplished.
+
+Prior to the Roosevelt administration the Monroe Doctrine was regarded
+by the Latin-American states as solely a protective policy. The United
+States did not undertake to control the financial administration or the
+foreign policy of any of these republics. It was only after their
+misconduct had gotten them into difficulty and some foreign power, or
+group of foreign powers, was on the point of demanding reparation by
+force that the United States stepped in and undertook to see to it that
+foreign intervention did not take the form of occupation of territory
+or interference in internal politics. The Monroe Doctrine has always
+been in principle a policy of American intervention for the purpose of
+preventing European intervention, but American intervention always
+awaited the threat of immediate action on the part of some European
+power. President Roosevelt concluded that it would be wiser to
+restrain the reckless conduct of the smaller American republics before
+disorders or public debts should reach a point which gave European
+powers an excuse for intervening. In a message to Congress in 1904 he
+laid down this new doctrine, which soon became famous as the Big Stick
+policy. He said: "If a nation shows that it knows how to act with
+reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political matters, if
+it keeps order and pays its obligations, it need fear no interference
+from the United States. Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which
+results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in
+America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some
+civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the
+United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States,
+however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence,
+to the exercise of an international police power." In other words,
+since we could not permit European powers to restrain or punish
+American states in cases of wrongdoing, we must ourselves undertake
+that task. As long as the Monroe Doctrine was merely a policy of
+benevolent protection which Latin-American states could invoke after
+their unwise or evil conduct had brought European powers to the point
+of demanding just retribution, it was regarded with favor and no
+objection was raised to it; but the Roosevelt doctrine, that if we were
+to continue to protect Latin-American states against European
+intervention, we had a right to demand that they should refrain from
+conduct which was likely to provoke such intervention, was quite a
+different thing, and raised a storm of criticism and opposition.
+
+The Roosevelt application of the Monroe Doctrine was undoubtedly a
+perfectly logical step. It was endorsed by the Taft administration and
+further extended by the Wilson administration and made one of our most
+important policies in regard to the zone of the Caribbean. President
+Roosevelt was right in drawing the conclusion that we had arrived at a
+point where we had either to abandon the Monroe Doctrine or to extend
+its application so as to cover the constantly increasing number of
+disputes arising from the reckless creation of public debts and loose
+financial administration. It was absurd for us to stand quietly by and
+witness the utterly irresponsible creation of financial obligations
+that would inevitably lead to European intervention and then undertake
+to fix the bounds and limits of that intervention. It is interesting
+to note that President Wilson did not hesitate to carry the new policy
+to its logical conclusion, and that he went so far as to warn
+Latin-American countries against granting to foreign corporations
+concessions which, on account of their extended character, would be
+certain to give rise to foreign claims which would, in turn, give an
+excuse for European intervention. In discussing our Latin-American
+policy shortly after the beginning of his administration, President
+Wilson said: "You hear of 'concessions' to foreign capitalists in Latin
+America. You do not hear of concessions to foreign capitalists in the
+United States. They are not granted concessions. They are invited to
+make investments. The work is ours, though they are welcome to invest
+in it. We do not ask them to supply the capital and do the work. It
+is an invitation, not a privilege; and states that are obliged, because
+their territory does not lie within the main field of modern enterprise
+and action, to grant concessions are in this condition, that foreign
+interests are apt to dominate their domestic affairs--a condition of
+affairs always dangerous and apt to become intolerable. . . . What
+these states are going to seek, therefore, is an emancipation from the
+subordination, which has been inevitable, to foreign enterprise and an
+assertion of the splendid character which, in spite of these
+difficulties, they have again and again been able to demonstrate."
+
+These remarks probably had reference to the oil concession which
+Pearson and Son of London had arranged with the president of Colombia.
+This concession is said to have covered practically all of the oil
+interests in Colombia, and carried with it the right to improve harbors
+and dig canals in the country. However, before the meeting of the
+Colombian congress in November, 1913, which was expected to confirm the
+concession, Lord Cowdray, the president of Pearson and Son, withdrew
+the contract, alleging as his reason the opposition of the United
+States.
+
+Unfortunately President Roosevelt's assertion of the Big Stick policy
+and of the duty of the United States to play policeman in the western
+hemisphere was accompanied by his seizure of the Canal Zone. This
+action naturally aroused serious apprehensions in Latin America and
+gave color to the charge that the United States had converted the
+Monroe Doctrine from a protective policy into a policy of selfish
+aggression. Colombia felt outraged and aggrieved, and this feeling was
+not alleviated by Mr. Roosevelt's speech several years later to the
+students of the University of California, in which he boasted of having
+taken the Canal Zone and said that if he had not taken it as he did,
+the debate over the matter in Congress would still be going on. Before
+the close of his administration President Roosevelt undertook to
+placate Colombia, but the sop which he offered was indignantly
+rejected. In January, 1909, Secretary Root proposed three treaties,
+one between the United States and Panama, one between the United States
+and Colombia, and one between Colombia and Panama. These treaties
+provided for the recognition of the Republic of Panama by Colombia and
+for the transference to Colombia of the first ten installments of the
+annual rental of $250,000 which the United States had agreed to pay to
+Panama for the lease of the Canal Zone. The treaties were ratified by
+the United States and by Panama, but not by Colombia.
+
+The Taft administration made repeated efforts to appease Colombia,
+resulting in the formulation of a definite proposition by Secretary
+Knox shortly before the close of President Taft's term. His proposals
+were that if Colombia would ratify the Root treaties just referred to,
+the United States would be willing to pay $10,000,000 for an exclusive
+right of way for a canal by the Atrato route and for the perpetual
+lease of the islands of St. Andrews and Old Providence as coaling
+stations. These proposals were also rejected. The American minister,
+Mr. Du Bois, acting, he said, on his own responsibility, then inquired
+informally whether $25,000,000 without options of any kind would
+satisfy Colombia. The answer was that Colombia would accept nothing
+but the arbitration of the whole Panama question. Mr. Knox, in
+reporting the matter to the President, said that Colombia seemed
+determined to treat with the incoming Democratic administration.
+Secretary Bryan took up the negotiations where Knox dropped them, and
+concluded a treaty, according to the terms of which the United States
+was to express regret at what had occurred and to pay Colombia
+$25,000,000. The Senate of the United States refused to ratify this
+treaty while Wilson was in the White House, but as soon as Harding
+became president they consented to the payment and ratified the treaty
+with a few changes in the preamble.
+
+The facts stated above show conclusively that the two most significant
+developments of American policy in the Caribbean during the last twenty
+years have been the establishment of formal protectorates and the
+exercise of financial supervision over weak and disorderly states. Our
+protectorate over Cuba was clearly defined in the so-called Platt
+amendment, which was inserted in the army appropriation bill of March
+2, 1901, and directed the President to leave control of the island of
+Cuba to its people so soon as a government should be established under
+a constitution which defined the future relations with the United
+States substantially as follows: (1) That the government of Cuba would
+never enter into any treaty or other compact with any foreign power
+which would impair the independence of the island; (2) that the said
+government would not contract any public debt which could not be met by
+the ordinary revenues of the island; (3) that the government of Cuba
+would permit the United States to exercise the right to intervene for
+the preservation of Cuban independence, and for the protection of life,
+property, and individual liberty; (4) that all acts of the United
+States in Cuba during its military occupancy thereof should be ratified
+and validated; (5) that the government of Cuba would carry out the
+plans already devised for the sanitation of the cities of the island;
+and finally that the government of Cuba would sell or lease to the
+United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations at certain
+specified points, to be agreed upon with the President of the United
+States.
+
+It is understood that these articles, with the exception of the fifth,
+which was proposed by General Leonard Wood, were carefully drafted by
+Elihu Root, at that time Secretary of War, discussed at length by
+President McKinley's Cabinet, and entrusted to Senator Platt of
+Connecticut, who offered them as an amendment to the army appropriation
+bill. The Wilson administration, as already stated, embodied the first
+three provisions of the Platt amendment in the Haitian treaty of 1916.
+Prior to the World War, which has upset all calculations, it seemed
+highly probable that the Platt amendment would in time be extended to
+all the weaker states within the zone of the Caribbean. If the United
+States is to exercise a protectorate over such states, the right to
+intervene and the conditions of intervention should be clearly defined
+and publicly proclaimed. Hitherto whatever action we have taken in
+Latin America has been taken under the Monroe Doctrine--a policy
+without legal sanction--which an international court might not
+recognize. Action under a treaty would have the advantage of legality.
+In other words, the recent treaties with Caribbean states have
+converted American policy into law.
+
+The charge that in establishing protectorates and financial supervision
+over independent states we have violated the terms of the Monroe
+Doctrine is one that has been frequently made. Those who have made it
+appear to be laboring under the illusion that the Monroe Doctrine was
+wholly altruistic in its aim. As a matter of fact, the Monroe Doctrine
+has never been regarded by the United States as in any sense a
+self-denying declaration. President Monroe said that we should
+consider any attempt on the part of the European powers "to extend
+their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our
+peace and safety." The primary object of the policy outlined by
+President Monroe was, therefore, the peace and safety of the United
+States. The protection of Latin-American states against European
+intervention was merely a means of protecting ourselves. While the
+United States undertook to prevent the encroachment of European powers
+in Latin America, it never for one moment admitted any limitation upon
+the possibility of its own expansion in this region. The whole course
+of American history establishes the contrary point of view. Since the
+Monroe Doctrine was enunciated we have annexed at the expense of
+Latin-American states, Texas, New Mexico, California, and the Canal
+Zone. Upon other occasions we emphatically declined to bind ourselves
+by treaty stipulations with England and France that under no
+circumstance would we annex the island of Cuba. Shortly after the
+beginning of his first term President Wilson declared in a public
+address at Mobile that "the United States will never again seek one
+additional foot of territory by conquest." This declaration introduces
+a new chapter in American diplomacy.
+
+
+
+
+VIII
+
+THE NEW PAN-AMERICANISM
+
+When President Wilson assumed office March 4, 1913, there was nothing
+but the Huerta revolution, the full significance of which was not then
+appreciated, to suggest to his mind the forecast that before the close
+of his term questions of foreign policy would absorb the attention of
+the American people and tax to the limit his own powers of mind and
+body. It seems now a strange fact that neither in his writings nor in
+his public addresses had President Wilson ever shown any marked
+interest in questions of international law and diplomacy. He had, on
+the contrary, made a life-long study of political organization and
+legislative procedure. Those who knew him had always thought that he
+was by nature fitted to be a great parliamentary leader and it soon
+appeared that he had a very definite legislative program which he
+intended to put through Congress. The foreign problems that confronted
+him so suddenly and unexpectedly were doubtless felt to be annoying
+distractions from the work which he had mapped out for himself and
+which was far more congenial to his tastes. As time went by, however,
+he was forced to give more and more thought to our relations with Latin
+America on the one hand and to the European war on the other. His
+ideas on international problems at first cautiously set forth, soon
+caught step with the rapid march of events and guided the thought of
+the world.
+
+The Mexican situation, which reached a crisis a few days before Mr.
+Wilson came into office, at once demanded his attention and led to the
+enunciation of a general Latin-American policy. He had scarcely been
+in office a week when he issued a statement which was forwarded by the
+secretary of state to all American diplomatic officers in Latin
+America. In it he said:
+
+"One of the chief objects of my administration will be to cultivate the
+friendship and deserve the confidence of our sister republics of
+Central and South America, and to promote in every proper and honorable
+way the interests which are common to the peoples of the two
+continents. . . .
+
+"The United States has nothing to seek in Central and South America
+except the lasting interests of the peoples of the two continents, the
+security of governments intended for the people and for no special
+group or interest, and the development of personal and trade
+relationships between the two continents which shall redound to the
+profit and advantage of both, and interfere with the rights and
+liberties of neither.
+
+"From these principles may be read so much of the future policy of this
+government as it is necessary now to forecast, and in the spirit of
+these principles I may, I hope, be permitted with as much confidence as
+earnestness, to extend to the governments of all the republics of
+America the hand of genuine disinterested friendship and to pledge my
+own honor and the honor of my colleagues to every enterprise of peace
+and amity that a fortunate future may disclose."
+
+The policy here outlined, and elaborated a few months later in an
+address before the Southern Commercial Congress at Mobile, Alabama, has
+been termed the New Pan-Americanism. The Pan-American ideal is an old
+one, dating back in fact to the Panama Congress of 1826. The object of
+this congress was not very definitely stated in the call, which was
+issued by Simon Bolivar, but his purpose was to secure the independence
+and peace of the new Spanish republics through either a permanent
+confederation or a series of diplomatic congresses. President Adams
+through Henry Clay, who was at that time Secretary of State, promptly
+accepted the invitation to send delegates. The matter was debated at
+such length, however, in the House and Senate that the American
+delegates did not reach Panama until after the congress had adjourned.
+In view of the opposition which the whole scheme encountered in
+Congress, the instructions to the American delegates were very
+carefully drawn and their powers were strictly limited. They were
+cautioned against committing their government in any way to the
+establishment of "an amphictyonic council, invested with power fully to
+decide controversies between the American states or to regulate in any
+respect their conduct." They were also to oppose the formation of an
+offensive and defensive alliance between the American powers, for, as
+Mr. Clay pointed out, the Holy Alliance had abandoned all idea of
+assisting Spain in the reconquest of her late colonies. After
+referring to "the avoidance of foreign alliances as a leading maxim" of
+our foreign policy, Mr. Clay continued: "Without, therefore, asserting
+that an exigency may not occur in which an alliance of the most
+intimate kind between the United States and the other American
+republics would be highly proper and expedient, it may be safely said
+that the occasion which would warrant a departure from that established
+maxim ought to be one of great urgency, and that none such is believed
+now to exist."
+
+The British Government sent a special envoy to reside near the Congress
+and to place himself in frank and friendly communication with the
+delegates. Canning's private instructions to this envoy declared that,
+"Any project for putting the U. S. of North America at the head of an
+American Confederacy, as against Europe, would be highly displeasing to
+your Government. It would be felt as an ill return for the service
+which has been rendered to those States, and the dangers which have
+been averted from them, by the countenance and friendship, and public
+declarations of Great Britain; and it would probably, at no distant
+period, endanger the peace both of America and of Europe."
+
+The Panama Congress was without practical results and it was more than
+half a century before the scheme for international cooeperation on the
+part of American states was again taken up. In 1881 Secretary Blaine
+issued an invitation to the American republics to hold a conference at
+Washington, but the continuance of the war between Chile and Peru
+caused an indefinite postponement of the proposed conference. Toward
+the close of President Cleveland's first administration the invitation
+was renewed and the First International Conference of American States
+convened at Washington in 1890. It happened that when the Conference
+met Mr. Blaine was again Secretary of State and presided over its
+opening sessions. The most notable achievement of this Conference was
+the establishment of the Bureau of American Republics, now known as the
+Pan-American Union. The Second International Conference of American
+States, held in the City of Mexico in 1901, arranged for all American
+states to become parties to the Hague Convention of 1899 for the
+pacific settlement of international disputes and drafted a treaty for
+the compulsory arbitration, as between American states, of pecuniary
+claims. The Third Conference, held at Rio Janeiro in 1906, extended
+the above treaty for another period of five years and proposed that the
+subject of pecuniary claims be considered at the second Hague
+Conference. Added significance was given to the Rio Conference by the
+presence of Secretary Root who, although not a delegate, made it the
+occasion of a special mission to South America. The series of notable
+addresses which he delivered on this mission gave a new impetus to the
+Pan-American movement. The Fourth Conference, held at Buenos Ayres in
+1910, was occupied largely with routine matters. It extended the
+pecuniary claims convention for an indefinite period.
+
+The conferences above referred to were political or diplomatic in
+character. There have been held two Pan-American Scientific Congresses
+in which the United States participated, one at Chile in 1908 and one
+at Washington, December, 1915, to January, 1916. A very important
+Pan-American Financial Congress was held at Washington in May, 1915.
+These congresses have accomplished a great deal in the way of promoting
+friendly feeling as well as the advancement of science and commerce
+among the republics of the Western Hemisphere.
+
+The American Institute of International Law, organized at Washington in
+October, 1912, is a body which is likely to have great influence in
+promoting the peace and welfare of this hemisphere. The Institute is
+composed of five representatives from the national society of
+international law in each of the twenty-one American republics. At a
+session held in the city of Washington, January 6, 1916, the Institute
+adopted a Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Nations. This
+declaration, designed to give a solid legal basis to the new
+Pan-Americanism, was as follows:
+
+I. Every nation has the right to exist and to protect and to conserve
+its existence; but this right neither implies the right nor justifies
+the act of the state to protect itself or to conserve its existence by
+the commission of unlawful acts against innocent and unoffending states.
+
+II. Every nation has the right to independence in the sense that it has
+a right to the pursuit of happiness and is free to develop itself
+without interference or control from other states, provided that in so
+doing it does not interfere with or violate the rights of other states.
+
+III. Every nation is in law and before law the equal of every other
+nation belonging to the society of nations, and all nations have the
+right to claim and, according to the Declaration of Independence of the
+United States, "to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate
+and equal station to which the laws of nature and of Nature's God
+entitle them."
+
+IV. Every nation has the right to territory within defined boundaries,
+and to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over its territory, and all
+persons whether native or foreign found therein.
+
+V. Every nation entitled to a right by the law of nations is entitled
+to have that right respected and protected by all other nations, for
+right and duty are correlative, and the right of one is the duty of all
+to observe.
+
+VI. International law is at one and the same time both national and
+international; national in the sense that it is the law of the land and
+applicable as such to the decision of all questions involving its
+principles; international in the sense that it is the law of the
+society of nations and applicable as such to all questions between and
+among the members of the society of nations involving its principles.
+
+This Declaration has been criticised as being too altruistic for a
+world in which diplomacy has been occupied with selfish aims, yet Mr.
+Root, in presenting it at the annual meeting of the American Society of
+International Law, claimed that every statement in it was "based upon
+the decisions of American courts and the authority of American
+publicists."
+
+The Mexican situation put the principles of the new Pan-Americanism to
+a severe test. On February 18, 1913, Francisco Madero was seized and
+imprisoned as the result of a conspiracy formed by one of his generals,
+Victoriano Huerta, who forthwith proclaimed himself dictator. Four
+days later Madero was murdered while in the custody of Huerta's troops.
+Henry Lane Wilson, the American ambassador, promptly urged his
+government to recognize Huerta, but President Taft, whose term was
+rapidly drawing to a close, took no action and left the question to his
+successor.
+
+President Wilson thus had a very disagreeable situation to face when he
+assumed control of affairs at Washington. He refused to recognize
+Huerta, whose authority was contested by insurrectionary chiefs in
+various parts of the country. It was claimed by the critics of the
+administration that the refusal to recognize Huerta was a direct
+violation of the well-known American policy of recognizing de facto
+governments without undertaking to pass upon the rights involved. It
+is perfectly true that the United States has consistently followed the
+policy of recognizing de facto governments as soon as it is evident in
+each case that the new government rests on popular approval and is
+likely to be permanent. This doctrine of recognition is distinctively
+an American doctrine. It was first laid down by Thomas Jefferson when
+he was Secretary of State as an offset to the European doctrine of
+divine right, and it was the natural outgrowth of that other
+Jeffersonian doctrine that all governments derive their just powers
+from the consent of the governed. Huerta could lay no claim to
+authority derived from a majority or anything like a majority of the
+Mexican people. He was a self-constituted dictator, whose authority
+rested solely on military force. President Wilson and Secretary Bryan
+were fully justified in refusing to recognize his usurpation of power,
+though they probably made a mistake in announcing that they would never
+recognize him and in demanding his elimination from the presidential
+contest. This announcement made him deaf to advice from Washington and
+utterly indifferent to the destruction of American life and property.
