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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Arian Controversy, by H. M. Gwatkin
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Arian Controversy
+
+Author: H. M. Gwatkin
+
+Release Date: May 11, 2006 [EBook #18377]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Geoff Horton, David King, and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Epochs of Church History
+
+EDITED BY THE
+
+RIGHT HON. AND RIGHT REV. MANDELL CREIGHTON, D.D.
+
+LATE LORD BISHOP OF LONDON
+
+
+
+
+THE
+
+ARIAN CONTROVERSY.
+
+BY
+
+H.M. GWATKIN, M.A.
+
+DIXIE PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN THE
+UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE
+
+_SIXTH IMPRESSION_
+
+LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
+39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
+NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA
+1908
+
+All rights reserved
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+                                       PAGE
+LIST OF WORKS                           ix
+
+CHAPTER I.
+THE BEGINNINGS OF ARIANISM               1
+
+CHAPTER II.
+THE COUNCIL OF NICAEA                    16
+
+CHAPTER III.
+THE EUSEBIAN REACTION                   41
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+THE COUNCIL OF SARDICA                  61
+
+CHAPTER V.
+THE VICTORY OF ARIANISM                 80
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+THE REIGN OF JULIAN                    105
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+THE RESTORED HOMOEAN SUPREMACY         118
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+THE FALL OF ARIANISM                   147
+
+CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE                    169
+
+INDEX                                  173
+
+
+
+
+LIST OF WORKS.
+
+
+The following works will be found useful by students who are willing to
+pursue the subject further. Some of special interest or importance are
+marked with an asterisk.
+
+
+(A.) ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES AND TRANSLATIONS.
+
+The Church Histories of *Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, and (for the
+Arian side) the fragments of Philostorgius [translations in Bohn's
+_Ecclesiastical Library_].
+
+*Eusebius, _Vita Constantini_ and _Contra Marcellum Ancyranum_.
+
+*Athanasius, especially _De Incarnatione Verbi Dei_, _De Decretis Synodi
+Nicaenae_, _Orationes contra Arianos_, _De Synodis_, _Ad Antiochenos_, _Ad
+Afros_. Convenient editions of most of these by Professor Bright of
+Oxford. [Translations of *_De Incarnatione_ (Bindley in _Christian
+Classics_ Series) and of the _Orationes_ and most of the historical
+works, Newman in Oxford _Library of the Fathers_.]
+
+Hilary, especially _De Synodis_. Cyril's _Catecheses_ [translation in
+_Oxford Library of the Fathers_]. Basil, especially _Letters_. Gregory
+of Nazianzus, especially _Orationes_ iv. and v. (against Julian). Of
+minor writers, Phoebadius and Sulpicius Severus (for Council of
+Ariminum). Fragments of Marcellus, collected by Rettberg (Goettingen,
+1794). [German translations of most of these in Thalhofer's _Bibliothek
+der Kirchenvaeter_. English may be hoped for in Schaff's _Select Library
+of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers_ (vol. i. Buffalo, 1886) in 25
+vols.]
+
+Heathen writers:--Zosimus (bitterly prejudiced); Ammianus Marcellinus
+for 353-378 (cool and impartial); Julian, especially _Caesares_,
+_Fragmentum Epistolae_, and _Epp._ 7, 25, 26, 42, 43, 49, 52.
+
+
+(B.) MODERN WRITERS.
+
+1. For general reference:--
+
+Gibbon's _Decline and Fall_ (prejudiced against the Christian Empire,
+but narrative still unrivalled); Schiller _Geschichte der roemischen
+Kaiserzeit_, Bd. ii. (church matters a weak point); Ranke,
+_Weltgeschichte_, Bd. iii. iv.
+
+General Church Histories of Neander [translation in Bohn's _Standard
+Library_]; Kurtz (zehnte Aufl., 1887); Fisher (New York, 1887); also
+Hefele, _History of the Church Councils_ [translation published by T. &
+T. Clark].
+
+Articles in _Dictionary of Christian Biography_ (especially those by
+Lightfoot, Reynolds, and Wordsworth), and in Herzog's _Realencyclopaedie_
+(especially _Moenchtum_ by Weingarten).
+
+Weingarten's _Zeittafeln z. Kirchengeschichte_ (3 Aufl. 1888).
+
+(2.) For special use:--
+
+The whole period is more or less covered by Kaye, _Some Account of the
+Nicene Council_, 1853; *Stanley, _Eastern Church_ (best account of the
+outside of the council); Broglie, _L'Eglise et l'Empire romain_;
+Gwatkin, _Studies of Arianism_, 1882.
+
+On Constantine, Burckhardt, _Die Zeit Constantins_, 1853; Keim, _Der
+Uebertritt Constantins_, 1862; Brieger, _Constantin der Grosse als
+Religionspolitiker_, 1880.
+
+On Julian, English account by *Rendall, 1879; German lives by Neander,
+1813 [translated 1850]; Muecke, 1867-69, and Rode, 1877. The French books
+are mostly bad. For the decline of heathenism generally, Merivale,
+_Boyle Lectures_ for 1864-65; Chastel, _Destruction du Paganisme_, 1850;
+Lasaulx, _Untergang des Hellenismus_, 1854; Schultze, _Geschichte des
+Untergangs des griechisch-roemischen Heidentums_, 1887; also Capes,
+_University Life in Ancient Athens_, 1877; Sievers, _Leben des
+Libanius_, 1868.
+
+Biographies:--Fialon, _Saint Athanase_, 1877 (slight, but suggestive);
+Zahn, _Marcellus von Ancyra_, 1867; Reinkens, _Hilarius von Poitiers_,
+1864; Fialon, _Saint Basile_, 1868; Ullmann, _Gregorius von Nazianz_, 2
+Aufl. 1867 [translated 1851]; Krueger, _Lucifer von Calaris_, 1886;
+Eichhorn, _Athanasii de vita ascetica Testimonia_, 1886 (in opposition
+to Weingarten and others); Guldenpenning u. Island, _Theodosius der
+Grosse_, 1878; various of unequal merit in _The Fathers for English
+Readers_.
+
+On Teutonic Arianism:--Scott, _Ulfilas, Apostle of the Goths_, 1885;
+Hodgkin, _Italy and her Invaders_, 1880-85; Revillout, _De l'Arianisme
+des Peuples germaniques_, 1850.
+
+For doctrine, the general histories in German of Baur, Nitzsch, 1870;
+Hagenbach [translated in Clark's _Foreign Theological Library_], and
+*Harnack, Bd. ii., 1887; Dorner's _Doctrine of the Person of Christ_
+[translated in Clark's _Foreign Theological Library_]; *Hort, _Two
+Dissertations_, 1876 (on Nicene and Constantinopolitan Creeds); Caspari,
+_Quellen_, Bd. iii. (on Apostles' Creed).
+
+On Athanasius, also Voigt, _Die Lehre von Athanasius_, 1861; Atzberger,
+_Die Logoslehre des hl. Athanasius_, 1880; Wilde, _Athanasius als
+Bestrijder der Arianen_, 1868 (Dutch).
+
+For the Roman Catholic version of the history, Moehler, _Athanasius der
+Grosse_, 1844; Newman, _Arians of the Fourth Century_.
+
+For short sketches giving the relation of Arianism to Church history in
+general, *Allen, _Continuity of Christian Thought_, 1884 (contrast of
+Greek and Latin Churches); *Sohm, _Kirchengeschichte im Abriss_, 1888.
+
+
+
+
+NOTE.
+
+
+The present work is largely, though not entirely, an abridgement of my
+_Studies of Arianism_.
+
+The Conversion of the Goths, which gives the best side of Arianism, has
+been omitted as belonging more properly to another volume of the series.
+
+
+
+
+THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+_THE BEGINNINGS OF ARIANISM_.
+
+
+Arianism is extinct only in the sense that it has long ceased to furnish
+party names. It sprang from permanent tendencies of human nature, and
+raised questions whose interest can never perish. As long as the
+Agnostic and the Evolutionist are with us, the old battlefields of
+Athanasius will not be left to silence. Moreover, no writer more
+directly joins the new world of Teutonic Christianity with the old of
+Greek and Roman heathenism. Arianism began its career partly as a theory
+of Christianity, partly as an Eastern reaction of philosophy against a
+gospel of the Son of God. Through sixty years of ups and downs and
+stormy controversy it fought, and not without success, for the dominion
+of the world. When it was at last rejected by the Empire, it fell back
+upon its converts among the Northern nations, and renewed the contest as
+a Western reaction of Teutonic pride against a Roman gospel. The
+struggle went on for full three hundred years in all, and on a scale of
+vastness never seen again in history. Even the Reformation was limited
+to the West, whereas Arianism ranged at one time or another through the
+whole of Christendom. Nor was the battle merely for the wording of
+antiquated creeds or for the outworks of the faith, but for the very
+life of revelation. If the Reformation decided the supremacy of
+revelation over church authority, it was the contest with Arianism which
+cleared the way, by settling for ages the deeper and still more
+momentous question, which is once more coming to the surface as the
+gravest doubt of our time, whether a revelation is possible at all.
+
+[Sidenote: The doctrine of the Lord's person.]
+
+Unlike the founders of religions, Jesus of Nazareth made his own person
+the centre of his message. Through every act and utterance recorded of
+him there runs a clear undoubting self-assertion, utterly unknown to
+Moses or Mahomet. He never spoke but with authority. His first disciples
+told how he began his ministry by altering the word which was said to
+them of old time, and ended it by calmly claiming to be the future Judge
+of all men. And they told the story of their own life also; how they had
+seen his glory while he dwelt among them, and how their risen Lord had
+sent them forth to be his witnesses to all the nations. Whatever might
+be doubtful, their personal knowledge of the Lord was sure and certain,
+and of necessity became the base and starting-point of their teaching.
+In Christ all things were new. From him they learned the meaning of
+their ancient scriptures; through him they knew their heavenly Father;
+in him they saw their Saviour from this present world, and to him they
+looked for the crown of life in that to come. His word was law, his love
+was life, and in his name the world was overcome already. What mattered
+it to analyse the power of life they felt within them? It was enough to
+live and to rejoice; and their works are one long hymn of triumphant
+hope and overflowing thankfulness.
+
+[Sidenote: In contact (1) with the vulgar.]
+
+It was easier for the first disciples to declare what their own eyes had
+seen and their own hands had handled of the Word of Life, than for
+another generation to take up a record which to themselves was only
+history, and to pass from the traditional assertion of the Lord's
+divinity to its deliberate enunciation in clear consciousness of the
+difficulties which gathered round it when the gospel came under the keen
+scrutiny of thoughtful heathens. Whatever vice might be in heathenism,
+there was no want of interest in religion. If the doubts of some were
+real, the scoffs of many were only surface-deep. If the old legends of
+Olympus were outworn, philosophy was still a living faith, and every
+sort of superstition flourished luxuriantly. Old worships were revived,
+the ends of the earth were searched for new ones. Isis or Mithras might
+help where Jupiter was powerless, and uncouth lustrations of the blood
+of bulls and goats might peradventure cast a spell upon eternity. The
+age was too sad to be an irreligious one. Thus from whatever quarter a
+convert might approach the gospel, he brought earlier ideas to bear upon
+its central question of the person of the Lord. Who then was this man
+who was dead, whom all the churches affirmed to be alive and worshipped
+as the Son of God? If he was divine, there must be two Gods; if not, his
+worship was no better than the vulgar worships of the dead. In either
+case, there seemed to be no escape from the charge of polytheism.
+
+[Sidenote: (2) with the philosophers.]
+
+The key of the difficulty is on its other side, in the doctrine of the
+unity of God, which was not only taught by Jews and Christians, but
+generally admitted by serious heathens. The philosophers spoke of a dim
+Supreme far off from men, and even the polytheists were not unwilling to
+subordinate their motley crew of gods to some mysterious divinity beyond
+them all. So far there was a general agreement. But underneath this
+seeming harmony there was a deep divergence. Resting on a firm basis of
+historic revelation, Christianity could bear record of a God who loved
+the world and of a Redeemer who had come in human flesh. As this coming
+is enough to show that God is something more than abstract perfection
+and infinity, there is nothing incredible in a real incarnation, or in a
+real trinity inside the unity of God. But the heathen had no historic
+revelation of a living hope to sustain him in that age of failure and
+exhaustion. Nature was just as mighty, just as ruthless then as now, and
+the gospel was not yet the spring of hope it is in modern life. In our
+time the very enemies of the cross are living in its light, and drawing
+at their pleasure from the well of Christian hope. It was not yet so in
+that age. Brave men like Marcus Aurelius could only do their duty with
+hopeless courage, and worship as they might a God who seemed to refuse
+all answer to the great and bitter cry of mankind. If he cares for men,
+why does he let them perish? The less he has to do with us, the better
+we can understand our evil plight. Thus their Supreme was far beyond the
+weakness of human sympathy. They made him less a person than a thing or
+an idea, enveloped in clouds of mysticism and abolished from the world
+by his very exaltation over it. He must not touch it lest it perish. The
+Redeemer whom the Christians worship may be a hero or a prophet, an
+angel or a demi-god--anything except a Son of God in human form. We
+shall have to find some explanation for the scandal of the incarnation.
+
+[Sidenote: Arius himself.]
+
+Arianism is Christianity shaped by thoughts like these. Its author was
+no mere bustling schemer, but a grave and blameless presbyter of
+Alexandria. Arius was a disciple of the greatest critic of his time, the
+venerated martyr Lucian of Antioch. He had a name for learning, and his
+letters bear witness to his dialectical skill and mastery of subtle
+irony. At the outbreak of the controversy, about the year 318, we find
+him in charge of the church of Baucalis at Alexandria, and in high
+favour with his bishop, Alexander. It was no love of heathenism, but a
+real difficulty of the gospel which led him to form a new theory. His
+aim was not to lower the person of the Lord or to refuse him worship,
+but to defend that worship from the charge of polytheism. Starting from
+the Lord's humanity, he was ready to add to it everything short of the
+fullest deity. He could not get over the philosophical difficulty that
+one who is man cannot be also God, and therefore a second God. Let us
+see how high a creature can be raised without making hint essentially
+divine.
+
+[Sidenote: His doctrine; Its merits.]
+
+The Arian Christ is indeed a lofty creature. He claims our worship as
+the image of the Father, begotten before all worlds, as the Son of God,
+by whom all things were made, who for us men took flesh and suffered and
+rose again, and sat down at the right hand of the Father, and remains
+both King and God for ever. Is not this a good confession? What more can
+we want? Why should all this glorious language go for nothing? God
+forbid that it should go for nothing. Arianism was at least so far
+Christian that it held aloft the Lord's example as the Son of Man, and
+never wavered in its worship of him as the Son of God. Whatever be the
+errors of its creed, whatever the scandals of its history, it was a
+power of life among the Northern nations. Let us give Arianism full
+honour for its noble work of missions in that age of deep despair which
+saw the dissolution of the ancient world.
+
+[Sidenote: Its real meaning.]
+
+Nevertheless, this plausible Arian confession will not bear examination.
+It is only the philosophy of the day put into a Christian dress. It
+starts from the accepted belief that the unity of God excludes not only
+distinctions inside the divine nature, but also contact with the world.
+Thus the God of Arius is an unknown God, whose being is hidden in
+eternal mystery. No creature can reveal him, and he cannot reveal
+himself. But if he is not to touch the world, he needs a minister of
+creation. The Lord is rather such a minister than the conqueror of death
+and sin. No doubt he is the Son of God, and begotten before all worlds.
+Scripture is quite clear so far; but if he is distinct from the Father,
+he is not God; and if he is a Son, he is not co-eternal with the Father.
+And what is not God is creature, and what is not eternal is also
+creature. On both grounds, then, the Lord is only a creature; so that if
+he is called God, it is in a lower and improper sense; and if we speak
+of him as eternal, we mean no more than the eternity of all things in
+God's counsel. Far from sharing the essence of the Father, he does not
+even understand his own. Nay, more; he is not even a creature of the
+highest type. If he is not a sinner, (Scripture forbids at least _that_
+theory, though some Arians came very near it), his virtue is, like our
+own, a constant struggle of free-will, not the fixed habit which is the
+perfection and annulment of free-will. And now that his human soul is
+useless, we may as well simplify the incarnation into an assumption of
+human flesh and nothing more. The Holy Spirit bears to the Son a
+relation not unlike that of the Son to the Father. Thus the Arian
+trinity of divine persons forms a descending series, separated by
+infinite degrees of honour and glory, resembling the philosophical triad
+of orders of spiritual existence, extending outwards in concentric
+circles.
+
+[Sidenote: Criticism of it.]
+
+Indeed the system is heathen to the core. The Arian Christ is nothing
+but a heathen idol invented to maintain a heathenish Supreme in heathen
+isolation from the world. Never was a more illogical theory devised by
+the wit of man. Arius proclaims a God of mystery, unfathomable to the
+Son of God himself, and goes on to argue as if the divine generation
+were no more mysterious than its human type. He forgets first that
+metaphor would cease to be metaphor if there were nothing beyond it;
+then that it would cease to be true if its main idea were misleading. He
+presses the metaphor of sonship as if mere human relations could exhaust
+the meaning of the divine; and soon works round to the conclusion that
+it is no proper sonship at all. In his irreverent hands the Lord's deity
+is but the common right of mankind, his eternity no more than the beasts
+themselves may claim. His clumsy logic overturns every doctrine he is
+endeavouring to establish. He upholds the Lord's divinity by making the
+Son of God a creature, and then worships him to escape the reproach of
+heathenism, although such worship, on his own showing, is mere idolatry.
+He makes the Lord's manhood his primary fact, and overthrows that too by
+refusing the Son of Man a human soul. The Lord is neither truly God nor
+truly man, and therefore is no true mediator. Heathenism may dream of a
+true communion with the Supreme, but for us there neither is nor ever
+can be any. Between our Father and ourselves there is a great gulf
+fixed, which neither he nor we can pass. Now that we have heard the
+message of the Lord, we know the final certainty that God is darkness,
+and in him is no light at all. If this be the sum of the whole matter,
+then revelation is a mockery, and Christ is dead in vain.
+
+[Sidenote: Athanasius _de Incarnatione_.]
+
+Arius was but one of many who were measuring the heights of heaven with
+their puny logic, and sounding the deeps of Wisdom with the plummet of
+the schools. Men who agreed in nothing else agreed in this practical
+subordination of revelation to philosophy. Sabellius, for example, had
+reduced the Trinity to three successive manifestations of the one God in
+the Law, the Gospel, and the Church; yet even he agreed with Arius in a
+philosophical doctrine of the unity of God which was inconsistent with a
+real incarnation. Even the noble work of Origen had helped to strengthen
+the philosophical influences which were threatening to overwhelm the
+definite historic revelation. Tertullian had long since warned the
+churches of the danger; but a greater than Tertullian was needed now to
+free them from their bondage to philosophy. Are we to worship the Father
+of our spirits or the Supreme of the philosophers? Arius put the
+question: the answer came from Athanasius. Though his _De Incarnatione
+Verbi Dei_ was written in early manhood, before the rise of Arianism, we
+can already see in it the firm grasp of fundamental principles which
+enabled him so thoroughly to master the controversy when it came before
+him. He starts from the beginning, with the doctrine that God is good
+and not envious, and that His goodness is shown in the creation, and
+more especially by the creation of man in the image of God, whereby he
+was to remain in bliss and live the true life, the life of the saints in
+Paradise. But when man sinned, he not only died, but fell into the
+entire corruption summed up in death; for this is the full meaning of
+the threat 'ye shall die with death.'[1] So things went on from bad to
+worse on earth. The image of God was disappearing, and the whole
+creation going to destruction. What then was God to do? He could not
+take back his sentence that death should follow sin, and yet he could
+not allow the creatures of his love to perish. Mere repentance on man's
+side could not touch the law of sin; a word from God forbidding the
+approach of death would not reach the inner corruption. Angels could not
+help, for it was not in the image of angels that man was made. Only he
+who is himself the Life could conquer death. Therefore the immortal Word
+took human flesh and gave his mortal body for us all. It was no
+necessity of his nature so to do, but a pure outcome of his love to men
+and of the Father's loving purpose of salvation. By receiving in himself
+the principle of death he overcame it, not in his own person only, but
+in all of us who are united with him. If we do not yet see death
+abolished, it is now no more than the passage to our joyful
+resurrection. Our mortal human nature is joined with life in him, and
+clothed in the asbestos robe of immortality. Thus, and only thus, in
+virtue of union with him, can man become a sharer of his victory. There
+is no limit to the sovereignty of Christ in heaven and earth and hell.
+Wherever the creation has gone before, the issues of the incarnation
+must follow after. See, too, what he has done among us, and judge if his
+works are not the works of sovereign power and goodness. The old fear of
+death is gone. Our children tread it underfoot, our women mock at it.
+Even the barbarians have laid aside their warfare and their murders, and
+live at his bidding a new life of peace and purity. Heathenism is
+fallen, the wisdom of the world is turned to folly, the oracles are
+dumb, the demons are confounded. The gods of all the nations are giving
+place to the one true God of mankind. The works of Christ are more in
+number than the sea, his victories are countless as the waves, his
+presence is brighter than the sunlight. 'He was made man that we might
+be made God.'[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Gen. ii. 17, LXX.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ath. _De Inc._ 44: [Greek: autos gar enenthropesen hina
+hemeis theopoiethomen]. Bold as this phrase is, it is not too bold a
+paraphrase of Heb. ii. 5-18.]
+
+[Sidenote: Its significance.]
+
+The great persecution had been raging but a few years back, and the
+changes which had passed since then were enough to stir the enthusiasm
+of the dullest Christian. These splendid paragraphs are the song of
+victory over the defeat of the Pharaohs of heathenism and the
+deliverance of the churches from the house of bondage. 'Sing ye to the
+Lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously.' There is something in them
+higher than the fierce exultation of Lactantius over the sufferings of
+the dying persecutors, though that too is impressive. 'The Lord hath
+heard our prayers. The men who strove with God lie low; the men who
+overthrew his churches have themselves fallen with a mightier overthrow;
+the men who tortured the righteous have surrendered their guilty spirits
+under the blows of Heaven and in tortures well deserved though long
+delayed--yet delayed only that posterity might learn the full terrors of
+God's vengeance on his enemies.' There is none of this fierce joy in
+Athanasius, though he too had seen the horrors of the persecution, and
+some of his early teachers had perished in it. His eyes are fixed on the
+world-wide victory of the Eternal Word, and he never lowers them to
+resent the evil wrought by men of yesterday. Therefore neither lapse of
+time nor multiplicity of trials could ever quench in Athanasius the pure
+spirit of hope which glows in his youthful work. Slight as our sketch of
+it has been, it will be enough to show his combination of religious
+intensity with a speculative insight and a breadth of view reminding us
+of Origen. If he fails to reach the mystery of sinlessness in man, and
+is therefore not quite free from a Sabellianising view of the Lord's
+humanity as a mere vesture of his divinity, he at least rises far above
+the barren logic of the Arians. We shall presently have to compare him
+with the next great Eastern thinker, Apollinarius of Laodicea.
+
+[Sidenote: Attraction of Arianism: (1.) For superficial thinkers.]
+
+Yet there were many men whom Arianism suited by its shallowness. As soon
+as Christianity was established as a lawful worship by the edict of
+Milan in 312, the churches were crowded with converts and inquirers of
+all sorts. A church which claims to be universal cannot pick and choose
+like a petty sect, but must receive all comers. Now these were mostly
+heathens with the thinnest possible varnish of Christianity, and
+Arianism enabled them to use the language of Christians without giving
+up their heathen ways of thinking. In other words, the world was ready
+to accept the gospel as a sublime monotheism, and the Lord's divinity
+was the one great stumbling-block which seemed to hinder its conversion.
+Arianism was therefore a welcome explanation of the difficulty. Nor was
+the attraction only for nominal Christians like these. Careless
+thinkers--sometimes thinkers who were not careless--might easily suppose
+that Arianism had the best of such passages as 'The Lord created me,'[3]
+or 'The Father is greater than I.'[4] Athanasius constantly complains of
+the Arian habit of relying on isolated passages like these without
+regard to their context or to the general scope and drift of Scripture.
+
+[Footnote 3: Prov. viii. 22, LXX mistranslation.]
+
+[Footnote 4: John xiv. 28.]
+
+[Sidenote: (2.) To thoughtful men.]
+
+Nor was even this all. The Lord's divinity was a real difficulty to
+thoughtful men. They were still endeavouring to reconcile the
+philosophical idea of God with the fact of the incarnation. In point of
+fact, the two things are incompatible, and one or the other would have
+to be abandoned. The absolute simplicity of the divine nature is
+consistent with a merely external Trinity, or with a merely economic
+Trinity, with an Arian Trinity of one increate and two created beings,
+or with a Sabellian Trinity of three temporal aspects of the one God
+revealed in history; but not with a Christian Trinity of three eternal
+aspects of the divine nature, facing inward on each other as well as
+outward on the world. But this was not yet fully understood. The problem
+was to explain the Lord's distinction from the Father without destroying
+the unity of God. Sabellianism did it at the cost of his premundane and
+real personality, and therefore by common consent was out of the
+question. The Easterns were more inclined to theories of subordination,
+to distinctions of the derivatively from the absolutely divine, and to
+views of Christ as a sort of secondary God. Such theories do not really
+meet the difficulty. A secondary God is necessarily a second God. Thus
+heathenism still held the key of the position, and constantly threatened
+to convict them of polytheism. They could not sit still, yet they could
+not advance without remodelling their central doctrine of the divine
+nature to agree with revelation. Nothing could be done till the Trinity
+was placed inside the divine _nature_. But this is just what they could
+not for a long time see. These men were not Arians, for they recoiled in
+genuine horror from the polytheistic tendencies of Arianism; but they
+had no logical defence against Arianism, and were willing to see if some
+modification of it would not give them a foothold of some kind. To men
+who dreaded the return of Sabellian confusion, Arianism was at least an
+error in the right direction. It upheld the same truth as they--the
+separate personality of the Son of God--and if it went further than they
+could follow, it might still do service against the common enemy.
+
+[Sidenote: Arianism at Alexandria.]
+
+Thus the new theory made a great sensation at Alexandria, and it was not
+without much hesitation and delay that Alexander ventured to
+excommunicate his heterodox presbyter with his chief followers, like
+Pistus, Carpones, and the deacon Euzoius--all of whom we shall meet
+again. Arius was a dangerous enemy. His austere life and novel
+doctrines, his dignified character and championship of 'common sense in
+religion,' made him the idol of the ladies and the common people. He had
+plenty of telling arguments for them. 'Did the Son of God exist before
+his generation?' Or to the women, 'Were you a mother before you had a
+child?' He knew also how to cultivate his popularity by pastoral
+visiting--his enemies called it canvassing--and by issuing a multitude
+of theological songs 'for sailors and millers and wayfarers,' as one of
+his admirers says. So he set the bishop at defiance, and more than held
+his ground against him. The excitement spread to every village in Egypt,
+and Christian divisions became a pleasant subject for the laughter of
+the heathen theatres.
+
+[Sidenote: And elsewhere.]
+
+The next step was to secure outside support. Arius betook himself to
+Caesarea in Palestine, and thence appealed to the Eastern churches
+generally. Nor did he look for help in vain. His doctrine fell in with
+the prevailing dread of Sabellianism, his personal misfortunes excited
+interest, his dignified bearing commanded respect, and his connection
+with the school of Lucian secured him learned and influential sympathy.
+Great Syrian bishops like those of Caesarea, Tyre, and Laodicea gave him
+more or less encouragement; and when the old Lucianist Eusebius of
+Nicomedia held a council in Bithynia to demand his recall, it became
+clear that the controversy was more than a local dispute. Arius even
+boasted that the Eastern bishops agreed with him, 'except a few
+heretical and ill-taught men,' like those of Antioch and Jerusalem.
+
+[Sidenote: Constantine's interference.]
+
+The Eastern Emperor, Licinius, let the dispute take its course. He was a
+rude old heathen soldier, and could only let it alone. If Eusebius of
+Nicomedia tried to use his influence in favour of Arius, he had small
+success. But when the battle of Chrysopolis (323) laid the Empire at the
+feet of Constantine, it seemed time to get the question somehow settled.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+_THE COUNCIL OF NICAEA._
+
+
+[Sidenote: State of the Empire.]
+
+For nearly twenty years after the middle of the third century, the Roman
+Empire seemed given over to destruction. It is hard to say whether the
+provinces suffered more from the inroads of barbarians who ravaged them
+almost at their will, or from the exactions of a mutinous soldiery who
+set up an emperor for almost every army; yet both calamities were
+surpassed by the horrors of a pestilence which swept away the larger
+part of mankind. There was little hope in an effete polytheism, still
+less in a corrupt and desponding society. The emperors could not even
+make head against their foreign enemies. Decius was killed in battle
+with the Goths, Valerian captured by the Persians. But the Teuton was
+not yet ready to be the heir of the world. Valerian left behind a school
+of generals who were able, even in those evil days, to restore the
+Empire to something like its former splendour. Claudius began by
+breaking the power of the Goths at Naissus in 269. Aurelian (270-275)
+made a firm peace with the Goths, and also recovered the provinces.
+Tetricus and Zenobia, the Gaulish Caesar and the Syrian queen, adorned
+the triumph of their conqueror. The next step was for Diocletian
+(284-305) to reform the civil power and reduce the army to obedience.
+Unfortunately his division of the Empire into more manageable parts led
+to a series of civil wars, which lasted till its reunion by Constantine
+in 323. His religious policy was a still worse failure. Instead of
+seeing in Christianity the one remaining hope of mankind, he set himself
+at the end of his reign to stamp it out, and left his successors to
+finish the hopeless task. Here again Constantine repaired Diocletian's
+error. The edict of Milan in 312 put an end to the great persecution,
+and a policy of increasing favour soon removed all danger of Christian
+disaffection.
+
+[Sidenote: Constantine.]
+
+When Constantine stood out before the world as the patron of the gospel,
+he felt bound to settle the question of Arianism. In some ways he was
+well qualified for the task. There can be no doubt of his ability and
+earnestness, or of his genuine interest in Christianity. In political
+skill he was an overmatch for Diocletian, and his military successes
+were unequalled since the triumph of Aurelian. The heathens saw in him
+the restorer of the Empire, the Christians their deliverer from
+persecution. Even the feeling of a divine mission, which laid him so
+open to flattery, gave him also a keen desire to remedy the social
+misery around him; and in this he looked for help to Christianity.
+Amidst the horrors of Diocletian's persecution a conviction grew upon
+him that the power which fought the Empire with success must somehow
+come from the Supreme. Thus he slowly learned to recognise the God of
+the Christians in his father's God, and in the Sun-god's cross of light
+to see the cross of Christ. But in Christianity itself he found little
+more than a confirmation of natural religion. Therefore, with all his
+interest in the churches, he could not reach the secret of their inner
+life. Their imposing monotheism he fully appreciated, but the person of
+the Lord was surely a minor question. Constantine shared the heathen
+feelings of his time, so that the gospel to him was only a monotheistic
+heathenism. Thus Arianism came up to his idea of it, and the whole
+controversy seemed a mere affair of words.
+
+[Sidenote: His view of the controversy.]
+
+But if he had no theological interest in the question, he could not
+overlook its political importance. Egypt was always a difficult province
+to manage; and if these Arian songs caused a bloody tumult in
+Alexandria, he could not let the Christians fight out their quarrels in
+the streets, as the Jews were used to do. The Donatists had given him
+trouble enough over a disputed election in Africa, and he did not want a
+worse than Donatist quarrel in Egypt. Nor was the danger confined to
+Egypt; it had already spread through the East. The unity of Christendom
+was at peril, and with it the support which the shattered Empire looked
+for from an undivided church. The state could treat with a definite
+organisation of churches, but not with miscellaneous gatherings of
+sectaries. The question must therefore be settled one way or the other,
+and settled at once. Which way it was decided mattered little, so that
+an end was made of the disturbance.
+
+[Sidenote: His first attempt to settle it.]
+
+In this temper Constantine approached the difficulty. His first step was
+to send Hosius of Cordova to Alexandria with a letter to Alexander and
+Arius representing the question as a battle of words about mysteries
+beyond our reach. In the words of a modern writer, 'It was the excess of
+dogmatism founded upon the most abstract words in the most abstract
+region of human thought.' It had all arisen out of an over-curious
+question asked by Alexander, and a rash answer given by Arius. It was a
+childish quarrel and unworthy of sensible men like them, besides being
+very distressing to himself. Had the dispute been really trifling, such
+a letter might have had a chance of quieting it. Instead of this, the
+excitement grew worse.
+
+[Sidenote: Summons of the council.]
+
+Constantine enlarged his plans. If Arian doctrine disturbed Alexandria,
+Meletius of Lycopolis was giving quite as much trouble about discipline
+farther up the Nile, and the old disputes about the time of Easter had
+never been effectually settled. There were also minor questions about
+the validity of baptism administered by the followers of Novatian and
+Paul of Samosata, and about the treatment of those who had denied the
+faith during the persecution of Licinius. Constantine, therefore,
+invited all Christian bishops inside and outside the Empire to meet him
+at Nicaea in Bithynia during the summer of 325, in order to make a final
+end of all the disputes which endangered the unity of Christendom. The
+'city of victory' bore an auspicious name, and the restoration of peace
+was a holy service, and would be a noble preparation for the solemnities
+of the great Emperor's twentieth year upon the throne.
+
+[Sidenote: The first oecumenical council.]
+
+The idea of a general or oecumenical council (the words mean the same
+thing) may well have been Constantine's own. It bears the mark of a
+statesman's mind, and is of a piece with the rest of his life.
+Constantine was not thinking only of the questions to be debated.
+However these might be settled, the meeting could not fail to draw
+nearer to the state and to each other the churches of that great
+confederation which later ages have so often mistaken for the church of
+Christ. As regards Arianism, smaller councils had been a frequent means
+of settling smaller questions. Though Constantine had not been able to
+quiet the Donatists by means of the Council of Arles, he might fairly
+hope that the authority of such a gathering as this would bear down all
+resistance. If he could only bring the bishops to some decision, the
+churches might be trusted to follow it.
+
+[Sidenote: Its members.]
+
+An imposing list of bishops answered Constantine's call. The signatures
+are 223, but they are not complete. The Emperor speaks of 300, and
+tradition gives 318, like the number of Abraham's servants, or like the
+mystic number[5] which stands for the cross of Christ. From the far west
+came his chief adviser for the Latin churches, the patriarch of
+councils, the old confessor Hosius of Cordova. Africa was represented by
+Caecilian of Carthage, round whose election the whole Donatist
+controversy had arisen, and a couple of presbyters answered for the
+apostolic and imperial see of Rome. Of the thirteen great provinces of
+the Empire none was missing except distant Britain; but the Western
+bishops were almost lost in the crowd of Easterns. From Egypt came
+Alexander of Alexandria with his young deacon Athanasius, and the Coptic
+confessors Paphnutius and Potammon, each with an eye seared out, came
+from cities farther up the Nile. All these were resolute enemies of
+Arianism; its only Egyptian supporters were two bishops from the edge of
+the western desert. Syria was less unequally divided. If Eustathius of
+Antioch and Macarius of AElia (we know that city better as Jerusalem)
+were on Alexander's side, the bishops of Tyre and Laodicea with the
+learned Eusebius of Caesarea leaned the other way or took a middle
+course. Altogether there were about a dozen more or less decided
+Arianizers thinly scattered over the country from the slopes of Taurus
+to the Jordan valley. Of the Pontic bishops we need notice only
+Marcellus of Ancyra and the confessor Paul of Neocaesarea. Arianism had
+no friends in Pontus to our knowledge, and Marcellus was the busiest of
+its enemies. Among the Asiatics, however, there was a small but
+influential group of Arianizers, disciples of Lucian like Arius himself.
+Chief of these was Eusebius of Nicomedia, who was rather a court
+politician than a student like his namesake of Caesarea, and might be
+expected to influence the Emperor as much as any one. With him went the
+bishops of Ephesus and Nicaea itself, and Maris of Chalcedon. The Greeks
+of Europe were few and unimportant, but on the outskirts of the Empire
+we find some names of great interest. James of Nisibis represented the
+old Syrian churches which spoke the Lord's own native language. Restaces
+the Armenian could remind the bishops that Armenia was in Christ before
+Rome, and had fought the persecutors in their cause. Theophilus the Goth
+might tell them the modest beginnings of Teutonic Christianity among his
+countrymen of the Crimean undercliff. John the Persian, who came from
+one or another of the many distant regions which bore the name of India,
+may dimly remind ourselves of the great Nestorian missions which one day
+were to make the Christian name a power in Northern China. Little as
+Eusebius of Caesarea liked some issues of the council, he is full of
+genuine enthusiasm over his majestic roll of churches far and near, from
+the extremity of Europe to the farthest ends of Asia. Not without the
+Holy Spirit's guidance did that august assembly meet. Nor was its
+meeting a day of hope for the churches only, but also for the weary
+Empire. In that great crisis the deep despair of ages was forgotten. It
+might be that the power which had overcome the world could also cure its
+ancient sickness. Little as men could see into the issues of the future,
+the meaning of the present was beyond mistake. The new world faced the
+old, and all was ready for the league which joined the names of Rome and
+Christendom, and made the sway of Christ and Caesar one.
+
+[Footnote 5: 318; in Greek [Greek: tie].]
+
+[Sidenote: The idea of a test creed.]
+
+It seems to have been understood that the council was to settle the
+question by drawing up a creed as a test for bishops. Here was a twofold
+novelty. In the first place, Christendom as a whole had as yet no
+written creed at all. The so-called Apostles' Creed may be older than
+340, but then it first appears, and only as a personal confession of the
+heretic Marcellus. Every church taught its catechumens the historic
+outlines of the faith, and referred to Scripture as the storehouse and
+final test of doctrine. But that doctrine was not embodied in forms of
+more than local currency. Thus different churches had varying creeds to
+form the basis of the catechumen's teaching, and placed varying
+professions in his mouth at baptism. Some of these were ancient, and
+some of widespread use, and all were much alike, for all were couched in
+Scripture language, variously modelled on the Lord's baptismal formula
+(Matt. xxviii. 19). At Jerusalem, for example, the candidate declared
+his faith:
+
+      in the Father;
+      in the Son;
+      in the Holy Spirit;
+  and in one Baptism of Repentance.
+
+The Roman form, as approximately given by Novatian
+in the middle of the third century, was,
+
+  I believe in God the Father,
+          the Lord Almighty;
+        in Christ Jesus his Son,
+          the Lord our God;
+      and in the Holy Spirit.
+
+Though these local usages were not disturbed, it was none the less a
+momentous step to draw up a document for all the churches. Its use as a
+test for bishops was a further innovation. Purity of doctrine was for a
+long time guarded by Christian public opinion. If a bishop taught
+novelties, the neighbouring churches (not the clergy only) met in
+conference on them, and refused his communion if they proved unsound. Of
+late years these conferences had been growing into formal councils of
+bishops, and the legal recognition of the churches by Gallienus
+[Sidenote: c. 261.] had enabled them to take the further step of
+deposing false teachers. Aurelian had sanctioned this in the case of
+Paul of Samosata by requiring communion with the bishops of Rome and
+Italy as the legal test of Christian orthodoxy. [Sidenote: 272.] But
+there were practical difficulties in this plan of government by
+councils. A strong party might dispute the sentence, or even get up
+rival councils to reverse it. The African Donatists had given
+Constantine trouble enough of this sort some years before; and now that
+the Arians were following their example, it was evident that every local
+quarrel would have an excellent chance of becoming a general
+controversy. In the interest, therefore, of peace and unity, it seemed
+better to adopt a written test. If a bishop was willing to sign it when
+asked, his subscription should be taken as a full reply to every charge
+of heresy which might be made against him. On this plan, whatever was
+left out of the creed would be deliberately left an open question in the
+churches. Whatever a bishop might choose to teach (Arianism, for
+example), he would have full protection, unless some clause of the new
+creed expressly shut it out. This is a point which must be kept in view
+when we come to estimate the conduct of Athanasius. Thus however
+Constantine hoped to make the bishops keep the peace over such trumpery
+questions as this of Arianism seemed to him. Had it been a trumpery
+question, his policy might have had some chance of lasting success. For
+the moment, at any rate, all parties accepted it, so that the council
+had only to settle the wording of the new creed.
+
+[Sidenote: Arianism condemned.]
+
+The Arians must have come full of hope to the council. So far theirs was
+the winning side. They had a powerful friend at court in the Emperor's
+sister, Constantia, and an influential connection in the learned
+Lucianic circle. Reckoning also on the natural conservatism of Christian
+bishops, on the timidity of some, and on the simplicity or ignorance of
+others, they might fairly expect that if their doctrine was not accepted
+by the council, it would at least escape formal condemnation. They
+hoped, however, to carry all before them. An Arianizing creed was
+therefore presented by a score or so of bishops, headed by the courtier
+Eusebius of Nicomedia. They soon found their mistake. The Lord's
+divinity was not an open question in the churches. The bishops raised an
+angry clamour and tore the offensive creed in pieces. Arius was at once
+abandoned by nearly all his friends.
+
+[Sidenote: Eusebius proposes the creed of Caesarea.]
+
+This was decisive. Arianism was condemned almost unanimously, and
+nothing remained but to put on record the decision. But here began the
+difficulty. Marcellus and Athanasius wanted it put into the creed, but
+the bishops in general saw no need of this. A heresy so easily overcome
+could not be very dangerous. There were only half a dozen Arians left in
+the council, and too precise a definition might lead to dangers on the
+Sabellian side. At this point the historian Eusebius came forward.
+Though neither a great man nor a clear thinker, he was the most learned
+student of the East. He had been a confessor in the persecution, and now
+occupied an important see, and stood high in the Emperor's favour. With
+regard to doctrine, he held a sort of intermediate position, regarding
+the Lord not indeed as a creature, but as a secondary God derived from
+the will of the Father. This, as we have seen, was the idea then current
+in the East, that it is possible to find some middle term between the
+creature and the highest deity. To a man of this sort it seemed natural
+to fall back on the authority of some older creed, such as all could
+sign. He therefore laid before the council that of his own church of
+Caesarea, as follows:--
+
+  We believe in one God, the Father Almighty,
+    maker of all things, both visible and invisible;
+  And in one Lord Jesus Christ,
+    the Word of God,
+    God from God,
+    light from light,
+    life from life,
+    the only-begotten Son,
+    the first-born of all creation,
+    begotten of the Father before all ages,--
+    by whom also all things were made;
+  who for our salvation was made flesh,
+    and lived among men,
+    and suffered,
+    and rose again the third day,
+    and ascended to the Father,
+    and shall come again in glory, to judge quick
+      and dead;
+  And in the Holy Spirit.
+
+Had the council been drawing up a creed for popular use, a short and
+simple document of this kind would have been suitable enough. The
+undecided bishops received it with delight. It contained none of the
+vexatious technical terms which had done all the mischief--nothing but
+familiar Scripture, which the least learned of them could understand. So
+far as Arianism might mean to deny the Lord's divinity, it was clearly
+condemned already, and the whole question might now be safely left at
+rest behind the ambiguities of the Caesarean creed. So it was accepted at
+once. Marcellus himself could find no fault with its doctrine, and the
+Arians were glad now to escape a direct condemnation. But unanimity of
+this sort, which really decided nothing, was not what Athanasius and
+Marcellus wanted. They had not come to the council to haggle over
+compromises, but to cast out the blasphemer, and they were resolved to
+do it effectually.
+
+[Sidenote: Persistence of Athanasius.]
+
+Hardly a more momentous resolution can be found in history. The whole
+future of Christianity was determined by it; and we must fairly face the
+question whether Athanasius was right or not. Would it not have been
+every way better to rest satisfied with the great moral victory already
+gained? When heathens were pressing into the church in crowds, was that
+a suitable time to offend them with a solemn proclamation of the very
+doctrine which chiefly kept them back? It was, moreover, a dangerous
+policy to insist on measures for which even Christian opinion was not
+ripe, and it led directly to the gravest troubles in the
+churches--troubles of which no man then living was to see the end. The
+first half century of prelude was a war of giants; but the main contest
+opened at Nicaea is not ended yet, or like to end before the Lord himself
+shall come to end it. It was the decision of Athanasius which made half
+the bitterness between the Roman and the Teuton, between Christianity
+and Islam to this day. Even now it is the worst stumbling-block of
+Western unbelief. Many of our most earnest enemies would gladly forget
+their enmity if we would only drop our mysticism and admire with them a
+human Christ who never rose with power from the dead. But we may not do
+this thing. Christianity cannot make its peace with this world by
+dropping that message from the other which is its only reason for
+existence. Athanasius was clearly right. When Constantine had fairly put
+the question, they could not refuse to answer. Let the danger be what it
+might, they could not deliberately leave it open for Christian bishops
+(the creed was not for others) to dispute whether our Lord is truly God
+or not. Those may smile to whom all revelation is a vain thing; but it
+is our life, and we believe it is their own life too. If there is truth
+or even meaning in the gospel, this question of all others is most
+surely vital. Nor has history failed to justify Athanasius. That heathen
+age was no time to trifle with heathenism in the very citadel of
+Christian life. Fresh from the fiery trial of the last great
+persecution, whose scarred and mutilated veterans were sprinkled through
+the council-hall, the church of God was entering on a still mightier
+conflict with the spirit of the world. If their fathers had been
+faithful unto death or saved a people from the world, their sons would
+have to save the world itself and tame its Northern conquerors. Was that
+a time to say of Christ, 'But as for this man, we know not whence he
+is'?
+
+[Sidenote: Revision of the Caesarean creed.]
+
+Athanasius and his friends made a virtue of necessity, and disconcerted
+the plans of Eusebius by promptly accepting his creed. They were now
+able to propose a few amendments in it, and in this way they meant to
+fight out the controversy. It was soon found impossible to avoid a
+searching revision. Ill-compacted clauses invited rearrangement, and
+older churches, like Jerusalem or Antioch, might claim to share with
+Caesarea the honour of giving a creed to the whole of Christendom.
+Moreover, several of the Caesarean phrases seemed to favour the opinions
+which the bishops had agreed to condemn. 'First-born of all creation'
+does not necessarily mean more than that he existed before other things
+were made. 'Begotten before all worlds' is just as ambiguous, or rather
+worse, for the Arians understood 'begotten' to mean 'created.' Again,
+'was made flesh' left it unsettled whether the Lord took anything more
+than a human body. These were serious defects, and the bishops could not
+refuse to amend them. After much careful work, the following was the
+form adopted:--
+
+[Sidenote: The Nicene Creed.]
+
+  We believe in one God, the Father Almighty,
+    maker of all things, both visible and invisible;
+  And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God,
+  begotten of the Father, an only-begotten--
+    that is, from the essence (_ousia_) of the Father
+         God from God,
+          light from light,
+          true God from true God,
+      begotten, not made,
+        being of one essence (_homoousion_) with the Father,
+  by whom all things were made,
+      both things in heaven and things on earth:
+  who for us men and for our salvation came down and was made flesh,
+      was made man, suffered, and rose again the third day,
+      ascended into heaven,
+      cometh to judge quick and dead;
+  And in the Holy Spirit.
+
+  But those who say that
+        'there was once when he was not,' and
+        'before he was begotten he was not,' and
+        'he was made of things that were not,'
+        or maintain that the Son of God is of a different essence
+          (_hypostasis or ousia_[6])
+        or created or subject to moral change or alteration--
+  these doth the Catholic and Apostolic Church anathematize.
+
+[Footnote 6: The two words are used as synonyms.]
+
+[Sidenote: Its doctrine.]
+
+It will be seen that the genuine Nicene Creed here given differs in
+almost every clause from the so-called Nicene Creed of our Communion
+Service. Leaving, however, the spurious Nicene Creed till we come to it,
+let us see how the genuine Nicene Creed dealt with Arianism. Its central
+phrases are the two which refer to essence. Now the _essence_ of a thing
+is that by which it is what we suppose it to be. We look at it from
+various points of view, and ascribe to it first one quality and then
+another. Its _essence_ from any one of these successive points of view
+is that by which it possesses the corresponding quality. About this
+unknown something we make no assertion, so that we are committed to no
+theory whatever. Thus the _essence_ of the Father _as God_ (for this was
+the point of view) is that unknown and incommunicable something by which
+He is God. If therefore we explain St. John's 'an only-begotten who is
+God'[7] inserting 'that is, from the _essence_ of the Father,' we
+declare that the Divine Sonship is no accident of will, but belongs to
+the divine nature. It is not an outside matter of creation or adoption,
+but (so to speak) an organic relation inside that nature. The Father is
+no more God without the Son than the Son is God without the Father.
+Again, if we confess him to be _of one essence_ with the Father, we
+declare him the common possessor with the Father of the one essence
+which no creature can share, and thus ascribe to him the highest deity
+in words which allow no evasion or reserve. The two phrases, however,
+are complementary. _From the essence_ makes a clear distinction: _of one
+essence_ lays stress on the unity. The word had a Sabellian history, and
+was used by Marcellus in a Sabellian sense, so that it was justly
+discredited as Sabellian. Had it stood alone, the creed would have been
+Sabellian; but at Nicaea it was checked by _from the essence_. When the
+later Nicenes, under Semiarian influence, came to give the word another
+meaning, the check was wisely removed.
+
+[Footnote 7: John i. 18 (the best reading, and certainly familiar in the
+Nicene age).]
+
+[Sidenote: Its caution.]
+
+Upon the whole, the creed is a cautious document. Though Arianism is
+attacked again in the clause _was made man_, which states that the Lord
+took something more than a human body, there is no attempt to forestall
+later controversies by a further definition of the meaning of the
+incarnation. The abrupt pause after the mention of the Holy Spirit is
+equally significant, for the nature of his divinity was still an open
+question. Even the heretics are not cursed, for anathema in the Nicene
+age was no more than the penalty which to a layman was equivalent to the
+deposition of a cleric. It meant more when it was launched against the
+dead two hundred years later.
+
+[Sidenote: Arian objections.]
+
+Our accounts of the debate are very fragmentary. Eusebius passes over an
+unpleasant subject, and Athanasius up and down his writings only tells
+us what he wants for his immediate purpose. Thus we cannot trace many of
+the Arian objections to the creed. Knowing, however, as we do that they
+were carefully discussed, we may presume that they were the standing
+difficulties of the next generation. These were four in number:--
+
+(1.) 'From the essence' and 'of one essence' are materialist
+expressions, implying either that the Son is a separate part of the
+essence of the Father, or that there is some third essence prior to
+both. This objection was a difficulty in the East, and still more in the
+West, where 'essence' was represented by the materializing word
+_substantia_, from which we get our unfortunate translation 'of one
+substance.'
+
+(2.) 'Of one essence' is Sabellian. This was true; and the defenders of
+the word did not seem to care if it was true. Marcellus almost certainly
+used incautious language, and it was many years before even Athanasius
+was fully awake to the danger from the Sabellian side.
+
+(3.) The words 'essence' and 'of one essence' are not found in
+Scripture. This is what seems to have influenced the bishops most of
+all.
+
+(4.) 'Of one essence' is contrary to church authority. This also was
+true, for the word had been rejected as materializing by a large council
+held at Antioch in 269 against Paul of Samosata. The point, however, at
+present raised was not that it had been rejected for a good reason, but
+simply that it had been rejected; and this is an appeal to church
+authority in the style of later times. The question was one of Scripture
+against church authority. Both parties indeed accepted Scripture as
+supreme, but when they differed in its interpretation, the Arians
+pleaded that a word not sanctioned by church authority could not be made
+a test of orthodoxy. If tradition gave them a foothold (and none could
+deny it), they thought themselves entitled to stay; if Scripture
+condemned them (and there could be no doubt of that), Athanasius thought
+himself bound to turn them out. It was on the ground of Scripture that
+the fathers of Nicaea took their stand, and the works of Athanasius, from
+first to last, are one continuous appeal to Scripture. In this case he
+argues that if the disputed word is not itself Scripture, its meaning
+is. This was quite enough; but if the Arians chose to drag in
+antiquarian questions, they might easily be met on that ground also, for
+the word had been used or recognised by Origen and others at Alexandria.
+With regard to its rejection by the Syrian churches, he refuses all
+mechanical comparisons of date or numbers between the councils of
+Antioch and Nicaea, and endeavours to show that while Paul of Samosata
+had used the word in one sense, Arius denied it in another.
+
+[Sidenote: Hesitation of the council.]
+
+The council paused. The confessors in particular were an immense
+conservative force. If Hosius and Eustathius had been forward in
+attacking Arianism, few of them can have greatly wished to re-state the
+faith which had sustained them in their trial. Now the creed involved
+something like a revolution. The idea of a universal test was in itself
+a great change, best softened as much as might be. The insertion of a
+direct condemnation of Arianism was a still more serious step, and
+though the bishops had consented to it, they had not consented without
+misgiving. But when it was proposed to use a word of doubtful tendency,
+neither found in Scripture nor sanctioned by church authority, it would
+have been strange if they had not looked round for some escape.
+
+[Sidenote: Arian evasions.]
+
+Yet what escape was possible? Scripture can be used as a test if its
+authority is called in question, but not when its meaning is disputed.
+If the Arians were to be excluded, it was useless to put into the creed
+the very words whose plain meaning they were charged with evading.
+Athanasius gives an interesting account of this stage of the debate. It
+appears that when the bishops collected phrases from Scripture and set
+down that the Son is 'of God,' those wicked Arians said to each other,
+'We can sign that, for we ourselves also are of God. Is it not written,
+All things are of God?'[8] So when the bishops saw their impious
+ingenuity, they put it more clearly, that the Son is not only of God
+like the creatures, but of the essence of God. And this was the reason
+why the word 'essence' was put into the creed. Again, the Arians were
+asked if they would confess that the Son is not a creature, but the
+power and eternal image of the Father and true God. Instead of giving a
+straightforward answer, they were caught whispering to each other. 'This
+is true of ourselves, for we men are called the image and glory of
+God.[9] We too are eternal, for we who live are always.[10] And powers
+of God are many. Is He not the Lord of powers (hosts)? The locust and
+the caterpillar are actually "my great power which I sent among
+you."[11] He is true God also, for he became true God as soon as he was
+created.' These were the evasions which compelled the bishops to sum up
+the sense of Scripture in the statement that the Son is of one essence
+with the Father.
+
+[Footnote 8: 1 Cor. viii. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 9: 1 Cor. xi. 7.]
+
+[Footnote 10: 2 Cor. iv. 11; the impudence of the quotation is worth
+notice.]
+
+[Footnote 11: Joel ii. 25 (army).]
+
+[Sidenote: Acceptance of the creed.]
+
+So far Athanasius. The longer the debate went on, the clearer it became
+that the meaning of Scripture could not be defined without going outside
+Scripture for words to define it. In the end, they all signed except a
+few. Many, however, signed with misgivings, and some almost avowedly as
+a formality to please the Emperor. 'The soul is none the worse for a
+little ink.' It is not a pleasant scene for the historian.
+
+[Sidenote: The letter of Eusebius.]
+
+Eusebius of Caesarea was sorely disappointed. Instead of giving a creed
+to Christendom, he received back his confession in a form which at first
+he could not sign at all. There was some ground for his complaint that,
+under pretence of inserting the single word of _one essence_, which our
+wise and godly Emperor so admirably explained, the bishops had in effect
+drawn up a composition of their own. It was a venerable document of
+stainless orthodoxy, and they had laid rude hands on almost every clause
+of it. Instead of a confession which secured the assent of all parties
+by deciding nothing, they forced on him a stringent condemnation, not
+indeed of his own belief, but of opinions held by many of his friends,
+and separated by no clear logical distinction from his own. But now was
+he to sign or not? Eusebius was not one of the hypocrites, and would not
+sign till his scruples were satisfied. He tells us them in a letter to
+the people of his diocese, which he wrote under the evident feeling that
+his signature needed some apology. First he gives their own Caesarean
+creed, and protests his unchanged adherence to it. Then he relates its
+unanimous acceptance, subject to the insertion of the single word _of
+one essence_, which Constantine explained to be directed against
+materializing and unspiritual views of the divine generation. But it
+emerged from the debates in so altered a form that he could not sign it
+without careful examination. His first scruple was at _of the essence of
+the Father_, which was explained as not meant to imply any materializing
+separation. So, for the sake of peace, he was willing to accept it, as
+well as _of one essence_, now that he could do it with a good
+conscience. Similarly, _begotten, not made_, was explained to mean that
+the Son has nothing in common with the creatures made by him, but is of
+a higher essence, ineffably begotten of the Father. So also, on careful
+consideration, _of one essence with the Father_ implies no more than the
+uniqueness of the Son's generation, and his distinctness from the
+creatures. Other expressions prove equally innocent.
+
+[Sidenote: Constantine's interference.]
+
+Now that a general agreement had been reached, it was time for
+Constantine to interpose. He had summoned the council as a means of
+union, and enforced his exhortation to harmony by burning the letters of
+recrimination which the bishops had presented to him. To that text he
+still adhered. He knew too little of the controversy to have any very
+strong personal opinion, and the influences which might have guided him
+were divided. If Hosius of Cordova leaned to the Athanasian side,
+Eusebius of Nicomedia was almost Arian. If Constantine had any feeling
+in the matter--dislike, for example, of the popularity of Arius--he was
+shrewd enough not to declare it too hastily. If he tried to force a view
+of his own on the undecided bishops, he might offend half Christendom;
+but if he waited for the strongest force inside the council to assert
+itself, he might safely step in at the end to coerce the recusants.
+Therefore whatever pleased the council pleased the Emperor too. When
+they tore up the Arian creed, he approved. When they accepted the
+Caesarean, he approved again. When the morally strong Athanasian minority
+urged the council to put in the disputed clauses, Constantine did his
+best to smooth the course of the debate. At last, always in the interest
+of unity, he proceeded to put pressure on the few who still held out.
+Satisfactory explanations were given to Eusebius of Caesarea, and in the
+end they all signed but the two Egyptian Arians, Secundus of Ptolemais
+and Theonas of Marmarica. These were sent into exile, as well as Arius
+himself; and a qualified subscription from Eusebius of Nicomedia only
+saved him for the moment. An imperial rescript also branded the
+heretic's followers with the name of Porphyrians, and ordered his
+writings to be burnt. The concealment of a copy was to be a capital
+offence.
+
+[Sidenote: Close of the council.]
+
+Other subjects decided by the council will not detain us long, though
+some of its members may have thought one or two of them quite as
+important as Arianism. The old Easter question was settled in favour of
+the Roman custom of observing, not the day of the Jewish passover in
+memory of the crucifixion, but a later Sunday in memory of the
+resurrection. For how, explains Constantine--how could we who are
+Christians possibly keep the same day as those wicked Jews? The council,
+however, was right on the main point, that the feasts of Christian
+worship are not to be tied to those of Judaism. The third great subject
+for discussion was the Meletian schism in Egypt, and this was settled by
+a liberal compromise. The Meletian presbyter might act alone if there
+was no orthodox presbyter in the place, otherwise he was to be a
+coadjutor with a claim to succeed if found worthy. Athanasius (at least
+in later times) would have preferred severer measures, and more than
+once refers to these with unconcealed disgust. The rest of the business
+disposed of, Constantine dismissed the bishops with a splendid feast,
+which Eusebius enthusiastically likens to the kingdom of heaven.