+
+The next step in the President's course with reference to Mexico was
+the occupation of Vera Cruz. On April 20, 1914, the President asked
+Congress for authority to employ the armed forces of the United States
+in demanding redress for the arbitrary arrest of American marines at
+Vera Cruz, and the next day Admiral Fletcher was ordered to seize the
+custom house at that port. This he did after a sharp fight with
+Huerta's troops in which nineteen Americans were killed and seventy
+wounded. The American charge d'affaires, Nelson O'Shaughnessy, was at
+once handed his passports, and all diplomatic relations between the
+United States and Mexico were severed.
+
+A few days later the representatives of the so-called ABC Alliance,
+Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, tendered their good offices for a
+peaceful settlement of the conflict and President Wilson promptly
+accepted their mediation. The resulting conference at Niagara, May 20,
+was not successful in its immediate object, but it resulted in the
+elimination of Huerta who resigned July 15, 1914. On August 20,
+General Venustiano Carranza, head of one of the revolutionary factions,
+assumed control of affairs at the capital, but his authority was
+disputed by General Francisco Villa, another insurrectionary chief. On
+Carranza's promise to respect the lives and property of American
+citizens the United States forces were withdrawn from Vera Cruz in
+November, 1914.
+
+In August, 1915, at the request of President Wilson, the six ranking
+representatives of Latin America at Washington made an unsuccessful
+effort to reconcile the contending factions of Mexico. On their
+advice, however, President Wilson decided in October to recognize the
+government of Carranza, who now controlled three fourths of the
+territory of Mexico. As a result of this action Villa began a series
+of attacks on American citizens and raids across the border, which in
+March, 1916, compelled the President to send a punitive expedition into
+Mexico and later to dispatch most of the regular army and large bodies
+of militia to the border.
+
+The raids of Villa created a very awkward situation. Carranza not only
+made no real effort to suppress Villa, but he vigorously opposed the
+steps taken by the United States to protect its own citizens along the
+border, and even assumed a threatening attitude. There was a loud and
+persistent demand in the United States for war against Mexico.
+American investments in land, mines, rubber plantations, and other
+enterprises were very large, and these financial interests were
+particularly outraged at the President's policy of "watchful waiting."
+The President remained deaf to this clamor. No country had been so
+shamelessly exploited by foreign capital as Mexico. Furthermore, it
+was suspected and very generally believed that the recent revolutions
+had been financed by American capital. President Wilson was determined
+to give the Mexican people an opportunity to reorganize their national
+life on a better basis and to lend them every assistance in the task.
+War with Mexico would have been a very serious undertaking and even a
+successful war would have meant the military occupation of Mexico for
+an indefinite period. After our entrance into the World War many of
+those Americans who dissented radically from Wilson's Mexican policy
+became convinced that his refusal to become involved in war with Mexico
+was a most fortunate thing for us.
+
+It has been charged that there was a lack of consistency between the
+President's Mexican policy and his Haitian policy. The difference
+between the two cases, however, was that order could be restored in
+Haiti with a relatively small force of marines, while any attempt to
+apply force to Mexico would have led to a long and bloody conflict.
+The most novel feature of the President's Mexican policy was his
+acceptance of the mediation of the ABC Alliance and his subsequent
+consultation with the leading representatives of Latin America. This
+action brought the Pan-American ideal almost to the point of
+realization. It was received with enthusiasm and it placed our
+relations with Latin America on a better footing than they had been for
+years.
+
+It was suggested by more than one critic of American foreign policy
+that if we were to undertake to set the world right, we must come
+before the bar of public opinion with clean hands, that before we
+denounced the imperialistic policies of Europe, we should have
+abandoned imperialistic policies at home. The main features of
+President Wilson's Latin-American policy, if we may draw a general
+conclusion, were to pledge American republics not to do anything which
+would invite European intervention, and to secure by treaty the right
+of the United States to intervene for the protection of life, liberty,
+and property, and for the establishment of self-government. Such a
+policy, unselfishly carried out, was not inconsistent with the general
+war aims defined by President Wilson.
+
+
+
+
+IX
+
+THE FAILURE OF NEUTRALITY AND ISOLATION
+
+In Washington's day the United States was an experiment in democracy.
+The vital question was not our duty to the rest of the world, but
+whether the rest of the world would let us live. The policy of wisdom
+was to keep aloof from world politics and give as little cause for
+offense as possible to the great powers of Europe. Washington pointed
+out that "our detached and distant situation" rendered such a course
+possible. This policy was justified by events. We were enabled to
+follow unhindered the bent of our own political genius, to extend our
+institutions over a vast continent and to attain a position of great
+prosperity and power in the economic world. While we are still a young
+country, our government is, with the possible exception of that of
+Great Britain, the oldest and most stable in the world, and since we
+declared ourselves a nation and adopted our present constitution the
+British Government has undergone radical changes of a democratic
+character. By age and stability we have long been entitled to a voice
+and influence in the world, and yet we have been singularly indifferent
+to our responsibilities as a member of the society of nations. We have
+been in the world, but not of it.
+
+Our policy of isolation corresponded with the situation as it existed a
+hundred years ago, but not with the situation as it exists to-day and
+as it has existed for some years past. We no longer occupy a "detached
+and distant situation." Steam and electricity, the cable and wireless
+telegraphy have overcome the intervening space and made us the close
+neighbors of Europe. The whole world has been drawn together in a way
+that our forefathers never dreamed of, and our commercial, financial,
+and social relations with the rest of the world are intimate. Under
+such circumstances political isolation is an impossibility. It has for
+years been nothing more than a tradition, but a tradition which has
+tied the hands of American diplomats and caused the American public to
+ignore what was actually going on in the world. The Spanish War and
+the acquisition of the Philippines brought us into the full current of
+world politics, and yet we refused to recognize the changes that
+inevitably followed.
+
+The emergence of Japan as a first-class power, conscious of achievement
+and eager to enter on a great career, introduced a new and disturbing
+element into world politics. Our diplomacy, which had hitherto been
+comparatively simple, now became exceedingly complex. Formerly the
+United States was the only great power outside the European balance.
+The existence of a second detached power greatly complicated the
+international situation and presented opportunities for new
+combinations. We have already seen how Germany undertook to use the
+opportunity presented by Russia's war with Japan to humiliate France
+and that the United States took a prominent part in the Algeciras
+Conference for the purpose of preventing the threatened overthrow of
+the European balance of power. Thus, even before the World War began,
+it had become evident to close observers of international affairs that
+the European balance would soon be superseded by a world balance in
+which the United States would be forced to take its place.
+
+It took a world war, however, to dispel the popular illusion of
+isolation and to arouse us to a temporary sense of our international
+responsibilities. When the war began the President, following the
+traditions of a hundred years, issued, as a matter of course, a
+proclamation of neutrality, and he thought that the more scrupulously
+it was observed the greater would be the opportunity for the United
+States to act as impartial mediator in the final adjustment of peace
+terms. As the fierceness of the conflict grew it became evident that
+the role of neutral would not be an easy one to play and that the vital
+interests of the United States would be involved to a far greater
+extent than anyone had foreseen.
+
+Neutrality in the modern sense is essentially an American doctrine and
+the result of our policy of isolation. If we were to keep out of
+European conflicts, it was necessary for us to pursue a course of rigid
+impartiality in wars between European powers. In the Napoleonic wars
+we insisted that neutrals had certain rights which belligerents were
+bound to respect and we fought the War of 1812 with England in order to
+establish that principle. Half a century later, in the American Civil
+War, we insisted that neutrals had certain duties which every
+belligerent had a right to expect them to perform, and we forced Great
+Britain in the settlement of the _Alabama_ Claims to pay us damages to
+the extent of $15,500,000 for having failed to perform her neutral
+obligations. We have thus been the leading champion of the rights and
+duties of neutrals, and the principles for which we have contended have
+been written into the modern law of nations. When two or three nations
+are engaged in war and the rest of the world is neutral, there is
+usually very little difficulty in enforcing neutral rights, but when a
+majority of the great powers are at war, it is impossible for the
+remaining great powers, much less for the smaller neutrals, to maintain
+their rights. This was true in the Napoleonic wars, but at that time
+the law of neutrality was in its infancy and had never been fully
+recognized by the powers at war. The failure of neutrality in the
+Great War was far more serious, for the rights of neutrals had been
+clearly defined and universally recognized.
+
+Notwithstanding the large German population in this country and the
+propaganda which we now know that the German Government had
+systematically carried on for years in our very midst, the invasion of
+Belgium and the atrocities committed by the Germans soon arrayed
+opinion on the side of the Allies. This was not a departure from
+neutrality, for it should be remembered that neutrality is not an
+attitude of mind, but a legal status. As long as our Government
+fulfilled its obligations as defined by the law of nations, no charge
+of a violation of neutrality could be justly made. To deny to the
+citizens of a neutral country the right to express their moral
+judgments would be to deny that the world can ever be governed by
+public opinion. The effort of the German propagandists to draw a
+distinction between so-called ethical and legal neutrality was
+plausible, but without real force. While neutrality is based on the
+general principle of impartiality, this principle has been embodied in
+a fairly well-defined set of rules which may, and frequently do, in any
+given war, work to the advantage of one belligerent and to the
+disadvantage of the other. In the Great War this result was brought
+about by the naval superiority of Great Britain. So far as our legal
+obligations to Germany were concerned she had no cause for complaint.
+If, on the other hand, our conduct had been determined solely by
+ethical considerations, we would have joined the Allies long before we
+did.
+
+The naval superiority of Great Britain made it comparatively easy for
+her to stop all direct trade with the enemy in articles contraband of
+war, but this was of little avail so long as Germany could import these
+articles through the neutral ports of Italy, Holland, and the
+Scandinavian countries. Under these circumstances an ordinary blockade
+of the German coast would have had little effect. Therefore, no such
+blockade was proclaimed by Great Britain. She adopted other methods of
+cutting off overseas supplies from Germany. She enlarged the lists of
+both absolute and conditional contraband and under the doctrine of
+continuous voyage seized articles on both lists bound for Germany
+through neutral countries.
+
+As to the right of a belligerent to enlarge the contraband lists there
+can be no doubt. Even the Declaration of London, which undertook for
+the first time to establish an international classification of
+contraband, provided in Article 23 that "articles and materials which
+are exclusively used for war may be added to the list of absolute
+contraband by means of a notified declaration," and Article 25 provided
+that the list of conditional contraband might be enlarged in the same
+manner. Under modern conditions of warfare it would seem impossible to
+determine in advance what articles are to be treated as contraband.
+During the Great War many articles regarded in previous wars as
+innocent became indispensable to the carrying on of the war.
+
+Great Britain's application of the doctrine of continuous voyage was
+more open to dispute. She assumed that contraband articles shipped to
+neutral countries adjacent to Germany and Austria were intended for
+them unless proof to the contrary was forthcoming, and she failed to
+draw any distinction between absolute and conditional contraband. The
+United States protested vigorously against this policy, but the force
+of its protest was weakened by the fact that during the Civil War the
+American Government had pursued substantially the same policy in regard
+to goods shipped by neutrals to Nassau, Havana, Matamoros, and other
+ports adjacent to the Confederacy. Prior to the American Civil War
+goods could not be seized on any grounds unless bound directly for a
+belligerent port. Under the English doctrine of continuous voyage as
+advanced during the Napoleonic wars, goods brought from the French West
+Indies to the United States and reshipped to continental Europe were
+condemned by the British Admiralty Court on the ground that
+notwithstanding the unloading and reloading at an American port the
+voyage from the West Indies to Europe was in effect a continuous
+voyage, and under the Rule of 1756 Great Britain refused to admit the
+right of neutral ships to engage in commerce between France and her
+colonies. Great Britain, however, seized ships only on the second leg
+of the voyage, that is, when bound directly for a belligerent port.
+During the American Civil War the United States seized goods under an
+extension of the English doctrine on the first leg of the voyage, that
+is, while they were in transit from one neutral port to another neutral
+port, on the ground that they were to be subsequently shipped in
+another vessel to a Confederate port. Great Britain adopted and
+applied the American doctrine during the Boer War. The doctrine of
+continuous voyage, as applied by the United States and England, was
+strongly condemned by most of the continental writers on international
+law. The Declaration of London adopted a compromise by providing that
+absolute contraband might be seized when bound through third countries,
+but that conditional contraband was not liable to capture under such
+circumstances. As the Declaration of London was not ratified by the
+British Government this distinction was ignored, and conditional as
+well as absolute contraband was seized when bound for Germany through
+neutral countries.
+
+While Great Britain may be charged with having unwarrantably extended
+the application of certain rules of international law and may have
+rendered herself liable to pecuniary damages, she displayed in all her
+measures a scrupulous regard for human life. Her declaration that "The
+whole of the North Sea must be considered a military area," was
+explained as an act of retaliation against Germany for having scattered
+floating mines on the high seas in the path of British commerce. She
+did not undertake to exclude neutral vessels from the North Sea, but
+merely notified them that certain areas had been mined and warned them
+not to enter without receiving sailing directions from the British
+squadron.
+
+The German decree of February 4, 1915, establishing a submarine
+blockade or "war zone" around the British Isles, on the other hand, was
+absolutely without legal justification. It did not fulfill the
+requirements of a valid blockade, because it cut off only a very small
+percentage of British commerce, and the first requirement of a blockade
+is that it must be effective. The decree was aimed directly at enemy
+merchant vessels and indirectly at the ships of neutrals. It utterly
+ignored the well-recognized right of neutral passengers to travel on
+merchant vessels of belligerents. The second decree announcing
+unrestricted submarine warfare after February 1, 1917, was directed
+against neutral as well as enemy ships. It undertook to exclude all
+neutral ships from a wide zone extending far out on the high seas,
+irrespective of their mission or the character of their cargo. It was
+an utter defiance of all law.
+
+The citizens of neutral countries have always had the right to travel
+on the merchant vessels of belligerents, subject, of course, to the
+risk of capture and detention. The act of the German ambassador in
+inserting an advertisement in a New York paper warning Americans not to
+take passage on the _Lusitania_, when the President had publicly
+asserted that they had a perfect right to travel on belligerent ships,
+was an insolent and unparalleled violation of diplomatic usage and
+would have justified his instant dismissal. Some action would probably
+have been taken by the State Department had not the incident been
+overshadowed by the carrying out of the threat and the actual
+destruction of the _Lusitania_.
+
+The destruction of enemy prizes at sea is recognized by international
+law under exceptional circumstances and subject to certain definite
+restrictions, but an unlimited right of destruction even of enemy
+merchant vessels had never been claimed by any authority on
+international law or by any government prior to the German decree. The
+destruction of neutral prizes, though practised by some governments,
+has not been so generally acquiesced in, and when resorted to has been
+attended by an even more rigid observance of the rules designed to
+safeguard human life. Article 48 of the Declaration of London provided
+that, "A captured neutral vessel is not to be destroyed by the captor,
+but must be taken into such port as is proper in order to determine
+there the rights as regards the validity of the capture."
+Unfortunately Article 49 largely negatived this statement by leaving
+the whole matter to the discretion of the captor. It is as follows:
+"As an exception, a neutral vessel captured by a belligerent ship, and
+which would be liable to condemnation, may be destroyed if the
+observance of Article 48 would involve danger to the ship of war or to
+the success of the operations in which she is at the time engaged."
+The next article provided the following safeguards: "Before the
+destruction the persons on board must be placed in safety, and all the
+ship's papers and other documents which those interested consider
+relevant for the decision as to the validity of the capture must be
+taken on board the ship of war."
+
+The Declaration of London was freely criticised for recognizing an
+unlimited discretionary right on the part of a captor to destroy a
+neutral prize. Under all the circumstances the main grievance against
+Germany was not that she destroyed prizes at sea, but that she utterly
+ignored the restrictions imposed upon this right and the rules designed
+to safeguard human life.
+
+Germany sought to justify her submarine policy on the ground (1) that
+the American manufacture and sale of munitions of war was one-sided and
+therefore unneutral, and (2) that the United States had practically
+acquiesced in what she considered the unlawful efforts of Great Britain
+to cut off the food supply of Germany. The subject of the munitions
+trade was brought to the attention of the United States by Germany in a
+note of April 4, 1915. While not denying the legality of the trade in
+munitions under ordinary circumstances the contentions of the German
+Government were that the situation in the present war differed from
+that of any previous war; that the recognition of the trade in the past
+had sprung from the necessity of protecting existing industries, while
+in the present war an entirely new industry had been created in the
+United States; and it concluded with the following statement which was
+the real point of the note: "This industry is actually delivering goods
+to the enemies of Germany. The theoretical willingness to supply
+Germany also, if shipments were possible, does not alter the case. If
+it is the will of the American people that there should be a true
+neutrality, the United States will find means of preventing this
+one-sided supply of arms or at least of utilizing it to protect
+legitimate trade with Germany, especially that in food stuffs." To
+this note Secretary Bryan replied that "Any change in its own laws of
+neutrality during the progress of the war which would affect unequally
+the relations of the United States with the nations at war would be an
+unjustifiable departure from the principle of strict neutrality."
+
+Two months later the discussion was renewed by the Austro-Hungarian
+Government. The Austrian note did not question the intention of the
+United States to conform to the letter of the law, but complained that
+we were not carrying out its spirit, and suggested that a threat to
+withhold food stuffs and raw materials from the Allies would be
+sufficient to protect legitimate commerce between the United States and
+the Central Powers. To this note Secretary Lansing replied at length.
+He held: (1) that the United States was under no obligation to change
+or modify the rules of international usage on account of special
+conditions. (2) He rejected what he construed to be the contention of
+the Austrian Government that "the advantages gained to a belligerent by
+its superiority on the sea should be equalized by the neutral powers by
+the establishment of a system of non-intercourse with the victor." (3)
+He called attention to the fact that Austria-Hungary and Germany had
+during the years preceding the present European war produced "a great
+surplus of arms and ammunition which they sold throughout the world and
+especially to belligerents. Never during that period did either of
+them suggest or apply the principle now advocated by the Imperial and
+Royal Government." (4) "But, in addition to the question of principle,
+there is a practical and substantial reason why the Government of the
+United States has from the foundation of the Republic to the present
+time advocated and practised unrestricted trade in arms and military
+supplies. It has never been the policy of this country to maintain in
+time of peace a large military establishment or stores of arms and
+ammunition sufficient to repel invasion by a well-equipped and powerful
+enemy. It has desired to remain at peace with all nations and to avoid
+any appearance of menacing such peace by the threat of its armies and
+navies. In consequence of this standing policy the United States
+would, in the event of attack by a foreign power, be at the outset of
+the war seriously, if not fatally, embarrassed by the lack of arms and
+ammunition and by the means to produce them in sufficient quantities to
+supply the requirements of national defense. The United States has
+always depended upon the right and power to purchase arms and
+ammunition from neutral nations in case of foreign attack. This right,
+which it claims for itself, it cannot deny to others."