+
+[Sidenote: Results of the council.]
+
+Let us now sum up the results of the council, so far as they concern
+Arianism. In one sense they were decisive. Arianism was so sharply
+condemned by the all but unanimous voice of Christendom, that nearly
+thirty years had to pass before it was openly avowed again. Conservative
+feeling in the West was engaged in steady defence of the great council;
+and even in the East its doctrine could be made to wear a conservative
+aspect as the actual faith of Christendom. On the other hand, were
+serious drawbacks. The triumph was rather a surprise than a solid
+victory. As it was a revolution which a minority had forced through by
+sheer strength of clearer thought, a reaction was inevitable when the
+half-convinced majority returned home. In other words, Athanasius had
+pushed the Easterns farther than they wished to go, and his victory
+recoiled on himself. But he could not retreat when once he had put the
+disputed words into the creed. Come what might, those words were
+irreversible. And if it was a dangerous policy which won the victory,
+the use made of it was deplorable. Though the exile of Arius and his
+friends was Constantine's work, much of the discredit must fall on the
+Athanasian leaders, for we cannot find that they objected to it either
+at the time or afterwards. It seriously embittered the controversy. If
+the Nicenes set the example of persecution, the other side improved on
+it till the whole contest threatened to degenerate into a series of
+personal quarrels and retaliations. The process was only checked by the
+common hatred of all parties to Julian, and by the growth of a better
+spirit among the Nicenes, as shown in the later writings of Athanasius.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+_THE EUSEBIAN REACTION._
+
+
+[Sidenote: The problem stated.]
+
+At first sight the reaction which followed the Nicene council is one of
+the strangest scenes in history. The decision was clear and all but
+unanimous. Arianism seemed crushed for ever by the universal reprobation
+of the Christian world. Yet it instantly renewed the contest, and fought
+its conquerors on equal terms for more than half a century. A reaction
+like this is plainly more than a court intrigue. Imperial favour could
+do a good deal in the Nicene age, but no emperor could long oppose any
+clear and definite belief of Christendom. Nothing could be plainer than
+the issue of the council. How then could Arianism venture to renew the
+contest?
+
+[Sidenote: The reaction rather conservative than Arian.]
+
+The answer is, that though the belief of the churches was certainly not
+Arian, neither was it yet definitely Nicene. The dominant feeling both
+in East and West was one of dislike to change, which we may conveniently
+call conservatism. But here there was a difference. Heresies in the East
+had always gathered round the person of the Lord, and more than one had
+already partly occupied the ground of Arianism. Thus Eastern
+conservatism inherited a doctrine from the last generation, and was
+inclined to look on the Nicene decisions as questionable innovations.
+The Westerns thought otherwise. Leaning on authority as they habitually
+did, they cared little to discuss for themselves an unfamiliar question.
+They could not even translate its technical terms into Latin without
+many misunderstandings. Therefore Western conservatism simply fell back
+on the august decisions of Nicaea. No later meeting could presume to
+rival 'the great and holy council' where Christendom had once for all
+pronounced the condemnation of Arianism. In short, East and West were
+alike conservative; but while conservatism in the East went behind the
+council, in the West it was content to start from it.
+
+[Sidenote: Supported by influence of: (1.) Heathens.]
+
+The Eastern reaction was therefore in its essence not Arian but
+conservative. Its leaders might be conservatives like Eusebius of
+Caesarea, or court politicians like his successor, Acacius. They were
+never open Arians till 357. The front and strength of the party was
+conservative, and the Arians at its tail were in themselves only a
+source of weakness. Yet they could enlist powerful allies in the cause
+of reaction. Heathenism was still a living power in the world. It was
+strong in numbers even in the East, and even stronger in the imposing
+memories of history. Christianity was still an upstart on Caesar's
+throne. The favour of the gods had built up the Empire, and men's hearts
+misgave them that their wrath might overthrow it. Heathenism was still
+an established religion, the Emperor still its official head. Old Rome
+was still devoted to her ancient deities, her nobles still recorded
+their priesthoods and augurships among their proudest honours, and the
+Senate itself still opened every sitting with an offering of incense on
+the altar of Victory. The public service was largely heathen, and the
+army too, especially its growing cohorts of barbarian auxiliaries.
+Education also was mostly heathen, turning on heathen classics and
+taught by heathen rhetoricians. Libanius, the teacher of Chrysostom, was
+also the honoured friend of Julian. Philosophy too was a great
+influence, now that it had leagued together all the failing powers of
+the ancient world against a rival not of this world. Its weakness as a
+moral force must not blind us to its charm for the imagination.
+Neoplatonism brought Egypt to the aid of Greece, and drew on
+Christianity itself for help. The secrets of philosophy were set forth
+in the mysteries of Eastern superstition. From the dim background of a
+noble monotheism the ancient gods came forth to represent on earth a
+majesty above their own. No waverer could face the terrors of that
+mighty gathering of infernal powers. And the Nicene age was a time of
+unsettlement and change, of half-beliefs and wavering superstition, of
+weakness and unclean frivolity. Above all, society was heathen to an
+extent we can hardly realise. The two religions were strangely mixed.
+The heathens on their side never quite understood the idea of
+worshipping one God only; while crowds of nominal Christians never asked
+for baptism unless a dangerous illness or an earthquake scared them, and
+thought it quite enough to show their faces in church once or twice a
+year. Meanwhile, they lived just like the heathens round them, steeped
+in superstitions like their neighbours, attending freely their immoral
+games and dances, and sharing in the sins connected with them. Thus
+Arianism had many affinities with heathenism, in its philosophical idea
+of the Supreme, in its worship of a demigod of the vulgar type, in its
+rhetorical methods, and in its generally lower moral tone. Heathen
+influences therefore strongly supported Arianism.
+
+[Sidenote: (2.) Jews.]
+
+The Jews also usually took the Arian side. They were still a power in
+the world, though it was long since Israel had challenged Rome to
+seventy years of internecine contest for the dominion of the East. But
+they had never forgiven her the destruction of Jehovah's temple.
+[Sidenote: A.D. 66-135.] Half overcome themselves by the spell of the
+eternal Empire, they still looked vaguely for some Eastern deliverer to
+break her impious yoke. Still more fiercely they resented her adoption
+of the gospel, which indeed was no tidings of good-will or peace to
+them, but the opening of a thousand years of persecution. Thus they were
+a sort of caricature of the Christian churches. They made every land
+their own, yet were aliens in all. They lived subject to the laws of the
+Empire, yet gathered into corporations governed by their own. They were
+citizens of Rome, yet strangers to her imperial comprehensiveness. In a
+word, they were like a spirit in the body, but a spirit of uncleanness
+and of sordid gain. If they hated the Gentile, they could love his vices
+notwithstanding. If the old missionary zeal of Israel was extinct, they
+could still purvey impostures for the world. Jewish superstitions were
+the plague of distant Spain, the despair of Chrysostom at Antioch. Thus
+the lower moral tone of Arianism and especially its denial of the Lord's
+divinity were enough to secure it a fair amount of Jewish support as
+against the Nicenes. At Alexandria, for example, the Jews were always
+ready for lawless outrage at the call of every enemy of Athanasius.
+
+[Sidenote: (3.) The court.]
+
+The court also leaned to Arianism. The genuine Arians, to do them
+justice, were not more pliant to imperial dictation than the Nicenes,
+but the genuine Arians were only one section of a motley coalition.
+Their conservative patrons and allies were laid open to court influence
+by their dread of Sabellianism; for conservatism is the natural home of
+the impatient timidity which looks round at every difficulty for a
+saviour of society, and would fain turn the whole work of government
+into a crusade against a series of scarecrows. Thus when Constantius
+turned against them, their chiefs were found wanting in the self-respect
+which kept both Nicene and Arian leaders from condescending to a battle
+of intrigue with such masters of the art as flourished in the palace.
+But for thirty years the intriguers found it their interest to profess
+conservatism. The court was as full of selfish cabals as that of the old
+French monarchy. Behind the glittering ceremonial on which the treasures
+of the world were squandered fought armies of place-hunters great and
+small, cooks and barbers, women and eunuchs, courtiers and spies,
+adventurers of every sort, for ever wresting the majesty of law to
+private favour, for ever aiming new oppressions at the men on whom the
+exactions of the Empire already fell with crushing weight. The noblest
+bishops, the ablest generals, were their fairest prey; and we have no
+surer witness to the greatness of Athanasius or Julian than the
+pertinacious hatred of this odious horde. Intriguers of this kind found
+it better to unsettle the Nicene decisions, on behalf of conservatism
+forsooth, than to maintain them in the name of truth. There were many
+ways of upsetting them, and each might lead to gain; only one of
+defending them, and that was not attractive.
+
+[Sidenote: (4.) Asia.]
+
+Nor were Constantius and Valens without political reasons for their
+support of Arianism. We can see by the light of later history that the
+real centre of the Empire was the solid mass of Asia from the Bosphorus
+to Mount Taurus, and that Constantinople was its outwork on the side of
+Europe. In Rome on one side, Egypt and Syria on the other, we can
+already trace the tendencies which led to their separation from the
+orthodox Eastern Church and Empire. Now in the fourth century Asia was a
+stronghold of conservatism. There was a good deal of Arianism in
+Cappadocia, but we hear little of it in Asia. The group of Lucianists at
+Nicaea left neither Arian nor Nicene successors. The ten provinces of
+Asia 'verily knew not God' in Hilary's time; and even the later Nicene
+doctrine of Cappadocia was almost as much Semiarian as Athanasian. Thus
+Constantius and Valens pursued throughout an Asiatic policy, striking
+with one hand at Egypt, with the other at Rome. Every change in their
+action can be explained with reference to the changes of opinion in
+Asia.
+
+[Sidenote: Conclusion.]
+
+Upon the whole, we may say that Arian hatred of the council would have
+been powerless if it had not rested on a formidable mass of conservative
+discontent, while the conservative discontent might have died away if
+the court had not supplied it with the means of action. If the decision
+lay with the majority, every initiative had to come from the court.
+Hence the reaction went on as long as these were agreed against the
+Nicene party; it was suspended as soon as Julian's policy turned another
+way, became unreal when conservative alarm subsided, and finally
+collapsed when Asia went over to the Nicene side.
+
+[Sidenote: Sequel of the council.]
+
+We may now return to the sequel of the great council. If Constantine
+thought he had restored peace in the churches, he soon found out his
+mistake. The literary war began again almost where his summons had
+interrupted it. The creed was signed and done with and seemed forgotten.
+The conservatives hardly cared to be reminded of their half unwilling
+signatures. To Athanasius it may have been a watchword from the first,
+but it was not so to many others. In the West it was as yet almost
+unknown. Even Marcellus was more disposed to avoid all technical terms
+than to lay stress on those which the council sanctioned. Yet all
+parties had learned caution at Nicaea. Marcellus disavowed Sabellianism;
+Eusebius avoided Arianism, and nobody seems to have disowned the creed
+as long as Constantine lived.
+
+[Sidenote: Athanasius bishop of Alexandria, A.D. 328.]
+
+The next great change was at Alexandria. The bishop Alexander died in
+the spring of 328, and a stormy election followed. Its details are
+obscure, but the Nicene party put forward the deacon Athanasius, and
+consecrated him in spite of a determined opposition from Arians and
+Meletians. And now that we stand before the greatest of the Eastern
+fathers, let us see how his character and training fitted him to be the
+hero of the Arian controversy.
+
+[Sidenote: Character of Athanasius.]
+
+Athanasius was a Greek by birth and education, Greek also in subtle
+thought and philosophic insight, in oratorical power and supple
+statesmanship. Though born almost within the shadow of the mighty temple
+of Serapis at Alexandria, he shows few signs of Coptic influence. Deep
+as is his feeling of the mystery of revelation, he has no love of
+mystery for its own sake, nothing of the Egyptian passion for things
+awful and mysterious. Even his style is clear and simple, without a
+trace of Egyptian involution and obscurity. We know nothing of his
+family, and cannot even date his birth for certain, though it must have
+been very near the year 297. He was, therefore, old enough to remember
+the worst days of the great persecution, which Maximin Daza kept up in
+Egypt as late as 313. Legend has of course been busy with his early
+life. According to one story, Alexander found him with some other boys
+at play, imitating the ceremonies of baptism--not a likely game for a
+youth of sixteen. Another story makes him a disciple of the great hermit
+Antony, who never existed. He may have been a lawyer for a time, but in
+any case his training was neither Coptic nor monastic, but Greek and
+scriptural, as became a scholar of Alexandria. There may be traces of
+Latin in his writings, but his allusions to Greek literature are such as
+leave no doubt that he had a liberal education. In his earliest works he
+refers to Plato; in later years he quotes Homer, and models his notes on
+Aristotle, his _Apology_ to Constantius on Demosthenes. To Egyptian
+idolatry he seldom alludes. Scripture, however, is his chosen and
+familiar study, and few commentators have ever shown a firmer grasp of
+certain of its leading thoughts. He at least endeavoured (unlike the
+Arian text-mongers) to take in the context of his quotations and the
+general drift of Christian doctrine. Many errors of detail may be
+pardoned to a writer who so seldom fails in suggestiveness and width of
+view. In mere learning he was no match for Eusebius of Caesarea, and even
+as a thinker he has a worthy rival in Hilary of Poitiers, while some of
+the Arian leaders were fully equal to him in political skill. But
+Eusebius was no great thinker, Hilary no statesman, and the Arian
+leaders were not men of truth. Athanasius, on the other hand, was
+philosopher, statesman, and saint in one. Few great men have ever been
+so free from littleness or weakness. At the age of twenty he had risen
+far above the level of Arianism and Sabellianism, and throughout his
+long career we catch glimpses of a spiritual depth which few of his
+contemporaries could reach. Above all things, his life was consecrated
+to a simple witness for truth. Athanasius is the hero of a mighty
+struggle, and the secret of his grandeur is his intense and vivid faith
+that the incarnation is a real revelation from the other world, and that
+its issues are for life and death supreme in heaven and earth and hell
+for evermore.
+
+[Sidenote: Early years of his rule at Alexandria.]
+
+Such a bishop was sure to meet a bitter opposition, and as sure to
+overcome it. Egypt soon became a stronghold of the Nicene faith, for
+Athanasius could sway the heart of Greek and Copt alike. The
+pertinacious hatred of a few was balanced by the enthusiastic admiration
+of the many. The Meletians dwindled fast, the Arians faster still.
+Nothing but outside persecution was needed now to make Nicene orthodoxy
+the national faith of Egypt.
+
+[Sidenote: Beginnings of the reaction.]
+
+It will be remembered that Eusebius of Nicomedia was exiled shortly
+after the council. His disgrace was not a long one. He had powerful
+friends at court, and it was not very hard for a man who had signed the
+creed to satisfy the Emperor of his substantial orthodoxy. Constantine
+was not unforgiving, and policy as well as easy temper forbade him to
+scrutinize too closely the professions of submission laid before him.
+Once restored to his former influence at court, Eusebius became the
+centre of intrigue against the council. Old Lucianic friendships may
+have led him on. Arius was a Lucianist like himself, and the Lucianists
+had in vain defended him before the council. Eusebius was the ablest of
+them, and had fared the worst. He had strained his conscience to sign
+the creed, and his compliance had not even saved him from exile. We
+cannot wonder if he brought back a firm determination to undo the
+council's hateful work. If it was too dangerous to attack the creed
+itself, its defenders might be got rid of one by one on various
+pretexts. Such was the plan of operations.
+
+[Sidenote: Formation of the Eusebian coalition.]
+
+A party was easily formed. The Lucianists were its nucleus, and all
+sorts of malcontents gathered round them. The Meletians of Egypt joined
+the coalition, and the unclean creatures of the palace rejoiced to hear
+of fresh intrigue. Above all, the conservatives gave extensive help. The
+charges against the Nicene leaders were often more than plausible, for
+men like the Caesarean Eusebius dreaded Sabellianism, and Marcellus was
+practically Sabellian, and the others aiders and abettors of his
+misbelief. Some even of the darker charges may have had some ground, or
+at least have seemed truer than they were. Thus Eusebius had a very
+heterogeneous following, and it would be scant charity if we laid on all
+of them the burden of their leader's infamy.
+
+[Sidenote: Attacks on: (1.) Eustathius.]
+
+They began with Eustathius of Antioch, an old confessor and a man of
+eloquence, who enjoyed a great and lasting popularity in the city. He
+was one of the foremost enemies of Arianism at Nicaea, and had since
+waged an active literary war with the Arianizing clique in Syria. In one
+respect they found him a specially dangerous enemy, for he saw clearly
+the important consequences of the Arian denial of the Lord's true human
+soul. Eustathius was therefore deposed (on obscure grounds) in 330, and
+exiled with many of his clergy to Thrace. The vacant see was offered to
+Eusebius of Caesarea, and finally accepted by the Cappadocian Euphronius.
+But party spirit ran high at Antioch. The removal of Eustathius nearly
+caused a bloody riot, and his departure was followed by an open schism.
+The Nicenes refused to recognise Euphronius, and held their meetings
+apart, under the presbyter Paulinus, remaining without a bishop for more
+than thirty years.
+
+[Sidenote: (2.) Marcellus.]
+
+The system was vigorously followed up. Ten of the Nicene leaders were
+exiled in the next year or two. But Alexandria and Ancyra were the great
+strongholds of the Nicene faith, and the Eusebians still had to expel
+Marcellus and Athanasius. As Athanasius might have met a charge of
+heresy with a dangerous retort, it was found necessary to take other
+methods with him. Marcellus, however, was so far the foremost champion
+of the council, and he had fairly exposed himself to a doctrinal attack.
+Let us therefore glance at his theory of the incarnation.
+
+[Sidenote: Character of Marcellus.]
+
+Marcellus of Ancyra was already in middle life when he came forward as a
+resolute enemy of Arianism at Nicaea. Nothing is known of his early years
+and education, but we can see some things which influenced him later on.
+Ancyra was a strange diocese, full of uncouth Gauls and chaffering Jews,
+and overrun with Montanists and Manichees, and votaries of endless
+fantastic heresies and superstitions. In the midst of this turmoil
+Marcellus spent his life; and if he learned too much of the Galatian
+party spirit, he learned also that the gospel is wider than the forms of
+Greek philosophy. The speculations of Alexandrian theology were as
+little appreciated by the Celts of Asia as is the stately churchmanship
+of England by the Celts of Wales. They were the foreigner's thoughts,
+too cold for Celtic zeal, too grand for Celtic narrowness. Fickleness is
+not inconsistent with a true and deep religious instinct, and we may
+find something austere and high behind the ever-changing phases of
+spiritual excitement. Thus the ideal holiness of the church, upheld by
+Montanists and Novatians, attracted kindred spirits at opposite ends of
+the Empire, among the Moors of the Atlas and the Gauls of Asia. Such a
+people will have sins and scandals like its neighbours, but very little
+indifference or cynicism. It will be more inclined to make of Christian
+liberty an excuse for strife and debate. The zeal which carries the
+gospel to the loneliest mountain villages will also fill them with the
+jealousies of endless quarrelling sects; and the Gaul of Asia clung to
+his separatism with all the more tenacity for the consciousness that his
+race was fast dissolving in the broader and better world of Greece. Thus
+Marcellus was essentially a stranger to the wider movements of his time.
+His system is an appeal from Origen to St. John, from philosophy to
+Scripture. Nor can we doubt the high character and earnest zeal of the
+man who for years stood side by side with Athanasius. The more
+significant therefore is the failure of his bold attempt to cut the knot
+of controversy.
+
+[Sidenote: Doctrine of Marcellus.]
+
+Marcellus then agreed with the Arians that the idea of sonship implies
+beginning and inferiority, so that a Son of God is neither eternal nor
+equal to the Father. When the Arians argued on both grounds that the
+Lord is a creature, the conservatives were content to reply that the
+idea of sonship excludes that of creation, and implies a peculiar
+relation to and origin from the Father. But their own position was weak.
+Whatever they might say, their secondary God was a second God, and their
+theory of the eternal generation only led them into further
+difficulties, for their concession of the Son's origin from the will of
+the Father made the Arian conclusion irresistible. Marcellus looked
+scornfully on a lame result like this. The conservatives had broken down
+because they had gone astray after vain philosophy. Turn we then to
+Scripture. 'In the beginning was,' not the Son, but the Word. It is no
+secondary or accidental title which St. John throws to the front of his
+Gospel, and repeats with deliberate emphasis three times over in the
+first verse. Thus the Lord is properly the Word of God, and this must
+govern the meaning of all such secondary names as the Son. Then he is
+not only the silent thinking principle which remains with God, but also
+the active creating power which comes forth too for the dispensation of
+the world. In this Sabellianizing sense Marcellus accepted the Nicene
+faith, holding that the Word is one with God as reason is one with man.
+Thus he explained the Divine Sonship and other difficulties by limiting
+them to the incarnation. The Word as such is pure spirit, and only
+became the Son of God by becoming the Son of Man. It was only in virtue
+of this humiliating separation from the Father that the Word acquired a
+sort of independent personality. Thus the Lord was human certainly on
+account of his descent into true created human flesh, and yet not merely
+human, for the Word remained unchanged. Not for its own sake was the
+Word incarnate, but merely for the conquest of Satan. 'The flesh
+profiteth nothing,' and even the gift of immortality cannot make it
+worthy of permanent union with the Word. God is higher than immortality
+itself, and even the immortal angels cannot pass the gulf which parts
+the creature from its Lord. That which is of the earth is useless for
+the age to come. Hence the human nature must be laid aside when its work
+is done and every hostile power overthrown. Then shall the Son of God
+deliver up the kingdom to the Father, that the kingdom of God may have
+no end; and then the Word shall return, and be for ever with the Father
+as before.
+
+[Sidenote: The conservative panic.]
+
+A universal cry of horror rose from the conservative ranks to greet the
+new Sabellius, the Jew and worse than Jew, the shameless miscreant who
+had forsworn the Son of God. Marcellus had confused together all the
+errors he could find. The faith itself was at peril if blasphemies like
+these were to be sheltered behind the rash decisions of Nicaea. So
+thought the conservatives, and not without a reason, though their panic
+was undignified from the first, and became a positive calamity when
+taken up by political adventurers for their own purposes. As far as
+doctrine went, there was little to choose between Marcellus and Arius.
+Each held firmly the central error of the conservatives, and rejected as
+illogical the modifications and side views by which they were finding
+their way to something better. Both parties, says Athanasius, are
+equally inconsistent. The conservatives, who refuse eternal being to the
+Son of God, will not endure to hear that his kingdom is other than
+eternal; while the Marcellians, who deny his personality outright, are
+equally shocked at the Arian limitation of it to the sphere of time. Nor
+had Marcellus escaped the difficulties of Arius. If, for example, the
+idea of an eternal Son is polytheistic, nothing is gained by
+transferring the eternity to an impersonal Word. If the generation of
+the Son is materializing, so also is the coming forth of the Word. If
+the work of creation is unworthy of God, it may as well be delegated to
+a created Son as to a transitory Word. So far Athanasius. Indeed, to
+Marcellus the Son of God is a mere phenomenon of time, and even the Word
+is as foreign to the divine essence as the Arian Son. If the one can
+only reveal in finite measure, the other gives but broken hints of an
+infinity beyond. Instead of destroying Arianism by the roots, Marcellus
+had fallen into something very like Sabellianism. He reaches no true
+mediation, no true union of God and man, for he makes the incarnation a
+mere theophany, the flesh a useless burden, to be one day laid aside.
+The Lord is our Redeemer and the conqueror of death and Satan, but there
+is no room for a second Adam, the organic head of regenerate mankind.
+The redemption becomes a mere intervention from without, not also the
+planting of a power of life within, which will one day quicken our
+mortal bodies too.
+
+[Sidenote: (3.) Athanasius.]
+
+Marcellus had fairly exposed himself to a doctrinal attack; other
+methods were used with Athanasius. They had material enough without
+touching doctrine. His election was disputed: Meletians and Arians
+complained of oppression: there were some useful charges of magic and
+political intrigue. At first, however, the Meletians could not even get
+a hearing from the Emperor. When Eusebius of Nicomedia took up their
+cause, they fared a little better. The attack had to be put off till the
+winter of 331, and was even then a failure. Their charges were partly
+answered by two presbyters of Athanasius who were on the spot; and when
+the bishop himself was summoned to court, he soon completed their
+discomfiture. As Constantine was now occupied with the Gothic war,
+nothing more could be done till 334. When, however, Athanasius was
+ordered to attend a council at Caesarea, he treated it as a mere cabal of
+his enemies, and refused to appear.
+
+[Sidenote: The Council of Tyre (335).]
+
+Next year the Eastern bishops gathered to Jerusalem to keep the festival
+of the thirtieth year of Constantine's reign and to dedicate his
+splendid church on Golgotha. But first it was a work of charity to
+restore peace in Egypt. A synod of about 150 bishops was held at Tyre,
+and this time the appearance of Athanasius was secured by peremptory
+orders from the Emperor. The Eusebians had the upper hand, though there
+was a strong minority. Athanasius brought nearly fifty bishops from
+Egypt, and others, like Maximus of Jerusalem and Alexander of
+Thessalonica, were willing to do justice. Athanasius was not accused of
+heresy, but, with more plausibility, of episcopal tyranny. His friends
+replied with reckless violence. Potammon aimed a bitter and unrighteous
+taunt at Eusebius of Caesarea. 'You and I were once in prison for the
+faith. I lost an eye: how did you escape?' Athanasius might perhaps have
+been crushed if his enemies had kept up a decent semblance of truth and
+fairness. But nothing was further from their thoughts than an impartial
+trial. Scandal succeeded scandal, till the iniquity culminated in the
+dispatch of an openly partizan commission to superintend the manufacture
+of evidence in Egypt. Maximus of Jerusalem and Paphnutius left the
+council, saying that it was not good that old confessors like them
+should share its evil deeds. The Egyptian bishops protested. Alexander
+of Thessalonica denounced the plot to the Emperor's representative.
+Athanasius himself took ship for Constantinople without waiting for the
+end of the farce, and the council condemned him by default. This done,
+the bishops went on to Jerusalem for the proper business of their
+meeting.
+
+[Sidenote: Assembly at Jerusalem.]
+
+The concourse on Golgotha was a brilliant spectacle. Ten years had
+passed since the still unrivalled assembly at Nicaea, and the veterans of
+the last great persecution must have been deeply moved at their meeting
+once again in this world. The stately ceremonial suited Maximus and
+Eusebius much better than the noisy scene at Tyre, and may for the
+moment have soothed the swelling indignation of Potammon and Paphnutius.
+Constantine had once more plastered over the divisions of the churches
+with a general reconciliation, but this time Athanasius was condemned
+and Arius received to communion. The heretic had long since left his
+exile in Illyricum, though we cannot fix the date of his recall.
+However, one winter the Emperor invited Arius and his friend Euzoius to
+Constantinople, where they laid before him a short and simple confession
+of their faith. It said nothing of the disputed points, but was not
+unorthodox as far as it went. Nor were they bishops, that the Nicene
+creed should be forced upon them. Constantine was therefore satisfied,
+and now directed them to lay it before the bishops at Jerusalem, who
+duly approved of it and received its authors to communion. In order to
+complete the work of peace, Athanasius was condemned afresh on the
+return of the commission from Egypt, and proceedings were begun against
+Marcellus of Ancyra.
+
+[Sidenote: First exile of Athanasius.]
+
+Meanwhile Constantine's dreams of peace were rudely dissipated by the
+sudden appearance of Athanasius before him in the streets of
+Constantinople. Whatever the bishops had done, they had plainly caused
+dissensions just when the Emperor was most anxious for harmony. An angry
+letter summoned the whole assembly straight to court. The meeting,
+however, was most likely dispersed before its arrival; at any rate,
+there came only a deputation of Eusebians. The result was unexpected.
+Instead of attempting to defend the council of Tyre, Eusebius of
+Nicomedia suddenly accused Athanasius of hindering the supply of corn
+for the capital. This was quite a new charge, and chosen with much
+skill. Athanasius was not allowed to defend himself, but summarily sent
+away to Trier in Gaul, where he was honourably received by the younger
+Constantine. On the other hand, the Emperor refused to let his place be
+filled up at Alexandria, and exiled the Meletian leader, John Archaph,
+'for causing divisions.' To Constantinople came also Marcellus. He had
+kept away from the councils of Tyre and Jerusalem, and only came now to
+invite the Emperor's decision on his book. Constantine referred it as
+usual to the bishops, who promptly condemned it and deposed its author.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Arius.]
+
+There remained only the formal restoration of Arius to communion at
+Constantinople. But the heretic was taken ill suddenly, and died in the
+midst of a procession the evening before the day appointed. His enemies
+saw in his death a judgment from heaven, and likened it to that of
+Judas. Only Athanasius relates it with reserve and dignity.
+
+[Sidenote: Policy of Constantine.]