+
+The German and Austrian authorities were fully aware that their
+arguments had no basis in international law or practice. Indeed, their
+notes were probably designed to influence public opinion and help the
+German propagandists in this country who were making a desperate effort
+to get Congress to place an embargo on the export of munitions. Having
+failed in this attempt, an extensive conspiracy was formed to break up
+the trade in munitions by a resort to criminal methods. Numerous
+explosions occurred in munition plants destroying many lives and
+millions of dollars' worth of property, and bombs were placed in a
+number of ships engaged in carrying supplies to the Allies. The
+Austrian ambassador and the German military and naval attaches at
+Washington were involved in these activities and their recall was
+promptly demanded by Secretary Lansing.
+
+The violations of international law by Germany were so flagrant, her
+methods of waging war so barbarous, the activities of her diplomats so
+devoid of honor, and her solemn pledges were so ruthlessly broken that
+the technical discussion of the rules of maritime law was completely
+overshadowed by the higher moral issues involved in the contest. All
+further efforts to maintain neutrality finally became intolerable even
+to President Wilson, who had exercised patience until patience ceased
+to be a virtue. Having failed in his efforts to persuade Congress to
+authorize the arming of merchantmen, the President finally concluded,
+in view of Germany's threat to treat armed guards as pirates, that
+armed neutrality was impracticable. He accepted the only alternative
+and on April 2, 1917, went before Congress to ask for a formal
+declaration of war against Germany.
+
+Had Germany observed the rules of international law, the United States
+would probably have remained neutral notwithstanding the imminent
+danger of the overthrow of France and the possible invasion of England.
+The upsetting of the European balance would eventually have led to a
+conflict between Germany and the United States. The violation of
+American rights forced us to go to war, but having once entered the
+war, we fought not merely for the vindication of American rights, but
+for the establishment of human freedom and the recognition of human
+rights throughout the world. In his war address President Wilson said:
+"Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the
+world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to
+that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic Governments
+backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not
+by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in
+such circumstances." Having once abandoned neutrality and isolation we
+are not likely to remain neutral again in any war which involves the
+balance of power in the world or the destinies of the major portion of
+mankind. Neutrality and isolation were correlative. They were both
+based on the view that we were a remote and distant people and had no
+intimate concern with what was going on in the great world across the
+seas.
+
+The failure of neutrality and the abandonment of isolation marked a
+radical, though inevitable, change in our attitude toward world
+politics. President Wilson did not propose, however, to abandon the
+great principles for which we as a nation had stood, but rather to
+extend them and give them a world-wide application. In his address to
+the Senate on January 22, 1917, he said:
+
+"I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord
+adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world;
+that no nation should seek to extend its polity over any other nation
+or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its
+own polity, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened,
+unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful.
+
+"I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances
+which would draw them into competitions of power, catch them in a net
+of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with
+influences intruded from without. There is no entangling alliance in a
+concert of power."
+
+In other words, the Monroe Doctrine, stripped of its imperialistic
+tendencies, was to be internationalized, and the American policy of
+isolation, in the sense of avoiding secret alliances, was to become a
+fundamental principle of the new international order. If the United
+States was to go into a league of nations, every member of the league
+must stand on its own footing. We were not to be made a buffer between
+alliances and ententes.
+
+
+
+
+X
+
+THE WAR AIMS OF THE UNITED STATES
+
+The advent of the United States into the family of nations nearly a
+century and a half ago was an event of worldwide significance. Our
+revolutionary ancestors set up a government founded on a new principle,
+happily phrased by Jefferson in the statement that governments derive
+their just powers from the consent of the governed. This principle
+threatened, although remotely, the existence of the aristocratic
+governments of the Old World which were still based on the doctrine of
+divine right. The entrance of the United States into the World War was
+an event of equal significance because it gave an American president,
+who was thoroughly grounded in the political philosophy of the Virginia
+Bill of Rights, the Declaration of Independence, and the writings of
+the founders of the Republic, an opportunity to proclaim to the world
+the things for which America has always stood. In this connection H.
+W. V. Temperley in "A History of the Peace Conference of Paris" (vol.
+i, page 173) says: "The utterances of President Wilson have a unique
+significance, not only because they were taken as the legal basis of
+the Peace negotiations, but because they form a definite and coherent
+body of political doctrine. This doctrine, though developed and
+expanded in view of the tremendous changes produced by the war, was not
+formed or even altered by them. His ideas, like those of no other
+great statesman of the war, are capable of being worked out as a
+complete political philosophy. A peculiar interest, therefore,
+attaches to his pre-war speeches, for they contain the germs of his
+political faith and were not influenced by the terrifying portents of
+to-day. The tenets in themselves were few and simple, but their
+consequences, when developed by the war, were such as to produce the
+most far-reaching results. It is not possible or necessary to discuss
+how far these tenets were accepted by the American people as a whole,
+for, as the utterances of their legal representative at a supreme
+moment of world history, they will always retain their value."
+
+The principal features of Wilson's political philosophy were revealed
+in his policy toward Latin America before he had any idea of
+intervening in the European situation. At the outset of his
+administration he declared that the United States would "never again
+seek one additional foot of territory by conquest." In December, 1915,
+he declared: "From the first we have made common cause with all
+partisans of liberty on this side of the sea and . . . have set America
+aside as a whole for the uses of independent nations and political
+freemen." A few weeks later he proposed that the nations of America
+should unite "in guaranteeing to each other absolute political
+independence and territorial integrity." This proposal was actually
+embodied in a treaty, but this plan for an American league of nations
+did not meet with the approval of the other states, who probably feared
+that the United States would occupy too dominant a position in such a
+league. President Wilson's refusal to recognize the despotic power of
+Huerta, while expressing sympathy for the people of Mexico, was the
+first application of the policy which later so successfully drove a
+wedge in between the Kaiser and the German people. His refusal to
+invade Mexico and his determination to give the people of that country
+a chance to work out their own salvation gave evidence to the world of
+the unselfishness and sincerity of his policies, and paved the way for
+the moral leadership which he later exercised over the peoples of
+Europe.
+
+President Wilson's insistence on neutrality in "thought, word, and
+deed," the expression "too proud to fight," and his statement in regard
+to the war, May 27, 1916, that "with its causes and objects we are not
+concerned," caused deep offense to many of his countrymen and were
+received with ridicule by others at home and abroad. His reasons for
+remaining neutral were best stated in the speech accepting his second
+nomination for the presidency, September 2, 1916: "We have been neutral
+not only because it was the fixed and traditional policy of the United
+States to stand aloof from the politics of Europe and because we had
+had no part either of action or of policy in the influences which
+brought on the present war, but also because it was manifestly our duty
+to prevent, if it were possible, the indefinite extension of the fires
+of hate and desolation kindled by that terrible conflict and seek to
+serve mankind by reserving our strength and our resources for the
+anxious and difficult days of restoration and healing which must
+follow, when peace will have to build its house anew."
+
+Other speeches made during the year 1916 show, however, that he was
+being gradually forced to the conclusion that "peace is not always
+within the choice of the nation" and that we must be "ready to fight
+for our rights when those rights are coincident with the rights of man
+and humanity."
+
+After the German peace proposals of December 12, 1916, President Wilson
+called on all the belligerents to state publicly what they were
+fighting for. This demand caused a searching of hearts everywhere, led
+to a restatement of aims on the part of the Allies, and threw the
+Central Governments on the defensive. In formulating their replies the
+Allies were somewhat embarrassed by the secret treaties relating to
+Russia and Italy, which were later made public by the Bolsheviki. In
+March, 1915, England and France had made an agreement with Russia by
+which she was to get Constantinople, the aim of her policy since the
+days of Peter the Great. By the secret Treaty of London, signed April
+26, 1915, England, France, and Russia had promised Italy that she
+should receive the Trentino and Southern Tyrol, including in its
+population more than 250,000 Germans. Italy was also promised Trieste
+and the Istrian peninsula, the boundary running just west of Fiume,
+over which city, it should be remembered, she acquired no claim under
+this treaty. Italy was also to receive about half of Dalmatia,
+including towns over half of whose population were Jugo-Slavs. To
+President Wilson's note the Allies had to reply, therefore, in somewhat
+general terms. Their territorial demands were: "The restitution of
+provinces formerly torn from the Allies by force or against the wish of
+their inhabitants; the liberation of the Italians, as also of the
+Slavs, Roumanes, and Czecho-Slovaks from foreign domination, the
+setting free of the populations subject to the bloody tyranny of the
+Turks; and the turning out of Europe of the Ottoman Empire as decidedly
+foreign to Western civilization." The German reply contained no
+statement of territorial claims and gave no pledge even as to the
+future status of Belgium.
+
+In reporting the results of this interchange of views to the Senate,
+January 22, 1917, President Wilson delivered the first of that series
+of addresses on the essentials of a just and lasting peace which made
+him the recognized spokesman of the liberal element in all countries
+and gained for him a moral leadership that was without parallel in the
+history of the world. "In every discussion of the peace that must end
+this war," he declared, "it is taken for granted that that peace must
+be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it
+virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us
+again. Every lover of mankind, every sane and thoughtful man must take
+that for granted." In fact, there was no dissent from this statement.
+Most of our leading men, including Taft, Roosevelt, and Lodge, were
+committed to the idea of a league of nations for the maintenance of law
+and international peace. The League to Enforce Peace, which had
+branches in all the Allied countries, had done a great work in
+popularizing this idea. The President came before the Senate, he said,
+"as the council associated with me in the final determination of our
+international obligations," to formulate the conditions upon which he
+would feel justified in asking the American people to give "formal and
+solemn adherence to a League for Peace." He disclaimed any right to a
+voice in determining what the terms of peace should be, but he did
+claim a right to "have a voice in determining whether they shall be
+made lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal covenant." First
+of all, the peace must be a "peace without victory," for "only a peace
+between equals can last." And, he added, "there is a deeper thing
+involved than even equality of right among organized nations. No peace
+can last, or ought to last, which does not recognize and accept the
+principle that governments derive all their just powers from the
+consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand
+peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were
+property." He cited Poland as an example, declaring that statesmen
+everywhere were agreed that she should be "united, independent, and
+autonomous."
+
+He declared that every great people "should be assured a direct outlet
+to the sea," and that "no nation should be shut away from free access
+to the open paths of the world's commerce." He added: "The freedom of
+the seas is the _sine qua non_ of peace, equality, and cooeperation."
+This problem, he said, was closely connected with the limitation of
+naval armaments. "The question of armaments, whether on land or sea,
+is the most immediately and intensely practical question connected with
+the future fortunes of nations and of mankind."
+
+The Russian revolution, which came in March, 1917, and resulted in the
+overthrow of the Czar's government, cleared the political atmosphere
+for the time being, and enabled President Wilson in his address to
+Congress on April 2 to proclaim a war of democracy against autocracy.
+The new Russian government repudiated all imperialistic aims and
+adopted the formula: "Self-determination, no annexations, no
+indemnities." Poland was given her freedom and the demand for
+Constantinople was abandoned. The Allies were thus relieved from one
+of their most embarrassing secret treaties.
+
+Even after America entered the war, President Wilson continued to
+advance the same ideas as to the ultimate conditions of peace. His
+attitude remained essentially different from that of the Allies, who
+were hampered by secret treaties wholly at variance with the
+President's aims. In his war address he declared that we had "no
+quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but
+one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that
+their government acted in entering this war." Prussian autocracy was
+the object of his attack. "We are now about to accept gauge of battle
+with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the
+whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its
+power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false
+pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world
+and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for
+the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men
+everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world
+must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the
+tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to
+serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for
+ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely
+make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We
+shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the
+faith and the freedom of nations can make them."
+
+About the time that the United States declared war, Austria and Germany
+began another so-called "peace offensive." Overtures were made by
+Austria to France in March, and in August the Pope made a direct appeal
+to the Powers. This move was unmasked by President Wilson in a public
+address at the Washington Monument, June 14, 1917. "The military
+masters under whom Germany is bleeding," he declared, "see very clearly
+to what point fate has brought them: if they fall back or are forced
+back an inch, their power abroad and at home will fall to pieces. It
+is their power at home of which they are thinking now more than of
+their power abroad. It is that power which is trembling under their
+very feet. Deep fear has entered their hearts. They have but one
+chance to perpetuate their military power, or even their controlling
+political influence. If they can secure peace now, with the immense
+advantage still in their hands, they will have justified themselves
+before the German people. They will have gained by force what they
+promised to gain by it--an immense expansion of German power and an
+immense enlargement of German industrial and commercial opportunities.
+Their prestige will be secure, and with their prestige their political
+power. If they fail, their people will thrust them aside. A
+government accountable to the people themselves will be set up in
+Germany, as has been the case in England, the United States, and
+France--in all great countries of modern times except Germany. If they
+succeed they are safe, and Germany and the world are undone. If they
+fail, Germany is saved and the world will be at peace. If they
+succeed, America will fall within the menace, and we, and all the rest
+of the world, must remain armed, as they will remain, and must make
+ready for the next step in their aggression. If they fail, the world
+may unite for peace and Germany may be of the union."
+
+The task of replying to the Pope was left by the Allied governments to
+Wilson, who was not hampered by secret treaties. In this remarkable
+document he drove still further the wedge between the German people and
+the Kaiser. "The American people have suffered intolerable wrongs at
+the hands of the Imperial German Government, but they desire no
+reprisal upon the German people who have themselves suffered all things
+in this war which they did not choose. They believe that peace should
+rest upon the rights of peoples, not the rights of Governments--the
+rights of peoples great or small, weak or powerful--their equal right
+to freedom and security and self-government and to a participation upon
+fair terms in the economic opportunities of the world, the German
+people of course included if they will accept equality and not seek
+domination."
+
+In conclusion he said: "We cannot take the word of the present rulers
+of Germany as a guarantee of anything that is to endure, unless
+explicitly supported by such conclusive evidence of the will and
+purpose of the German people themselves as the other peoples of the
+world would be justified in accepting. Without such guarantees,
+treaties of settlement, agreements for disarmament, covenants to set up
+arbitration in the place of force, territorial adjustments,
+reconstitutions of small nations, if made with the German Government,
+no man, no nation could now depend on. We must await some new evidence
+of the purposes of the great peoples of the Central Powers. God grant
+it may be given soon and in a way to restore the confidence of all
+peoples everywhere in the faith of nations and the possibility of
+covenanted peace."
+
+Early in November, 1917, the Kerensky Government was overthrown in
+Russia and the Bolsheviki came into power. They at once proposed a
+general armistice and called upon all the belligerents to enter into
+peace negotiations. The Central Powers accepted the invitation, and
+early in December negotiations began at Brest-Litovsk. The Russian
+peace proposals were: the evacuation of occupied territories,
+self-determination for nationalities not hitherto independent, no war
+indemnities or economic boycotts, and the settlement of colonial
+questions in accordance with the above principles. The Austrian
+minister, Count Czernin, replied for the Central Powers, accepting more
+of the Russian program than had been expected, but rejecting the
+principle of a free plebiscite for national groups not hitherto
+independent, and conditioning the whole on the acceptance by the Allies
+of the offer of general peace. The conference called on the Allies for
+an answer by January 4. No direct reply was made to this demand, but
+the Russian proposals had made a profound impression on the laboring
+classes in all countries, and both Lloyd George and President Wilson
+felt called on to define more clearly the war aims of the Allies.
+
+In a speech delivered January 5, 1918, Lloyd George made the first
+comprehensive and authoritative statement of British war aims. He had
+consulted the labor leaders and Viscount Grey and Mr. Asquith, as well
+as some of the representatives of the overseas dominions, and he was
+speaking, he said, for "the nation and the Empire as a whole." He
+explained first what the British were not fighting for. He disclaimed
+any idea of overthrowing the German Government, although he considered
+military autocracy "a dangerous anachronism"; they were not fighting to
+destroy Austria-Hungary, but genuine self-government must be granted to
+"those Austro-Hungarian nationalities who have long desired it"; they
+were not fighting "to deprive Turkey of its capital or of the rich and
+renowned lands of Thrace, which are predominantly Turkish in race," but
+the passage between the Mediterranean and the Black Sea must be
+"internationalized and neutralized." The positive statement of aims
+included the complete restoration of Belgium, the return of
+Alsace-Lorraine to France, rectification of the Italian boundary, the
+independence of Poland, the restoration of Serbia, Montenegro, and the
+occupied parts of France, Italy, and Rumania, and a disposition of the
+German colonies with "primary regard to the wishes and interests of the
+native inhabitants of such colonies." He insisted on reparation for
+injuries done in violation of international law, but disclaimed a
+demand for war indemnity. In conclusion he declared the following
+conditions to be essential to a lasting peace: "First, the sanctity of
+treaties must be reestablished; secondly, a territorial settlement must
+be secured, based on the right of self-determination or the consent of
+the governed; and lastly, we must seek, by the creation of some
+international organization, to limit the burden of armaments and
+diminish the probability of war."
+
+On January 8, 1918, three days after Lloyd George's speech, President
+Wilson appeared before both Houses of Congress and delivered the most
+important of all his addresses on war aims. It contained the famous
+Fourteen Points:
+
+I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall
+be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy
+shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
+
+II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial
+waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in
+whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of
+international covenants.
+
+III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the
+establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations
+consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.
+
+IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be
+reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
+
+V. A free, open-minded and absolutely impartial adjustment of all
+colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that
+in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the
+populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims
+of the Government whose title is to be determined.
+
+VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of
+all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest
+cooeperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an
+unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent
+determination of her own political development and national policy and
+assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under
+institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance
+also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The
+treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations will be the acid test
+of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as
+distinguished from their own interests and of their intelligent and
+unselfish sympathy.
+
+VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and
+restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys
+in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve
+as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws
+which they have themselves set and determined for the government of
+their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole
+structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
+
+VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions
+restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter
+of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for
+nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once
+more be made secure in the interest of all.
+
+IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along
+clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
+
+X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we
+wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest
+opportunity of autonomous development.
+
+XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated: occupied
+territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the
+sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another
+determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of
+allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the
+political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the
+several Balkan states should be entered into.
+
+XII. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be
+assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now
+under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and
+an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the
+Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships
+and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
+
+XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should
+include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations,
+which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose
+political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be
+guaranteed by international covenant.
+
+XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific
+covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political
+independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.
+
+
+In February negotiations at Brest-Litovsk were broken off as a result
+of the excessive demands of the Germans and the armistice was declared
+at an end. The Germans quickly overran Poland and the Baltic provinces
+and occupied Ukraine under a treaty which virtually placed the material
+resources of that country at the disposal of the Central Powers. In an
+address at Baltimore, April 6, the anniversary of our entrance into the
+war, President Wilson denounced the insincerity and perfidy of the
+German rulers, who, he said, were "enjoying in Russia a cheap triumph
+in which no brave or gallant nation can long take pride." He concluded
+with these strong words: "Germany has once more said that force, and
+force alone, shall decide whether justice and peace shall reign in the
+affairs of men, whether right as America conceives it or dominion as
+she conceives it shall determine the destinies of mankind. There is,
+therefore, but one response possible from us: Force, force to the
+utmost, force without stint or limit, the righteous and triumphant
+force which shall make right the law of the world and cast every
+selfish dominion down in the dust."