+
+Upon the whole, Constantine had done his best for peace by leaving
+matters in an uneasy suspense which satisfied neither party. This seems
+the best explanation of his wavering. He had not turned Arian, for there
+is no sign that he ever allowed the decisions of Nicaea to be openly
+rejected inside the churches. Athanasius was not exiled for heresy, for
+there was no question of heresy in the case. The quarrel was ostensibly
+one of orthodox bishops, for Eusebius had signed the Nicene creed as
+well as Athanasius. Constantine's action seems to have been determined
+by Asiatic feeling. Had he believed the charge of delaying the
+corn-ships, he would have executed Athanasius at once. His conduct does
+not look like a real explosion of rage. The merits of the case were not
+easy to find out, but the quarrel between Athanasius and the Asiatic
+bishops was a nuisance, so he sent him out of the way as a troublesome
+person. The Asiatics were not all of them either Arians or intriguers.
+It was not always furtive sympathy with heresy which led them to regret
+the heresiarch's expulsion for doctrines which he disavowed; neither was
+it always partizanship which could not see the innocence of Athanasius.
+Constantine's vacillation is natural if his policy was to seek for unity
+by letting the bishops guide him.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+_THE COUNCIL OF SARDICA._
+
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Constantine, May 22, 337.]
+
+Constantine's work on earth was done. When the hand of death was on him,
+he laid aside the purple, and the ambiguous position of a Christian
+Caesar with it, and passed away in the white robe of a simple convert.
+Long as he had been a friend to the churches, he had till now put off
+the elementary rite of baptism, in the hope one day to receive it in the
+waters of the Jordan, like the Lord himself. Darkly as his memory is
+stained with isolated crimes, Constantine must for ever rank among the
+greatest of the emperors; and as an actual benefactor of mankind, he
+stands alone among them. Besides his great services to the Empire in his
+own time, he gave the civilization of later days a new centre on the
+Bosphorus, beyond the reach of Goth or Vandal. Bulgarians and Saracens
+and Russians dashed themselves in pieces on the walls of Constantinople,
+and the [Sidenote: A.D. 1204.] strong arms of Western and crusading
+traitors were needed at last to overthrow the old bulwark which for so
+many centuries had guarded Christendom. Above all, it was Constantine
+who first essayed the problem of putting a Christian spirit into the
+statecraft of the world. Hard as the task is even now, it was harder
+still in times when the gospel had not yet had time to form, as it were,
+an outwork of common feeling against some of the grosser sins. Yet
+whatever might be his errors, his legislation was a landmark for ever,
+because no emperor before him had been guided by a Christian sense of
+duty.
+
+[Sidenote: Division of the Empire.]
+
+The sons of Constantine shared the Empire among them 'like an ancestral
+inheritance.' Thrace and Pontus had been assigned to their cousins,
+Dalmatius and Hannibalianus; but the army would have none but
+Constantine's own sons to reign over them. The whole house of Theodora
+perished in the tumult except two boys--Gallus and Julian, afterwards
+the apostate Emperor. Thus Constantine's sons were left in possession of
+the Empire. Constantine II. took Gaul and Britain, the legions of Syria
+secured the East for Constantius, and Italy and Illyricum were left for
+the share of the youngest, Constans.
+
+[Sidenote: Recall of Athanasius, 337.]
+
+One of the first acts of the new Emperors was to restore the exiled
+bishops. Athanasius was released by the younger Constantine as soon as
+his father's death was known at Trier, and reached Alexandria in
+November 337, to the joy of both Greeks and Copts. Marcellus and the
+rest were restored about the same time, though not without much
+disturbance at Ancyra, where the intruding bishop Basil was an able man,
+and had formed a party.
+
+[Sidenote: Character of Constantius.]
+
+Let us now take a glance at the new Emperor of the East. Constantius had
+something of his father's character. In temperance and chastity, in love
+of letters and in dignity of manner, in social charm and pleasantness of
+private life, he was no unworthy son of Constantine; and if he inherited
+no splendid genius for war, he had a full measure of soldierly courage
+and endurance. Nor was the statesmanship entirely bad which kept the
+East in tolerable peace for four-and-twenty years. But Constantius was
+essentially a little man, in whom his father's vices took a meaner form.
+Constantine committed some great crimes, but the whole spirit of
+Constantius was corroded with fear and jealousy of every man better than
+himself. Thus the easy trust in unworthy favourites, which marks even
+the ablest of his family, became in Constantius a public calamity. It
+was bad enough when the uprightness of Constantine or Julian was led
+astray, but it was far worse when the eunuchs found a master too weak to
+stand alone, too jealous to endure a faithful counsellor, too
+easy-tempered and too indolent to care what oppressions were committed
+in his name, and without the sense of duty which would have gone far to
+make up for all his shortcomings. The peculiar repulsiveness of
+Constantius is not due to any flagrant personal vice, but to the
+combination of cold-blooded treachery with the utter want of any inner
+nobleness of character. Yet he was a pious emperor, too, in his own way.
+He loved the ecclesiastical game, and was easily won over to the
+Eusebian side. The growing despotism of the Empire and the personal
+vanity of Constantius were equally suited by the episcopal timidity
+which cried for an arm of flesh to fight its battles. It is not easy to
+decide how far he acted on his own likings and superstitions, how far he
+merely let his flatterers lead him, or how far he saw political reasons
+for following them. In any case, he began with a thorough dislike of the
+Nicene council, continued for a long time to hold conservative language,
+and ended after some vacillation by adopting the vague Homoean
+compromise of 359.
+
+[Sidenote: Second exile of Athanasius, Lent, 339.]
+
+Eusebian intrigue was soon resumed. Now that Constantine was dead, a
+schism could be set on foot at Alexandria; so the Arians were encouraged
+to hold assemblies of their own, and provided with a bishop in the
+person of Pistus, one of the original heretics deposed by Alexander. No
+fitter consecrator could be found for him than Secundus of Ptolemais,
+one of the two bishops who held out to the last against the council. The
+next move was the formal deposition of Athanasius by a council held at
+Antioch in the winter of 338. But there was still no charge of
+heresy--only old and new ones of sedition and intrigue, and a new
+argument, that after his deposition at Tyre he had forfeited all right
+to further justice by accepting a restoration from the civil power. This
+last was quite a new claim on behalf of the church, first used against
+Athanasius, and next afterwards for the ruin of Chrysostom, though it
+has since been made a pillar of the faith. Pistus was not appointed to
+the vacant see. The council chose Gregory of Cappadocia as a better
+agent for the rough work to be done. Athanasius was expelled by the
+apostate prefect Philagrius, and Gregory installed by military violence
+in his place. Scenes of outrage were enacted all over Egypt.
+
+[Sidenote: Athanasius and Marcellus at Rome.]
+
+Athanasius fled to Rome. Thither also came Marcellus of Ancyra, and
+ejected clerics from all parts of the East. Under the rule of Constans
+they might meet with justice. Bishop Julius at once took the position of
+an arbiter of Christendom. He received the fugitives with a decent
+reserve, and invited the Eusebians to the council they had already asked
+him to hold. For a long time there came no answer from the East. The old
+heretic Carpones appeared at Rome on Gregory's behalf, but the envoys of
+Julius were detained at Antioch till January 340, and at last dismissed
+with an unmannerly reply. After some further delay, a synod of about
+fifty bishops met at Rome the following autumn. The cases were examined,
+Marcellus and Athanasius acquitted, and it remained for Julius to report
+their decision to the Easterns.
+
+[Sidenote: The letter of Julius.]
+
+His letter is one of the ablest documents of the entire controversy.
+Nothing can be better than the calm and high judicial tone in which he
+lays open every excuse of the Eusebians. He was surprised, he says, to
+receive so discourteous an answer to his letter. But what was their
+grievance? If it was his invitation to a synod, they could not have much
+confidence in their cause. Even the great council of Nicaea had decided
+(and not without the will of God) that the acts of one synod might be
+revised by another. Their own envoys had asked him to hold a council,
+and the men who set aside the decisions of Nicaea by using the services
+of heretics like Secundus, Pistus and Carpones could hardly claim
+finality for their own doings at Tyre. Their complaint that he had given
+them too short a notice would have been reasonable if the appointed day
+had found them on the road to Rome. 'But this also, beloved, is only an
+excuse.' They had detained his envoys for months at Antioch, and plainly
+did not mean to come. As for the reception of Athanasius, it was neither
+lightly nor unjustly done. The Eusebian letters against him were
+inconsistent, for no two of them ever told the same story; and they
+were, moreover, contradicted by letters in his favour from Egypt and
+elsewhere. The accused had come to Rome when summoned, and waited for
+them eighteen months in vain, whereas the Eusebians had uncanonically
+appointed an utter stranger in his place at Alexandria, and sent him
+with a guard of soldiers all the way from Antioch to disturb the peace
+of Egypt with horrible outrages. With regard to Marcellus, he had denied
+the charge of heresy and presented a very sound confession of his faith.
+The Roman legates at Nicaea had also borne witness to the honourable part
+he had taken in the council. Thus the Eusebians could not say that
+Athanasius and Marcellus had been too hastily received at Rome. Rather
+their own doings were the cause of all the troubles, for complaints of
+their violence came in from all parts of the East. The authors of these
+outrages were no lovers of peace, but of confusion. Whatever grievance
+they might have against Athanasius, they should not have neglected the
+old custom of writing first to Rome, that a legitimate decision might
+issue from the apostolic see. It was time to put an end to these
+scandals, as they would have to answer for them in the day of judgment.
+
+[Sidenote: Criticism of it.]
+
+Severe as the letter is, it contrasts well with the disingenuous
+querulousness of the Eusebians. Nor is Julius unmindful to press as far
+as possible the claims of the Roman see. His one serious mistake was in
+supporting Marcellus. No doubt old services at Nicaea counted heavily in
+the West. His confession too was innocent enough, being very nearly our
+so-called Apostles' Creed, here met for the first time in history.[12]
+Knowing, however, what his doctrine was, we must admit that the Easterns
+were right in resenting its deliberate approval at Rome.
+
+[Footnote 12: It has even been ascribed to Marcellus; but it seems a
+little older. Its apostolic origin is of course absurd. The legend
+cannot be traced beyond the last quarter of the fourth century.]
+
+[Sidenote: Council of the dedication at Antioch (341).]
+
+The Eusebians replied in the summer of 341, when ninety bishops met at
+Antioch to consecrate the Golden Church, begun by Constantine. The
+character of the council is an old question of dispute. Hilary calls it
+a meeting of saints, and its canons have found their way into the
+authoritative collections; yet its chief work was to confirm the
+deposition of Athanasius and to draw up creeds in opposition to the
+Nicene. Was it Nicene or Arian? Probably neither, but conservative. The
+Eusebians seem to have imitated Athanasius in pressing a creed (this
+time an Arianizing one) on unwilling conservatives, but only to have
+succeeded in making great confusion. This was a new turn of their
+policy, and not a hopeful one. Constantine's death indeed left them free
+to try if they could replace the Nicene creed by something else; but the
+friends of Athanasius could accept no substitute, and even the
+conservatives could hardly agree to make the Lord's divinity an open
+question. The result was twenty years of busy creed-making, and twenty
+more of confusion, before it was finally seen that there was no escape
+from the dilemma which had been decisive at Nicaea.
+
+[Sidenote: The Lucianic creed (second of Antioch).]
+
+The Eusebians began by offering a meagre and evasive creed, much like
+the confession of Arius and Euzoius, prefacing it with a declaration
+that they were not followers of Arius, but his independent adherents.
+They overshot their mark, for the conservatives were not willing to go
+so far as this, and, moreover, had older standards of their own.
+Instead, therefore, of drawing up a new creed, they put forward a work
+of the venerated martyr Lucian of Antioch. Such it was said to be, and
+such in the main it probably was, though the anathemas must have been
+added now. This Lucianic formula then is essentially conservative, but
+leans much more to the Nicene than to the Arian side. Its central clause
+declares the Son of God 'not subject to moral change or alteration, but
+the unvarying image of the deity and essence and power and counsel and
+glory of the Father,' while its anathemas condemn 'those who say that
+there was once _a time_ when the Son of God was not, or that he is a
+creature _as one of the creatures_.' These are strong words, but they do
+not in the least shut out Arianism. No doubt the phrase 'unvarying image
+of the essence' means that there is no change of essence in passing from
+the Father to the Son, and is therefore logically equivalent to 'of one
+essence' (_homoousion_); but the conservatives meant nothing more than
+'of like essence' (_homoiousion_), which is consistent with great
+unlikeness in attributes. The anathemas also are the Nicene with
+insertions which might have been made for the very purpose of letting
+the Arians escape. However, the conservatives were well satisfied with
+the Lucianic creed, and frequently refer to it with a veneration akin to
+that of Athanasius for the Nicene. But the wire-pullers were determined
+to upset it. The confession next presented by Theophronius of Tyana was
+more to their mind, for it contained a direct anathema against
+"Marcellus and those who communicated with him." It secured a momentary
+approval, but the meeting broke up without adopting it. The Lucianic
+formula remained the creed of the council.
+
+[Sidenote: The fourth creed.]
+
+Defeated in a free council, the wire-pullers a few months later
+assembled a cabal of their own, and drew up a fourth creed, which a
+deputation of notorious Arianizers presented to Constans in Gaul as the
+genuine work of the council. It seems to have suited them better than
+the Lucianic, for they repeated it with increasing series of anathemas
+at Philippopolis in 343, at Antioch the next year, and at Sirmium in
+351. We can see why it suited them. While in substance it is less
+opposed to Arianism than the Lucianic, its wording follows the Nicene,
+even to the adoption of the anathemas in a weakened form. Upon the
+whole, it is a colourless document, which left all questions open.
+
+[Sidenote: Constans demands a council.]
+
+The wording of the creed of Tyana was a direct blow at Julius of Rome,
+and is of itself enough to show that its authors were no lovers of
+peace. But Western suspicion was already roused by the issue of the
+Lucianic creed. There could no longer be any doubt that the Nicene faith
+was the real object of attack. Before the Eastern envoys reached
+Constans in Gaul, he had already written to his brother (Constantine II.
+was now dead) to demand a new general council. Constantius was busy with
+the Persian war, and could not refuse; so it was summoned to meet in the
+summer of 343. To the dismay of the Eusebians, the place chosen was
+Sardica in Dacia, just inside the dominions of Constans. After their
+failure with the Eastern bishops at Antioch, they could not hope to
+control the Westerns in a free council.
+
+[Sidenote: Council of Sardica (343).]
+
+To Sardica the bishops came. The Westerns were about ninety-six in
+number, 'with Hosius of Cordova for their father,' bringing with him
+Athanasius and Marcellus, and supported by the chief Westerns--Gratus of
+Carthage, Protasius of Milan, Maximus of Trier, Fortunatian of Aquileia,
+and Vincent of Capua, the old Roman legate at Nicaea. The Easterns, under
+Stephen of Antioch and Acacius of Caesarea, the disciple and successor of
+Eusebius, were for once outnumbered. They therefore travelled in one
+body, more than seventy strong, and agreed to act together. They began
+by insisting that the deposition of Marcellus and Athanasius at Antioch
+should be accepted without discussion. Such a demand was absurd. There
+was no reason why the deposition at Antioch should be accepted blindly
+rather than the acquittal at Rome. At any rate, the council had an
+express commission to re-open the whole case, and indeed had met for no
+other purpose; so, if they were not to do it, they might as well go
+home. The Westerns were determined to sift the whole matter to the
+bottom, but the Eusebians refused to enter the council. It was in vain
+that Hosius asked them to give their proofs, if it were only to himself
+in private. In vain he promised that if Athanasius was acquitted, and
+they were still unwilling to receive him, he would take him back with
+him to Spain. The Westerns began the trial: the Easterns left Sardica by
+night in haste. They had heard, forsooth, of a victory on the Persian
+frontier, and must pay their respects to the Emperor without a moment's
+delay.
+
+[Sidenote: Acquittal of Marcellus and Athanasius.]
+
+Once more the charges were examined and the accused acquitted. In the
+case of Marcellus, it was found that the Eusebians had misquoted his
+book, setting down opinions as his own which he had only put forward for
+discussion. Thus it was not true that he had denied the eternity of the
+Word in the past or of his kingdom in the future. Quite so: but the
+eternity of the Sonship is another matter. This was the real charge
+against him, and he was allowed to evade it. Though doctrinal questions
+lay more in the background in the case of Athanasius, one party in the
+council was for issuing a new creed in explanation of the Nicene. The
+proposal was wisely rejected. It would have made the fatal admission
+that Arianism had not been clearly condemned at Nicaea, and thrown on the
+Westerns the odium of innovation. All that could be done was to pass a
+series of canons to check the worst scandals of late years. After this
+the council issued its encyclical and the bishops dispersed.
+
+[Sidenote: Rival council of Philippopolis.]
+
+Meanwhile the Easterns (such was their haste) halted for some weeks at
+Philippopolis to issue their own encyclical, falsely dating it from
+Sardica. They begin with their main argument, that the acts of councils
+are irreversible. Next they recite the charges against Athanasius and
+Marcellus, and the doings of the Westerns at Sardica. Hereupon they
+denounce Hosius, Julius, and others as associates of heretics and
+patrons of the detestable errors of Marcellus. A few random charges of
+gross immorality are added, after the Eusebian custom. They end with a
+new creed, the fourth of Antioch, with some verbal changes, and seven
+anathemas instead of two.
+
+[Sidenote: The fifth creed of Antioch (344).]
+
+The quarrel of East and West seemed worse than ever. The Eusebians had
+behaved discreditably enough, but they had at least frustrated the
+council, and secured a recognition of their creed from a large body of
+Eastern conservatives. So far they had been fairly successful, but the
+next move on their side was a blunder and worse. When the Sardican
+envoys, Vincent of Capua and Euphrates of Cologne, came eastward in the
+spring of 344, a harlot was brought one night into their lodgings. Great
+was the scandal when the plot was traced up to the Eusebian leader,
+Stephen of Antioch. A new council was held, by which Stephen was deposed
+and Leontius the Lucianist, himself the subject of an old scandal, was
+raised to the vacant see. The fourth creed of Antioch was also re-issued
+with a few changes, but followed by long paragraphs of explanation. The
+Easterns adhered to their condemnation of Marcellus, and joined with him
+his disciple Photinus of Sirmium, who had made the Lord a mere man like
+the Ebionites. On the other hand, they condemned several Arian phrases,
+and insisted in the strongest manner on the mutual, inseparable, and, as
+it were, organic union of the Son with the Father in a single deity.
+
+[Sidenote: Return of Athanasius (Oct. 346).]
+
+This conciliatory move cleared the way for a general suspension of
+hostilities. Stephen's crime had discredited the whole gang of Eastern
+court intriguers who had made the quarrel. Nor were the Westerns
+unreasonable. Though they still upheld Marcellus, they frankly gave up
+and condemned Photinus. Meanwhile Constans pressed the execution of the
+decrees of Sardica, and Constantius, with a Persian war on his hands,
+could not refuse. The last obstacle was removed by the death of Gregory
+of Cappadocia in 345. It was not till the third invitation that
+Athanasius returned. He had to take leave of his Italian friends, and
+the Emperor's letters were only too plainly insincere. However,
+Constantius received him graciously at Antioch, ordered all the charges
+against him to be destroyed, and gave him a solemn promise of full
+protection for the future. Athanasius went forward on his journey, and
+the old confessor Maximus assembled the bishops of Palestine to greet
+him at Jerusalem. But his entry into Alexandria (Oct. 346) was the
+crowning triumph of his life. For miles along the road the great city
+streamed out to meet him with enthusiastic welcome, and the jealous
+police of Constantius could raise no tumult to mar the universal harmony
+of that great day of national rejoicing.
+
+[Sidenote: Interval of rest (346-353.)]
+
+The next few years were an uneasy interval of suspense rather than of
+peace, for the long contest had so far decided nothing. If the Nicene
+exiles were restored, the Eusebian disturbers were not deposed. Thus
+while Nicene animosity was not satisfied, the standing grounds of
+conservative distrust were not removed. Above all, the return of
+Athanasius was a personal humiliation for Constantius, which he was not
+likely to accept without watching his opportunity for a final struggle
+to decide the mastery of Egypt. Still there was tolerable quiet for the
+present. The court intriguers could do nothing without the Emperor, and
+Constantius was occupied first with the Persian war, then with the civil
+war against Magnentius. If there was not peace, there was a fair amount
+of quiet till the Emperor's hands were freed by the death of Magnentius
+in 353.
+
+[Sidenote: Modification of Nicene position.]
+
+The truce was hollow and the rest precarious, but the mere cessation of
+hostilities was not without its influence. As Nicenes and conservatives
+were fundamentally agreed on the reality of the Lord's divinity, minor
+jealousies began to disappear when they were less busily encouraged. The
+Eusebian phase of conservatism, which emphasised the Lord's personal
+distinction from the Father, was giving way to the Semiarian, where
+stress was rather laid on his essential likeness to the Father. Thus 'of
+a like essence' (_homoiousion_) and 'like in all things' became more and
+more the watchwords of conservatism. The Nicenes, on the other side,
+were warned by the excesses of Marcellus that there was some reason for
+the conservative dread of the Nicene 'of one essence' (_homoousion_) as
+Sabellian. The word could not be withdrawn, but it might be put forward
+less conspicuously, and explained rather as a safe and emphatic form of
+the Semiarian 'of like essence' than as a rival doctrine. Henceforth it
+came to mean absolute likeness of attributes rather than common
+possession of the divine essence. Thus by the time the war is renewed,
+we can already foresee the possibility of a new alliance between Nicenes
+and conservatives.
+
+[Sidenote: Rise of Anomoeans.]
+
+We see also the rise of a new and more defiant Arian school, more in
+earnest than the older generation, impatient of their shuffling
+diplomacy and less pliant to court influences. Aetius was a man of
+learning and no small dialectic skill, who had passed through many
+troubles in his earlier life and been the disciple of several scholars,
+mostly of the Lucianic school, before he came to rest in a clear and
+simple form of Arianism. Christianity without mystery seems to have been
+his aim. The Anomoean leaders took their stand on the doctrine of
+Arius himself, and dwelt with most emphasis on its most offensive
+aspects. Arius had long ago laid down the absolute unlikeness of the Son
+to the Father, but for years past the Arianizers had prudently softened
+it down. Now, however, 'unlike' became the watchword of Aetius and
+Eunomius, and their followers delighted to shock all sober feeling by
+the harshest and profanest declarations of it. The scandalous jests of
+Eudoxius must have given deep offence to thousands; but the great
+novelty of the Anomoean doctrine was its audacious self-sufficiency.
+Seeing that Arius was illogical in regarding the divine nature as
+incomprehensible, and yet reasoning as if its relations were fully
+explained by human types, the Anomoeans boldly declared that it is no
+mystery at all. If the divine essence is simple, man can perfectly
+understand it. 'Canst thou by searching find out God?' Yes, and know him
+quite as well as he knows me. Such was the new school of
+Arianism--presumptuous and shallow, quarrelsome and heathenising, yet
+not without a directness and a firmness of conviction which gives it a
+certain dignity in spite of its wrangling and irreverence. Its
+conservative allies it despised for their wavering and insincerity; to
+its Nicene opponents it repaid hatred for hatred, and flung back with
+retorted scorn their denial of its right to bear the Christian name.
+
+[Sidenote: Illustration from the state of: (1.) Jerusalem.]
+
+We may now glance at the state of the churches at Jerusalem and Antioch
+during the years of rest. Jerusalem had been a resort of pilgrims since
+the days of Origen, and Helena's visit shortly after the Nicene council
+had fully restored it to the dignity of a holy place. We still have the
+itinerary of a nameless pilgrim who found his way from Bordeaux to
+Palestine in 333. The great church, however, of the Resurrection, which
+Constantine built on Golgotha, was only dedicated by the council of 335.
+The _Catecheses_ of Cyril are a series of sermons on the creed,
+delivered to the catechumens of that church in 348. If it is not a work
+of any great originality, it will show us all the better what was
+passing in the minds of men of practical and simple piety, who had no
+taste for the controversies of the day. All through it we see the
+earnest pastor who feels that his strength is needed to combat the
+practical immoralities of a holy city (Jerusalem was a scandal of the
+age), and never lifts his eyes to the wild scene of theological
+confusion round him but in fear and dread that Antichrist is near. 'I
+fear the wars of the nations; I fear the divisions of the churches; I
+fear the mutual hatred of the brethren. Enough concerning this. God
+forbid it come to pass in our days; yet let us be on our guard. Enough
+concerning Antichrist.' Jews, Samaritans, and Manichees are his chief
+opponents; yet he does not forget to warn his hearers against the
+teaching of Sabellius and Marcellus, 'the dragon's head of late arisen
+in Galatia.' Arius he sometimes contradicts in set terms, though without
+naming him. Of the Nicenes too, we hear nothing directly, but they seem
+glanced at in the complaint that whereas in former times heresy was
+open, the church is now full of secret heretics. The Nicene creed again
+he never mentions, but we cannot mistake the allusion when he tells his
+hearers that their own Jerusalem creed was not put together by the will
+of men, and impresses on them that every word of it can be proved by
+Scripture. But the most significant feature of his language is its close
+relation to that of the dated creed of Sirmium in 359. Nearly every
+point where the latter differs from the Lucianic is one specially
+emphasized by Cyril. If then the Lucianic creed represents the earlier
+conservatism, it follows that Cyril expresses the later views which had
+to be conciliated in 359.
+
+[Sidenote: (2.) Antioch.]
+
+The condition of Antioch under Leontius (344-357) is equally
+significant. The Nicene was quite as strong in the city as Arianism had
+ever been at Alexandria. The Eustathians formed a separate and strongly
+Nicene congregation under the presbyter Paulinus, and held their
+meetings outside the walls. Athanasius communicated with them on his
+return from exile, and agreed to give the Arians a church in Alexandria,
+as Constantius desired, if only the Eustathians were allowed one inside
+the walls of Antioch. His terms were prudently declined, for the Arians
+were a minority even in the congregation of Leontius. The old Arian
+needed all his caution to avoid offence. 'When this snow melts,'
+touching his white head, 'there will be much mud.' Nicenes and Arians
+made a slight difference in the doxology; and Leontius always dropped
+his voice at the critical point, so that nobody knew what he said. This
+policy was successful in keeping out of the Eustathian communion not
+only the indifferent multitude, but also many whose sympathies were
+clearly Nicene, like the future bishops Meletius and Flavian. But they
+always considered him an enemy, and the more dangerous for the contrast
+of his moderation with the reckless violence of Macedonius at
+Constantinople. His appointments were Arianizing, and he gave deep
+offence by the ordination of his old disciple, the detested Aetius. So
+great was the outcry that Leontius was forced to suspend him. The
+opposition was led by two ascetic laymen, Flavian and Diodorus, who both
+became distinguished bishops in later time. Orthodox feeling was
+nourished by a vigorous use of hymns and by all-night services at the
+tombs of the martyrs. As such practices often led to great abuses,
+Leontius may have had nothing more in view than good order when he
+directed the services to be transferred to the church.
+
+[Sidenote: State of parties.]
+
+The case of Antioch was not exceptional. Arians and Nicenes were still
+parties inside the church rather than distant sects. They still used the
+same prayers and the same hymns, still worshipped in the same buildings,
+still commemorated the same saints and martyrs, and still considered
+themselves members of the same church. The example of separation set by
+the Eustathians at Antioch and the Arians at Alexandria was not followed
+till a later stage of the controversy, when Diodorus and Flavian on one
+side, and the Anomoeans on the other, began to introduce their own
+peculiarities into the service. And if the bitterness of intestine
+strife was increased by a state of things which made every bishop a
+party nominee, there was some compensation in the free intercourse of
+parties afterwards separated by barriers of persecution. Nicenes and
+Arians in most places mingled freely long after Leontius was dead, and
+the Novatians of Constantinople threw open their churches to the victims
+of Macedonius in a way which drew his persecution on themselves, and was
+remembered in their favour even in the next century by liberal men like
+the historian Socrates.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+_THE VICTORY OF ARIANISM_.
+
+
+[Sidenote: The West (337-350).]
+
+Meanwhile new troubles were gathering in the West. While the Eastern
+churches were distracted with the crimes or wrongs of Marcellus and
+Athanasius, Europe remained at peace from the Atlantic to the frontier
+of Thrace. The western frontier of Constantius was also the western
+limit of the storm. Hitherto its distant echoes had been very faintly
+heard in Gaul and Spain; but now the time was come for Arianism to
+invade the tranquil obscurity of the West.
+
+[Sidenote: Magnentian war, 350-353.]
+
+Constans was not ill-disposed, and for some years ruled well and firmly.
+Afterwards--it may be that his health was bad--he lived in seclusion
+with his Frankish guards, and left his subjects to the oppression of
+unworthy favourites. Few regretted their weak master's fate when the
+army of Gaul proclaimed Magnentius Augustus (January 350). But the
+memory of Constantine was still a power which could set up emperors and
+pull them down. The old general Vetranio at Sirmium received the purple
+from Constantine's daughter, and Nepotianus claimed it at Rome as
+Constantine's nephew. The Magnentian generals scattered the gladiators
+of Nepotianus, and disgraced their easy victory with slaughter and
+proscription. The ancient mother of the nations never forgave the
+intruder who had disturbed her queenly rest with civil war and filled
+her streets with bloodshed. Meantime Constantius came up from Syria, won
+over the legions of Illyricum, reduced Vetranio to a peaceful
+abdication, and pushed on with augmented forces towards the Julian Alps,
+there to decide the strife between Magnentius and the house of
+Constantine. Both parties tried the resources of intrigue; but while
+Constantius won over the Frank Silvanus from the Western camp, the
+envoys of Magnentius, who sounded Athanasius, gained nothing from the
+wary Greek. The decisive battle was fought near Mursa, on the Save
+(September 28, 351). Both armies well sustained the honour of the Roman
+name, and it was only after a frightful slaughter that the usurper was
+thrown back on Aquileia. Next summer he was forced to evacuate Italy,
+and in 353 his destruction was completed by a defeat in the Cottian
+Alps. Magnentius fell upon his sword, and Constantius remained the
+master of the world.
+
+[Sidenote: Renewal of the contest.]
+
+The Eusebians were not slow to take advantage of the confusion. The
+fires of controversy in the East were smouldering through the years of
+rest, so that it was no hard task to make them blaze afresh. As the
+recall of the exiles was only due to Western pressure, the death of
+Constans cleared the way for further operations. Marcellus and Photinus
+were again deposed by a council held at Sirmium in 351. Ancyra was
+restored to Basil, Sirmium given to Germinius of Cyzicus. Other Eastern
+bishops were also expelled, but there was no thought of disturbing
+Athanasius for the present. Constantius more than once repeated to him
+his promise of protection.
+
+[Sidenote: The Western bishops.]
+
+Magnentius had not meddled with the controversy. He was more likely to
+see in it the chance of an ally at Alexandria than a matter of practical
+interest in the West. As soon, however, as Constantius was master of
+Gaul, he set himself to force on the Westerns an indirect condemnation
+of the Nicene faith in the person of Athanasius. Any direct approval of
+Arianism was out of the question, for Western feeling was firmly set
+against it by the council of Nicaea. Liberius of Rome followed the steps
+of his predecessor Julius. Hosius of Cordova was still the patriarch of
+Christendom, while Paulinus of Trier, Dionysius of Milan, and Hilary of
+Poitiers proved their faith in exile. Mere creatures of the palace were
+no match for men like these. Doctrine was therefore kept in the
+background. Constantius began by demanding from the Western bishops a
+summary and lawless condemnation of Athanasius. No evidence was offered;
+and when an accuser was asked for, the Emperor himself came forward, and
+this at a time when Athanasius was ruling Alexandria in peace on the
+faith of his solemn and repeated promises of protection.
+
+[Sidenote: Council of Arles (Oct. 353).]
+
+A synod was held at Arles as soon as Constantius was settled there for
+the winter. The bishops were not unwilling to take the Emperor's word
+for the crimes of Athanasius, if only the court party cleared itself
+from the suspicion of heresy by anathematizing Arianism. Much management
+and no little violence was needed to get rid of this condition; but in
+the end the council yielded. Even the Roman legate, Vincent of Capua,
+gave way with the rest, and Paulinus of Trier alone stood firm, and was
+sent away to die in exile.
+
+[Sidenote: Council of Milan (Oct. 355).]
+
+There was a sort of armed truce for the next two years. Liberius of Rome
+disowned the weakness of his legates and besought the Emperor to hold a
+new council. But Constantius was busy with the barbarians, and had to
+leave the matter till he came to Milan in the autumn of 355. There
+Julian was invested with the purple and sent as Caesar to drive the
+Alemanni out of Gaul, or, as some hoped, to perish in the effort. The
+council, however, was for a long time quite unmanageable, and only
+yielded at last to open violence. Dionysius of Milan, Eusebius of
+Vercellae, and Lucifer of Calaris in Sardinia were the only bishops who
+had to be exiled.
+
+[Sidenote: Lucifer of Calaris.]
+
+The appearance of Lucifer is enough to show that the contest had entered
+on a new stage. The lawless tyranny of Constantius had roused an
+aggressive fanaticism which went far beyond the claim of independence
+for the church. In dauntless courage and determined orthodoxy Lucifer
+may rival Athanasius himself, but any cause would have been disgraced by
+his narrow partisanship and outrageous violence. Not a bad name in
+Scripture but is turned to use. Indignation every now and then supplies
+the place of eloquence, but more often common sense itself is almost
+lost in the weary flow of vulgar scolding and interminable abuse. He
+scarcely condescends to reason, scarcely even to state his own belief,
+but revels in the more congenial occupation of denouncing the fires of
+damnation against the disobedient Emperor.
+
+[Sidenote: Hilary of Poitiers.]
+
+The victory was not to be won by an arm of flesh like this. Arianism had
+an enemy more dangerous than Lucifer. From the sunny land of Aquitaine,
+the firmest conquest of Roman civilization in Atlantic Europe, came
+Hilary of Poitiers, the noblest representative of Western literature in
+the Nicene age. Hilary was by birth a heathen, and only turned in ripe
+manhood from philosophy to Scripture, coming before us in 355 as an old
+convert and a bishop of some standing. He was by far the deepest thinker
+of the West, and a match for Athanasius himself in depth of earnestness
+and massive strength of intellect. But Hilary was a student rather than
+an orator, a thinker rather than a statesman like Athanasius. He had not
+touched the controversy till it was forced upon him, and would much have
+preferred to keep out of it. But when once he had studied the Nicene
+doctrine and found its agreement with his own conclusions from
+Scripture, a clear sense of duty forbade him to shrink from manfully
+defending it. Such was the man whom the brutal policy of Constantius
+forced to take his place at the head of the Nicene opposition. As he was
+not present at Milan, the courtiers had to silence him some other way.
+In the spring of 356 they exiled him to Asia, on some charge of conduct
+'unworthy of a bishop, or even of a layman.'
+
+[Sidenote: Hosius and Liberius.]
+
+Meanwhile Hosius of Cordova was ordered to Sirmium and there detained.
+Constantius was not ashamed to send to the rack the old man who had been
+a confessor in his grandfather's days, more than fifty years before. He
+was brought at last to communicate with the Arianizers, but even in his
+last illness refused to condemn Athanasius. After this there was but one
+power in the West which could not be summarily dealt with. The grandeur
+of Hosius was merely personal, but Liberius claimed the universal
+reverence due to the apostolic and imperial See of Rome. It was a great
+and wealthy church, and during the last two hundred years had won a
+noble fame for world-wide charity. Its orthodoxy was without a stain;
+for whatever heresies might flow to the great city, no heresy had ever
+issued thence. The strangers of every land who found their way to Rome
+were welcomed from St. Peter's throne with the majestic blessing of a
+universal father. 'The church of God which sojourneth in Rome' was the
+immemorial counsellor of all the churches; and now that the voice of
+counsel was passing into that of command, Bishop Julius had made a
+worthy use of his authority as a judge of Christendom. Such a bishop was
+a power of the first importance now that Arianism was dividing the
+Empire round the hostile camps of Gaul and Asia. If the Roman church had
+partly ceased to be a Greek colony in the Latin capital, it was still
+the connecting link of East and West, the representative of Western
+Christianity to the Easterns, and the interpreter of Eastern to the
+Latin West. Liberius could therefore treat almost on the footing of an
+independent sovereign. He would not condemn Athanasius unheard, and
+after so many acquittals. If Constantius wanted to reopen the case, he
+must summon a free council, and begin by expelling the Arians. To this
+demand he firmly adhered. The Emperor's threats he disregarded, the
+Emperor's gifts he flung out of the church. It was not long before
+Constantius was obliged to risk the scandal of seizing and carrying off
+the bishop of Rome.
+
+[Sidenote: Third exile of Athanasius (356).]
+
+Athanasius was still at Alexandria. When the notaries tried to frighten
+him away, he refused to take their word against the repeated written
+promises of protection he had received from Constantius himself. Duty as
+well as policy forbade him to believe that the most pious Emperor could
+be guilty of any such treachery. So when Syrianus, the general in Egypt,
+brought up his troops, it was agreed to refer the whole question to
+Constantius. Syrianus broke the agreement. On a night of vigil (Feb. 8,
+356) he surrounded the church of Theonas with a force of more than five
+thousand men. The whole congregation was caught as in a net. The doors
+were broken open, and the troops pressed up the church. Athanasius
+fainted in the tumult; yet before they reached the bishop's throne its
+occupant had somehow been safely conveyed away.
+
+[Sidenote: George of Cappadocia.]
+
+If the soldiers connived at the escape of Athanasius, they were all the
+less disposed to spare his flock. The outrages of Philagrius and Gregory
+were repeated by Syrianus and his successor, Sebastian the Manichee; and
+the evil work went on apace after the arrival of the new bishop in Lent
+357. George of Cappadocia is said to have been before this a
+pork-contractor for the army, and is certainly no credit to Arianism.
+Though Athanasius does injustice to his learning, there can be no doubt
+that he was a thoroughly bad bishop. Indiscriminate oppression of
+Nicenes and heathens provoked resistance from the fierce populace of
+Alexandria. George escaped with difficulty from one riot in August 358,
+and was fairly driven from the city by another in October.
+
+[Sidenote: Athanasius in exile (356-362).]
+
+Meanwhile Athanasius had disappeared from the eyes of men. A full year
+after the raid of Syrianus, he was still unconvinced of the Emperor's
+treachery. Outrage after outrage might turn out to be the work of
+underlings. Constantine himself had not despised his cry for justice,
+and if he could but stand before the son of Constantine, his presence
+might even yet confound the gang of eunuchs. Even the weakness of
+Athanasius is full of nobleness. Not till the work of outrage had gone
+on for many months was he convinced. But then he threw off all
+restraint. Even George the pork-contractor is not assailed with such a
+storm of merciless invective as his holiness Constantius Augustus.
+George might sin 'like the beasts who know no better,' but no wickedness
+of common mortals could attain to that of the new Belshazzar, of the
+Lord's anointed 'self-abandoned to eternal fire.'
+
+[Sidenote: Political meaning of his exile.]
+
+The exile governed Egypt from his hiding in the desert. Alexandria was
+searched in vain; in vain the malice of Constantius pursued him to the
+court of Ethiopia. Letter after letter issued from his inaccessible
+retreat to keep alive the indignation of the faithful, and invisible
+hands conveyed them to the farthest corners of the land. Constantius had
+his revenge, but it shook the Empire to its base. It was the first time
+since the fall of Israel that a nation had defied the Empire in the name
+of God. It was a national rising, none the less real for not breaking
+out in formal war. This time Greeks and Copts were united in defence of
+the Nicene faith, so that the contest was at an end when the Empire gave
+up Arianism. But the next breach was never healed. Monophysite Egypt was
+a dead limb of the Empire, and the Roman power beyond Mount Taurus fell
+before the Saracens because the provincials would not lift a hand to
+fight for the heretics of Chalcedon.
+
+[Sidenote: The Sirmian manifesto (357).]
+
+The victory seemed won when the last great enemy was driven into the
+desert, and the intriguers hasted to the spoil. They forgot that the
+West was only overawed for the moment, that Egypt was devoted to its
+patriarch, that there was a strong opposition in the East, and that the
+conservatives, who had won the battle for them, were not likely to take
+up Arianism at the bidding of their unworthy leaders. Amongst the few
+prominent Eusebians of the West were two disciples of Arius who held the
+neighbouring bishoprics of Mursa and Singidunum, the modern Belgrade.
+Valens and Ursacius were young men in 335, but old enough to take a part
+in the infamous Egyptian commission of the council of Tyre. Since that
+time they had been well to the front in the Eusebian plots. In 347,
+however, they had found it prudent to make their peace with Julius of
+Rome by confessing the falsehood of their charges against Athanasius. Of
+late they had been active on the winning side, and enjoyed much
+influence with Constantius. Thinking it now safe to declare more openly
+for Arianism, they called a few bishops to Sirmium in the summer of 357,
+and issued a manifesto of their belief for the time being, to the
+following general effect. 'We acknowledge one God the Father, also His
+only Son, Jesus Christ our Lord. But two Gods must not be preached. The
+Father is without beginning, invisible, and in every respect greater
+than the Son, who is subject to Him together with the creatures. The Son
+is born of the Father, God of God, by an inscrutable generation, and
+took flesh or body, that is, man, through which he suffered. The words
+_essence_, _of the same essence_, _of like essence_, ought not to be
+used, because they are not found in Scripture, and because the divine
+generation is beyond our understanding.' Here is something to notice
+besides the repeated hints that the Son is no better than a creature. It
+was a new policy to make the mystery in the manner of the divine
+generation an excuse for ignoring the fact. In this case the plea of
+ignorance is simply impertinent.
+
+[Sidenote: Its results in general.]
+
+The Sirmian manifesto is the turning-point of the whole contest.
+Arianism had been so utterly crushed at Nicaea that it had never again
+till now appeared in a public document. Henceforth the conservatives
+were obliged in self-defence to look for a Nicene alliance against the
+Anomoeans. Suspicions and misunderstandings, and at last mere force,
+delayed its consolidation till the reign of Theodosius, but the Eusebian
+coalition fell to pieces the moment Arianism ventured to have a policy
+of its own.
+
+[Sidenote: (1.) In the West.]
+
+Ursacius and Valens had blown a trumpet which was heard from one end of
+the Empire to the other. Its avowal of Arianism caused a stir even in
+the West. Unlike the creeds of Antioch, it was a Western document, drawn
+up in Latin by Western bishops. The spirit of the West was fairly
+roused, now that the battle was clearly for the faith. The bishops of
+Rome, Cordova, Trier, Poitiers, Toulouse, Calaris, Milan, and Vercellae
+were in exile, but Gaul was now partly shielded from persecution by the
+varying fortunes of Julian's Alemannic war. Thus everything increased
+the ferment. Phoebadius of Agen took the lead, and a Gaulish synod at
+once condemned the 'blasphemy.'
+
+[Sidenote: (2.) In the East.]
+
+If the Sirmian manifesto disturbed the West, it spread dismay through
+the ranks of the Eastern conservatives. Plain men were weary of the
+strife, and only the fishers in troubled waters wanted more of it. Now
+that Marcellus and Photinus had been expelled, the Easterns looked for
+rest. But the Sirmian manifesto opened an abyss at their feet. The
+fruits of their hard-won victories over Sabellianism were falling to the
+Anomoeans. They must even defend themselves, for Ursacius and Valens
+had the Emperor's ear. As if to bring the danger nearer home to them,
+Eudoxius the new bishop of Antioch, and Acacius of Caesarea convened a
+Syrian synod, and sent a letter of thanks to the authors of the
+manifesto.
+
+[Sidenote: Synod of Ancyra (Lent, 358).]
+
+Next spring came the conservative reply from a knot of twelve bishops
+who had met to consecrate a new church for Basil of Ancyra. But its
+weight was far beyond its numbers. Basil's name stood high for learning,
+and he more than any man could sway the vacillating Emperor. Eustathius
+of Sebastia was another man of mark. His ascetic eccentricities, long
+ago condemned by the council of Gangra, were by this time forgotten or
+considered harmless. Above all, the synod represented most of the
+Eastern bishops. Pontus indeed was devoted to conservatism, and the
+decided Arianizers were hardly more than a busy clique even in Asia and
+Syria. Its decisions show the awkwardness to be expected from men who
+have had to make a sudden change of front, and exhibit well the
+transition from Eusebian to Semiarian conservatism. They seem to start
+from the declaration of the Lucianic creed, that the Lord's sonship is
+not an idle name. Now if we reject materialising views of the Divine
+Sonship, its primary meaning will be found to lie in similarity of
+essence. On this ground the Sirmian manifesto is condemned. Then follow
+eighteen anathemas, alternately aimed at Aetius and Marcellus. The last
+of these condemns the Nicene _of one essence_--clearly as Sabellian,
+though no reason is given.
+
+[Sidenote: Victory of the Semiarians.]
+
+The synod broke up. Basil and Eustathius went to lay its decisions
+before the court at Sirmium. To conciliate the Nicenes, they left out
+the last six anathemas of Ancyra. They were just in time to prevent
+Constantius from declaring for Eudoxius and the Anomoeans. Peace was
+made before long on Semiarian terms. A collection was made of the
+decisions against Photinus and Paul of Samosata, together with the
+Lucianic creed, and signed by Liberius of Rome, by Ursacius and Valens,
+and by all the Easterns present. Liberius had not borne exile well. He
+had already signed some still more compromising document, and is
+denounced for it as an apostate by Hilary and others. However, he was
+now allowed to return to his see.
+
+[Sidenote: The Semiarian failure.]
+
+The Semiarians had won a complete victory. Their next step was to throw
+it away. The Anomoean leaders were sent into exile. After all, these
+Easterns only wanted to replace one tyranny by another. The exiles were
+soon recalled, and the strife began again with more bitterness than
+ever.
+
+[Sidenote: Rise of the Homoeans.]
+
+Here was an opening for a new party. Semiarians, Nicenes, and
+Anomoeans were equally unable to settle this interminable controversy.
+The Anomoeans indeed almost deserved success for their boldness and
+activity, but pure Arianism was hopelessly discredited throughout the
+Empire. The Nicenes had Egypt and the West, but they could not at
+present overcome the court and Asia. The Semiarians might have mediated,
+but men who began with persecutions and wholesale exiles were not likely
+to end with peace. In this deadlock better men than Ursacius and Valens
+might have been tempted to try some scheme of compromise. But existing
+parties left no room for anything but vague and spacious charity. If we
+may say neither _of one essence_ nor _of like essence_, nor yet
+_unlike_, the only course open is to say _like_, and forbid nearer
+definition. This was the plan of the new Homoean party formed by
+Acacius in the East, Ursacius and Valens in the West.
+
+[Sidenote: New relations of parties.]
+
+Parties began to group themselves afresh. The Anomoeans leaned to the
+side of Acacius. They had no favour to expect from Nicenes or
+Semiarians, but to the Homoeans they could look for connivance at
+least. The Semiarians were therefore obliged to draw still closer to the
+Nicenes. Here came in Hilary of Poitiers. If he had seen in exile the
+worldliness of too many of the Asiatic bishops, he had also found among
+them men of a better sort who were in earnest against Arianism, and not
+so far from the Nicene faith as was supposed. To soften the mutual
+suspicions of East and West, he addressed his _De Synodis_ to his
+Gaulish friends about the end of 358. In it he reviews the Eusebian
+creeds to show that they are not indefensible. He also compares the
+rival phrases _of one essence_ and _of like essence_, to shew that
+either of them may be rightly or wrongly used. The two, however, are
+properly identical, for there is no likeness but that of unity, and no
+use in the idea of likeness but to exclude Sabellian confusion. Only the
+Nicene phrase guards against evasion, and the other does not.
+
+[Sidenote: Summons for a council.]
+
+Now that the Semiarians were forced to treat with their late victims on
+equal terms, they agreed to hold a general council. Both parties might
+hope for success. If the Homoean influence was increasing at court,
+the Semiarians were strong in the East, and could count on some help
+from the Western Nicenes. But the court was resolved to secure a
+decision to its own mind. As a council of the whole Empire might have
+been too independent, it was divided. The Westerns were to meet at
+Ariminum in Italy, the Easterns at Seleucia in Isauria; and in case of
+disagreement, ten deputies from each side were to hold a conference
+before the Emperor. A new creed was also to be drawn up before their
+meeting and laid before them for acceptance.
+
+[Sidenote: The 'Dated Creed' (May 22, 359).]
+
+The 'Dated Creed' was drawn up at Sirmium on Pentecost Eve 359, by a
+small meeting of Homoean and Semiarian leaders. Its prevailing
+character is conservative, as we see from its repeated appeals to
+Scripture, its solemn tone of reverence for the person of the Lord, its
+rejection of the word _essence_ for the old conservative reason that it
+is not found in Scripture, and above all, from its elaborate statement
+of the eternity and mysterious nature of the divine generation. The
+chief clause however is, 'But we say that the Son is _like_ the Father
+in all things, as the Scriptures say and teach.' Though the phrase here
+is Homoean, the doctrine seems at first sight Semiarian, not to say
+Nicene. In point of fact, the clause is quite ambiguous. First, if the
+comma is put before _in all things_, the next words will merely forbid
+any extension of the likeness beyond what Scripture allows; and the
+Anomoeans were quite entitled to sign it with the explanation that for
+their part they found very little likeness taught in Scripture. Again,
+likeness in all things cannot extend to essence, for all likeness which
+is not identity implies difference, if only the comparison is pushed far
+enough. So the Anomoeans argued, and Athanasius accepts their
+reasoning. The Semiarians had ruined their position by attempting to
+compromise a fundamental contradiction. The whole contest was lowered to
+a court intrigue. There is grandeur in the flight of Athanasius, dignity
+in the exile of Eunomius; but the conservatives fell ignobly and
+unregretted, victims of their own violence and unprincipled intrigue.
+
+[Sidenote: Western Council at Ariminum.]
+
+After signing the creed, Ursacius and Valens went on to Ariminum, with
+the Emperor's orders to the council to take doctrinal questions first,
+and not to meddle with Eastern affairs. They found the Westerns waiting
+for them, to the number of more than two hundred. The bishops were in no
+courtly temper, and the intimidation was not likely to be an easy task.
+They had even refused the usual imperial help for the expenses of the
+journey. Three British bishops only accepted it on the ground of
+poverty. The new creed was very ill received; and when the Homoean
+leaders refused to anathematize Arianism, they were deposed, 'not only
+for their present conspiracy to introduce heresy, but also for the
+confusion they had caused in all the churches by their repeated changes
+of faith.' The last clause was meant for Ursacius and Valens. The Nicene
+creed was next confirmed, and a statement added in defence of the word
+_essence_. This done, envoys were sent to report at court and ask the
+Emperor to dismiss them to their dioceses, from which they could ill be
+spared. Constantius was busy with his preparations for the Persian war,
+and refused to see them. They were sent to wait his leisure, first at
+Hadrianople, then at the neighbouring town of Nice (chosen to cause
+confusion with Nicaea), where Ursacius and Valens induced them to sign a
+revision of the dated creed. The few changes made in it need not detain
+us.
+
+[Sidenote: Eastern Council at Seleucia.]
+
+Meanwhile the Easterns met at Seleucia near the Cilician coast. It was a
+fairly central spot, and easy of access from Egypt and Syria by sea, but
+otherwise most unsuitable. It was a mere fortress, lying in a rugged
+country, where the spurs of Mount Taurus reach the sea. Around it were
+the ever-restless marauders of Isauria. They had attacked the place that
+very spring, and it was still the headquarters of the army sent against
+them. The choice of such a place is as significant as if a Pan-Anglican
+synod were called to meet at the central and convenient port of Souakin.
+Naturally the council was a small one. Of the 150 bishops present, about
+110 were Semiarians. The Acacians and Anomoeans were only forty, but
+they had a clear plan and the court in their favour. As the Semiarian
+leaders had put themselves in a false position by signing the dated
+creed, the conservative defence was taken up by men of the second rank,
+like Silvanus of Tarsus and the old soldier Eleusius of Cyzicus. With
+them, however, came Hilary of Poitiers, who, though still an exile, had
+been summoned with the rest. The Semiarians welcomed him, and received
+him to full communion.
+
+[Sidenote: Its proceedings.]
+
+Next morning the first sitting was held. The Homoeans began by
+proposing to abolish the Nicene creed in favour of one to be drawn up in
+scriptural language. Some of them argued in defiance of their own
+Sirmian creed, that 'generation is unworthy of God. The Lord is
+creature, not Son, and his generation is nothing but creation.' The
+Semiarians, however, had no objection to the Nicene creed beyond the
+obscurity of the word _of one essence_. The still more important _of the
+essence of the Father_ seems to have passed without remark. Towards
+evening Silvanus of Tarsus proposed to confirm the Lucianic creed, which
+was done next morning by the Semiarians only. On the third day the Count
+Leonas, who represented the Emperor, read a document given him by
+Acacius, which turned out to be the dated creed revised afresh and with
+a new preface. In this the Homoeans say that they are far from
+despising the Lucianic creed, though it was composed with reference to
+other controversies. The words _of one essence_ and _of like essence_
+are next rejected because they are not found in Scripture, and the new
+Anomoean _unlike_ is anathematized--'but we clearly confess the
+likeness of the Son to the Father, according to the apostle's words, Who
+is the image of the invisible God.' There was a hot dispute on the
+fourth day, when Acacius explained the likeness as one of will only, not
+extending to essence, and refused to be bound by his own defence of the
+Lucianic creed against Marcellus. Semiarian horror was not diminished
+when an extract was read from an obscene sermon preached by Eudoxius at
+Antioch. At last Eleusius broke in upon Acacius--'Any hole-and-corner
+doings of yours at Sirmium are no concern of ours. Your creed is not the
+Lucianic, and that is quite enough to condemn it.' This was decisive.
+Next morning the Semiarians had the church to themselves, for the
+Homoeans, and even Leonas, refused to come. 'They might go and chatter
+in the church if they pleased.' So they deposed Acacius, Eudoxius,
+George of Alexandria, and six others.
+
+[Sidenote: Athanasius _de Synodis_.]
+
+The exiled patriarch of Alexandria was watching from his refuge in the
+desert, and this was the time he chose for an overture of friendship to
+his old conservative enemies. If he was slow to see his opportunity, at
+least he used it nobly. The Eastern church has no more honoured name
+than that of Athanasius, yet even Athanasius rises above himself in his
+_De Synodis_. He had been a champion of controversy since his youth, and
+spent his manhood in the forefront of its hottest battle. The care of
+many churches rested on him, the pertinacity of many enemies wore out
+his life. Twice he had been driven to the ends of the earth, and twice
+come back in triumph; and now, far on in life, he saw his work again
+destroyed, himself once more a fugitive. We do not look for calm
+impartiality in a Demosthenes, and cannot wonder if the bitterness of
+his long exile grows on even Athanasius. Yet no sooner is he cheered
+with the news of hope, than the jealousies which had grown for forty
+years are hushed in a moment, as though the Lord himself had spoken
+peace to the tumult of the grey old exile's troubled soul. To the
+impenitent Arians he is as severe as ever, but for old enemies returning
+to a better mind he has nothing but brotherly consideration and
+respectful sympathy. Men like Basil of Ancyra, says he, are not to be
+set down as Arians or treated as enemies, but to be reasoned with as
+brethren who differ from us only about the use of a word which sums up
+their own teaching as well as ours. When they confess that the Lord is a
+true Son of God and not a creature, they grant all that we care to
+contend for. Their own _of like essence_ without the addition of _from
+the essence_ does not exclude the idea of a creature, but the two
+together are precisely equivalent to _of one essence_. Our brethren
+accept the two separately: we join them in a single word. Their _of like
+essence_ is by itself misleading, for likeness is of properties and
+qualities, not of essence, which must be either the same or different.
+Thus the word rather suggests than excludes the limited idea of a
+sonship which means no more than a share of grace, whereas our _of one
+essence_ quite excludes it. Sooner or later they will see their way to
+accept a term which is a necessary safeguard for the belief they hold in
+common with ourselves.
+
+[Sidenote: End of the Council of Ariminum.]
+
+There could be no doubt of the opinion of the churches when the councils
+had both so decidedly refused the dated creed; but the court was not yet
+at the end of its resources. The Western deputies were sent back to
+Ariminum, and the bishops, already reduced to great distress by their
+long detention, were plied with threats and cajolery till most of them
+yielded. When Phoebadius and a score of others remained firm, their
+resistance was overcome by as shameless a piece of villany as can be
+found in history. Valens came forward and declared that he was not one
+of the Arians, but heartily detested their blasphemies. The creed would
+do very well as it stood, and the Easterns had accepted it already; but
+if Phoebadius was not satisfied, he was welcome to propose additions.
+A stringent series of anathemas was therefore drawn up against Arius and
+all his misbelief. Valens himself contributed one against 'those who say
+that the Son of God is a creature like other creatures.' The court party
+accepted everything, and the council met for a final reading of the
+amended creed. Shout after shout of joy rang through the church when
+Valens protested that the heresies were none of his, and with his own
+lips pronounced the whole series of anathemas; and when Claudius of
+Picenum produced a few more rumours of heresy, 'which my lord and
+brother Valens has forgotten,' they were disavowed with equal readiness.
+The hearts of all men melted towards the old dissembler, and the bishops
+dispersed from Ariminum in the full belief that the council would take
+its place in history among the bulwarks of the faith.
+
+[Sidenote: Conferences at Constantinople.]
+
+The Western council was dissolved in seeming harmony, but a strong
+minority disputed the conclusions of the Easterns at Seleucia. Both
+parties, therefore, hurried to Constantinople. But there Acacius was in
+his element. He held a splendid position as the bishop of a venerated
+church, the disciple and successor of Eusebius, and himself a patron of
+learning and a writer of high repute. His fine gifts of subtle thought
+and ready energy, his commanding influence and skilful policy, marked
+him out for a glorious work in history, and nothing but his own
+falseness degraded him to be the greatest living master of backstairs
+intrigue. If Athanasius is the Demosthenes of the Nicene age, Acacius
+will be its AEschines. He had found his account in abandoning
+conservatism for pure Arianism, and was now preparing to complete his
+victory by a new treachery to the Anomoeans. He had anathematized
+_unlike_ at Seleucia, and now sacrificed Aetius to the Emperor's dislike
+of him. After this it became possible to enforce the prohibition of the
+Nicene _of like essence_. Meanwhile the final report arrived from
+Ariminum. Valens at once gave an Arian meaning to the anathemas of
+Phoebadius. 'Not a creature like other creatures.' Then creature he
+is. 'Not from nothing.' Quite so: from the will of the Father.
+'Eternal.' Of course, as regards the future. However, the Homoeans
+repeated the process of swearing that they were not Arians; the Emperor
+threatened; and at last the Seleucian deputies signed the decisions of
+Ariminum late on the last night of the year 359.
+
+[Sidenote: Deposition of the Semiarians].
+
+Acacius had won his victory, and had now to pass sentence on his rivals.