+
+Between the addresses of January 8 and the Armistice, the President
+delivered other addresses in which he elaborated some of the principles
+of the Fourteen Points. Of special significance were his speeches of
+February 11, July 4, and September 27. In the last his mind centered
+on the League of Nations. "There can be no leagues or alliances or
+special covenants and understandings within the general and common
+family of the League of Nations," he declared, and "there can be no
+special selfish economic combinations within the League, and no
+employment of any form of economic boycott or exclusion, except as the
+power of economic penalty, by exclusion from the markets of the world,
+may be vested in the League of Nations itself as a means of discipline
+and control." In conclusion he said that the United States was
+prepared "to assume its full share of responsibility for the
+maintenance of the common covenants and understandings upon which peace
+must henceforth rest."
+
+We now know from the published memoirs of German and Austrian statesmen
+that President Wilson's speeches made a profound impression on the
+peoples of Central Europe. His utterances in behalf of the oppressed
+nationalities, not only Belgium, Serbia, and Poland, but also the
+Czecho-Slovaks and the Jugo-Slavs, became stronger and more frequent
+during the spring and summer of 1918, and solidified the opposition to
+Germany at a critical period of the war. On September 3 he recognized
+the Czecho-Slovak National Council as a belligerent government. This
+meant the break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which had not been
+contemplated at an earlier period, but, as he stated in his reply to
+the Austrian request for an armistice in October, conditions had
+changed since the announcement of the Fourteen Points, and these
+peoples would no longer be satisfied with mere autonomy.
+
+As a result of the Russian collapse and the negotiations at
+Brest-Litovsk, the Germans withdrew their divisions from the eastern
+front and staked everything on the great western drive of March, 1918.
+When this movement was finally checked and the Allied advance began,
+the German military leaders knew that the game was up, but they did not
+have the courage to face the facts, for an acknowledgment of defeat
+meant the overthrow of the old system of government based on military
+success. They waited in vain for some military advantage which would
+give them an opportunity to open negotiations without openly
+acknowledging defeat. Finally the state of demoralization at
+Headquarters became so complete that there was no alternative but to
+ask for an immediate armistice. In order to pave the way for this
+step, the ministry resigned October 1, and Prince Max of Baden was
+called on to form a new government. On the 4th he dispatched a note to
+President Wilson through the Swiss Government, requesting him to call a
+peace conference and stating that the German Government "accepts the
+program set forth by the President of the United States in his message
+to Congress of the 8th January, 1918, and in his later pronouncements,
+especially his speech of the 27th September, as a basis for peace
+negotiations."
+
+In reply the President asked for a clearer understanding on three
+points: (1) Did the Imperial Chancellor mean that the German Government
+accepted the terms laid down in the President's addresses referred to,
+and "that its object in entering into discussion would be only to agree
+upon the practical details of their application?" (2) The President
+would not feel at liberty to propose a cessation of arms to the Allied
+Governments so long as the armies of the Central Powers were upon their
+soil. (3) The President asked whether the Chancellor was speaking for
+the constituted authorities of the Empire who had so far conducted the
+war.
+
+The German reply of October 12 was satisfactory on the first point.
+With respect to the withdrawal of their troops from occupied territory
+they proposed a mixed commission to arrange the details. On the third
+point it was stated that the new government had been formed in
+agreement with the great majority of the Reichstag. Having
+accomplished this much, the President's next step was skilfully taken.
+He replied that the process of evacuation and the conditions of an
+armistice were matters which must be left to the judgment of the
+military advisers of the United States and the Allied Governments, but
+that he would not agree to any arrangement which did not provide
+"absolutely satisfactory safeguards and guarantees of the maintenance
+of the present military supremacy of the armies of the United States
+and of the Allies in the field." Referring next to submarine warfare,
+he declared that the United States and the Allied Governments could not
+consider an armistice "so long as the armed forces of Germany continue
+the illegal and inhumane practices which they persist in." In
+conclusion he referred to a clause contained in his speech of July 4,
+now accepted by the German Government as one of the conditions of
+peace, namely, "The destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere that
+can separately, secretly, and of its single choice disturb the peace of
+the world." He added: "The power which has hitherto controlled the
+German nation is of the sort here described. It is within the choice
+of the German nation to alter it." He demanded that the United States
+and the Allied Governments "should know beyond a peradventure" with
+whom they were dealing.
+
+In reply the Chancellor assured the President that a bill had been
+introduced in the Reichstag to alter the constitution of the Empire so
+as to give the representatives of the people the right to decide for
+war or peace, but the President was not satisfied that there had been
+any real change. "It may be that future wars have been brought under
+the control of the German people, but the present war has not been; and
+it is with the present war that we are dealing." He was not willing to
+accept any armistice which did not make a renewal of hostilities on the
+part of Germany impossible. If, he concluded, the United States "must
+deal with the military masters and the monarchical autocrats of Germany
+now, or if it is likely to have to deal with them later in regard to
+the international obligations of the German Empire, it must demand not
+peace negotiations but surrender. Nothing can be gained by leaving
+this essential thing unsaid." This note was written October 23. Four
+days later the Chancellor replied: "The President knows the deep-rooted
+changes which have taken place and are still taking place in German
+constitutional life. The peace negotiations will be conducted by a
+People's Government, in whose hands the decisive legal power rests in
+accordance with the Constitution, and to which the Military Power will
+also be subject. The German Government now awaits the proposals for an
+armistice which will introduce a peace of justice such as the President
+in his manifestations has described."
+
+The terms of the Armistice were drawn up by the Interallied Council at
+Versailles and completed by November 5. They were much more severe
+than the public had expected them to be. Germany was required
+immediately to evacuate Belgium, France, Alsace-Lorraine, and
+Luxemburg; to withdraw her armies from the entire territory on the left
+bank of the Rhine, and from Russia, Austria-Hungary, Rumania, and
+Turkey; she was to surrender enormous quantities of heavy artillery and
+airplanes, all her submarines, and most of her battleships, cruisers,
+and destroyers. This was practically unconditional surrender.
+Contrary to the general belief at the time, it is now known that Foch
+and Haig considered these terms too severe and feared that Germany
+would not accept them. They wanted an armistice that Germany would
+accept. General Bliss, on the other hand, wanted to demand "the
+complete disarmament and demobilization of the military and naval
+forces of the enemy." In America there was much criticism of the
+President for being willing to negotiate with Germany at all. "On to
+Berlin" was a popular cry, and it was thought that the President was
+preventing a complete military triumph. On October 10 Senator Lodge
+declared in the Senate: "The Republican party stands for unconditional
+surrender and complete victory, just as Grant stood. My own belief is
+that the American people mean to have an unconditional surrender. They
+mean to have a dictated, not a negotiated peace."
+
+After reviewing the Armistice negotiations Andre Tardieu, a member of
+the French Cabinet and delegate to the Peace Conference, says:
+
+"What remains of the fiction, believed by so many, of an armistice
+secretly determined upon by an American dictator; submitted to by the
+European governments: imposed by their weakness upon the victorious
+armies, despite the opposition of the generals? The Armistice was
+discussed in the open light of day. President Wilson only consented to
+communicate it to his associates on the triple condition that its
+principle be approved by the military authorities and its clauses would
+be drawn up by them; that it be imposed upon the enemy and not
+discussed with him; that it be such as to prevent all resumption of
+hostilities and assure the submission of the vanquished to the terms of
+peace. So it was that the discussion went on with Berlin till October
+23, and in Paris from that date till November 5. It was to the
+Commander-in-Chief [Foch] that final decision was left not only on the
+principle of the Armistice but upon its application. He it was who
+drew up the text. And it was his draft that was adopted. The action
+of the governments was limited to endorsing it and making it more
+severe. That is the truth:--it is perhaps less picturesque but
+certainly more in accord with common sense."
+
+The terms of the Armistice were delivered to the Germans by Marshal
+Foch November 7, and they were given seventy-two hours to accept or
+reject them. Meanwhile Germany's allies were rapidly deserting her.
+Bulgaria surrendered September 30, and on October 30 Turkey signed an
+armistice. Finally on November 4, the rapidly disintegrating
+Austro-Hungarian Monarchy also signed an armistice. On October 28
+there had been a naval mutiny at Kiel which spread rapidly to the other
+ports. On the 31st the Emperor departed for Army Headquarters, leaving
+Berlin on the verge of revolution. On the 7th of November the Social
+Democrats demanded the abdication of the Emperor and the Crown Prince.
+On the 9th Prince Max resigned the Chancellorship, and the Kaiser
+abdicated and ignominiously fled across the border into Holland. On
+the 11th at 5 A. M. the Armistice was signed by the German delegates
+and Marshal Foch, and it went into effect at 11 o'clock that day.
+
+In two particulars the Wilson principles had been modified by the
+Allies. In the American note to Germany of November 5 Secretary
+Lansing stated that the President had submitted his correspondence with
+the German authorities to the Allied Governments and that he had
+received in reply the following memorandum:
+
+"The Allied Governments have given careful consideration to the
+correspondence which has passed between the President of the United
+States and the German Government. Subject to the qualifications which
+follow, they declare their willingness to make peace with the
+Government of Germany on the terms of peace laid down in the
+President's Address to Congress of January 8, 1918, and the principles
+of settlement enunciated in his subsequent Addresses. They must point
+out, however, that Clause 2, relating to what is usually described as
+the freedom of the seas, is open to various interpretations, some of
+which they could not accept. They must therefore reserve to themselves
+complete freedom on this subject when they enter the Peace Conference.
+Further, in the conditions of peace laid down in his Address to
+Congress of January 8, 1918, the President declared that the invaded
+territories must be restored as well as evacuated and freed, and the
+Allied Governments feel that no doubt ought to be allowed to exist as
+to what this provision implies. By it they understand that
+compensation will be made by Germany for all damage done to the
+civilian population of the Allies and their property by the aggression
+of Germany by land, by sea, and from the air." In transmitting this
+memorandum Secretary Lansing stated that he was instructed by the
+President to say that he agreed with this interpretation.
+
+With these modifications the Wilson principles were accepted by all
+parties as the legal basis of the peace negotiations.
+
+
+
+
+XI
+
+THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES
+
+It was agreed that the Peace Conference should meet at Paris, and
+President Wilson considered the issues involved of such magnitude that
+he decided to head the American delegation himself. Great Britain,
+France, and Italy were to be represented by their premiers, and it was
+fitting that the United States should be represented by its most
+responsible leader, who, furthermore, had been the chief spokesman of
+the Allies and had formulated the principles upon which the peace was
+to be made. But the decision of the President to go to Paris was
+without precedent in our history and, therefore, it met with criticism
+and opposition. When he announced the names of the other members of
+the delegation, the criticism became even more outspoken and severe.
+They were Secretary of State Lansing, Henry White, former ambassador to
+France, Colonel Edward M. House, and General Tasker H. Bliss. There
+had been a widespread demand for a non-partisan peace commission, and
+many people thought that the President should have taken Root, or
+Roosevelt, or Taft. Mr. White was a Republican but he had never been
+active in party affairs or in any sense a leader. In the Senate there
+was deep resentment that the President had not selected any members of
+that body to accompany him. President McKinley had appointed three
+senators as members of the commission of five that negotiated the
+treaty of peace at the close of the Spanish War. With that exception,
+senators had never taken part directly in the negotiation of a treaty.
+The delegation was attended by a large group of experts on military,
+economic, geographical, ethnological, and legal matters, some of whom
+were men of great ability, and in their selection no party lines were
+drawn.
+
+But just before the signing of the Armistice, the President had
+suffered a serious political defeat at home. There had been severe
+criticism of Democratic leadership in Congress and growing
+dissatisfaction with some of the members of the Cabinet. In response
+to the appeals of Democratic Congressmen, the President issued a
+statement from the White House on October 25, asking the people, if
+they approved of his leadership and wished him to continue to be their
+"unembarrassed spokesman in affairs at home and abroad," to vote for
+the Democratic candidates for Congress. He acknowledged that the
+Republicans in Congress had loyally supported his war measures, but he
+declared that they were hostile to the administration and that the time
+was too critical for divided leadership. This statement created a
+storm of criticism, and did more than any other act in his
+administration to turn the tide of public opinion against the
+President. The elections resulted in a Republican majority of
+thirty-nine in the House and two in the Senate. The President had
+followed the practice of European premiers in appealing to the people,
+but under our constitutional system he could not very well resign. Had
+he not issued his appeal, the election would have been regarded as a
+repudiation of the Democratic Congress, but not necessarily as a
+repudiation of the President. The situation was most unfortunate, but
+the President made no comments and soon after announced his intention
+of going to Paris. In December Lloyd George went to the country, and
+on pledging himself to make Germany pay for the war and to hang the
+Kaiser, he was returned by a substantial majority. These pledges were
+unnecessary and had a most unfortunate influence on the subsequent
+negotiations at Paris.
+
+The President sailed for France December 4, leaving a divided country
+behind him. His enemies promptly seized the opportunity to assail him.
+Senator Sherman introduced a resolution declaring the presidency vacant
+because the President had left the territory of the United States, and
+Senator Knox offered another resolution declaring that the Conference
+should confine itself solely to the restoration of peace, and that the
+proposed league of nations should be reserved for consideration at some
+future time.
+
+While his enemies in the Senate were busily organizing all the forces
+of opposition against him, the President was welcomed by the war-weary
+peoples of Europe with demonstrations of genuine enthusiasm such as had
+been the lot of few men in history to receive. Sovereigns and heads of
+States bestowed the highest honors upon him, while great crowds of
+working men gathered at the railroad stations in order to get a glimpse
+of the man who had led the crusade for a peace that would end war and
+establish justice as the rule of conduct between the nations of the
+world, great and small nations alike.
+
+No mortal man could have fulfilled the hopes and expectations that
+centered in Wilson when he landed on the shores of France in December,
+1918. The Armistice had been signed on the basis of his ideals, and
+the peoples of Europe confidently expected to see those ideals embodied
+in the treaty of peace. He still held the moral leadership of the
+world, but the war was over, the German menace ended, and national
+rivalries and jealousies were beginning to reappear, even among those
+nations who had so recently fought and bled side by side. This change
+was to be revealed when the Conference met. There was no sign of it in
+the plaudits of the multitudes who welcomed the President in France, in
+England, and in Italy. He returned on January 7, 1919, from Italy to
+Paris, where delegates to the Conference from all the countries which
+had been at war with Germany were gathering.
+
+The first session of the Peace Conference was held January 18. The
+main work of the Conference was carried on by the Supreme Council,
+constituted at this meeting and composed of the two ranking delegates
+of each of the five great powers, Great Britain, France, Italy, the
+United States, and Japan. The decisions which this Council arrived at,
+with the aid of the large groups of technical advisers which
+accompanied the delegations of the great powers, were reported to the
+Conference in plenary session from time to time and ratified. The
+Supreme Council was, however, gradually superseded by the "Big Four,"
+Wilson, Lloyd George, Clemenceau, and Orlando, while the "Five,"
+composed of ministers of foreign affairs, handled much of the routine
+business, and made some important decisions, subject to the approval of
+the "Four." According to statistics compiled by Tardieu, the Council
+of Ten held seventy-two sessions, the "Five" held thirty-nine, and the
+"Four" held one hundred and forty-five. As one of the American experts
+puts it: "The 'Ten' fell into the background, the 'Five' never emerged
+from obscurity, the 'Four' ruled the Conference in the culminating
+period when its decisions took shape."
+
+At the plenary session of January 25, President Wilson made a notable
+speech in which he proposed the creation of a league of nations, and a
+resolution to organize such a league and make it an integral part of
+the general treaty was unanimously adopted. A commission to draft a
+constitution for the League was appointed with President Wilson as
+chairman. On February 14 the first draft of the Covenant of the League
+was presented by him to the Conference, and on the following day he
+sailed for the United States in order to consider the bills passed by
+Congress before the expiration of the session on March 4. The first
+draft of the Covenant was hastily prepared, and it went back to the
+commission for revision. As soon as the text was made known in the
+United States, opposition to the Covenant was expressed in the Senate.
+During the President's brief visit to Washington, he gave a dinner at
+the White House to members of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations
+and of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs for the purpose of
+explaining to them the terms of the Covenant. There was no official
+report of what occurred at this dinner, but it was stated that some of
+the senators objected to the Covenant on the ground that it was
+contrary to our traditional policies and inconsistent with our
+Constitution and form of government. On March 4, the day before the
+President left New York to resume his duties at the Conference,
+Senators Lodge and Knox issued a round robin, signed by thirty-seven
+senators, declaring that they would not vote for the Covenant in the
+form proposed, and that consideration of the League of Nations should
+be postponed until peace had been concluded with Germany. That same
+night the President made a speech at the Metropolitan Opera House in
+New York City in which, after explaining and defining the Covenant, he
+said: "When that treaty comes back gentlemen on this side will find the
+Covenant not only in it, but so many threads of the treaty tied to the
+Covenant that you cannot dissect the Covenant from the treaty without
+destroying the whole vital structure." In this same address he also
+said: "The first thing I am going to tell the people on the other side
+of the water is that an overwhelming majority of the American people is
+in favour of the League of Nations. I know that this is true. I have
+had unmistakable intimations of it from all parts of the country, and
+the voice rings true in every case." The President was evidently quite
+confident that public sentiment would compel the Senate to ratify the
+peace treaty, including the Covenant of the League. A nation-wide
+propaganda was being carried on by the League to Enforce Peace and
+other organizations, and public sentiment for the League appeared to be
+overwhelming. The President took back to Paris with him various
+suggestions of changes in the Covenant, and later ex-President Taft,
+Elihu Root, and Charles E. Hughes proposed amendments which were
+forwarded to him and carefully considered by the commission. Some of
+these suggestions, such as the reservation of the Monroe Doctrine and
+the right of withdrawal from the League, were embodied in the final
+draft.
+
+When the President returned to Paris he found that Secretary Lansing
+and Colonel House had consented to the separation of the League from
+the treaty of peace. He immediately reversed this decision, but the
+final adoption of the Covenant was delayed by the demand of Japan that
+a clause be inserted establishing "the principle of equality of nations
+and just treatment of their nationals," which would have brought within
+the jurisdiction of the League the status of Japan's subjects in
+California and in the British dominions. France urged the inclusion of
+a provision creating a permanent General Staff to direct the military
+operations of the League, and Belgium insisted that Brussels rather
+than Geneva should be the seat of the League. Meanwhile other national
+aspirations were also brought forward which delayed the general treaty
+of peace. France wanted the entire left bank of the Rhine; Italy put
+forth a claim to Fiume; and Japan, relying on secret agreements with
+England, France, and Italy, insisted on her claims to Shantung. No
+economic settlement had as yet been agreed upon, and the question of
+reparations was threatening the disruption of the Conference.