+Next month a council was held at Constantinople. As the Semiarians of
+Asia were prudent enough to absent themselves, the Homoeans were
+dominant. Its first step was to re-issue the creed of Nice with a number
+of verbal changes. The anathemas of Phoebadius having served their
+purpose, were of course omitted. Next Aetius was degraded and
+anathematized for his impious and heretical writings, and as 'the author
+of all the scandals, troubles, and divisions.' This was needed to
+satisfy Constantius; but as many as nine bishops were found to protest
+against it. They were given six months to reconsider the matter, and
+soon began to form communities of their own. Having cleared themselves
+from the charge of heresy by laying the foundation of a permanent
+schism, the Homoeans could proceed to the expulsion of the Semiarian
+leaders. As men who had signed the creed of Nice could not well be
+accused of heresy, they were deposed for various irregularities.
+
+[Sidenote: The Homoean supremacy.]
+
+The Homoean supremacy established at Constantinople was limited to the
+East. Violence was its only resource beyond the Alps; and violence was
+out of the question after the mutiny at Paris (Jan. 360) had made Julian
+master of Gaul. Now that he could act for himself, common sense as well
+as inclination forbade him to go on with the mischievous policy of
+Constantius. So there was no further question of Arian domination. Few
+bishops were committed to the losing side, and those few soon
+disappeared in the course of nature. Auxentius the Cappadocian, who held
+the see of Milan till 374, must have been one of the last survivors of
+the victors of Ariminum. In the East, however, the Homoean supremacy
+lasted nearly twenty years. No doubt it was an artificial power, resting
+partly on court intrigue, partly on the divisions of its enemies; yet
+there was a reason for its long duration. Eusebian conservatism was
+fairly worn out, but the Nicene doctrine had not yet replaced it. Men
+were tired of these philosophical word-battles, and ready to ask whether
+the difference between Nice and Nicaea was worth fighting about. The
+Homoean formula seemed reverent and safe, and its bitterest enemies
+could hardly call it false. When even the court preached peace and
+charity, the sermon was not likely to want an audience.
+
+[Sidenote: The Homoean policy.]
+
+The Homoeans were at first less hostile to the Nicene faith than the
+Eusebians had been. After sacrificing Aetius and exiling the Semiarians,
+they could hardly do without Nicene support. Thus their appointments
+were often made from the quieter men of Nicene leanings. If we have to
+set on the other side the enthronement of Eudoxius at Constantinople and
+the choice of Eunomius the Anomoean for the see of Cyzicus, we can
+only say that the Homoean party was composed of very discordant
+elements.
+
+[Sidenote: Appointment of Meletius.]
+
+The most important nomination ascribed to Acacius is that of Meletius at
+Antioch to replace Eudoxius. The new bishop was a man of distinguished
+eloquence and undoubted piety, and further suited for a dangerous
+elevation by his peaceful temper and winning manners. He was counted
+among the Homoeans, and they had placed him a year before in the room
+of Eustathius at Sebastia, so that his uncanonical translation to
+Antioch engaged him all the more to remain on friendly terms with them.
+Such a man--and of course Acacius was shrewd enough to see it--would
+have been a tower of strength to them. Unfortunately, for once Acacius
+was not all-powerful. Some evil-disposed person put Constantius on
+demanding from the new bishop a sermon on the crucial text 'The Lord
+created me.'[13] Acacius, who preached first, evaded the test, but
+Meletius, as a man of honour, could not refuse to declare himself. To
+the delight of the congregation, his doctrine proved decidedly Nicene.
+It was a test for his hearers as well as for himself. He carefully
+avoided technical terms, repudiated Marcellus, and repeatedly deprecated
+controversy on the ineffable mystery of the divine generation. In a
+word, he followed closely the lines of the Sirmian creed; and his
+treatment by the Homoeans is a decisive proof of their insincerity.
+The people applauded, but the courtiers were covered with shame. There
+was nothing for it but to exile Meletius at once and appoint a new
+bishop. This time they made sure of their man by choosing Euzoius, the
+old friend of Arius. But the mischief was already done. The old
+congregation of Leontius was broken up, and a new schism, more dangerous
+than the Eustathian, formed round Meletius. Many jealousies still
+divided him from the Nicenes, but his bold confession was the first
+effective blow at the Homoean supremacy.
+
+[Footnote 13: Prov. Viii. 21. LXX. translation.]
+
+[Sidenote: Affairs in 361.]
+
+The idea of conciliating Nicene support was not entirely given up.
+Acacius remained on friendly terms with Meletius, and was still able to
+name Pelagius for the see of Laodicea. But Euzoius was an avowed Arian;
+Eudoxius differed little from him, and only the remaining scruples of
+Constantius delayed the victory of the Anomoeans.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+_THE REIGN OF JULIAN._
+
+
+[Sidenote: Earlier life of Julian.]
+
+Flavius Claudius Julianus was the son of Constantine's half-brother,
+Julius Constantius, by his second wife, Basilina, a lady of the great
+Anician family. He was born in 331, and lost his mother a few months
+later, while his father and other relations perished in the massacre
+which followed Constantine's death. Julian and his half-brother Gallus
+escaped the slaughter to be kept almost as prisoners of state,
+surrounded through their youth with spies and taught by hypocrites a
+repulsive Christianity. Julian, however, had a literary education from
+his mother's old teacher, the eunuch Mardonius; and this was his
+happiness till he was old enough to attend the rhetoricians at Nicomedia
+and elsewhere. Gallus was for a while Caesar in Syria (351-354), and
+after his execution, Julian's own life was only saved by the Empress
+Eusebia, who got permission for him to retire to the schools of Athens.
+In 355 he was made Caesar in Gaul, and with much labour freed the
+province from the Germans. Early in 360 the soldiers mutinied at Paris
+and proclaimed Julian Augustus. Negotiations followed, and it was not
+till the summer of 361 that Julian pushed down the Danube. By the time
+he halted at Naissus, he was master of three-quarters of the Empire.
+There seemed no escape from civil war now that the main army of
+Constantius was coming up from Syria. But one day two barbarian counts
+rode into Julian's camp with the news that Constantius was dead. A
+sudden fever had carried him off in Cilicia (Nov. 3, 361), and the
+Eastern army presented its allegiance to Julian Augustus.
+
+[Sidenote: Julian's heathenism.]
+
+Before we can understand Julian's influence on the Arian controversy, we
+shall have to take a wider view of the Emperor himself and of his policy
+towards the Christians generally. The life of Julian is one of the
+noblest wrecks in history. The years of painful self-repression and
+forced dissimulation which turned his bright youth to bitterness and
+filled his mind with angry prejudice, had only consolidated his
+self-reliant pride and firm determination to walk worthily before the
+gods. In four years his splendid energy and unaffected kindliness had
+won all hearts in Gaul; and Julian related nothing of his sense of duty
+to the Empire when he found himself master of the world at the age of
+thirty.
+
+But here came in that fatal heathen prejudice, which put him in a false
+relation to all the living powers of his time, and led directly even to
+his military disaster in Assyria. Heathen pride came to him with
+Basilina's Roman blood, and the dream-world of his lonely youth was a
+world of heathen literature. Christianity was nothing to him but 'the
+slavery of a Persian prison.' Fine preachers of the kingdom of heaven
+were those fawning eunuchs and episcopal sycophants, with Constantius
+behind them, the murderer of all his family! Every force about him
+worked for heathenism. The teaching of Mardonius was practically
+heathen, and the rest were as heathen as utter worldliness could make
+them. He could see through men like George the pork-contractor or the
+shameless renegade Hecebolius. Full of thoughts like these, which
+corroded his mind the more for the danger of expressing them, Julian was
+easily won to heathenism by the fatherly welcome of the philosophers at
+Nicomedia (351). Like a voice of love from heaven came their teaching,
+and Julian gave himself heart and soul to the mysterious fascination of
+their lying theurgy. Henceforth King Sun was his guardian deity, and
+Greece his Holy Land, and the philosopher's mantle dearer to him than
+the diadem of empire. For ten more years of painful dissimulation Julian
+'walked with the gods' in secret, before the young lion of heathenism
+could openly throw off the 'donkey's skin' of Christianity.
+
+[Sidenote: Julian's reorganisation of heathenism.]
+
+Once master of the world, Julian could see its needs without using the
+eyes of the Asiatic camarilla. First of all, Christian domination must
+be put down. Not that he wanted to raise a savage persecution. Cruelty
+had been well tried before, and it would be a poor success to stamp out
+the 'Galilean' imposture without putting something better in its place.
+As the Christians 'had filled the world with their tombs' (Julian's word
+for churches), so must it be filled with the knowledge of the living
+gods. Sacrifices were encouraged and a pagan hierarchy set up to oppose
+the Christian. Heathen schools were to confront the Christian, and
+heathen almshouses were to grow up round them. Above all, the priests
+were to cultivate temperance and hospitality, and to devote themselves
+to grave and pious studies. Julian himself was a model of heathen
+purity, and spared no pains to infect his wondering subjects with his
+own enthusiasm for the cause of the immortal gods. Not a temple missed
+its visit, not a high place near his line of march was left unclimbed.
+As for his sacrifices, they were by the hecatomb. The very abjects
+called him Slaughterer.
+
+[Sidenote: His failure.]
+
+Never was a completer failure. Crowds of course applauded Caesar, but
+only with the empty cheers they gave the jockeys or the preachers.
+Multitudes came to see an Emperors devotions, but they only quizzed his
+shaggy beard or tittered at the antiquated ceremonies. Sacrificial
+dinners kept the soldiers devout, and lavish bribery secured a good
+number of renegades--mostly waverers, who really had not much to change.
+Of the bishops, Pegasius of Ilium alone laid down his office for a
+priesthood; but he had always been a heathen at heart, and worshipped
+the gods even while he held his bishopric. The Christians upon the whole
+stood firm. Even the heathens were little moved. Julian's own teachers
+held cautiously aloof from his reforms; and if meaner men paused in
+their giddy round of pleasure, it was only to amuse themselves with the
+strange spectacle of imperial earnestness. Neither friends nor enemies
+seemed able to take him quite seriously.
+
+[Sidenote: Julian's policy against Christianity.]
+
+Passing over scattered cases of persecution encouraged or allowed by
+Julian, we may state generally that he aimed at degrading Christianity
+into a vulgar superstition, by breaking its connections with civilized
+government on one side, with liberal education on the other. One part of
+it was to deprive the 'Galileans' of state support and weed them out as
+far as might be from the public service, while still leaving them full
+freedom to quarrel amongst themselves; the other was to cut them off
+from literature by forbidding them to teach the classics. Homer and
+Hesiod were prophets of the gods, and must not be expounded by
+unbelievers. Matthew and Luke were good enough for barbarian ears like
+theirs. We need not pause to note the impolicy of an edict which
+Julian's own admirer Ammianus wishes 'buried in eternal silence.' Its
+effect on the Christians was very marked. Marius Victorinus, the
+favoured teacher of the Roman nobles, at once resigned his chair of
+rhetoric. The studies of his old age had brought him to confess his
+faith in Christ, and he would not now deny his Lord. Julian's own
+teacher Proaeresius gave up his chair at Athens, refusing the special
+exemption which was offered him. It was not all loss for the Christians
+to be reminded that the gospel is revelation, not philosophy--life and
+not discussion. But Greek literature was far too weak to bear the burden
+of a sinking world, and its guardians could not have devised a more
+fatal plan than this of setting it in direct antagonism to the living
+power of Christianity. In our regret for the feud between Hellenic
+culture and the mediaeval churches, we must not forget that it was Julian
+who drove in the wedge of separation.
+
+[Sidenote: Julian's toleration.]
+
+We can now sum up in a sentence. Every blow struck at Christianity by
+Julian fell first on the Arianizers whom Constantius had left in power,
+and the reaction he provoked against heathen learning directly
+threatened the philosophical postulates of Arianism within the church.
+In both ways he powerfully helped the Nicene cause. The Homoeans could
+not stand without court support, and the Anomoeans threw away their
+rhetoric on men who were beginning to see how little ground is really
+common to the gospel and philosophy. Yet he cared little for the party
+quarrels of the Christians. Instead of condescending to take a side, he
+told them contemptuously to keep the peace. His first step was to
+proclaim full toleration for all sorts and sects of men. It was only too
+easy to strike at the church by doing common justice to the sects. A few
+days later came an edict recalling the exiled bishops. Their property
+was restored, but they were not replaced in their churches. Others were
+commonly in possession, and it was no business of Julian's to turn them
+out. The Galileans might look after their own squabbles. This sounds
+fairly well, and suits his professions of toleration; but Julian had a
+malicious hope of still further embroiling the ecclesiastical confusion.
+If the Christians were only left to themselves, they might be trusted
+'to quarrel like beasts.'
+
+[Sidenote: Its results.]
+
+Julian was gratified with a few unseemly wrangles, but the general
+result of his policy was unexpected. It took the Christians by surprise,
+and fairly shamed them into a sort of truce. The very divisions of
+churches are in some sense a sign of life, for men who do not care about
+religion will usually find something else to quarrel over. If nations
+redeem each other, so do parties; and the dignified slumber of a
+catholic uniformity may be more fatal to spiritual life than the vulgar
+wranglings of a thousand sects. The Christians closed their ranks before
+the common enemy. Nicenes and Arians forgot their enmity in the pleasant
+task of reviling the gods and cursing Julian. A yell of execration ran
+all along the Christian line, from the extreme Apollinarian right to the
+furthest Anomoean left. Basil of Caesarea renounced the apostate's
+friendship; the rabble of Antioch assailed him with scurrilous lampoons
+and anti-pagan riots. Nor were the Arians behind in hate. Blind old
+Maris of Chalcedon came and cursed him to his face. The heathens
+laughed, the Christians cursed, and Israel alone remembered Julian for
+good. 'Treasured in the house of Julianus Caesar,' the vessels of the
+temple still await the day when Messiah-ben-Ephraim shall take them
+thence.
+
+[Sidenote: Return of Athanasius, Feb. 362.]
+
+Back to their dioceses came the survivors of the exiled bishops, no
+longer travelling in pomp and circumstance to their noisy councils, but
+bound on the nobler errand of seeking out their lost or scattered
+flocks. Eusebius of Vercellae and Lucifer left Upper Egypt, Marcellus and
+Basil returned to Ancyra, while Athanasius reappeared at Alexandria. The
+unfortunate George had led a wandering life since his expulsion in 358,
+and did not venture to leave the shelter of the court till late in 361.
+It was a rash move, for his flock had not forgotten him. Three days he
+spent in safety, but on the fourth came news that Constantius was dead
+and Julian master of the Empire. The heathen populace was wild with
+delight, and threw George straight into prison. Three weeks later they
+dragged him out and lynched him. Thus when Julian's edict came for the
+return of the exiles, Athanasius was doubly prepared to take advantage
+of it.
+
+[Sidenote: Council of Alexandria discusses:]
+
+It was time to resume the interrupted work of the council of Seleucia.
+Semiarian violence frustrated Hilary's efforts, but Athanasius had
+things more in his favour, now that Julian had sobered Christian
+partizanship. If he wished the Galileans to quarrel, he also left them
+free to combine. So twenty-one bishops, mostly exiles, met at Alexandria
+in the summer of 362. Eusebius of Vercellae was with Athanasius, but
+Lucifer had gone to Antioch, and only sent a couple of deacons to the
+meeting.
+
+[Sidenote: (1.) Returning Arians.]
+
+Four subjects claimed the council's attention. The first was the
+reception of Arians who came over to the Nicene side. The stricter party
+was for treating all opponents without distinction as apostates.
+Athanasius, however, urged a milder course. It was agreed that all
+comers were to be gladly received on the single condition of accepting
+the Nicene faith. None but the chiefs and active defenders of Arianism
+were even to be deprived of any ecclesiastical rank which they might be
+holding.
+
+[Sidenote: (2.) The Lord's human nature.]
+
+A second subject of debate was the Arian doctrine of the Lord's
+humanity, which limited it to a human body. In opposition to this, the
+council declared that the Lord assumed also a human soul. In this they
+may have had in view, besides Arianism, the new theory of Apollinarius
+of Laodicea, which we shall have to explain presently.
+
+[Sidenote: (3.) The words _person_ and _essence_.]
+
+The third subject before the council was an old misunderstanding about
+the term _hypostasis_. It had been used in the Nicene anathemas as
+equivalent to _ousia_ or _essence_; and so Athanasius used it still, to
+denote the common deity of all the persons of the Trinity. So also the
+Latins understood it, as the etymological representative of
+_substantia_, which was their translation (a very bad one by the way) of
+_ousia_ (_essence_). Thus Athanasius and the Latins spoke of one
+_hypostasis_ (_essence_) only. Meantime the Easterns in general had
+adopted Origen's limitation of it to the deity of the several _persons_
+of the Trinity in contrast with each other. Thus they meant by it what
+the Latins called _persona_,[14] and rightly spoke of three _hypostases_
+(_persons_). In this way East and West were at cross-purposes. The
+Latins, who spoke of one _hypostasis_ (_essence_), regarded the Eastern
+three _hypostases_ as tritheist; while the Greeks, who confessed three
+_hypostases_ (_persons_), looked on the Western one _hypostasis_ as
+Sabellian. As Athanasius had connections with both parties, he was a
+natural mediator. As soon as both views were stated before the council,
+both were seen to be orthodox. 'One _hypostasis_' (_essence_) was not
+Sabellian, neither was 'three _hypostases_' (_persons_) Arian. The
+decision was that each party might keep its own usage.
+
+[Footnote 14: _Persona_, again, was a legal term, not exactly
+corresponding to its Greek representative.]
+
+[Sidenote: (4.) The schism at Antioch.]
+
+Affairs at Antioch remained for discussion. Now that Meletius was free
+to return, some decision had to be made. The Eustathians had been
+faithful through thirty years of trouble, and Athanasius was specially
+bound to his old friends; yet, on the other hand, some recognition was
+due to the honourable confession of Meletius. As the Eustathians had no
+bishop, the simplest course was for them to accept Meletius. This was
+the desire of the council, and it might have been carried out if Lucifer
+had not taken advantage of his stay at Antioch to denounce Meletius as
+an associate of Arians. By way of making the division permanent, he
+consecrated the presbyter Paulinus as bishop for the Eustathians. When
+the mischief was done it could not be undone. Paulinus added his
+signature to the decisions of Alexandria, but Meletius was thrown back
+on his old connection with Acacius. Henceforth the rising Nicene party
+of Pontus and Asia was divided from the older Nicenes of Egypt and Rome
+by this unfortunate personal question.
+
+[Sidenote: Fourth exile of Athanasius.]
+
+Julian could not but see that Athanasius was master in Egypt. He may not
+have cared about the council, but the baptism of some heathen ladies at
+Alexandria roused his fiercest anger. He broke his rule of contemptuous
+toleration, and 'the detestable Athanasius' was an exile again before
+the summer was over. But his work remained. The leniency of the council
+was a great success, notwithstanding the calamity at Antioch. It gave
+offence, indeed, to zealots like Lucifer, and may have admitted more
+than one unworthy Arianizer. Yet its wisdom is evident. First one
+bishop, then another accepted the Nicene faith. Friendly Semiarians came
+in like Cyril of Jerusalem, old conservatives followed like Dianius of
+the Cappadocian Caesarea, and at last the arch-heretic Acacius himself
+gave in his signature. Even the creeds of the churches were remodelled
+in a Nicene interest, as at Jerusalem and Antioch, in Cappadocia and
+Mesopotamia.
+
+[Sidenote: The Arians under Julian.]
+
+Nor were the other parties idle. The Homoean coalition was even more
+unstable than the Eusebian. Already before the death of Constantius
+there had been quarrels over the appointment of Meletius by one section
+of the party, of Eunomius by another. The deposition of Aetius was
+another bone of contention. Hence the coalition broke up of itself as
+soon as men were free to act. Acacius and his friends drew nearer to
+Meletius, while Eudoxius and Euzoius talked of annulling the
+condemnation of the Anomoean bishops at Constantinople. The Semiarians
+were busy too. Guided by Macedonius and Eleusius, the ejected bishops of
+Constantinople and Cyzicus, they gradually took up a middle position
+between Nicenes and Anomoeans, confessing the Lord's deity with the
+one, and denying that of the Holy Spirit with the other. Like true
+Legitimists, who had learned nothing and forgotten nothing, they were
+satisfied to confirm the Seleucian decisions and re-issue their old
+Lucianic creed. Had they ceased to care for the Nicene alliance, or did
+they fancy the world had stood still since the Council of the
+Dedication?
+
+[Sidenote: Julian's campaign in Persia (Mar. 5 to June 26, 363).]
+
+Meanwhile the Persian war demanded Julian's attention. An emperor so
+full of heathen enthusiasm was not likely to forego the dreams of
+conquest which had brought so many of his predecessors on the path of
+glory in the East. His own part of the campaign was a splendid success.
+But when he had fought his way through the desert to the Tigris, he
+looked in vain for succours from the north. The Christians of Armenia
+would not fight for the apostate Emperor. Julian was obliged to retreat
+on Nisibis through a wasted country, and with the Persian cavalry
+hovering round. The campaign would have been at best a brilliant
+failure, but it was only converted into absolute disaster by the chance
+arrow (June 26, 363) which cut short his busy life. After all, he was
+only in his thirty-second year.
+
+[Sidenote: Julian's character.]
+
+Christian charity will not delight in counting up the outbreaks of petty
+spite and childish vanity which disfigure a noble character of purity
+and self-devotion. Still less need we presume to speculate what Julian
+would have done if he had returned in triumph from the Persian war. His
+bitterness might have hardened into a renegade's malice, or it might
+have melted at our Master's touch. But apart from what he might have
+done, there is matter for the gravest blame in what he did. The scorner
+must not pass unchallenged to the banquet of the just. Yet when all is
+said against him, the clear fact remains that Julian lived a hero's
+life. Often as he was blinded by his impatience or hurried into
+injustice by his heathen prejudice, we cannot mistake a spirit of
+self-sacrifice and earnest piety as strange to worldling bishops as to
+the pleasure-loving heathen populace. Mysterious and full of tragic
+pathos is the irony of God in history, which allowed one of the very
+noblest of the emperors to act the part of Jeroboam, and brought the old
+intriguer Maris of Chalcedon to cry against the altar like the man of
+God from Judah. But Maris was right, for Julian was the blinder of the
+two.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+_THE RESTORED HOMOEAN SUPREMACY._
+
+
+[Sidenote: Effects of Julian's reign.]
+
+Julian's reign seems at first sight no more than a sudden storm which
+clears up and leaves everything much as it was before. Far from
+restoring heathenism, he could not even seriously shake the power of
+Christianity. No sooner was he dead than the philosophers disappeared,
+the renegades did penance, and even the reptiles of the palace came back
+to their accustomed haunts. Yet Julian's work was not in vain, for it
+tested both heathenism and Christianity. All that Constantine had given
+to the churches Julian could take away, but the living power of faith
+was not at Caesar's beck and call. Heathenism was strong in its
+associations with Greek philosophy and culture, with Roman law and
+social life, but as a moral force among the common people, its weakness
+was contemptible. It could sway the wavering multitude with
+superstitious fancies, and cast a subtler spell upon the noblest
+Christian teachers, but its own adherents it could hardly lift above
+their petty quest of pleasure. Julian called aloud, and called in vain.
+A mocking echo was the only answer from that valley of dry bones.
+Christianity, on the other side, had won the victory almost without a
+blow. Instead of ever coming to grapple with its mighty rival, the great
+catholic church of heathenism hardly reached the stage of apish mimicry.
+When its great army turned out to be a crowd of camp-followers, the
+alarm of battle died away in peals of defiant laughter. Yet the alarm
+was real, and its teachings were not forgotten. It broke up the revels
+of party strife, and partly roused the churches to the dangers of a
+purely heathen education. Above all, the approach of danger was a sharp
+reminder that our life is not of this world. They stood the test fairly
+well. Renegades or fanatics were old scandals, and signs were not
+wanting that the touch of persecution would wake the old heroic spirit
+which had fought the Empire from the catacombs and overcome it.
+
+[Sidenote: Jovian Emperor (June 27, 363).]
+
+As Julian was the last survivor of the house of Constantine, his
+lieutenants were free to choose the worthiest of their comrades. But
+while his four barbarian generals were debating, one or two voices
+suddenly hailed Jovian as Emperor. The cry was taken up, and in a few
+moments the young officer found himself the successor of Augustus.
+
+[Sidenote: Jovian's toleration.]
+
+Jovian was a brilliant colonel of the guards. In all the army there was
+not a goodlier person than he. Julian's purple was too small for his
+gigantic limbs. But that stately form was animated by a spirit of
+cowardly selfishness. Instead of pushing on with Julian's brave retreat,
+he saved the relics of his army by a disgraceful peace. Jovian was also
+a decided Christian, though his morals suited neither the purity of the
+gospel nor the dignity of his imperial position. Even the heathen
+soldiers condemned his low amours and vulgar tippling. The faith he
+professed was the Nicene, but Constantine himself was less tolerant than
+Jovian. In this respect he is blameless. If Athanasius was graciously
+received at Antioch, even the Arians were told with scant ceremony that
+they might hold their assemblies as they pleased at Alexandria.
+
+[Sidenote: The Anomoeans form a sect.]
+
+About this time the Anomoeans organised their schism. Nearly four
+years had been spent in uncertain negotiations for the restoration of
+Aetius. The Anomoeans counted on Eudoxius, but did not find him very
+zealous in the matter. At last, in Jovian's time, they made up their
+minds to set him at defiance by consecrating Poemenius to the see of
+Constantinople. Other appointments were made at the same time, and
+Theophilus the Indian, who had a name for missionary work in the far
+East, was sent to Antioch to win over Euzoius. From this time the
+Anomoeans were an organized sect.
+
+[Sidenote: Nicene successes.]
+
+But the most important document of Jovian's reign is the acceptance of
+the Nicene creed by Acacius of Caesarea, with Meletius of Antioch and
+more than twenty others of his friends. Acacius was only returning to
+his master's steps when he explained _one in essence_ by _like in
+essence_, and laid stress on the care with which 'the Fathers' had
+guarded its meaning. We may hope that Acacius had found out his belief
+at last. Still the connexion helped to widen the breach between Meletius
+and the older Nicenes.
+
+[Sidenote: Valentinian Emperor.]
+
+All these movements came to an end at the sudden death of Jovian (Feb.
+16, 364.) The Pannonian Valentinian was chosen to succeed him, and a
+month later assigned the East to his brother Valens, reserving to
+himself the more important Western provinces. This was a lasting
+division of the Empire, for East and West were never again united for
+any length of time. Valentinian belongs to the better class of emperors.
+He was a soldier like Jovian, and held much the same rank at his
+election. He was a decided Christian like Jovian, and, like him, free
+from the stain of persecution. Jovian's rough good-humour was replaced
+in Valentinian by a violent and sometimes cruel temper, but he had a
+sense of duty and was free from Jovian's vices. His reign was a
+laborious and honourable struggle with the enemies of the republic on
+the Rhine and the Danube. An uncultivated man himself, he still could
+honour learning, and in religion his policy was one of comprehensive
+toleration. If he refused to displace the few Arians whom he found in
+possession of Western sees like Auxentius at Milan, he left the churches
+free to choose Nicene successors. Under his wise rule the West soon
+recovered from the strife Constantius had introduced.
+
+[Sidenote: Character of Valens.]
+
+Valens was a weaker character, timid, suspicious, and slow, yet not
+ungentle in private life. He was as uncultivated as his brother, but not
+inferior to him in scrupulous care for his subjects. Only as Valens was
+no soldier, he preferred remitting taxation to fighting at the head of
+the legions. In both ways he is entitled to head the series of financial
+rather than unwarlike sovereigns whose cautious policy brought the
+Eastern Empire safely through the great barbarian invasions of the fifth
+century.
+
+[Sidenote: Breach between church and state.]
+
+The contest entered on a new stage in the reign of Valens. The friendly
+league of church and state at Nicaea had become a struggle for supremacy.
+Constantius endeavoured to dictate the faith of Christendom according to
+the pleasure of his eunuchs, while Athanasius reigned in Egypt almost
+like a rival for the Empire. And if Julian's reign had sobered party
+spirit, it had also shown that an emperor could sit again in Satan's
+seat. Valens had an obedient Homoean clergy, but no trappings of
+official splendour could enable Eudoxius or Demophilus to rival the
+imposing personality of Athanasius or Basil. Thus the Empire lost the
+moral support it looked for, and the church became embittered with its
+wrongs.
+
+[Sidenote: Rise of monasticism.]
+
+The breach involved a deeper evil. The ancient world of heathenism was
+near its dissolution. Vice and war, and latterly taxation, had dried up
+the springs of prosperity, and even of population, till Rome was
+perishing for lack of men. Cities had dwindled into villages, and of
+villages the very names had often disappeared. The stout Italian yeomen
+had been replaced by gangs of slaves, and these again by thinly
+scattered barbarian serfs. And if Rome grew weaker every day, her power
+for oppression seemed only to increase. Her fiscal system filled the
+provinces with ruined men. The Alps, the Taurus, and the Balkan swarmed
+with outlaws. But in the East men looked for refuge to the desert, where
+many a legend told of a people of brethren dwelling together in unity
+and serving God in peace beyond the reach of the officials. This was the
+time when the ascetic spirit, which had long been hovering round the
+outskirts of Christianity, began to assume the form of monasticism.
+There were monks in Egypt--monks of Serapis--before Christianity
+existed, and there may have been Christian monks by the end of the third
+century. In any case, they make little show in history before the reign
+of Valens. Paul of Thebes, Hilarion of Gaza, and even the great Antony
+are only characters in the novels of the day. Now, however, there was in
+the East a real movement towards monasticism. All parties favoured it.