+
+The most difficult problem that the Conference had to solve was the
+establishment of a new Franco-German frontier. There was no question
+about Alsace-Lorraine. That had been disposed of by the Fourteen
+Points, and Germany had acquiesced in its return to France in the
+pre-Armistice agreement. But no sooner was the Armistice signed than
+Foch addressed a note to Clemenceau, setting forth the necessity of
+making the Rhine the western frontier of Germany. The Left Bank,
+extending from Alsace-Lorraine to the Dutch frontier, embraced about
+10,000 square miles and 5,500,000 people. The debate on this question
+continued at intervals for six months and at times became very
+acrimonious. The French representatives did not demand the direct
+annexation of the Left Bank, but they proposed an independent or
+autonomous Rhineland and French, or inter-Allied, occupation of the
+Rhine for an indefinite period, or at least until the full execution by
+Germany of the financial clauses of the treaty. Both the British and
+American delegates opposed the French proposals. Lloyd George
+repeatedly said: "We must not create another Alsace-Lorraine." He also
+remarked on one occasion: "The strongest impression made upon me by my
+first visit to Paris was the statue of Strasburg veiled in mourning.
+Do not let us make it possible for Germany to erect a similar statue."
+
+This discussion was being carried on with great earnestness and
+intensity of feeling when Wilson returned to Paris March 14. That very
+afternoon he met Lloyd George and Clemenceau. The French argument was
+set forth again at length and with great skill. The fact was again
+pointed out that the destruction of the German fleet had relieved
+England from all fear of German invasion, and that the Atlantic Ocean
+lay between Germany and the United States, while France, which had
+suffered two German invasions in half a century, had no safeguard but
+the League of Nations, which she did not deem as good a guarantee as
+the Rhine bridges. Finally Wilson and Lloyd George offered the
+guarantee treaties, and Clemenceau agreed to take the proposal under
+consideration. Three days later he came back with a counter
+proposition and a compromise was reached. France gave up her demand
+for a separate Rhineland, but secured occupation of the Left Bank,
+including the bridge-heads, for a period of fifteen years as a
+guarantee of the execution of the treaty. In return the United States
+and Great Britain pledged themselves to come to the immediate aid of
+France, in case of an unprovoked attack, by an agreement which was to
+be binding only if ratified by both countries. This treaty the United
+States Senate refused to ratify. Foch was opposed to this compromise,
+and adopted a course of action which was very embarrassing to
+Clemenceau. Fierce attacks on the French Government and on the
+representatives of Great Britain and the United States, inspired by
+him, appeared in the papers. When the treaty was finally completed, he
+even went so far as to refuse to transmit the note summoning the German
+delegates to Versailles to receive it. Wilson and Lloyd George finally
+protested so vigorously to Clemenceau that Foch had to give way.
+
+In view of the promises of Clemenceau and Lloyd George that Germany
+should pay the cost of the war, the question of reparations was an
+exceedingly difficult one to adjust. President Wilson stoutly opposed
+the inclusion of war costs as contrary to the pre-Armistice agreement,
+and Lloyd George and Clemenceau finally had to give in. The entire
+American delegation and their corps of experts endeavored to limit the
+charges imposed on Germany rigidly to reparation for damage done to
+civilians in the occupied areas and on land and sea. Lloyd George,
+remembering the promises which he had made prior to the December
+elections, insisted that pensions paid by the Allied governments should
+be included as damage done to the civilian population. This claim was
+utterly illogical, for pensions fall properly into the category of
+military expenses, but it was pressed with such skill and determination
+by Lloyd George and General Smuts that President Wilson finally gave
+his assent.
+
+From the first the American delegates and experts were in favor of
+fixing definitely the amount that Germany was to pay in the way of
+reparations and settling this question once for all. They hoped to
+agree upon a sum which it was within Germany's power to pay. But
+Clemenceau and Lloyd George had made such extravagant promises to their
+people that they were afraid to announce at this time a sum which would
+necessarily be much less than the people expected. They, therefore,
+insisted that the question should be left open to be determined later
+by a Reparations Commission. They declared that any other course would
+mean the immediate overthrow of their governments and the
+reorganization of the British and French delegations. President Wilson
+did not care to put himself in the position of appearing to precipitate
+a political crisis in either country, so he finally gave way on this
+point also. These concessions proved to be the most serious mistakes
+that he made at Paris, for they did more than anything else to
+undermine the faith of liberals everywhere in him.
+
+The Italian delegation advanced a claim to Fiume which was inconsistent
+both with the Treaty of London and the Fourteen Points. When
+disagreement over this question had been delaying for weeks the
+settlement of other matters, President Wilson finally made a public
+statement of his position which was virtually an appeal to the Italian
+people over the heads of their delegation. The entire delegation
+withdrew from the Conference and went home, but Premier Orlando
+received an almost unanimous vote of confidence from his parliament,
+and he was supported by an overwhelming tide of public sentiment
+throughout Italy. This was the first indication of Wilson's loss of
+prestige with the peoples of Europe.
+
+As already stated, the Japanese had insisted on the insertion in the
+Covenant of the League of the principle of racial equality. It is very
+doubtful whether they ever expected to succeed in this. The
+probability is that they advanced this principle in order to compel
+concessions on other points. Japan's main demand was that the German
+leases and concessions in the Chinese province of Shantung should be
+definitely confirmed to her by the treaty. Two weeks after the
+outbreak of the World War, Japan had addressed an ultimatum to Germany
+to the effect that she immediately withdraw all German vessels from
+Chinese and Japanese waters and deliver not later than September 15 "to
+the Imperial Japanese authorities without condition or compensation the
+entire leased territory of Kiao-chau with a view to the eventual
+restoration of the same to China." In a statement issued to the press
+Count Okuma said:
+
+"As Premier of Japan, I have stated and I now again state to the people
+of America and all the world that Japan has no ulterior motive or
+desire to secure more territory, no thought of depriving China or any
+other peoples of anything which they now possess."
+
+The Germans had spent about $100,000,000 in improving Tsing-tau, the
+principal city of Kiao-chau, and they had no intention of surrendering.
+After a siege of two months the city was captured by the Japanese army
+and navy, assisted by a small force of British troops. This was the
+first act in the drama. On January 8, 1915, Japan suddenly presented
+to the Chinese government the now famous Twenty-one Demands,
+deliberately misrepresenting to the United States and other powers the
+nature of these demands. Among other things, Japan demanded not only
+that China should assent to any agreement in regard to Shantung that
+Japan and Germany might reach at the conclusion of the war, but that
+she should also grant to her greater rights and concessions in Shantung
+than Germany had enjoyed. China was finally forced to agree to these
+demands.
+
+Japan's next step was to acquire from the Allies the assurance that
+they would support her claims to Shantung and to the islands in the
+Pacific north of the equator on the conclusion of the war. This she
+did in secret agreements signed in February and March, 1917, with
+England, France, Italy, and Russia. England agreed to support Japan's
+claim on condition that Japan would support her claims to the Pacific
+islands south of the equator. France signed on condition that Japan
+would use her influence on China to break relations with Germany and
+place at the disposal of the Allies the German ships interned in
+Chinese ports. The Allies were evidently uneasy about Japan, and were
+willing to do anything that was necessary to satisfy her. This
+uncertainty about Japan may also be the explanation of the
+Lansing-Ishii agreement signed November 2, 1917, in which the United
+States recognized the "special interests" of Japan in China.
+
+The secret treaties of the Allies relating to the Japanese claims were
+not revealed until the disposition of the German islands in the Pacific
+was under discussion at the Peace Conference. When informed by Baron
+Makino that the islands north of the equator had been pledged to Japan
+by agreements signed two years before, President Wilson inquired
+whether there were other secret agreements, and was informed that the
+German rights in Shantung had also been promised to Japan. As the
+other powers were pledged to support Japan's claims, President Wilson
+found himself in a very embarrassing situation, especially as he had
+also to oppose Japan's demand that a clause recognizing racial equality
+be inserted in the Covenant of the League. This was a moral claim that
+Japan urged with great strategic effect. In pushing her claims to
+Shantung she ignored all moral considerations and relied entirely upon
+her legal status, secured (1) by the secret treaties with the Allies,
+(2) by the treaty of 1915 with China, and (3) by right of conquest.
+When charged with having coerced China into signing the treaty of 1915,
+Japan replied with truth that most of the important treaties with China
+had been extorted by force. Japan declared, however, that she had no
+intention of holding Shantung permanently, but that she would restore
+the province in full sovereignty to China, retaining only the economic
+privileges transferred from Germany. In view of this oral promise,
+President Wilson finally acquiesced in the recognition of Japan's legal
+status in Shantung.
+
+On May 7 the completed treaty was presented to the German delegates who
+had been summoned to Versailles to receive it. When the text was made
+public in Berlin there was an indignant outcry against the alleged
+injustice of certain provisions which were held to be inconsistent with
+the pledges given by President Wilson in the pre-Armistice
+negotiations, and the Germans made repeated efforts to draw the Allies
+into a general discussion of principles. They were, however, finally
+given to understand that they must accept or reject the treaty as it
+stood, and on June 28 it was signed in the Hall of Mirrors at
+Versailles--the same hall in which William I had been crowned Emperor
+of Germany forty-eight years before.
+
+The next day President Wilson sailed for the United States, and on July
+10 personally presented the treaty to the Senate with an earnest appeal
+for prompt ratification. The Committee on Foreign Relations, to which
+the treaty was referred, proceeded with great deliberation, and on July
+31 began a series of public hearings which lasted until September 12.
+The Committee called before it Secretary Lansing and several of the
+technical advisors to the American delegation, including B. M. Baruch,
+economic adviser, Norman H. Davis, financial adviser, and David Hunter
+Miller, legal adviser. The Committee also called before it a number of
+American citizens who had had no official connection with the
+negotiations but who wished to speak in behalf of foreign groups,
+including Thomas F. Millard for China, Joseph W. Folk for Egypt, Dudley
+Field Malone for India, and a large delegation of Americans of Irish
+descent, who opposed the League of Nations on the ground that it would
+stand in the way of Ireland's aspiration for independence. The rival
+claims of Jugo-Slavs and Italians to Fiume, the demand of Albania for
+self-determination, the claims of Greece to Thrace, and arguments for
+and against the separation of Austria and Hungary were all presented at
+great length to the Committee. On August 19 the President received the
+Committee at the White House, and after submitting a written statement
+on certain features of the Covenant, he was questioned by members of
+the Committee and a general discussion followed.
+
+Meanwhile, the treaty was being openly debated in the Senate. The
+President had been an advocate of publicity in diplomacy as well as in
+other things, and the Senate now undertook to use his own weapon
+against him by a public attack on the treaty. Although the opposition
+to the treaty was started in the Senate by Lodge, Borah, Johnson,
+Sherman, Reed, and Poindexter, it was not confined to that body.
+Throughout the country there were persons of liberal views who favored
+the League of Nations but objected to the severe terms imposed on
+Germany, and charged the President with having proved false to the
+principles of the Fourteen Points. There were others who did not
+object to a severe peace, but who were bound fast by the tradition of
+isolation and thought membership in the League of Nations would involve
+the sacrifice of national sovereignty. The main object of attack was
+Article X, which guaranteed the territorial integrity and political
+independence of all the members of the League. President Wilson stated
+to the Senate Committee that he regarded Article X as "the very
+backbone of the whole Covenant," and that "without it the League would
+be hardly more than an influential debating society." The opponents of
+the League declared that this article would embroil the United States
+in the internal affairs of Europe, and that it deprived Congress of its
+constitutional right to declare war.
+
+In the Senate there were three groups: the small number of
+"irreconcilables" who opposed the ratification of the treaty in any
+form; a larger group who favored ratification without amendments, but
+who finally expressed their willingness to accept "interpretative
+reservations"; and a large group composed mainly of Republicans who
+favored the ratification of the treaty only on condition that there
+should be attached to it reservations safeguarding what they declared
+to be the fundamental rights and interests of the United States. This
+group differed among themselves as to the character of the reservations
+that were necessary, and some of them became known as "mild
+reservationists."
+
+It is probable that at the outset only the small group of
+"irreconcilables" hoped or intended to bring about the defeat of the
+treaty, but as the debate proceeded and the opposition to the treaty
+received more and more popular support, the reservationists determined
+to defeat the treaty altogether rather than to accept any compromise.
+The Republican leaders were quick to realize that the tide of public
+opinion had turned and was now running strongly against the President.
+They determined, therefore, to ruin him at all hazards, and thus to
+bring about the election of a Republican president.
+
+When President Wilson realized that the treaty was really in danger of
+defeat, he determined to go on an extended tour of the country for the
+purpose of explaining the treaty to the people and bringing pressure to
+bear on the Senate. Beginning at Columbus, Ohio, on September 4, he
+proceeded through the northern tier of states to the Pacific coast,
+then visited California and returned through Colorado. He addressed
+large audiences who received him with great enthusiasm. He was
+"trailed" by Senator Hiram Johnson, who was sent out by the opposition
+in the Senate to present the other side. Johnson also attracted large
+crowds. On the return trip, while delivering an address at Wichita,
+Kansas, September 26, the President showed signs of a nervous breakdown
+and returned immediately to Washington. He was able to walk from the
+train to his automobile, but a few days later he was partially
+paralyzed. The full extent and seriousness of his illness was
+carefully concealed from the public. He was confined to the White
+House for five months, and had to abandon all efforts in behalf of the
+treaty.
+
+On September 10 the Committee on Foreign Relations reported the treaty
+to the Senate with a number of amendments and reservations. The
+Committee declared that the League was an alliance, and that it would
+"breed wars instead of securing peace." They also declared that the
+Covenant demanded "sacrifices of American independence and sovereignty
+which would in no way promote the world's peace," and that the
+amendments and reservations which they proposed were intended "to guard
+American rights and American sovereignty." The following day the
+minority members of the Committee submitted a report opposing both
+amendments and reservations. A few days later Senator McCumber
+presented a third report representing the views of the "mild
+reservationists." It objected to the phraseology of the Committee's
+reservations as unnecessarily severe and recommended substitute
+reservations. The treaty then became the regular order in the Senate
+and was read section by section and debated each day for over two
+months. The amendments of the text of the treaty were all rejected by
+substantial majorities for the reason that their adoption would have
+made it necessary to resubmit the treaty not only to the Allies but
+also to Germany. The majority of the senators were opposed to such a
+course. The Committee, therefore, decided to substitute reservations
+for amendments, and Senator Lodge finally submitted, on behalf of the
+Committee, fourteen reservations preceded by a preamble, which declared
+that the ratification of the treaty was not to take effect or bind the
+United States until these reservations had been accepted as a condition
+of ratification by at least three of the four principal Allied and
+associated powers, namely, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan.
+
+The first reservation provided that in case of withdrawal from the
+League the United States should be the sole judge as to whether its
+international obligations under the Covenant had been fulfilled. This
+reservation was adopted by a vote of 50 to 35.
+
+The second reservation declared that the United States assumed no
+obligation to preserve the territorial integrity or political
+independence of any other country or to interfere in controversies
+between nations under the provisions of Article X "or to employ the
+military or naval forces of the United States under any article of the
+treaty for any purpose, unless in any particular case the Congress,
+which, under the Constitution, has the sole power to declare war or
+authorize the employment of the military or naval forces of the United
+States, shall by act or joint resolution so provide." This reservation
+was adopted by a vote of 46 to 33.
+
+Reservation Number 3, providing that no mandate under the treaty should
+be accepted by the United States except by action of Congress, was
+adopted by a vote of 52 to 31.
+
+Number 4, excluding domestic questions from consideration by the
+Council or the Assembly of the League, was adopted by a vote of 59 to
+26.
+
+Number 5, declaring the Monroe Doctrine "to be wholly outside the
+jurisdiction of said League of Nations and entirely unaffected by any
+provision contained in said treaty of peace with Germany," and
+reserving to the United States the sole right to interpret the Monroe
+Doctrine, was adopted by a vote of 55 to 34.
+
+Number 6, withholding the assent of the United States from the
+provisions of the treaty relating to Shantung and reserving full
+liberty of action with respect to any controversy which might arise
+under said articles between China and Japan, was adopted by a vote of
+53 to 41.
+
+Number 7, reserving to Congress the right to provide by law for the
+appointment of the representatives of the United States in the Assembly
+and Council of the League and members of commissions, committees or
+courts under the League, and requiring the confirmation of all by the
+Senate, was adopted by a vote of 53 to 40.
+
+Number 8, declaring that the Reparations Commission should not be
+understood as having the right to regulate or interfere with exports
+from the United States to Germany or from Germany to the United States
+without an act or joint resolution of Congress, was adopted by a vote
+of 54 to 40.
+
+Number 9, declaring that the United States should not be under any
+obligation to contribute to any of the expenses of the League without
+an act of Congress, was adopted by a vote of 56 to 39.
+
+Number 10, providing that if the United States should at any time adopt
+any plan for the limitation of armaments proposed by the Council of the
+League, it reserved "the right to increase such armaments without the
+consent of the Council whenever the United States is threatened with
+invasion or engaged in war," was adopted by a vote of 56 to 39.
+
+Number 11, reserving the right of the United States to permit the
+nationals of a Covenant-breaking State residing within the United
+States to continue their commercial, financial, and personal relations
+with the nationals of the United States, was adopted by a vote of 53 to
+41.
+
+Number 12, relating to the very complicated question of private debts,
+property rights and interests of American citizens, was adopted by a
+vote of 52 to 41.
+
+Number 13, withholding the assent of the United States from the entire
+section of the treaty relating to international labor organization
+until Congress should decide to participate, was adopted by a vote of
+54 to 35.
+
+Number 14 declared that the United States would not be bound by any
+action of the Council or Assembly in which any member of the League and
+its self-governing dominions or colonies should cast in the aggregate
+more than one vote. This reservation was adopted by a vote of 55 to 38.
+
+A number of other reservations were offered and rejected. Under the
+rules of the Senate, amendments and reservations to a treaty may be
+adopted by a majority vote, while a treaty can be ratified only by a
+two-thirds vote. A number of senators who were opposed to the treaty
+voted for the Lodge reservations in order to insure its defeat. When
+the vote on the treaty with the reservations was taken November 19, it
+stood 39 for and 55 against. A motion to reconsider the vote was then
+adopted, and Senator Hitchcock, the Democratic leader, proposed five
+reservations covering the right of withdrawal, domestic questions, the
+Monroe Doctrine, the right of Congress to decide on the employment of
+the naval and military forces of the United States in any case arising
+under Article X, and restrictions on the voting powers of
+self-governing colonies or dominions. These reservations were
+rejected, the vote being 41 to 50. Another vote was then taken on the
+treaty with the Lodge reservations, the result being 41 for and 51
+against. Senator Underwood then offered a resolution to ratify the
+treaty without reservations of any kind. The vote on this resolution
+was 38 for and 53 against.