+The Semiarians were busy inside Mount Taurus; and though Acacians and
+Anomoeans held more aloof, they could not escape an influence which
+even Julian felt. But the Nicene party was the home of the ascetics. In
+an age of indecision and frivolity like the Nicene, the most earnest
+striving after Christian purity will often degenerate into its ascetic
+caricature. Through the selfish cowardice of the monastic life we often
+see the loving sympathy of Christian self-denial. Thus there was an
+element of true Christian zeal in the enthusiasm of the Eastern
+Churches; and thus it was that the rising spirit of asceticism naturally
+attached itself to the Nicene faith as the strongest moral power in
+Christendom. It was a protest against the whole framework of society in
+that age, and therefore the alliance was cemented by a common enmity to
+the Arian Empire. It helped much to conquer Arianism, but it left a
+lasting evil in the lowering of the Christian standard. Henceforth the
+victory of faith was not to overcome the world, but to flee from it.
+Even heathen immorality was hardly more ruinous than the unclean ascetic
+spirit which defames God's holy ordinance as a form of sin which a too
+indulgent Lord will overlook.
+
+[Sidenote: New questions in controversy.]
+
+Valens was only a catechumen, and had no policy to declare for the
+present. Events therefore continued to develop naturally. The Homoean
+bishops retained their sees, but their influence was fast declining. The
+Anomoeans were forming a schism on one side, the Nicenes recovering
+power on the other. Unwilling signatures to the Homoean creed were
+revoked in all directions. Some even of its authors declared for
+Arianism with Euzoius, while others drew nearer to the Nicene faith like
+Acacius. On all sides the simpler doctrines were driving out the
+compromises. It was time for the Semiarians to bestir themselves if they
+meant to remain a majority in the East. The Nicenes seemed daily to gain
+ground. Lucifer had compromised them in one direction, Apollinarius in
+another, and even Marcellus had never been frankly disavowed; yet the
+Nicene cause advanced. A new question, however, was beginning to come
+forward. Hitherto the dispute had been on the person of the Lord, while
+that of the Holy Spirit was quite in the background. Significant as is
+the tone of Scripture, the proof is not on the surface. The divinity of
+the Holy Spirit is shown by many convergent lines of evidence, but it
+was still an open question whether that divinity amounts to co-essential
+and co-equal deity. Thus Origen leans to some theory of subordination,
+while Hilary limits himself with the utmost caution to the words of
+Scripture. If neither of them lays down in so many words that the Holy
+Spirit is God, much less does either of them class him with the
+creatures, like Eunomius. The difficulty was the same as with the person
+of the Lord, that while the Scriptural data clearly pointed to his
+deity, its admission involved the dilemma of either Sabellian confusion
+or polytheistic separation. Now, however, it was beginning to be seen
+that the theory of hypostatic distinctions must either be extended to
+the Holy Spirit or entirely abandoned. Athanasius took one course, the
+Anomoeans the other, but the Semiarians endeavoured to draw a
+distinction between the Lord's deity and that of the Holy Spirit. In
+truth, the two are logically connected. Athanasius pointed this out in
+the letters of his exile to Serapion, and the council of Alexandria
+condemned 'those who say that the Holy Spirit is a creature and distinct
+from the essence of the Son.' But logical connection is one thing,
+formal enforcement another. Athanasius and Basil to the last refused to
+make it a condition of communion. If any one saw the error of his Arian
+ways, it was enough for him to confess the Nicene creed. Thus the
+question remained open for the present.
+
+[Sidenote: Council of Lampsacus (364).]
+
+Thus the Semiarians were free to do what they could against the
+Homoeans. Under the guidance of Eleusius of Cyzicus, they held a
+council at Lampsacus in the summer of 364. It sat two months, and
+reversed the acts of the Homoeans at Constantinople four years before.
+Eudoxius was deposed (in name) and the Semiarian exiles restored to
+their sees. With regard to doctrine, they adopted the formula _like
+according to essence_, on the ground that while likeness was needed to
+exclude a Sabellian (they mean Nicene) confusion, its express extension
+to essence was needed against the Arians. Nor did they forget to
+re-issue the Lucianic creed for the acceptance of the churches. They
+also discussed without result the deity of the Holy Spirit. Eustathius
+of Sebastia for one was not prepared to commit himself either way. The
+decisions were then laid before Valens.
+
+[Sidenote: The Homoean policy of Valens.]
+
+But Valens was already falling into bad hands. Now that Julian was dead,
+the courtiers were fast recovering their influence, and Eudoxius had
+already secured the Emperor's support. The deputies of Lampsacus were
+ordered to hold communion with the bishop of Constantinople, and exiled
+on their refusal.
+
+Looking back from our own time, we should say that it was not a
+promising course for Valens to support the Homoeans. They had been in
+power before, and if they had not then been able to establish peace in
+the churches, they were not likely to succeed any better after their
+heavy losses in Julian's time. It is therefore the more important to see
+the Emperor's motives. No doubt personal influences must count for a
+good deal with a man like Valens, whose private attachments were so
+steady. Eudoxius was, after all, a man of experience and learning, whose
+mild prudence was the very help which Valens needed. The Empress
+Dominica was also a zealous Arian, so that the courtiers were Arians
+too. No wonder if their master was sincerely attached to the doctrines
+of his friends. But Valens was not strong enough to impose his own
+likings on the Empire. No merit raised him to the throne; no education
+or experience prepared him for the august dignity he reached so suddenly
+in middle life. Conscientious and irresolute, he could not even firmly
+control the officials. He had not the magic of Constantine's name behind
+him, and was prevented by Valentinian's toleration from buying support
+with the spoils of the temples.
+
+Under these circumstances, he could hardly do otherwise than support the
+Homoeans. Heathenism had failed in Julian's hands, and an Anomoean
+course was out of the question. A Nicene policy might answer in the
+West, but it was not likely to find much support in the East outside
+Egypt. The only alternative was to favour the Semiarians; and even that
+was full of difficulties. After all, the Homoeans were still the
+strongest party in 365. They were in possession of the churches and
+commanded much of the Asiatic influence, and had no enmity to contend
+with which was not quite as bitter against the other parties. They also
+had astute leaders, and a doctrine which still presented attractions to
+the quiet men who were tired of controversy. Upon the whole, the
+Homoean policy was the easiest for the moment.
+
+[Sidenote: The exiles exiled again.]
+
+In the spring of 365 an imperial rescript commanded the municipalities,
+under a heavy penalty, to drive out the bishops who had been exiled by
+Constantius and restored by Julian. Thereupon the populace of Alexandria
+declared that the law did not apply to Athanasius, because he had not
+been restored by Julian. A series of dangerous riots followed, which
+obliged the prefect Flavianus to refer the question back to Valens.
+Other bishops were less fortunate. Meletius had to retire from Antioch,
+Eustathius from Sebastia.
+
+[Sidenote: Semiarian embassy to Liberius.]
+
+The Semiarians looked to Valentinian for help. He had received them
+favourably the year before, and his intercession was not likely to be
+disregarded now. Eustathius of Sebastia was therefore sent to lay their
+case before the court of Milan. As, however, Valentinian had already
+started for Gaul, the deputation turned aside to Rome and offered to
+Liberius an acceptance of the Nicene creed signed by fifty-nine
+Semiarians, and purporting to come from the council of Lampsacus and
+other Asiatic synods. The message was well received at Rome, and in due
+time the envoys returned to Asia to report their doings before a council
+at Tyana.
+
+[Sidenote: Revolt of Procopius, Sept. 365.]
+
+Meanwhile the plans of Valens were interrupted by the news that
+Constantinople had been seized by a pretender. Procopius was a relative
+of Julian who had retired into private life, but whom the jealousy of
+Valens had forced to become a pretender. For awhile the danger was
+pressing. Procopius had won over to his side some of the best legions of
+the Empire, while his connexion with the house of Constantine secured
+him the formidable services of the Goths. But the great generals kept
+their faith to Valens, and the usurper's power melted away before them.
+A decisive battle at Nacolia in Phrygia (May 366) once more seated
+Valens firmly on his throne.
+
+[Sidenote: Baptism of Valens by Eudoxius (367).]
+
+Events could scarcely have fallen out better for Eudoxius and his
+friends. Valens was already on their side, and now his zeal was
+quickened by the mortal terror he had undergone, perhaps also by shame
+at the unworthy panic in which he had already allowed the exiles to
+return. In an age when the larger number of professing Christians were
+content to spend most of their lives as catechumens, it was a decided
+step for an Emperor to come forward and ask for baptism. This, however,
+was the step taken by Valens in the spring of 367, which finally
+committed him to the Homoean side. By it he undertook to resume the
+policy of Constantius, and to drive out false teachers at the dictation
+of Eudoxius.
+
+[Sidenote: Interval in the controversy (366-371).]
+
+The Semiarians were in no condition to resist. Their district had been
+the seat of the revolt, and their disgrace at court was not lessened by
+the embassy to Rome. So divided also were they, that while one party
+assembled a synod at Tyana to welcome the return of the envoys, another
+met in Caria to ratify the Lucianic creed again. Unfortunately however
+for Eudoxius, Valens was entangled in a war with the Goths for three
+campaigns, and afterwards detained for another year in the Hellespontine
+district, so that he could not revisit the East till the summer of 371.
+Meanwhile there was not much to be done. Athanasius had been formally
+restored to his church during the Procopian panic by Brasidas the notary
+(February 366), and was too strong to be molested again. Meletius also
+and others had been allowed to return at the same time, and Valens was
+too busy to disturb them. Thus there was a sort of truce for the next
+few years. Of Syria we hear scarcely anything; and even in Pontus the
+strife must have been abated by the famine of 368. The little we find to
+record seems to belong to the year 367. On one side, Eunomius the
+Anomoean was sent into exile, but soon recalled on the intercession of
+the old Arian Valens of Mursa. On the other, the Semiarians were not
+allowed to hold the great synod at Tarsus, which was intended to
+complete their reconciliation with the Western Nicenes. These years form
+the third great break in the Arian controversy, and were hardly less
+fruitful of results than the two former breaks under Constantius and
+Julian. Let us therefore glance at the condition of the churches.
+
+[Sidenote: New Nicene party in Cappadocia]
+
+The Homoean party was the last hope of Arianism within the Empire. The
+original doctrine of Arius had been decisively rejected at Nicaea; the
+Eusebian coalition was broken up by the Sirmian manifesto; and if the
+Homoean union also failed, the fall of Arianism could not be long
+delayed. Its weakness is shown by the rise of a new Nicene party in the
+most Arian province of the Empire. Cappadocia is an exception to the
+general rule that Christianity flourished best where cities were most
+numerous. The polished vice of Antioch or Corinth presented fewer
+obstacles than the rude ignorance of _pagi_ or country villages. Now
+Cappadocia was chiefly a country district. The walls of Caesarea lay in
+ruins since its capture by the Persians in the reign of Gallienus, and
+the other towns of the province were small and few. Yet Julian found it
+incorrigibly Christian, and we hear but little of heathenism from Basil.
+We cannot suppose that the Cappadocian boors were civilized enough to be
+out of the reach of heathen influence. It seems rather that the
+_paganismus_ of the West was partly represented by Arianism. In
+Cappadocia the heresy found its first great literary champion in the
+sophist Asterius. Gregory and George were brought to Alexandria from
+Cappadocia, and afterwards Auxentius to Milan and Eudoxius to
+Constantinople. Philagrius also, the prefect who drove out Athanasius in
+339, was another of their countrymen. Above all, the heresiarch Eunomius
+came from Cappadocia, and had abundance of admirers in his native
+district. In this old Arian stronghold the league was formed which
+decided the fate of Arianism. Earnest men like Meletius had only been
+attracted to the Homoeans by their professions of reverence for the
+person of the Lord. When, therefore, it appeared that Eudoxius and his
+friends were no better than Arians after all, these men began to look
+back to the decisions of 'the great and holy council' of Nicaea. There,
+at any rate, they would find something independent of the eunuchs and
+cooks who ruled the palace. Of the old conservatives also, who were
+strong in Pontus, there were many who felt that the Semiarian position
+was unsound, and yet could find no satisfaction in the indefinite
+doctrine professed at court. Here then was one split in the Homoean,
+another in the conservative party. If only the two sets of malcontents
+could form a union with each other and with the older Nicenes of Egypt
+and the West, they would sooner or later be the arbiters of Christendom.
+If they could secure Valentinian's intercession, they might obtain
+religious freedom at once.
+
+[Sidenote: Basil of Caesarea.]
+
+Such seems to have been the plan laid down by the man who was now
+succeeding Athanasius as leader of the Nicene party. Basil of Caesarea
+was a disciple of the schools of Athens, and a master of heathen
+eloquence and learning. He was also man of the world enough to keep on
+friendly terms with men of all sorts. Amongst his friends we find
+Athanasius and Gregory of Nazianzus, Libanius the heathen rhetorician,
+the barbarian generals Arinthaeus and Victor, the renegade Modestus, and
+the Arian bishop Euippius. He was a Christian also of a Christian
+family. His grandmother, Macrina, was one of those who fled to the woods
+in the time of Diocletian's persecution; and in after years young Basil
+learned from her the words of Gregory the Wonder worker. The connections
+of his early life were with the conservatives. He owed his baptism to
+Dianius of Caesarea, and much encouragement in asceticism to Eustathius
+of Sebastia. In 359 he accompanied Basil of Ancyra from Seleucia to the
+conferences at Constantinople, and on his return home came forward as a
+resolute enemy of Arianism at Caesarea. The young deacon was soon
+recognised as a power in Asia. He received the dying recantation of
+Dianius, and guided the choice of his successor Eusebius in 362. Yet he
+still acted with the Semiarians, and helped them with his counsel at
+Lampsacus. Indeed it was from the Semiarian side that he approached the
+Nicene faith. In his own city of Caesarea Eusebius found him
+indispensable. When jealousies arose between them, and Basil withdrew to
+his rustic paradise in Pontus, he was recalled by the clamour of the
+people at the approach of Valens in 365. This time the danger was
+averted by the Procopian troubles, but henceforth Basil governed
+Eusebius, and the church of Caesarea through him, till in the summer of
+370 he succeeded to the bishopric himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Basil bishop of Caesarea.]
+
+The election was a critical one, for every one knew that a bishop like
+Basil would be a pillar of the Nicene cause. On one side were the
+officials and the lukewarm bishops, on the other the people and the
+better class of Semiarians. They had to make great efforts. Eusebius of
+Samosata came to Caesarea to urge the wavering bishops, and old
+Gregory[15] was carried from Nazianzus on his litter to perform the
+consecration. There was none but Basil who could meet the coming danger.
+By the spring of 371 Valens had fairly started on his progress to the
+East. He travelled slowly through the famine-wasted provinces, and only
+reached Caesarea in time for the great winter festival of Epiphany 372.
+The Nicene faith in Cappadocia was not the least of the abuses he was
+putting down. The bishops yielded in all directions, but Basil was
+unshaken. The rough threats of Modestus succeeded no better than the
+fatherly counsel of Euippius; and when Valens himself and Basil met face
+to face, the Emperor was overawed. More than once the order was prepared
+for the obstinate prelate's exile, but for one reason or another it was
+never issued. Valens went forward on his journey, leaving behind a
+princely gift for Basil's poorhouse. He reached Antioch in April, and
+settled there for the rest of his reign, never again leaving Syria till
+the disasters of the Gothic war called him back to Europe.
+
+[Footnote 15: The father of Gregory of Nazianzus the Divine, who was
+bishop, as we shall see, of Sasima and Constantinople in succession, but
+never of Nazianzus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Basil's difficulties.]
+
+Armed with spiritual power which in some sort extended from the
+Bosphorus to Armenia, Basil could now endeavour to carry out his plan.
+Homoean malcontents formed the nucleus of the league, but
+conservatives began to join it, and Athanasius gave his patriarchal
+blessing to the scheme. The difficulties, however, were very great. The
+league was full of jealousies. Athanasius indeed might frankly recognise
+the soundness of Meletius, though he was committed to Paulinus, but
+others were less liberal, and Lucifer of Calaris was forming a schism on
+the question. Some, again, were lukewarm in the cause and many sunk in
+worldliness, while others were easily diverted from their purpose. The
+sorest trial of all was the selfish coldness of the West. Basil might
+find here and there a kindred spirit like Ambrose of Milan after 374;
+but the confessors of 355 were mostly gathered to their rest, and the
+church of Rome paid no regard to sufferings which were not likely to
+reach herself.
+
+Nor was Basil quite the man for such a task as this. His courage indeed
+was indomitable. He ruled Cappadocia from a sick-bed, and bore down
+opposition by sheer strength of his inflexible determination. The very
+pride with which his enemies reproached him was often no more than a
+strong man's consciousness of power; and to this unwearied energy he
+joined an ascetic fervour which secured the devotion of his friends, a
+knowledge of the world which often turned aside the fury of his enemies,
+and a flow of warm-hearted rhetoric which never failed to command the
+admiration of outsiders. Yet after all we miss the lofty self-respect
+which marks the later years of Athanasius. Basil was involved in
+constant difficulties by his own pride and suspicion. We cannot, for
+example, imagine Athanasius turning two presbyters out of doors as
+'spies.' But the ascetic is usually too full of his own plans to feel
+sympathy with others, too much in earnest to feign it like a
+diplomatist. Basil had enough worldly prudence to keep in the background
+his belief in the Holy Spirit, but not enough to protect even his
+closest friends from the outbreaks of his imperious temper. Small wonder
+if the great scheme met with many difficulties.
+
+[Sidenote: Disputes with: (1.) Anthimus.]
+
+A specimen or two may be given, from which it will be seen that the
+difficulties were not all of Basil's making. When Valens divided
+Cappadocia in 372, the capital of the new province was fixed at Tyana.
+Thereupon Bishop Anthimus argued that ecclesiastical arrangements
+necessarily follow civil, and claimed the obedience of its bishops as
+due to him and not to Basil. Peace was patched up after an unseemly
+quarrel, and Basil disposed of any future claims from Anthimus by
+getting the new capital transferred to Podandus.
+
+[Sidenote: (2.) Eustathius.]
+
+The dispute with Anthimus was little more than a personal quarrel, so
+that it was soon forgotten. The old Semiarian Eustathius of Sebastia was
+able to give more serious annoyance. He was a man too active to be
+ignored, too unstable to be trusted, too famous for ascetic piety to be
+lightly made an open enemy. His friendship was compromising, his enmity
+dangerous. We left him professing the Nicene faith before the council of
+Tyana. For the next three years we lose sight of him. He reappears as a
+friend of Basil in 370, and heartily supported him in his strife with
+Valens. Eustathius was at any rate no time-server. He was drawn to Basil
+by old friendship and a common love of asceticism, but almost equally
+repelled by the imperious orthodoxy of a stronger will than his own. And
+Basil for a long time clung to his old teacher, though the increasing
+distrust of staunch Nicenes like Theodotus of Nicopolis was beginning to
+attack himself. His peacemaking was worse than a failure. First he
+offended Theodotus, then he alienated Eustathius. The suspicious zeal of
+Theodotus was quieted in course of time, but Eustathius never forgave
+the urgency which wrung from him his signature to a Nicene confession.
+He had long been leaning the other way, and now he turned on Basil with
+all the bitterness of broken friendship. To such a man the elastic faith
+of the Homoeans was a welcome refuge. If they wasted little courtesy
+on their convert, they did not press him to strain his conscience by
+signing what he ought not to have signed.
+
+[Sidenote: Apollinarius of Laodicea.]
+
+The Arian controversy was exhausted for the present, and new questions
+were already beginning to take its place. While Basil and Eustathius
+were preparing the victory of asceticism in the next generation,
+Apollinarius had already essayed the christological problem of Ephesus
+and Chalcedon; and Apollinarius was no common thinker. If his efforts
+were premature, he at least struck out the most suggestive of the
+ancient heresies. Both in what he saw and in what he failed to see, his
+work is full of meaning for our own time. Apollinarius and his father
+were Christian literary men of Laodicea in Syria, and stood well to the
+front of controversy in Julian's days. When the rescript came out which
+forbade the Galileans to teach the classics, they promptly undertook to
+form a Christian literature by throwing Scripture into classical forms.
+The Old Testament was turned into Homeric verse, the New into Platonic
+dialogues. Here again Apollinarius was premature. There was indeed no
+reason why Christianity should not have as good a literature as
+heathenism, but it would have to be a growth of many ages. In doctrine
+Apollinarius was a staunch Nicene, and one of the chief allies of
+Athanasius in Syria. But he was a Nicene of an unusual type, for the
+side of Arianism which specially attracted his attention was its denial
+of the Lord's true manhood. It will be remembered that according to
+Arius the created Word assumed human flesh and nothing more. Eustathius
+of Antioch had long ago pointed out the error, and the Nicene council
+shut it out by adding _was made man_ to the _was made flesh_ of the
+Caesarean creed. It was thus agreed that the lower element in the
+incarnation was man, not mere flesh; in other words, the Lord was
+perfect man as well as perfect God. But in that case, how can God and
+man form one person? In particular, the freedom of his human will is
+inconsistent with the fixity of the divine. Without free-will he was not
+truly man; yet free-will always leads to sin. If all men are sinners,
+and the Lord was not a sinner, it seemed to follow that he was not true
+man like other men. Yet in that case the incarnation is a mere illusion.
+The difficulty was more than Athanasius himself could fully solve. All
+that he could do was to hold firmly the doctrine of the Lord's true
+manhood as declared by Scripture, and leave the question of his
+free-will for another age to answer.
+
+[Sidenote: The Apollinarian system.]
+
+The analysis of human nature which we find in Scripture is twofold. In
+many passages there is a moral division into the spirit and the
+flesh--all that draws us up towards heaven and all that draws us down to
+earth. It must be carefully noted (what ascetics of all ages have
+overlooked) that the flesh is not the body. Envy and hatred are just as
+much works of the flesh[16] as revelling and uncleanness. It is not the
+body which lusts against the soul, but the evil nature running through
+them both which refuses the leading of the Spirit of God. But these are
+practical statements: the proper psychology of Scripture is given in
+another series of passages. It comes out clearly in 1 Thess. v.
+23--'your whole spirit, and soul, and body be preserved blameless unto
+the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ.' Here the division is threefold.
+The body we know pretty well, as far as concerns its material form. The
+soul however, is not the 'soul' of common language. It is only the seat
+of the animal life which we share with the beasts. Above the soul,
+beyond the ken of Aristotle, Scripture reveals the spirit as the seat of
+the immortal life which is to pass the gate of death unharmed. Now it is
+one chief merit of Apollinarius (and herein he has the advantage over
+Athanasius) that he based his system on the true psychology of
+Scripture. He argued that sin reaches man through the will, whose seat
+is in the spirit. Choice for good or for evil is in the will. Hence Adam
+fell through the weakness of the spirit. Had that been stronger, he
+would have been able to resist temptation. So it is with the rest of us:
+we all sin through the weakness of the spirit. If then the Lord was a
+man in whom the mutable human spirit was replaced by the immutable
+Divine Word, there will be no difficulty in understanding how he could
+be free from sin. Apollinarius, however, rightly chose to state his
+theory the other way--that the Divine Word assumed a human body and a
+human soul, and himself took the place of a human spirit. So far we see
+no great advance on the Arian theory of the incarnation. If the Lord had
+no true human spirit, he is no more true man than if he had nothing
+human but the body. We get a better explanation of his sinlessness, but
+we still get it at the expense of his humanity. In one respect the
+Arians had the advantage. Their created Word is easier joined with human
+flesh than the Divine Word with a human body and a human soul. At this
+point, however, Apollinarius introduced a thought of deep
+significance--that the spirit in Christ was human spirit, although
+divine. If man was made in the image of God, the Divine Word is not
+foreign to that human spirit which is in his likeness, but is rather the
+true perfection of its image. If, therefore, the Lord had the divine
+Word instead of the human spirit of other men, he is not the less human,
+but the more so for the difference. Furthermore, the Word which in
+Christ was human spirit was eternal. Apart then from the incarnation,
+the Word was archetypal man as well as God. Thus we reach the still more
+solemn thought that the incarnation is not a mere expedient to get rid
+of sin, but the historic revelation of what was latent in the Word from
+all eternity. Had man not sinned, the Word must still have come among
+us, albeit not through shame and death. It was his nature that he should
+come. If he was man from eternity, it was his nature to become in time
+like men on earth, and it is his nature to remain for ever man. And as
+the Word looked down on mankind, so mankind looked upward to the Word.
+The spirit in man is a frail and shadowy thing apart from Christ, and
+men are not true men till they have found in him their immutable and
+sovereign guide. Thus the Word and man do not confront each other as
+alien beings. They are joined together in their inmost nature, and (may
+we say it?) each receives completion from the other.
+
+[Footnote 16: Gal. v. 19-21.]
+
+[Sidenote: Criticism of Apollinarianism.]
+
+The system of Apollinarius is a mighty outline whose details we can
+hardly even now fill in; yet as a system it is certainly a failure. His
+own contemporaries may have done him something less than justice, but
+they could not follow his daring flights of thought when they saw plain
+errors in his teaching. After all, Apollinarius reaches no true
+incarnation. The Lord is something very like us, but he is not one of
+us. The spirit is surely an essential part of man, and without a true
+human spirit he could have no true human choice or growth or life; and
+indeed Apollinarius could not allow him any. His work is curtailed also
+like his manhood, for (so Gregory of Nyssa put it) the spirit which the
+Lord did not assume is not redeemed. Apollinarius understood even better
+than Athanasius the kinship of true human nature to its Lord, and
+applied it with admirable skill to explain the incarnation as the
+expression of the eternal divine nature. But he did not see so well as
+Athanasius that sin is a mere intruder among men. It was not a hopeful
+age in which he lived. The world had gone a long way downhill since
+young Athanasius had sung his song of triumph over fallen heathenism.
+Roman vice and Syrian frivolity, Eastern asceticism and Western
+legalism, combined to preach, in spite of Christianity, that the
+sinfulness of mankind is essential. So instead of following out the
+pregnant hint of Athanasius that sin is no true part of human nature
+(else were God the author of evil), Apollinarius cut the knot by
+refusing the Son of Man a human spirit as a thing of necessity sinful.
+Too thoughtful to slur over the difficulty like Pelagius, he was yet too
+timid to realize the possibility of a conquest of sin by man, even
+though that man were Christ himself.
+
+[Sidenote: The Apollinarians.]
+
+Apollinarius and his school contributed not a little to the doctrinal
+confusion of the East. His ideas were current for some time in various
+forms, and are attacked in some of the later works of Athanasius; but it
+was not till about 375 that they led to a definite schism, marked by the
+consecration of the presbyter Vitalis to the bishopric of Antioch. From
+this time, Apollinarian bishops disputed many of the Syrian sees with
+Nicenes and Anomoeans. Their adherents were also scattered over Asia,
+and supplied one more element of discord to the noisy populace of
+Constantinople.
+
+[Sidenote: Last years of Athanasius (366-373).]
+
+The declining years of Athanasius were spent in peace. Valens had
+restored him in good faith, and never afterwards molested him. If Lucius
+the Arian returned to Alexandria to try his chance as bishop, the
+officials gave him no connivance--nothing but sorely needed shelter from
+the fury of the mob. Arianism was nearly extinct in Egypt.
+
+[Sidenote: Athanasius and Marcellus (before 371).]
+
+One of his last public acts was to receive an embassy from Marcellus,
+who was still living in extreme old age at Ancyra. Some short time
+before 371, the deacon Eugenius presented to him a confession on behalf
+of the 'innumerable multitude' who still owned Marcellus for their
+father. 'We are not heretics, as we are slandered. We specially
+anathematize Arianism, confessing, like our fathers at Nicaea, that the
+Son is no creature, but of the essence of the Father and co-essential
+with the Father; and by the Son we mean no other than the Word. Next we
+anathematize Sabellius, for we confess the eternity and reality of the
+Son and the Holy Spirit. We anathematize also the Anomoeans, in spite
+of their pretence not to be Arians. We anathematize finally the
+Arianizers who separate the Word from the Son, giving the latter a
+beginning at the incarnation because they do not confess him to be very
+God. Our own doctrine of the incarnation is that the Word did not come
+down as on the prophets, but truly became flesh and took a servant's
+form, and as regards flesh was born as a man.' There is no departure
+here from the original doctrine of Marcellus, for the eternity of the
+Son means nothing more than the eternity of the Word. The memorial,
+however, was successful. Though Athanasius was no Marcellian, he was as
+determined as ever to leave all questions open which the great council
+had forborne to close. The new Nicenes of Pontus, on the other hand,
+inherited the conservative dread of Marcellus, so that it was a sore
+trial to Basil when Athanasius refused to sacrifice the old companion of
+his exile. Even the great Alexandrian's comprehensive charity is hardly
+nobler than his faithfulness to erring friends. Meaner men might cherish
+the petty jealousies of controversy, but the veterans of the great
+council once more recognised their fellowship in Christ. They were
+joined in life, and in death they were not divided.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Athanasius (373).]
+
+Marcellus passed away in 371, and Athanasius two years later. The
+victory was not yet won, the goal of half a century was still beyond the
+sight of men; yet Athanasius had conquered Arianism. Of his greatness we
+need say no more. Some will murmur of 'fanaticism' before the only
+Christian whose grandeur awed the scoffer Gibbon. So be it that his
+greatness was not unmixed with human passion; but those of us who have
+seen the light of heaven shining from some saintly face, or watched with
+kindling hearts and solemn thankfulness some mighty victory of Christian
+faith, will surely know that it was the spirit of another world which
+dwelt in Athanasius. To him more than any one we owe it that the
+question of Arianism did not lose itself in personalities and quibbles,
+but took its proper place as a battle for the central message of the
+gospel, which is its chief distinction from philosophy and heathenism.