+
+It was now evident that there was little prospect of securing the
+ratification of the treaty without compromise. On January 8, 1920, a
+letter from the President was read at the Jackson Day dinner in
+Washington, in which he refused to accept the decision of the Senate as
+final and said: "There can be no reasonable objection to
+interpretations accompanying the act of ratification itself. But when
+the treaty is acted upon, I must know whether it means that we have
+ratified or rejected it. We cannot rewrite this treaty. We must take
+it without changes which alter its meaning, or leave it, and then,
+after the rest of the world has signed it, we must face the unthinkable
+task of making another and separate kind of treaty with Germany." In
+conclusion he declared: "If there is any doubt as to what the people of
+the country think on this vital matter, the clear and single way out is
+to submit it for determination at the next election to the voters of
+the nation, to give the next election the form of a great and solemn
+referendum, a referendum as to the part the United States is to play in
+completing the settlements of the war and in the prevention in the
+future of such outrages as Germany attempted to perpetrate."
+
+During the last week of January a compromise was discussed by an
+informal by-partisan committee, and the President wrote a letter saying
+he would accept the Hitchcock reservations, but Lodge refused to accept
+any compromise. On February 9 the Senate again referred the treaty to
+the Committee on Foreign Relations with instructions to report it back
+immediately with the reservations previously adopted. After several
+weeks of fruitless debate a fifteenth reservation, expressing sympathy
+for Ireland, was added to the others, by a vote of 38 to 36. It was as
+follows: "In consenting to the ratification of the treaty with Germany
+the United States adheres to the principle of self-determination and to
+the resolution of sympathy with the aspirations of the Irish people for
+a government of their own choice adopted by the Senate June 6, 1919,
+and declares that when such government is obtained by Ireland, a
+consummation it is hoped is at hand, it should promptly be admitted as
+a member of the League of Nations."
+
+With a few changes in the resolutions previously adopted and an
+important change in the preamble, the ratifying resolution was finally
+put to the vote March 19, 1920. The result was 49 votes for and 35
+against. On the following day the secretary of the Senate was
+instructed by a formal resolution to return the treaty to the President
+and to inform him that the Senate had failed to ratify it.
+
+The treaty thus became the leading issue in the presidential campaign,
+but unfortunately it was not the only issue. The election proved to be
+a referendum on the Wilson administration as a whole rather than on the
+treaty. The Republican candidate, Senator Harding, attacked the Wilson
+administration for its arbitrary and unconstitutional methods and
+advocated a return to "normalcy." He denounced the Wilson League as an
+attempt to set up a super-government, but said he favored an
+association of nations and an international court. Governor Cox, the
+Democratic candidate, came out strongly for the treaty, particularly
+during the latter part of his campaign. The result was an overwhelming
+victory for Harding. President Wilson had been too ill to take any
+part in the campaign. His administration had been the chief issue, and
+the people had, certainly for the time being, repudiated it. He
+accepted the result philosophically and refrained from comments,
+content, apparently, to leave the part he had played in world affairs
+to the verdict of history. In December, 1920, the Nobel Peace Prize
+was awarded to him as a foreign recognition of the services he had
+rendered to humanity.
+
+
+
+
+XII
+
+THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
+
+After the rejection of the Treaty of Versailles by the Senate,
+President Wilson withdrew as far as possible from participation in
+European affairs, and after the election of Harding he let it be known
+that he would do nothing to embarrass the incoming administration. The
+public had been led to believe that when Harding became President there
+would be a complete reversal of our foreign policy all along the line,
+but such was not to be the case. The new administration continued
+unchanged the Wilson policy toward Mexico and toward Russia, and before
+many months had passed was seeking from Congress the authority,
+withheld from Wilson, to appoint a member on the Reparations
+Commission. On the question of our rights in mandated areas, Secretary
+Hughes adopted in whole the arguments which had been advanced by
+Secretary Colby in his note to Great Britain of November 20, 1920, in
+regard to the oil resources of Mesopotamia. By the San Remo agreement
+of April 25, 1920, Great Britain and France had agreed upon a division
+of the oil output of Mesopotamia by which France was to be allowed 25
+per cent. and Great Britain 75 per cent. The British Government had
+intimated that the United States, having declined to join the League of
+Nations, had no voice in the matter. On this point Secretary Colby
+took sharp issue in the following statement: "Such powers as the Allied
+and Associated nations may enjoy or wield, in the determination of the
+governmental status of the mandated areas, accrued to them as a direct
+result of the war against the Central Powers. The United States, as a
+participant in that conflict and as a contributor to its successful
+issue, cannot consider any of the Associated Powers, the smallest not
+less than herself, debarred from the discussion of any of its
+consequences, or from participation in the rights and privileges
+secured under the mandates provided for in the treaties of peace."
+
+Japan likewise assumed that we had nothing to do with the disposition
+of the former German islands in the Pacific. When the Supreme Council
+at Paris decided to give Japan a mandate over the islands north of the
+equator, President Wilson reserved for future consideration the final
+disposition of the island of Yap, which lies between Guam and the
+Philippines, and is one of the most important cable stations in the
+Pacific. The entire question of cable communications was reserved for
+a special conference which met at Washington in the autumn of 1920, but
+this conference adjourned about the middle of December without having
+reached any final conclusions, and the status of Yap became the subject
+of a very sharp correspondence between the American and Japanese
+governments. When Hughes became Secretary of State, he restated the
+American position in a note of April 2, 1921, as follows:
+
+"It will not be questioned that the right to dispose of the overseas
+possessions of Germany was acquired only through the victory of the
+Allied and Associated Powers, and it is also believed that there is no
+disposition on the part of the Japanese Government to deny the
+participation of the United States in that victory. It would seem to
+follow necessarily that the right accruing to the Allied and Associated
+Powers through the common victory is shared by the United States and
+that there could be no valid or effective disposition of the overseas
+possessions of Germany, now under consideration, without the assent of
+the United States."
+
+The discussion between the two governments was still in progress when
+the Washington Conference convened, and at the close of the Conference
+it was announced that an agreement had been reached which would be
+embodied in a treaty. The United States recognized Japan's mandate
+over the islands north of the equator on the condition that the United
+States should have full cable rights on the island of Yap, and that its
+citizens should enjoy certain rights of residence on the island. The
+agreement also covered radio telegraphic service.
+
+During the presidential campaign Harding's position on the League of
+Nations had been so equivocal that the public knew not what to expect,
+but when Hughes and Hoover were appointed members of the Cabinet, it
+was generally expected that the new administration would go into the
+League with reservations. This expectation was not to be fulfilled,
+however, for the President persistently ignored the existence of the
+League, and took no notice of the establishment of the permanent Court
+of International Justice provided for in Article 14 of the Covenant.
+Meanwhile Elihu Root, who as Secretary of State had instructed our
+delegates to the Hague Conference of 1907 to propose the establishment
+of such a court, had been invited by the Council of the League to be
+one of a commission of distinguished jurists to draft the statute
+establishing the court. This service he performed with conspicuous
+ability. As another evidence of Europe's unwillingness to leave us
+out, when the court was organized John Bassett Moore, America's most
+distinguished authority on international law, was elected one of the
+judges.
+
+Meanwhile a technical state of war with Germany existed and American
+troops were still on the Rhine. On July 2, 1921, Congress passed a
+joint resolution declaring the war at an end, but undertaking to
+reserve to the United States "all rights, privileges, indemnities,
+reparations or advantages" to which it was entitled under the terms of
+the Armistice, or by reason of its participation in the war, or which
+had been stipulated for its benefit in the Treaty of Versailles, or to
+which it was entitled as one of the Principal Allied and Associated
+Powers, or to which it was entitled by virtue of any act or acts of
+Congress. On August 25 the United States Government, through its
+commissioner to Germany, signed at Berlin a separate treaty of peace
+with Germany, reserving in detail the rights referred to in the joint
+resolution of Congress. About the same time a similar treaty was
+signed with Austria, and the two treaties were ratified by the Senate
+of the United States October 18. The proclamation of peace produced no
+immediate results of any importance. American troops continued on the
+Rhine, and there was no apparent increase in trade, which had been
+carried on before the signing of the treaty by special licenses.
+
+If mankind is capable of learning any lessons from history, the events
+leading up to the World War should have exploded the fallacy that the
+way to preserve peace is to prepare for war. Competition in armament,
+whether on land or sea, inevitably leads to war, and it can lead to
+nothing else. And yet, after the terrible lessons of the recent war,
+the race for armaments continued with increased momentum. France,
+Russia, and Poland maintained huge armies, while the United States and
+Japan entered upon the most extensive naval construction programs in
+the history of the world. Great Britain, burdened with debt, was
+making every effort to keep pace with the United States.
+
+This naval rivalry between powers which had so lately been united in
+the war against Germany, led thoughtful people to consider the probable
+outcome and to ask against whom these powers were arming. We had no
+quarrel with England, but England was the ally of Japan, and relations
+between Japan and the United States in the Pacific and in Eastern Asia
+were far from reassuring. The question of the continuance of the
+Anglo-Japanese Alliance was discussed at the British Imperial
+Conference, which met at London in the early summer of 1921. The
+original purpose of this compact was to check the Russian advance in
+Manchuria. It was renewed in revised form in 1905 against Germany, and
+again renewed in 1911 against Germany for a period of ten years. With
+the removal of the German menace, what reasons were there for Great
+Britain to continue the alliance? It bore too much the aspect of a
+combination against the United States, and was of course the main
+reason for the naval program which we had adopted. So long as there
+were only three navies of importance in the world and two of them
+united in a defensive alliance, it behooved us to safeguard our
+position as a sea power.
+
+One of the main objects of the formation of the League of Nations was
+to bring about a limitation of armaments on land and sea, and a
+commission was organized under the League to consider this question,
+but this commission could not take any steps toward the limitation of
+navies so long as a great naval power like the United States refused to
+cooeperate with the League of Nations or even to recognize its
+existence. As President Harding had promised the American people some
+substitute for the League of Nations, he decided, soon after coming
+into office, to convene an international conference to consider the
+limitation of armament on land and sea. By the time the Conference
+convened it was evident that no agreement was possible on the subject
+of land armament. It was recognized from the first that the mere
+proposal to limit navies would be utterly futile unless effective steps
+could be taken to remove some of the causes of international conflict
+which make navies necessary. Therefore the formal invitation to the
+Conference extended to the governments of Great Britain, France, Italy
+and Japan, August 11, 1921, linked the subject of Limitation of
+Armament with Pacific and Far Eastern Questions. The European powers
+accepted the invitation without much enthusiasm, but Japan's answer was
+held back for some time. She was reluctant to have the powers review
+the course she had pursued in China and Siberia while they were at war
+with Germany. After agreeing to attend the Conference, Japan
+endeavored to confine the program to as narrow limits as possible, and
+she soon entered into negotiations with China over the Shantung
+question with the hope of arriving at a settlement which would prevent
+that question from coming before the Conference. Invitations to the
+Conference were later sent to the governments of Belgium, the
+Netherlands, Portugal, and China. Portugal was interested because of
+her settlement at Macao, the oldest European settlement in China.
+Holland of course is one of the great colonial powers of the Pacific.
+While Belgium has no territorial interests in the Orient, she has for
+years been interested in Chinese financial matters.
+
+The Washington Conference convened in plenary session November 12,
+1921, in Memorial Continental Hall. Seats were reserved on the main
+floor for press representatives, and the galleries were reserved for
+officials and those individuals who were fortunate enough to secure
+tickets of admission. The question of open diplomacy which had been
+much discussed, was settled at the first session by Secretary Hughes,
+who, in his introductory speech, boldly laid the American proposals for
+the limitation of navies before the Conference. There were in all
+seven plenary sessions, but the subsequent sessions did little more
+than confirm agreements that had already been reached in committee.
+The real work of the Conference was carried on by committees, and from
+the meetings of these committees the public and press representatives
+were as a matter of course excluded. There were two principal
+committees, one on the Limitation of Armament, and the other on Pacific
+and Far Eastern Questions. There were various sub-committees, in the
+work of which technical delegates participated. Minutes were kept of
+the meetings of the two principal committees, and after each meeting a
+communique was prepared for the press. In fact, the demand for
+publicity defeated to a large extent its own ends. So much matter was
+given to the press that when it was published in full very few people
+had time to read it. As a general rule, the less real information
+there was to give out, the longer were the communiques. Experienced
+correspondents maintained that decisions on delicate questions were
+made with as much secrecy in Washington as at Paris.
+
+The plan of the United States for the limitation of armament presented
+by Secretary Hughes at the first session proposed (1) that all programs
+for the construction of capital ships, either actual or projected, be
+abandoned; (2) that a large number of battleships of older types still
+in commission be scrapped; and (3) that the allowance of auxiliary
+combatant craft, such as cruisers, destroyers, submarines, and airplane
+carriers, be in proportion to the tonnage of capital ships. These
+proposals, it was claimed, would leave the powers under consideration
+in the same relative positions. Under this plan the United States
+would be allowed 500,000 tons of capital ships, Great Britain 500,000
+tons, and Japan 300,000 tons.
+
+Japan objected to the 5-5-3 ratio proposed by Secretary Hughes, and
+urged a 10-10-7 ratio as more in accord with existing strength. The
+American proposal included the scrapping of the _Mutsu_, the pride of
+the Japanese navy, which had been launched but not quite completed.
+The sacrifices voluntarily proposed by the United States for its navy
+were much greater than those which England or Japan were called upon to
+make, and in this lay the strength of the American position. The
+Japanese refused, however, to give up the _Mutsu_, and they were
+finally permitted to retain it, but in order to preserve the 5-5-3
+ratio, it was necessary to increase the tonnage allowance of the United
+States and Great Britain. In the treaty as finally agreed upon, Japan
+was allowed 315,000 tons of capital ships and the United States and
+Great Britain each 525,000 tons.
+
+In his address at the opening session, Secretary Hughes said: "In view
+of the extraordinary conditions due to the World War affecting the
+existing strength of the navies of France and Italy, it is not thought
+to be necessary to discuss at this stage of the proceedings the tonnage
+allowance of these nations, but the United States proposes that this
+subject be reserved for the later consideration of the Conference."
+This somewhat blunt, matter-of-fact way of stating the case gave
+unexpected offense to the French delegation. During the next four or
+five weeks, while Great Britain, the United States, and Japan were
+discussing the case of the _Mutsu_ and the question of fortifications
+in the Pacific, the French delegates were cherishing their resentment
+at being treated as the representatives of a second-class power.
+Hughes's failure to regard the susceptibilities of a great nation like
+France undoubtedly had a good deal to do with the upsetting of that
+part of the naval program relating to subsidiary craft and submarines.
+
+When, after the agreement on the 5-5-3 ratio, the question of the
+allowance of capital ship tonnage for France and Italy was taken up in
+committee, the other powers were wholly unprepared for France's demand
+of 350,000 tons of capital ships. According to Hughes's figures based
+on existing strength, she was entitled to 175,000 tons. It is not
+probable that the French delegates intended to insist on such a large
+tonnage. It is more likely that they put forth this proposal in the
+committee in order to give the other delegates to understand that
+France could not be ignored or dictated to with impunity and in order
+to pave the way for their submarine proposal. Unfortunately the French
+demands were given to the press through some misunderstanding and
+caused an outburst of criticism in the British and American papers. In
+the committee the relations between the British and French delegates
+became very bitter over the refusal of the latter to abandon the
+submarine, or even agree to a moderate proposal as to submarine
+tonnage. On December 16 Secretary Hughes cabled an appeal, over the
+heads of the French delegation, to Briand, who had returned to Paris.
+As a result, the French finally agreed to accept the 1.75 ratio for
+capital ships, but refused to place any reasonable limits upon
+cruisers, destroyers, submarines, or aircraft. Italy accepted the same
+ratio as France.
+
+Thus an important part of the Hughes program failed. As a result, the
+treaty leaves the contracting parties free to direct their energies, if
+they so desire, to the comparatively new fields of submarine and aerial
+warfare. As is well known, many eminent naval authorities, such as Sir
+Percy Scott in England and Admiral Sims in this country, believe that
+the capital ship is an obsolete type, and that the warfare of the
+future will be carried on by submarines, aircraft, and lighter surface
+ships. The unfortunate feature of the situation created by the naval
+treaty is, therefore, that those who regard the capital ship as
+obsolete will now have an opportunity to bring forward and press their
+submarine and aircraft programs. There is no limitation upon the
+building of cruisers, provided they do not exceed 10,000 tons
+displacement or carry guns with a calibre exceeding eight inches.
+
+By Article 19 of the naval treaty the United States, Great Britain, and
+Japan agreed to maintain the _status quo_ as regards fortifications and
+naval bases in the islands of the Pacific with certain exceptions,
+notably the Hawaiian Islands, Australia, and New Zealand. This
+agreement relieves Japan of all fear of attack from us, and let us hope
+that it may prove as beneficent and as enduring as the agreement of
+1817 between the United States and Great Britain for disarmament on the
+Great Lakes.
+
+The 5-5-3 ratio puts the navies of Great Britain, the United States,
+and Japan, for the present at least, on a strictly defensive basis.
+Each navy is strong enough to defend its home territory, but no one of
+them will be able to attack the home territory of the others. Of
+course it is possible that the development of aircraft and submarines,
+together with cruisers and other surface craft, may eventually alter
+the situation. Hitherto navies have existed for two purposes: national
+defense and the enforcement of foreign policies. The new treaty means
+that as long as it lasts the navies of the ratifying powers can be used
+for defense only and not for the enforcement of their policies in
+distant quarters of the globe. In other words, when disputes arise,
+British policies will prevail in the British area, American policies in
+the American area, and Japanese policies in the Japanese area. Having
+agreed to place ourselves in a position in which we cannot attack
+Japan, the only pressure we can bring to bear upon her in China or
+elsewhere is moral pressure. Through what was considered by some a
+grave strategical error, the naval treaty was completed before any
+settlement of the Chinese and Siberian questions had been reached.
+
+The French insistence on the practically unlimited right to build
+submarines caused much hard feeling in England. The British delegates
+had proposed the total abolition of submarines, and this proposal had
+been ably supported by the arguments of Mr. Balfour and Lord Lee.
+Unfortunately the United States delegation stood for the submarine,
+proposing merely certain limits upon its use. The five naval powers
+finally signed a treaty reaffirming the old rules of international law
+in regard to the search and seizure of merchant vessels, and declaring
+that "any person in the service of any Power who shall violate any of
+those rules, whether or not such person is under orders of a
+governmental superior, shall be deemed to have violated the laws of war
+and shall be liable to trial and punishment as if for an act of piracy
+and may be brought to trial before the civil or military authorities of
+any Power within the jurisdiction of which he may be found." By the
+same treaty the signatory powers solemnly bound themselves to prohibit
+the use in war of poisonous gases.
+
+The attempt to limit by treaty the use of the submarine and to prohibit
+altogether the use of gases appears to many to be utterly futile.
+After the experience of the late war, no nation would readily trust the
+good faith of another in these matters. Each party to a war would
+probably feel justified in being prepared to use the submarine and
+poison gases, contrary to law, in case the other party should do so.
+We would thus have the same old dispute as in the late war in regard to
+floating mines as to which party first resorted to the outlawed
+practice. What is the use in solemnly declaring that a submarine shall
+not attack a merchant vessel, and that the commander of a submarine who
+violates this law shall be treated as a pirate, when the contracting
+parties found it utterly impossible to agree among themselves upon a
+definition of a merchant vessel?
+
+But the reader may ask, what is the use in signing any treaty if
+nations are so devoid of good faith? The answer is that the vast
+majority of treaties are faithfully kept in time of peace, but that
+very few treaties are fully observed in time of war. Had these five
+powers signed a treaty pledging themselves not to build or maintain
+submarines of any kind or description, we would have every reason to
+expect them to live up to it. But when a nation is engaged in war and
+has a large flotilla of submarines which it has agreed to use only for
+certain purposes, there is apt to come a time when the temptation to
+use them for wholly different purposes will be overwhelming.
+
+The Committee on Pacific and Far Eastern Questions held its first
+meeting November 16. This committee was primarily concerned with the
+very delicate situation created by the aggressive action and expansion
+of Japan during the past twenty years. In 1905, by the Treaty of
+Portsmouth, Japan succeeded to the Russian rights in southern
+Manchuria; in 1910 she annexed Korea; in 1911, during the Chinese
+Revolution, she stationed troops at Hankow and later constructed
+permanent barracks; in 1914, after the defeat of the Germans at
+Kiao-chau, she took over all the German interests in the Shantung
+peninsula; in 1915 she presented the Twenty-one Demands to China and
+coerced that power into granting most of them; and in 1918, in
+conjunction with the United States, Great Britain, and France, she
+landed a military force in the Maritime Province of Siberia for the
+definite purpose of rescuing the Czecho-Slovak troops who had made
+their way to that province and of guarding the military stores at
+Vladivostok. The other powers had all withdrawn their contingents, but
+Japan had increased her force from one division to more than 70,000
+troops. The eastern coast of Asia was thus in the firm grip of Japan,
+and she had secured concessions from China which seriously impaired the
+independence of that country.
+
+It was commonly supposed that the United States delegation had prepared
+a program on the Far Eastern question, and that this would be presented
+in the same way that Hughes had presented the naval program. If this
+was the intention there was a sudden change of plan, for between one
+and two o'clock at night the Chinese delegates were aroused from their
+slumbers and informed that there would be an opportunity for them to
+present China's case before the committee at eleven o'clock that
+morning. They at once went to work with their advisers, and a few
+minutes before the appointed hour they completed the drafting of the
+Ten Points, which Minister Sze read before the committee. These Points
+constituted a Chinese declaration of independence, and set forth a
+series of general principles to be applied in the determination of
+questions relating to China. Several days later the committee adopted
+four resolutions, presented by Mr. Root, covering in part some of the
+Chinese principles. By these resolutions the powers agreed to respect
+the independence and territorial integrity of China, to give China the
+fullest opportunity to develop and maintain an effective and stable
+government, to recognize the principle of equality for the commerce and
+industry of all nations throughout the territory of China, and to
+refrain from taking advantage of present conditions in order to seek
+special rights or privileges. This somewhat vague and general
+declaration of principles appeared to be all that China was likely to
+get. Had Mr. Hughes presented a Far Eastern program and gotten nothing
+more than this, it would have been a serious blow to the prestige of
+the United States. That is probably why he decided at the last moment
+to let China present her own case.
+
+At the fourth plenary session of the Conference the treaty relating to
+the Pacific islands, generally known as the Four-Power Treaty, was
+presented by Senator Lodge. By the terms of this treaty, the United
+States, Great Britain, France, and Japan agreed "to respect their
+rights in relation to their insular possessions and insular dominions
+in the region of the Pacific Ocean," and in case of any dispute arising
+out of any Pacific question to refer the matter to a joint conference
+for consideration and adjustment. This article appeared harmless
+enough, but Article 2 seemed to lay the foundations of an alliance
+between these powers. It was as follows: "If the said rights are
+threatened by the aggressive action of any other Power, the High
+Contracting Parties shall communicate with one another fully and
+frankly in order to arrive at an understanding as to the most efficient
+measures to be taken, jointly or separately, to meet the exigencies of
+the particular situation." This treaty is to remain in force for ten
+years, after which it may be terminated by any of the High Contracting
+Parties on twelve months' notice. It supersedes the Anglo-Japanese
+Alliance which, it expressly provided, should terminate on the exchange
+of ratifications.
+
+In presenting the treaty, Senator Lodge assured his hearers that "no
+military or naval sanction lurks anywhere in the background or under
+cover of these plain and direct clauses," and Secretary Hughes in
+closing the discussion declared that it would probably not be possible
+to find in all history "an international document couched in more
+simple or even briefer terms," but he added, "we are again reminded
+that the great things are the simple ones." In view of these
+statements the members of the Conference and the public generally were
+completely flabbergasted some days later when Secretary Hughes and the
+President gave out contradictory statements as to whether the treaty
+included the Japanese homeland. Hughes stated to the correspondents
+that it did, the President said it did not. Whereupon some wag
+remarked that at Paris President Wilson did not let the American
+delegation know what he did, while at Washington the delegates did not
+let President Harding know what they were doing. In deference to the
+President's views and to criticisms of the treaty in the Japanese press
+a supplementary treaty was later signed expressly declaring that the
+term "insular possessions and insular dominions" did not include the
+Japanese homeland.
+
+Meanwhile the Shantung question was being discussed by China and Japan
+outside of the Conference, but with representatives of the British and
+American governments sitting as observers ready to use their good
+offices if called on. The reason for not bringing the question before
+the Conference was that Great Britain, France, and Italy were parties
+to the Treaty of Versailles, which gave Japan a legal title to the
+German leases in Shantung. The restoration of the province to China
+was vital to a satisfactory adjustment of Chinese affairs generally.
+Japan, however, was in no hurry to reach an agreement with China,
+wishing for strategical purposes to keep the matter in suspense to the
+last, if not to avoid a settlement until after the adjournment of the
+Conference and continue negotiations under more favorable conditions at
+Peking or Tokio.
+
+By Christmas it seemed that the Conference had accomplished about all
+that was possible, and that it would adjourn as soon as the agreements
+already reached could be put into treaty form and signed. At the end
+of the first week in January it looked as if the Chinese and Japanese
+had reached a deadlock, and that the Conference would adjourn without a
+satisfactory adjustment of any of the Chinese problems. Mr. Balfour
+and other important delegates had engaged return passage, and all
+indications pointed to an early dissolution of the Conference. But the
+unexpected happened. At an informal gathering of Administration
+leaders at the White House on Saturday night, January 7, stock was
+taken of the work of the Conference, and some of the senators present
+expressed the opinion that if it adjourned without doing more for
+China, there would be little hope of getting the treaties ratified. As
+a result Secretary Hughes persuaded the British and Japanese delegates
+to cancel their sailings, and with characteristic energy and
+determination took personal charge of the Far Eastern situation, which
+up to this time had been left mainly to Mr. Root. After a little
+pressure had been brought to bear on the Chinese by President Harding,
+and probably on the Japanese by Mr. Balfour, Secretary Hughes was
+finally able to announce at the plenary session of February 1 that
+China and Japan had reached an agreement as to the terms on which
+Shantung was to be restored. At the same session the agreements in
+regard to China reached by the Committee on Far Eastern Affairs were
+announced. These agreements were finally embodied in two treaties, one
+dealing with the tariff and the other with the open door, and a series
+of ten resolutions.
+
+Since the middle of the last century Chinese tariffs have been
+regulated by treaties with foreign powers, the customs service
+organized and administered by foreigners, and the receipts mortgaged to
+meet the interest on foreign loans. China has never been permitted to
+levy duties in excess of 5 per cent., and, in fact, as a result of the
+methods of valuation the duties have not averaged above 3 1/2 per cent.
+This has been an unjust state of affairs, and has deprived the Chinese
+Government of what would naturally be one of its main sources of
+revenue. By the new agreement there is to be an immediate revision of
+tariff valuations so as to make the 5 per cent. effective. China is
+also to be allowed to levy a surtax on certain articles, mainly
+luxuries, which will yield an additional revenue. It is estimated that
+the total annual increase in revenue derived from maritime customs will
+be about $150,000,000 silver. It is claimed by some, with a certain
+degree of truth, that any increase in Chinese customs duties will be
+immediately covered by liens to secure new loans, and that putting
+money into the Chinese treasury just now is like pouring it into a rat
+hole. As soon as China is able to establish a stable and honest
+government, she should, without question, be relieved of all treaty
+restrictions on her tariffs.
+
+The Conference also took certain steps to restore to China other
+sovereign rights long impaired by the encroachments of foreign powers.
+A commission is to be appointed to investigate the administration of
+justice with a view to the ultimate extinction of extraterritorial
+rights now enjoyed by foreigners. The powers also agreed to abandon
+not later than January 1, 1923, their existing postal agencies in
+China, provided an efficient Chinese postal service be maintained. The
+system of foreign post offices in China has been the subject of great
+abuses, as through these agencies goods of various kinds, including
+opium and other drugs, have been smuggled into China. The powers
+further made a general promise to aid the Chinese Government in the
+unification of railways into a general system under Chinese control.
+They also agreed to restore to China all radio stations other than
+those regulated by treaty or maintained by foreign governments within
+their legation limits.
+
+In the treaty relating to the open door, the Contracting Powers other
+than China pledged themselves to the following principles:
+
+"(1) To respect the sovereignty, the independence, and the territorial
+and administrative integrity of China;
+
+"(2) To provide the fullest and most unembarrassed opportunity to China
+to develop and maintain for herself an effective and stable government;
+
+"(3) To use their influence for the purpose of effectually establishing
+and maintaining the principle of equal opportunity for the commerce and
+industry of all nations throughout the territory of China;
+
+"(4) To refrain from taking advantage of conditions in China in order
+to seek special rights or privileges which would abridge the rights of
+subjects or citizens of friendly States, and from countenancing action
+inimical to the security of such States."
+
+China on her part accepted fully the principle of the open door, and
+pledged herself for the first time to respect it. Pledges to respect
+the open door in China have been made by foreign powers upon various
+occasions in the past and broken as often as made. The expression
+"equal opportunity for the commerce and industry of all nations" is not
+new. It occurs in the Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902, in the
+Root-Takahira agreement of 1908, and in numerous other documents. In
+recent years, however, the United States has been the only power which
+has tried to preserve the open door in China. Most of the other powers
+have regarded the Chinese situation as hopeless, and have believed that
+the only solution was to let foreign powers come in and divide and rule
+the territory of the empire. In view of the new treaty the open door
+is no longer merely an American policy, but an international policy,
+and responsibility for its enforcement rests not on the United States
+alone but on all nine parties to the treaty.
+
+The agenda or program of the Conference offered as one of the subjects
+to be considered the status of existing commitments in China. When
+Secretary Hughes brought this subject up before the Far Eastern
+Committee, Japan entered an emphatic objection to its consideration,
+and the matter was dropped immediately without argument. The treaty,
+therefore, is not retroactive, for it recognizes the status quo in
+Manchuria and to a less extent in other parts of China. The saving
+clause of the new agreement is, however, a resolution providing for the
+establishment of an international board of reference, to which
+questions arising in regard to the open door may be referred.
+
+Will Japan respect the pledges she has made and live up to the spirit
+of her promises? If she does, the Washington Conference will prove to
+be a great success. If, on the contrary, Japan does not intend to live
+up to her pledges or intends to fulfill them only in part, her position
+in Asia has been greatly strengthened. She is more firmly intrenched
+in Manchuria than ever. She holds the Maritime Province of Siberia
+under a promise to get out, which she has repeatedly made and
+repeatedly broken, as was plainly stated by Secretary Hughes before the
+full Committee on Far Eastern Affairs, and repeated at a plenary
+session of the Conference. His statement was one of the most
+remarkable, by reason of its directness and unvarnished truth, in the
+history of American diplomacy. After reviewing the correspondence
+between the two governments and the reiterated assurances of Japan of
+her intention to withdraw from Siberia, assurances which so far had not
+been carried out, Mr. Hughes expressed his gratification at the renewal
+of these assurances before the Conference in plenary session. Unless
+Japan is utterly devoid of moral shame, she will have to make good her
+word this time.
+
+When the treaties drafted by the Conference were submitted by the
+President to the Senate, they encountered serious opposition, but were
+finally ratified. The Republican leaders, particularly Senator Lodge,
+were twitted with charges of inconsistency in advocating certain
+features of these treaties when they had violently opposed the League
+of Nations. The Four-Power Treaty is much more of an entangling
+alliance than the Covenant of the League, and the Naval Treaty deprives
+Congress for a period of fifteen years of its constitutional right to
+determine the size of the navy and to provide for the defense of Guam
+and the Philippines. In fact, there were very few objections raised to
+the League of Nations which could not with equal force be applied to
+the Four-Power and Naval Treaties. The Four-Power Treaty was the main
+object of attack, and Senators Lodge and Underwood were greatly
+embarrassed in attempting to explain its meaning. Its "baffling
+brevity" demanded explanations, but no satisfactory explanations were
+forthcoming. They talked in general terms about the tremendous
+importance of the treaty, but they dared not state the real fact that
+the treaty was drafted by Mr. Balfour and Baron Kato as the most
+convenient method of terminating the Anglo-Japanese Alliance without
+making it appear to the Japanese public that their government had
+surrendered the alliance without due compensation. According to an
+Associated Press Dispatch from Tokio, January 31, 1922, Baron Uchida,
+the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, replying to interpolations in
+the House of Peers, said: "The Four-Power Treaty was not intended to
+abrogate the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, but rather to widen and extend
+it." The real _quid pro quo_ for the termination of the Anglo-Japanese
+Alliance was the agreement of the United States not to construct naval
+bases or new fortifications in Guam and the Philippines, and the clause
+terminating the Anglo-Japanese Alliance might just as well have been
+attached to the Naval Treaty, but this would not have satisfied
+Japanese public opinion. Great Britain and Japan were permitted to
+terminate their alliance in any way that they might deem best. After
+the Four-Power Treaty was accepted by the American delegates, they
+feared that it would look too much as if the United States had merely
+been drawn into the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. It was decided,
+therefore, at the eleventh hour to give the agreement a more general
+character by inviting France to adhere to it. France agreed to sign,
+although she resented not having been consulted during the negotiation
+of the treaty.
+
+The achievements of the Conference, although falling far short of the
+extravagant claims made by the President and the American delegates,
+are undoubtedly of great importance. The actual scrapping of millions
+of dollars' worth of ships in commission or in process of construction
+gives the world an object lesson such as it has never had before. One
+of the most significant results of the Conference was the development
+of a complete accord between England and the United States, made
+possible by the settlement of the Irish question and furthered by the
+tact and gracious bearing of Mr. Balfour. One of the unfortunate
+results was the increased isolation of France, due to the failure of
+her delegates to grasp the essential elements of the situation and to
+play any but a negative role. The success of the Conference was due
+largely to Secretary Hughes who, though handicapped at every point by
+fear of the Senate and by the unfortunate commitments of President
+Harding during the last campaign, may be said on the whole to have
+played his hand reasonably well.
+
+Meanwhile we are still drifting, so far as a general European policy is
+concerned. President Harding's idea of holding aloof from "Europe's
+league," as he prefers to designate the League of Nations, and of
+having a little league of our own in the Pacific, will not work. The
+world's problems cannot be segregated in this way. Europe's league
+includes all of the principal American nations except the United States
+and Mexico, while our Pacific league includes the two leading European
+powers. As soon as the American people realize--and there are
+indications that they are already waking up to the reality--that the
+depression in domestic industry and foreign commerce is due to
+conditions in Europe and that prosperity will not return until we take
+a hand in the solution of European problems, there will be a general
+demand for a constructive policy and America will no longer hesitate to
+reassume the leadership which she renounced in the referendum of 1920,
+but which the rest of the world is ready to accord to her again.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+ABC alliance, 162, 165.
+
+Aberdeen, Lord, opposes annexation of Texas by United States, 108.
+
+Adams, Charles Francis, 114.
+
+Adams, Henry, letter from Hay to, 90.
+
+Adams, John Quincy, opposes joint action with England, 31; accepts
+invitation to send delegates to Panama Congress, 154.
+
+"Alabama Claims," 66, 113, 114.
+
+Alaskan Boundary Dispute, 122, 124.
+
+Algeciras Conference, 74; American participation in, 76, 77.
+
+Alliance, of 1778 with France, 5-8; proposed alliance with England, 13,
+26; Holy Alliance, 22, 24; Anglo-Japanese alliance, 92, 120. _See_
+"Entangling Alliances."
+
+Alverstone, Lord, member of Alaskan boundary commission, 123.
+
+American Colonisation Society, 59.
+
+American delegation to Peace Conference, 225.
+
+American Institute of International Law, 157.
+
+American Republics, Bureau of, 156.
+
+American Revolution, significance of, 99.
+
+Anglo-American ideals, 126, 127.
+
+Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 92, 120, 265, 279, 288.
+
+Arbitration, international, 64. _See_ Hague Court, Olney-Pauncefote
+Treaty.
+
+Armistice, negotiations preceding, 213-217.
+
+Arms and ammunition. _See_ Munitions of war.
+
+"Aroostook War," 106.
+
+Austria-Hungary, protests against trade in munitions, 182.
+
+
+Balfour, Arthur James, 274, 288, 289.
+
+Beer, George L., quoted, 99.
+
+Belgium, German invasion of, 79; restoration of, demanded, 207.
+
+Beresford, Lord Charles, advocates open door in China, 86.
+
+Berlin Conference of 1884, 6l.
+
+"Big Four," at Peace Conference, 230.
+
+Bingham, Hiram, on Monroe Doctrine, 131.
+
+Bismarck, Prince, on Monroe Doctrine, 45; on English control of North
+America, 126; forces war on Austria, 47; forces war on France, 48.
+
+Blaine, James G., efforts to modify Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 115; issues
+invitation to International Conference of American States, 155, 156.
+
+Bliss, Gen. Tasker H., 225.
+
+Board of Reference, in China, 286.
+
+Bolivar, Simon, 153.
+
+Bolsheviki, 203.
+
+Bonaparte, Napoleon, acquires Louisiana, 12; fails to establish control
+over Spain's Colonies, 25.
+
+Bowen, Herbert, 51.
+
+Boxer uprising in China, 88
+
+Brest-Litovsk, peace negotiations at, 203, 210, 212.
+
+Brussels Conference on African slave trade, 62.
+
+Bryan, William Jennings, negotiates treaty with Nicaragua, 135; with
+Colombia, 144; refuses to modify neutrality laws at demand of Germany,
+182.
+
+Bryce, Lord, quoted, 125, 126.
+
+Buelow, Prince von, 75, 91.
+
+
+California, danger of English occupation of, 109.
+
+Canada, insurrection of 1837, 103.
+
+Canning, George, British foreign secretary, proposes Anglo-American
+alliance, 26; delays recognition of South American republics, 33, 34;
+interview with Prince Polignac, 35; boasts of calling new world into
+existence, 39; opposes Pan-American movement, 155.
+
+Caribbean Sea, American supremacy in, 121; advance of United States in,
+132; new American policies in, 132, 137, 144.
+
+_Caroline_, the, 103.
+
+Carranza, Venustiano, 162, 163.
+
+Castlereagh, Viscount, 20.
+
+China, treaties relating to tariff and open door, 282-285. _See_
+Open-door policy.
+
+Choate, Joseph H., at Second Hague Conference, 68, 69.
+
+Civil War, foreign policy of United States during, 65; disputes with
+England, 112.
+
+Clay, Henry, opposes joint action with England, 31; instructions to
+delegates to Panama Congress, 154.
+
+Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 44, 111.
+
+Cleveland, Grover, intervenes in Venezuelan boundary dispute, 48;
+withholds Kongo treaty from Senate, 61; Venezuelan policy justified by
+events, 115; favours general arbitration treaty with England, 116.
+
+Cobden, Richard, essay on America, 102.
+
+Colby, Bainbridge, secretary of state, 259, 260.
+
+Colombia, aggrieved at seizure of Canal Zone, 142; attempts of United
+States to settle controversy, 143, 144.
+
+Consuls, status of, in European leases in China, 87, 88.
+
+Continuous voyage, doctrine of, 72, 124, 176, 177.
+
+Cowdray, Lord, seeks concession from Colombia, 142.
+
+Cox, James M., candidate for President, 255.
+
+Crampton, British Minister to United States, dismissal of, 111.
+
+
+Declaration of London, 71-73, 175, 177.
+
+Declaration of Paris, 64, 65.
+
+Declaration of Rights and Duties of Nations, adopted by American
+Institute of International Law, 158, 159.
+
+Democracy against autocracy, 198.
+
+Dewey, Admiral George, on withdrawal of Germany from Venezuela, 51;
+demands apology from German admiral in Manila Bay, 119.
+
+Dickens, Charles, "American Notes," 102.
+
+Diederichs, German Admiral, 119.
+
+Diplomacy, secret, 76, 77.
+
+Dunning, William A., "British Empire and the United States," quoted,
+102, 111.
+
+Durfee, Amos, 103.
+
+
+Egypt, financial administration of, by Great Britain, 134.
+
+England. _See_ Great Britain.
+
+"Entangling Alliances," warning of Jefferson against, 12; Wilson's
+views on, 187.
+
+Entente treaty of 1904 between England and France, 74.
+
+European balance of power, interest of United States in preserving, 76;
+disturbed by Japan, 171.
+
+
+Fenian movement, encouraged in United States, 112, 113.
+
+Ferdinand VII, king of Spain, 20, 25.
+
+Fish, Hamilton, secretary of state, renews negotiations for settlement
+of "Alabama Claims," 113, 114.
+
+Fiume, and Treaty of London, 195.
+
+Foch, Ferdinand, 217-219, 236.
+
+Fonseca Bay, United States acquires naval base on, 135, 136.
+
+Forsyth, John, secretary of state, 104.
+
+Fortifications in the Pacific, limitation of, 272.
+
+Foster, John W., letter from Hay, to, 89.
+
+Four-power Treaty, 278-280, 287-289.
+
+Fourteen Points, 205-210, 220, 221.
+
+France, treaty of alliance with, 5-8; refuses to accept plan for
+limitation of navies, 270, 271; isolation of, 289.
+
+
+Gases, use of poisonous, prohibited, 274, 275.
+
+Genet, Edmond C., minister of the French Republic, 6.
+
+George, David Lloyd, defines British war aims, 204-205; pre-election
+pledges of, 227; opposes French demand for Left Bank of Rhine, 234.
+
+Germany, intervenes in Venezuela, 50; excluded from South America by
+aid of England, 53; designs of, on Philippine Islands, 85; adopts naval
+policy, 120; influence of, in America, 126; submarine policy of, 178,
+179; attempts of, to justify, 181; protests against munitions trade,
+181; organizes propaganda and conspiracy in United States, 184.
+
+Great Britain, withdraws from European alliance, 22; intervenes in
+Mexico, 46; not unfavorable to Monroe Doctrine, 52, 53; forms alliance
+with Japan, 92; points of contact with United States, 100; unfriendly
+attitude, 101; change of attitude in Spanish War, 118; naval policy of,
+120; interference with shipments to Germany resented in United States,
+124; size of navy, 127; so-called blockade of Germany, 174-178. _See_
+Anglo-American ideals.
+
+Great Lakes, disarmament on, 103.
+
+Guarantee treaties, offered to France, 235.
+
+Gummere, S. R., delegate to Algeciras Conference, 75.
+
+
+Hague Conference, of 1899, 67; of 1907, 68.
+
+Hague Conventions, status of, 71.
+
+Hague Court of Arbitration, 68.
+
+Haiti, Republic of, United States acquires financial supervision over,
+136, 137.
+
+Hamilton, Alexander, opinion on French treaty of 1778, 6.
+
+Harding, Warren G., elected president, 255; ignores League of Nations,
+262; calls Washington Conference, 266; differs with Hughes as to
+meaning of Four-Power Treaty, 279; attitude toward Europe, 290.
+
+Harris, Townsend, 95.
+
+Hay, John, secretary of state, protests against persecution of Jews in
+Rumania, 78; formulates open-door policy for China, 85; defines status
+of consuls in European leases in China, 88; insists on "territorial and
+administrative entity" of China, 89; private correspondence on Chinese
+situation, 89-91.
+
+Hay-Pauncefote treaty, 120, 121.
+
+Henry, of Prussia, Prince, visit of, to United States, 118.
+
+Hitchcock, Senator G. H., 252.
+
+Holy Alliance, 22, 24.
+
+House, Edward M., 225, 233.
+
+Huerta, Victoriano, 160, 162, 193.
+
+Hughes, Charles E., suggests changes in Covenant of League, 232;
+asserts rights of the United States in mandated areas, 261; proposes
+reduction of navies, 267; details of plan, 268, 269; offends the French
+delegates, 270; takes personal charge of Far Eastern question, 281;
+success of Washington Conference, due to, 290.
+
+
+International Conference of American States, 156.
+
+International Court of Arbitral Justice, plan for, 70; Permanent Court
+of International Justice, 263.
+
+International Law, attitude of United States toward, 64; attempts to
+codify, 68, 72.
+
+International Law, American Institute of, 157.
+
+International Prize Court, plan for, adopted by Second Hague
+Conference, 68.
+
+Isolation, policy of, distinct from Monroe Doctrine, 3, 5; policy no
+longer possible, 170.
+
+
+Jameson Raid, in the Transvaal, 50.
+
+Japan, beginning of American intercourse with, 83, 84; forms alliance
+with Great Britain, 92; goes to war with Russia, 94; disturbing factor
+in world politics, 171; advocates principle of racial equality, 233,
+238; demands German leases in Shantung, 239; secures consent of Allies,
+240; reluctantly accepts invitation to Washington Conference, 266;
+objects to 5-5-3 ratio, 269; expansion of, 276.
+
+Jefferson, Thomas, opinion on French treaty of 1778, 7; warns against
+"entangling alliances," 12; plans alliance with England against France,
+12-14; favors joint action with England against Holy Alliance, 28-30;
+author of doctrine of recognition, 161.
+
+Jews, diplomatic protests against harsh treatment of, 78, 79.
+
+Johnson, Senator Hiram, 246.
+
+Johnson-Clarendon convention, 113.
+
+
+Knox, Philander C., proposes neutralisation of railways of Manchuria,
+95; negotiates treaties with Honduras and Nicaragua, 134, 135; proposes
+settlement with Colombia, 143; opposes League of Nations, 228, 231.
+
+Kongo Free State, treaty establishing, signed by American delegates but
+withheld from Senate by President Cleveland, 6l, 62.
+
+Kruger, Paul, 50.
+
+
+Lansing, Robert, secretary of state, replies to Austro-Hungarian note
+on munitions trade, 182, 183; dismisses Austrian Ambassador and German
+military and naval attaches, 185; delegate to Peace Conference, 225,
+233.
+
+Lansing-Ishii agreement, 95.
+
+League of Nations, 188, 196, 205, 209, 211, 230, 244-254.
+
+League to Enforce Peace, 197, 232.
+
+Left Bank of Rhine, French demand for, 234.
+
+Liberia, Republic of, 59
+
+Limitation of Armament, commission of League on, 265; Conference on,
+266-290.
+
+Liverpool, Lord, 20.
+
+Livingston, Robert R., minister to France, 12.
+
+Lodge, Senator Henry Cabot, on Oregon dispute, 110, 111; denies
+existence of secret treaty with England, 120; stands for unconditional
+surrender of Germany, 217; issues round robin, 231; presents
+reservations to Treaty of Versailles, 248; presents Four-Power Treaty,
+278, inconsistency of, 287.
+
+London Naval Conference, 71.
+
+_Lusitania_, sinking of, 179.
+
+
+Madero, Francisco, 160.
+
+Madison, James, favors joint action with England against Holy Alliance,
+30.
+
+Mahan, Alfred T., 99.
+
+Maine, boundary dispute with New Brunswick, 106.
+
+Manchuria, Russian encroachments on, 91-93, 95.
+
+Marcy, William L., secretary of state, views on Declaration of Paris,
+65.
+
+Maximilian, Prince, placed by Louis Napoleon on throne of Mexico, 46.
+
+Merchant vessels, proposal to arm, 185.
+
+Mexico, French intervention in, 46; Huerta revolution in, 160; American
+policy toward, 160-164.
+
+Monroe, James, sent to Paris to aid Livingston in negotiations for
+purchase of New Orleans and West Florida, 13; consults Jefferson and
+Madison on subject of British proposals for joint action against Holy
+Alliance, 26-28; message of December 2, 1823, 36-39; emphasizes
+separation of European and American politics, 43.
+
+Monroe Doctrine, compared with policy of isolation, 3; justification
+of, 4; formulation of, 19; text of, 36-39; reception of, in Europe, 39;
+basis of, 43; sanction of, 45; relation of, to European balance of
+power, 46, 52; attitude of England toward, 52; negative side of, 57;
+adverse criticism of, 131; not a self-denying declaration, 147;
+reservation of, 232, 249.
+
+Moore, John Bassett, 263.
+
+Moroccan question. _See_ Algeciras Conference.
+
+Motley, John L., 113.
+
+Munitions of war, sale of to belligerents, 181-184.
+
+McKinley, William, reasons for retaining Philippine Islands, 84, 85.
+
+McLeod, Alexander, arrest of, 104; acquittal of, 105.
+
+
+Napoleon, Louis, intervenes in Mexico, 46; decides to withdraw, 47, 48.
+
+Neutral prizes, destruction of, 72, 180.
+
+Neutrality, Washington's proclamation of 1793, 8; failure of, in
+Napoleonic wars, 14, 15; Wilson's proclamation of, 172; nature of, 172,
+173; so-called ethical neutrality, 174; abandonment of, 186.
+
+New Brunswick, boundary dispute with Maine, 106.
+
+Niagara conference on Mexican question, 162.
+
+
+Olney, Richard, on Monroe Doctrine, 43; conducts correspondence on
+Venezuelan boundary dispute, 48; signs general arbitration treaty with
+England, 116.
+
+Olney-Pauncefote treaty, 116, 117.
+
+Open-door policy in China, Hay's note of September 6, 1890, 85;
+Anglo-American origin of, 87; guaranteed by treaty, 284.
+
+Oregon, joint occupation of, 107.
+
+O'Shaughnessy, Nelson, 162.
+
+
+Pacific and Far Eastern Questions, Conference on, 266-290.
+
+Panama Canal, effect of, on naval policy, 132.
+
+Panama Canal Zone, seizure of, 142.
+
+Panama Congress of 1826, 153, 154.
+
+Panama Tolls Act, 121.
+
+Pan-American Financial Congress, 157.
+
+Pan-American Scientific Congress, 157.
+
+Pan-American Union, 156.
+
+Pan-Americanism, 153-157.
+
+Pauncefote, Sir Julian, signs general arbitration treaty with United
+States, 116; signs Canal treaty, 120.
+
+Platt Amendment, provisions of, 144, 145.
+
+Peace Conference of Paris, 225-242. _See_ Hague Conference.
+
+Perry, Commodore Matthew C. commands expedition to Japan, 83, 84, 95.
+
+Philippine Islands, McKinley's reasons for retaining, 84, 85.
+
+Polignac, Prince, interview with Canning on subject of the Spanish
+colonies, 35.
+
+Polk, James K., settles Oregon dispute, 110.
+
+Portsmouth, treaty of, 94.
+
+Prize Court. _See_ International Prize Court.
+
+Prizes, destruction of, 179, 180.
+
+
+Recognition, doctrine of, discussed with reference to Mexican question,
+161.
+
+Reparations, 236, 237.
+
+Reservations to Treaty of Versailles, 248-251, 254.
+
+Roosevelt, Theodore, forces Germany to withdraw from Venezuela, 51;
+sends delegates to Algeciras Conference, 75; exerts influence to
+preserve European balance of power, 76; protests against persecution of
+Jews in Rumania and Russia, 78, 79; invites Russia and Japan to peace
+conference, 94; incurs ill will of Japan, 95; submits Alaskan boundary
+dispute to limited arbitration, 123; establishes financial supervision
+over Dominican Republic, 133, 138; Big-Stick policy, 139; extension of
+Monroe Doctrine, 140; seizure of Canal Zone, 142.
+
+Root, Elihu, proposes international court of justice, 69; author of
+Platt Amendment, 146; visits South America, 156; suggests changes in
+Covenant of League, 232; member of commission to draft statute of
+Permanent Court of International Justice, 263; presents resolutions on
+China, 277.
+
+Rush, Richard, conferences with Canning on South American situation,
+26, 33, 34.
+
+Russia, occupies Manchuria, 91, 92; opposes opening of Manchurian ports
+to American commerce, 93; goes to war with Japan, 94; revolution, of
+March, 1917, 198; of November, 1917, 203.
+
+Russo-Japanese war, 94.
+
+
+Sackville-West, Lord, dismissal of, 115.
+
+Salisbury, Lord, backs down in Venezuelan dispute, 50; warns President
+McKinley of Germany's designs on Philippines.
+
+San Remo agreement, 259, 260.
+
+Santo Domingo, financial supervision over, 133, 134.
+
+Secret Treaties, 193.
+
+Self-determination, 198, 203, 205.
+
+Senate of the United States, debates Treaty of Versailles, 244-254.
+
+Seward, William H., protests against French occupation of Mexico, 47.
+
+Shantung question, at Peace Conference of Paris, 239-242; at Washington
+Conference, 280-282.
+
+Siberia, Japanese troops in, 276; promise of Japan to evacuate, 286.
+
+Slave trade, provision for suppression of, in Webster-Ashburton treaty,
+59, 60; Brussels conference on, 62.
+
+Slavery, and isolation, 58.
+
+South America, neglected by United States as field for commercial
+development, 52; open door in, 53.
+
+Spanish colonies, revolt of, 25.
+
+Spanish revolution of 1820, 20.
+
+Spanish War, turning point in relations of United States and England,
+118.
+
+Submarines, question of, discussed at Washington Conference, 271, 272;
+use of, limited by treaty, 274, 275.
+
+Sumner, Charles, 113.
+
+
+Taft, William H., proposes to bring Nicaragua and Honduras under
+financial supervision of United States, 134, 135; tries to reestablish
+friendly relations with Colombia, 143; suggests changes in Covenant of
+League, 232.
+
+Tardieu, Andre, report of Algeciras Conference, 76; quoted on Armistice
+negotiations, 217, 218.
+
+Temperley, H. W. V., "History of the Peace Conference of Paris," 191.
+
+"Ten Points," 278.
+
+Texas, annexation of, opposed by Great Britain, 107, 108.
+
+Thayer, William R., gives version of Roosevelt-Holleben interview, 51.
+
+Tocqueville, Alexis de, "Democracy in America," 102.
+
+Treaty of London, 195.
+
+Treaty of Peace with Austria, 263.
+
+Treaty of Peace with Germany, 263.
+
+Treaty of Versailles, signed, 242; laid before Senate, 243; debate on,
+244-254; votes on, 252-254.
+
+Twenty-One Demands, 276.
+
+
+Vera Cruz, American occupation of, 162; evacuation of, 163.
+
+Verona, Congress of, 19, 21, secret treaty of, 22-24.
+
+Vienna, Congress of, 19.
+
+Villa, Francisco, 162, 163.
+
+
+War aims, of Allies, 196; British, 204.
+
+War of 1812, 15.
+
+Washington, George, requests opinions of cabinet on French treaty, 6;
+issues proclamation of neutrality, 8; Farewell Address, 9-11.
+
+Washington Conference, 266-290.
+
+Washington, treaty of, 66, 114.
+
+Webster, Daniel, secretary of state, 104, 105.
+
+Webster-Ashburton treaty, 59, 60, 107.
+
+Wellington, Duke of, at Congress of Verona, 21; protest and withdrawal,
+22.
+
+West Indies, American supremacy in, 120.
+
+White, Henry, delegate to Algeciras Conference, 75; to Peace
+Conference, 225.
+
+William II, German Kaiser, telegram to President Kruger, 50; forced to
+withdraw from Venezuela, 51; visits Morocco, 74; demands retirement of
+Delcasse, 75; insists on general conference on Morocco, 75; thwarted in
+efforts to humiliate France, 77; abdicates and flees to Holland, 219.
+
+Williams, Talcott, on McKinley's reasons for retaining Philippines, 85.
+
+Wilson, Henry Lane, 160.
+
+Wilson, Woodrow, secures modification of Panama Tolls Act, 121; extends
+financial supervision over Nicaragua and Haiti, 136, 137; warns
+Latin-American states against granting concessions to European
+syndicates, 140, 141; attitude of, on questions of international law
+and diplomacy, 151, 152; general Latin-American policy, 152, 165; New
+Pan-Americanism, 153; Mexican policy, 160-164; asks for declaration of
+war on Germany, 185; views on extension of Monroe Doctrine, 187;
+political philosophy of, 192; refusal to recognize Huerta, 193; reasons
+for neutrality, 194; calls on all belligerents to state war aims, 195;
+first discussion of war aims, 196; war address, 199; draws distinction
+between German people and German Government, 200-202; reply to Pope,
+201; announces Fourteen Points, 205-210; decides to go to Paris, 225;
+suffers political defeat, 226, 227; greeted with enthusiasm in Europe,
+228; proposes League of Nations, 230; returns temporarily to the United
+States, 231; makes concessions to French and British, 238; returns to
+the United States and lays treaty before Senate, 242; tours the country
+on behalf of League of Nations, 246; illness of, 247; letter read at
+Jackson day dinner proposing referendum on Treaty of Versailles, 252,
+253; awarded Nobel Peace Prize, 255; withdraws from participation in
+European affairs, 259.
+
+Wood, General Leonard, 146.
+
+
+Yap, island of, 260-262.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of From Isolation to Leadership, Revised, by
+John Holladay Latane
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP ***
+
+***** This file should be named 18553.txt or 18553.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+ http://www.gutenberg.org/1/8/5/5/18553/
+
+Produced by Al Haines
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+http://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
+paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works. See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+ the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+ you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
+ owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+ has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+ Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
+ must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+ prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+ returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+ sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+ address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+ the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+ you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+ does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+ License. You must require such a user to return or
+ destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+ and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+ Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+ money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+ electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+ of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+ distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at http://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+ Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+ Chief Executive and Director
+ gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit http://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+ http://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
diff --git a/18553.zip b/18553.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..42dfaf6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18553.zip
Binary files differ
diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6312041
--- /dev/null
+++ b/LICENSE.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5dadf33
--- /dev/null
+++ b/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #18553 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/18553)