+
+[Sidenote: Extinction of the Marcellians (375).]
+
+Instantly Alexandria was given up to the Arians, and Lucius repeated the
+outrages of Gregory and George. The friends of Athanasius were exiled,
+and his successor Peter fled to Rome. Meanwhile the school of Marcellus
+died away. In 375 his surviving followers addressed a new memorial to
+the Egyptian exiles at Sepphoris, in which they plainly confessed the
+eternal Sonship so long evaded by their master. Basil took no small
+offence when the exiles accepted the memorial. 'They were not the only
+zealous defenders of the Nicene faith in the East, and should not have
+acted without the consent of the Westerns and of their own bishop,
+Peter. In their haste to heal one schism they might cause another if
+they did not make it clear that the heretics had come over to them, and
+not they to the heretics.' This, however, was mere grumbling. Now that
+the Marcellians had given up the point in dispute, there was no great
+difficulty about their formal reconciliation. The West held out for
+Marcellus after his own disciples had forsaken him, so that he was not
+condemned at Rome till 380, nor by name till 381.
+
+[Sidenote: Confusion of: (1) Churches.]
+
+Meanwhile the churches of Asia seemed in a state of universal
+dissolution. Disorder under Constantius had become confusion worse
+confounded under Valens. The exiled bishops were so many centres of
+disaffection, and personal quarrels had full scope everywhere. Thus when
+Basil's brother Gregory was expelled from Nyssa by a riot got up by
+Anthimus of Tyana, he took refuge under the eyes of Anthimus at Doara,
+where a similar riot had driven out the Arian bishop. Pastoral work was
+carried on under the greatest difficulties. The exiles could not attend
+to their churches, the schemers would not, and the fever of controversy
+was steadily demoralizing both flocks and pastors.
+
+[Sidenote: (2.) Creeds.]
+
+Creeds were in the same confusion. The Homoeans as a body had no
+consistent principle at all beyond the rejection of technical terms, so
+that their doctrinal statements are very miscellaneous. They began with
+the indefinite Sirmian creed, but the confession they imposed on
+Eustathius of Sebastia was purely Macedonian. Some of their bishops were
+Nicenes, others Anomoeans. There was room for all in the happy family
+presided over by Eudoxius and his successor Demophilus. In this anarchy
+of doctrine, the growth of irreligious carelessness kept pace with that
+of party bitterness. Ecclesiastical history records no clearer period of
+decline than this. There is a plain descent from Athanasius to Basil, a
+rapid one from Basil to Theophilus and Cyril. The victors of
+Constantinople are but the epigoni of a mighty contest.
+
+[Sidenote: Hopeful signs.]
+
+Hopeful signs indeed were not entirely wanting. If the Nicene cause did
+not seem to gain much ground in Pontus, it was at least not losing.
+While Basil held the court in check, the rising power of asceticism was
+declaring itself every day more plainly on his side. One schism was
+healed by the reception of the Marcellians; and if Apollinarius was
+forming another, he was at least a resolute enemy of Arianism. The
+submission of the Lycian bishops in 375 helped to isolate the Semiarian
+phalanx in Asia, and the Illyrian council held in the same year by
+Ambrose was the first effective help from the West. It secured a
+rescript of Valentinian in favour of the Nicenes; and if he did not long
+survive, his action was enough to show that Valens might not always be
+left to carry out his plans undisturbed.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+_THE FALL OF ARIANISM._
+
+
+[Sidenote: Prospects in 375.]
+
+The fiftieth year from the great council came and went, and brought no
+relief to the calamities of the churches. Meletius and Cyril were still
+in exile, East and West were still divided over the consecration of
+Paulinus, and now even Alexandria had become the prey of Lucius. The
+leaden rule of Valens still weighed down the East, and Valens was
+scarcely yet past middle life, and might reign for many years longer.
+The deliverance came suddenly, and the Nicene faith won its victory in
+the confusion of the greatest disaster which had ever yet befallen Rome.
+
+[Sidenote: The Empire in 376.]
+
+In the year 376 the Empire still seemed to stand unshaken within the
+limits of Augustus. If the legions had retired from the outlying
+provinces of Dacia and Carduene, they more than held their ground on the
+great river frontiers of the Euphrates, the Danube, and the Rhine. If
+Julian's death had seemed to let loose all the enemies of Rome at once,
+they had all been repulsed. While the Persian advance was checked by the
+obstinate patriotism of Armenia, Valens reduced the Goths to submission,
+and his Western colleague drove the Germans out of Gaul and recovered
+Britain from the Picts. The Empire had fully held its own through twelve
+years of incessant warfare; and if there were serious indications of
+exhaustion in the dwindling of the legions and the increase of the
+barbarian auxiliaries, in the troops of brigands who infested every
+mountain district, in the alarming decrease of population, and above all
+in the ruin of the provinces by excessive taxation, it still seemed
+inconceivable that real danger could ever menace Rome's eternal throne.
+
+[Sidenote: The Gothic war (377-378).]
+
+But while the imperial statesmen were watching the Euphrates, the storm
+was gathering on the Danube. The Goths in Dacia had been learning
+husbandry and Christianity since Aurelian's time, and bade fair soon to
+become a civilized people. Heathenism was already half abandoned, and
+their nomad habits half laid aside. But when the Huns came up suddenly
+from the steppes of Asia, the stately Gothic warriors fled almost
+without a blow from the hordes of wild dwarfish horsemen. The Ostrogoths
+became the servants of their conquerors, and the heathens of Athanaric
+found a refuge in the recesses of the Transylvanian forests. But
+Fritigern was a Christian. Rome had helped him once before, and Rome
+might help him now. A whole nation of panic-stricken warriors crowded to
+the banks of the Danube. There was but one inviolable refuge in the
+world, and that was beneath the shelter of the Roman eagles. Only let
+them have some of the waste lands in Thrace, and they would be glad to
+do the Empire faithful service. When conditions had been settled, the
+Goths were brought across the river. Once on Roman ground, they were
+left to the mercy of officials whose only thought was to make the
+famished barbarians a prey to their own rapacity and lust. Before long
+the Goths broke loose and spread over the country, destroying whatever
+cultivation had survived the desolating misgovernment of the Empire.
+Outlaws and deserters were willing guides, and crowds of fresh
+barbarians came in to share the spoil. The Roman generals found it no
+easy task to keep the field.
+
+[Sidenote: Battle of Hadrianople (Aug. 9, 378).]
+
+First the victories of Claudius and Aurelian, and then the statesmanship
+of Constantine, had stayed for a century the tide of Northern war, but
+now the Empire was again reduced to fight for its existence. Its rulers
+seemed to understand the crisis. The East was drained of all available
+troops, and Sebastian the Manichee, the old enemy of Athanasius, was
+placed in command. Gratian hurried Thraceward with the Gaulish legions,
+and at last Valens thought it time to leave his pleasant home at Antioch
+for the field of war. Evil omens beset his march, but no omen could be
+worse than his own impulsive rashness. With a little prudence, such a
+force as he had gathered round the walls of Hadrianople was an overmatch
+for any hordes of barbarians. But Valens determined to storm the Gothic
+camp without waiting for his Western colleague. Rugged ground and tracts
+of burning grass delayed his march, so that it was long past noon before
+he neared the line of waggons, later still before the Gothic trumpet
+sounded. But the Roman army was in hopeless rout at sundown. The Goths
+came down 'like a thunderbolt on the mountain tops,' and all was lost.
+Far into the night the slaughtering went on. Sebastian fell, the Emperor
+was never heard of more, and full two-thirds of the Roman army perished
+in a scene of unequalled horror since the butchery of Cannae.
+
+[Sidenote: Results of the battle.]
+
+Beneath that crushing blow the everlasting Empire shook from end to end.
+The whole power of the East had been mustered with a painful effort to
+the struggle, and the whole power of the East had been shattered in a
+summer's day. For the first time since the days of Gallienus, the Empire
+could place no army in the field. But Claudius and Aurelian had not
+fought in vain, nor were the hundred years of respite lost. If the
+dominion of Western Europe was transferred for ever to the Northern
+nations, the walls of Constantinople had risen to bar their eastward
+march, and Christianity had shown its power to awe their boldest
+spirits. The Empire of the Christian East withstood the shock of
+Hadrianople--only the heathen West sank under it. When once the old
+barriers of civilization on the Danube and the Rhine were broken
+through, the barbarians poured in for centuries like a flood of mighty
+waters overflowing. Not till the Northman and the Magyar had found their
+limit at the siege of Paris [Sidenote: 888.] and the battle of the
+Lechfeld [Sidenote: 955.] could Europe feel secure. The Roman Empire and
+the Christian Church alone rode out the storm which overthrew the
+ancient world. But the Christian Church was founded on the ever-living
+Rock, the Roman Empire rooted deep in history. Arianism was a thing of
+yesterday and had no principle of life, and therefore it vanished in the
+crash of Hadrianople. The Homoean supremacy had come to rest almost
+wholly on imperial misbelief. The mob of the capital might be in its
+favour, and the virtues of isolated bishops might secure it some support
+elsewhere; but serious men were mostly Nicenes or Anomoeans.
+Demophilus of Constantinople headed the party, and his blunders did it
+almost as much harm as the profane jests of Eudoxius. At Antioch
+Euzoius, the last of the early Arians, was replaced by Dorotheus. Milan
+under Ambrose was aggressively Nicene, and the Arian tyrants were very
+weak at Alexandria. On the other hand, the greatest of the Nicenes had
+passed away, and few were left who could remember the great council's
+meeting. Athanasius and Hilary were dead, and even Basil did not live to
+greet an orthodox Emperor. Meletius of Antioch was in exile, and Cyril
+of Jerusalem and the venerated Eusebius of Samosata, while Gregory of
+Nazianzus had found in the Isaurian mountains a welcome refuge from his
+hated diocese of Sasima. If none of the living Nicenes could pretend to
+rival Athanasius, they at least outmatched the Arians.
+
+[Sidenote: Gratian's toleration.]
+
+As Valens left no children, the Empire rested for the moment in the
+hands of his nephew, Gratian, a youth of not yet twenty. Gratian,
+however, was wise enough to see that it was no time to cultivate
+religious quarrels. He, therefore, began by proclaiming toleration to
+all but Anomoeans and Photinians. As toleration was still the theory
+of the Empire, and none but the Nicenes were practically molested, none
+but the Nicenes gained anything by the edict. But mere toleration was
+all they needed. The exiled bishops found little difficulty in resuming
+the government of their flocks, and even in sending missions to Arian
+strongholds. The Semiarians were divided. Numbers went over to the
+Nicenes, while others took up an independent or Macedonian position. The
+Homoean power in the provinces fell of itself before it was touched by
+persecution. It scarcely even struggled against its fate. At Jerusalem
+indeed party spirit ran as high as ever, but Alexandria was given up to
+Peter almost without resistance. We find one or two outrages like the
+murder of Eusebius of Samosata by an Arian woman in a country town, who
+threw down a tile on his head, but we hardly ever find a Homoean
+bishop heartily supported by his flock.
+
+[Sidenote: Gregory of Nazianzus.]
+
+Constantinople itself was now the chief stronghold of the Arians. They
+had held the churches since 340, and were steadily supported by the
+court. Thus the city populace was devoted to Arianism, and the Nicenes
+were a mere remnant, without either church or teacher. The time,
+however, was now come for a mission to the capital. Gregory of Nazianzus
+was the son of Bishop Gregory, born about the time of the Nicene
+council. His father was already presbyter of Nazianzus, and held the
+bishopric for nearly half a century. [Sidenote: 329-374.] Young Gregory
+was a student of many schools. From the Cappadocian Caesarea he went on
+to the Palestinian, and thence to Alexandria; but Athens was the goal of
+his student-life. Gregory and Basil and Prince Julian met at the feet of
+Proaeresius. They all did credit to his eloquence, but there the likeness
+ends. Gregory disliked Julian's strange, excited manner, and persuaded
+himself in later years that he had even then foreseen the evil of the
+apostate's reign. With Basil, on the other hand his friendship was for
+life. They were well-matched in eloquence, in ascetic zeal, and in
+opposition to Arianism, though Basil's imperious ways were a trial to
+Gregory's gentler and less active spirit. During the quarrel with
+Anthimus of Tyana, Basil thought fit to secure the disputed possession
+of Sasima by making it a bishopric. [Sidenote: 372.] It was a miserable
+post-station--'No water, no grass, nothing but dust and carts, and
+groans and howls, and small officials with their usual instruments of
+torture.' Gregory was made bishop of Sasima against his will, and never
+fairly entered on his repulsive duties. After a few years' retirement,
+he came forward to undertake the mission to Constantinople. [Sidenote:
+379.] The great city was a city of triflers. They jested at the actors
+and the preachers without respect of persons, and followed with equal
+eagerness the races and the theological disputes. Anomoeans abounded
+in their noisy streets, and the graver Novatians and Macedonians were
+infected with the spirit of wrangling. Gregory's austere character and
+simple life were in themselves a severe rebuke to the lovers of pleasure
+round him. He began his work in a private house, and only built a church
+when the numbers of his flock increased. He called it his
+Anastasia,--the church of the resurrection of the faith. The mob was
+hostile--one night they broke into his church--but the fruit of his
+labours was a growing congregation of Nicenes in the capital.
+
+[Sidenote: Theodosius Emperor in the East (379).]
+
+Gratian's next step was to share his burden with a colleague. If the
+care of the whole Empire had been too much for Diocletian or
+Valentinian, Gratian's were not the Atlantean shoulders which could bear
+its undivided weight. In the far West, at Cauca near Segovia, there
+lived a son of Theodosius, the recoverer of Britain and Africa, whose
+execution had so foully stained the opening of Gratian's reign. That
+memory of blood was still fresh, yet in that hour of overwhelming danger
+Gratian called young Theodosius to be his honoured colleague and
+deliverer. Early in 379 he gave him the conduct of the Gothic war. With
+it went the Empire of the East.
+
+[Sidenote: End of the Gothic war.]
+
+Theodosius was neither Greek nor Asiatic, but a stranger from the
+Spanish West, endued with a full measure of Spanish courage and
+intolerance. As a general he was the most brilliant Rome had seen since
+Julian's death. Men compared him to Trajan, and in a happier age he
+might have rivalled Trajan's fame. But now the Empire was ready to
+perish. The beaten army was hopelessly demoralized, and Theodosius had
+to form a new army of barbarian legionaries before the old tradition of
+Roman superiority could resume its wonted sway. It soon appeared that
+the Goths could do nothing with their victory, and sooner or later would
+have to make their peace with Rome. Theodosius drove them inland in the
+first campaign; and while he lay sick at Thessalonica in the second,
+Gratian or his generals received the submission of the Ostrogoths.
+Fritigern died the same year, and his old rival Athanaric was a fugitive
+before it ended. When the returning Ostrogoths dislodged him from his
+Transylvanian forest, he was welcomed with honourable courtesy by
+Theodosius in person at Constantinople. But the old enemy of Rome and
+Christianity had only come to lay his bones on Roman soil. In another
+fortnight the barbarian chief was carried out with kingly splendour to
+his Roman funeral. Theodosius had nobly won Athanaric's inheritance. His
+wondering Goths at once took service with their conqueror: chief after
+chief submitted, and the work of peace was completed on the Danube in
+the autumn of 382.
+
+[Sidenote: Baptism of Theodosius.]
+
+We can now return to ecclesiastical affairs. The dangerous illness of
+Theodosius in 380 had important consequences, for his baptism by
+Ascholius of Thessalonica was the natural signal for a more decided
+policy. Ascholius was a zealous Nicene, so that Theodosius was committed
+to the Nicene side as effectually as Valens had been to the Homoean;
+and Theodosius was less afraid of strong measures than Valens. His first
+rescript (Feb. 27, 380) commands all men to follow the Nicene doctrine
+'committed by the apostle Peter to the Romans, and now professed by
+Damasus of Rome and Peter of Alexandria,' and plainly threatens to
+impose temporal punishments on the heretics. Here it will be seen that
+Theodosius abandons Constantine's test of orthodoxy by subscription to a
+creed. It seemed easier now, and more in the spirit of Latin
+Christianity, to require communion with certain churches. The choice of
+Rome is natural, the addition of Alexandria shows that the Emperor was
+still a stranger to the mysteries of Eastern partizanship.
+
+[Sidenote: Suppression of Arian worship inside cities.]
+
+There was no reason for delay when the worst dangers of the Gothic war
+were over. Theodosius made his formal entry into Constantinople,
+November 24, 380, and at once required the bishop either to accept the
+Nicene faith or to leave the city. Demophilus honourably refused to give
+up his heresy, and adjourned his services to the suburbs. So ended the
+forty years of Arian domination in Constantinople. But the mob was still
+Arian, and their stormy demonstrations when the cathedral of the Twelve
+Apostles was given up to Gregory of Nazianzus were enough to make
+Theodosius waver. Arian influence was still strong at court, and Arian
+bishops came flocking to Constantinople. Low as they had fallen, they
+could still count among them the great name of Ulfilas. But he could
+give them little help, for though the Goths of Moesia were faithful to
+the Empire, Theodosius preferred the stalwart heathens of Athanaric to
+their Arian countrymen. Ulfilas died at Constantinople like Athanaric,
+but there was no royal funeral for the first apostle of the Northern
+nations. Theodosius hesitated, and even consented to see the heresiarch
+Eunomius, who was then living near Constantinople. The Nicenes took
+alarm, and the Empress Flaccilla urged her husband on the path of
+persecution. The next edict (Jan. 381) forbade heretical discussions and
+assemblies inside cities, and ordered the churches everywhere to be
+given up to the Nicenes.
+
+[Sidenote: Council of Constantinople (May 381).]
+
+Thus was Arianism put down, as it had been set up, by the civil power.
+Nothing now remained but to clear away the disorders which the strife
+had left behind. Once more an imperial summons went forth for a council
+to meet at Constantinople in May 381. It was a sombre gathering. The
+bright hope which lighted the Empire at Nicaea had long ago died out, and
+even the conquerors now had no more joyous feeling than that of
+thankfulness that the weary strife was coming to an end. Only a hundred
+and fifty bishops were present, all of them Easterns. The West was not
+represented even by a Roman legate. Amongst them were Meletius of
+Antioch, Gregory of Nyssa, Cyril of Jerusalem, Gregory of Nazianzus as
+elect of Constantinople, and Basil's unworthy successor, Helladius of
+Caesarea. Timothy of Alexandria came later. The Semiarians mustered
+thirty-six under Eleusius of Cyzicus.
+
+[Sidenote: Appointments of Gregory, Flavian, and Nectarius.]
+
+The bishops were greeted with much splendour, and received a truly
+imperial welcome in the form of a new edict of persecution against the
+Manichees. Meletius of Antioch presided in the council, and Paulinus was
+ignored. Theodosius was no longer neutral between Constantinople and
+Alexandria. The Egyptians were not invited to the earlier sittings, or
+at least were not present. The first act of the assembly was to ratify
+the choice of Gregory of Nazianzus as bishop of Constantinople. Meletius
+died as they were coming to discuss the affairs of Antioch, and Gregory
+took his place as president. Here was an excellent chance of putting an
+end to the schism, for Paulinus and Meletius had agreed that on the
+death of either of them, the survivor should be recognised by both
+parties as bishop of Antioch. But the council was jealous of Paulinus
+and his Western friends, and broke the agreement by appointing Flavian,
+one of the presbyters who had sworn to refuse the office. Gregory's
+remonstrance against this breach of faith only drew upon him the hatred
+of the Eastern bishops. The Egyptians, on the other hand, were glad to
+join any attack on a nominee of Meletius, and found an obsolete Nicene
+canon to invalidate his translation from Sasima to Constantinople. Both
+parties were thus agreed for evil. Gregory cared not to dispute with
+them, but gave up his beloved Anastasia, and retired to end his days at
+Nazianzus. The council was not worthy of him. His successor was another
+sort of man. Nectarius, the praetor of Constantinople, was a man of the
+world of dignified presence, but neither saint nor student. Him,
+however, Theodosius chose to fill the vacant see, and under his guidance
+the council finished its sessions.
+
+[Sidenote: Retirement of the Semiarians.]
+
+The next move was to find out whether the Semiarians were willing to
+share the victory of the Nicenes. As they were still a strong party
+round the Hellespont, their friendship was important. Theodosius also
+was less of a zealot than some of his admirers imagine. The sincerity of
+his desire to conciliate Eleusius is fairly guaranteed by his effort two
+years later to find a scheme of comprehension even for the Anomoeans.
+But the old soldier was not to be tempted by hopes of imperial favour.
+However he might oppose the Anomoeans, he could not forgive the
+Nicenes their inclusion of the Holy Spirit in the sphere of co-essential
+deity. Those of the Semiarians who were willing to join the Nicenes had
+already done so, and the rest were obstinate. They withdrew from the
+council and gave up their churches like the Arians. They comforted
+themselves with those words of Scripture, 'The churchmen are many, but
+the elect are few.'[17]
+
+[Footnote 17: Matt. xx. 16.]
+
+[Sidenote: Close of the council.]
+
+Whatever jealousies might divide the conquerors, the Arian contest was
+now at an end. Pontus and Syria were still divided from Rome and Egypt
+on the question of Flavian's appointment, and there were the germs of
+many future troubles in the disposition of Alexandria to look for help
+to Rome against the upstart see of Constantinople; but against Arianism
+the council was united. Its first canon is a solemn ratification of the
+Nicene creed in its original shape, with a formal condemnation of all
+the heresies, 'and specially those of the Eunomians or Anomoeans, of
+the Arians or Eudoxians (_Homoeans_), of the Semiarians or
+Pneumatomachi; of the Sabellians, Marcellians, Photinians, and
+Apollinarians.'
+
+[Sidenote: The spurious Nicene creed.]
+
+The bishops issued no new creed. Tradition indeed ascribes to them the
+spurious Nicene creed of our Communion Service, with the exception of
+two later insertions--the clause 'God of God,' and the procession of the
+Holy Spirit 'from the Son' as well as 'from the Father.' The story is an
+old one, for it can be traced back to one of the speakers at the council
+of Chalcedon in 451. It caused some surprise at the time, but was
+afterwards accepted. Yet it is beyond all question false. This is shown
+by four convergent lines of argument. In the first place, (1.) it is _a
+priori_ unlikely. The Athanasian party had been contending all along,
+not vaguely for the Nicene doctrine, but for the Nicene creed, the whole
+Nicene creed, and nothing but the Nicene creed. Athanasius refused to
+touch it at Sardica in 343, refused again at Alexandria in 362, and to
+the end of his life refused to admit that it was in any way defective.
+Basil himself as late as 377 declined even to consider some additions to
+the incarnation proposed to him by Epiphanius of Salamis. Is it likely
+that their followers would straightway revise the creed the instant they
+got the upper hand in 381? And such a revision! The elaborate framework
+of Nicaea is completely shattered, and even the keystone clause 'of the
+essence of the Father' is left out. Moreover, (2.) there is no
+contemporary evidence that they did revise it. No historian mentions
+anything of the sort, and no single document connected with the council
+gives the slightest colour to the story. There is neither trace nor sign
+of it for nearly seventy years. The internal evidence (3.) points the
+same way. Deliberate revision implies a deliberate purpose to the
+alterations made. Now in this case, though we have serious variations
+enough, there is another class of differences so meaningless that they
+cannot even be represented in an English translation. There remains (4.)
+one more argument. The spurious Nicene creed cannot be the work of the
+fathers of Constantinople in 381, because it is given in the _Ancoratus_
+of Epiphanius, which was certainly written in 374. But if the council
+did not draw up the creed, it is time to ask who did. Everything seems
+to show that it is not a revision of the Nicene creed at all, but of the
+local creed of Jerusalem, executed by Bishop Cyril on his return from
+exile in 362. This is only a theory, but it has all the evidence which a
+theory can have--it explains the whole matter. In the first place, the
+meaningless changes disappear if we compare the spurious Nicene creed
+with that of Jerusalem instead of the genuine Nicene. Every difference
+can be accounted for by reference to the known position and opinions of
+Cyril. Thus the old Jerusalem creed says that the Lord '_sat_ down at
+the right hand of the Father;' our 'Nicene,' that he '_sitteth_.' Now
+this is a favourite point of Cyril in his _Catecheses_--that the Lord
+did not sit down once for all, but that he sitteth so for ever.
+Similarly other points. We also know that other local creeds were
+revised about the same time and in the same way. In the next place, the
+occurrence of a revised Jerusalem creed in the _Ancoratus_ is natural.
+Epiphanius was past middle life when he left Palestine for Cyprus in
+368, and never forgot the friends he left behind at Lydda. We are also
+in a position to account for its ascription to the council of
+Constantinople. Cyril's was a troubled life, and there are many
+indications that he was accused of heresy in 381, and triumphantly
+acquitted by the council. In such a case his creed would naturally be
+examined and approved. It was a sound confession, and in no way
+heretical. From this point its history is clearer. The authority of
+Jerusalem combined with its own intrinsic merits to recommend it, and
+the incidental approval of the bishops at Constantinople was gradually
+developed into the legend of their authorship.
+
+[Sidenote: The rest of the canons.]
+
+The remaining canons are mostly aimed at the disorders which had grown
+up during the reign of Valens. One of them checks the reckless
+accusations which were brought against the bishops by ordering that no
+charge of heresy should be received from heretics and such like. Such a
+disqualification of accusers was not unreasonable, as it did not apply
+to charges of private wrong; yet this clerical privilege grew into one
+of the worst scandals of the Middle Ages. The forged decretals of the
+ninth century not only order the strictest scrutiny of witnesses against
+a bishop, but require seventy-two of them to convict him of any crime
+_except_ heresy. Another canon forbids the intrusion of bishops into
+other dioceses. 'Nevertheless, the bishop of Constantinople shall hold
+the first rank after the bishop of Rome, because Constantinople is New
+Rome.' This is the famous third canon, which laid a foundation for the
+ecclesiastical authority of Constantinople. It was extended at Chalcedon
+[Sidenote: 451.] into a jurisdiction over the whole country from Mount
+Taurus to the Danube, and by Justinian into the supremacy of the East.
+The canon, therefore, marks a clear step in the concentration of the
+Eastern Church and Empire round Constantinople. The blow struck Rome on
+one side, Alexandria on the other. It was the reason why Rome withheld
+for centuries her full approval from the council of Constantinople.
+[Sidenote: 1215.] She could not safely give it till her Eastern rival
+was humiliated; and this was not till the time of the Latin Emperors in
+the thirteenth century.
+
+[Sidenote: Second edict defining orthodoxy.]
+
+The council having ratified the Emperor's work, it only remained for the
+Emperor to complete that of the council. A new edict in July forbade
+Arians of every sort to build churches. Even their old liberty to build
+outside the walls of cities was now taken from them. At the end of the
+month Theodosius issued an amended definition of orthodoxy. Henceforth
+sound belief was to be guaranteed by communion, no longer with Rome and
+Alexandria, but with Constantinople, Alexandria, and the chief
+bishoprics of the East. The choice of bishops was decided partly by
+their own importance, partly by that of their sees. Gregory of Nyssa may
+represent one class, Helladius of Caesarea the other. The omissions,
+however, are significant. We miss not only Antioch and Jerusalem, but
+Ephesus and Hadrianople, and even Nicomedia. There is a broad space left
+clear around the Bosphorus. If we now take into account the third canon,
+we cannot mistake the Asiatic policy of endeavouring to replace the
+primacy of Rome or Alexandria by that of Constantinople.
+
+[Sidenote: The Novatians.]
+
+The tolerance of Theodosius was a little, though only a little, wider
+than it seems. Though the Novatians were not in communion with
+Nectarius, they were during the next half century a recognised exception
+to the persecuting laws. They had always been sound as against Arianism,
+and their bishop Agelius had suffered exile under Valens. His confession
+was approved by Theodosius, and several of his successors lived on
+friendly terms with liberal or worldly patriarchs like Nectarius and
+Atticus. They suffered something from the bigotry of Chrysostom,
+something also from the greed of Cyril, but for them the age of
+persecution only began with Nestorius in 428.
+
+[Sidenote: Decay of Arianism.]
+
+So far as numbers went, the cause of Arianism was not even yet hopeless.
+It was still fairly strong in Syria and Asia, and counted adherents as
+far west as the banks of the Danube. At Constantinople it could raise
+dangerous riots (in one of them Nectarius had his house burnt), and even
+at the court of Milan it had a powerful supporter in Valentinian's
+widow, the Empress Justina. Yet its fate was none the less a mere
+question of time. Its cold logic generated no such fiery enthusiasm as
+sustained the African Donatists; the newness of its origin allowed no
+venerable traditions to grow up round it like those of heathenism, while
+its imperial claims and past successes cut it off from the appeal of
+later heresies to provincial separatism. When, therefore, the last
+overtures of Theodosius fell through in 383, the heresy was quite unable
+to bear the strain of steady persecution.
+
+[Sidenote: Teutonic Arianism: (1.) In the East.]
+
+But if Arianism soon ceased to be a power inside the Empire, it remained
+the faith of the barbarian invaders. The work of Ulfilas was not in
+vain. Not the Goths only, but all the earlier Teutonic converts were
+Arians. And the Goths had a narrow miss of empire. The victories of
+Theodosius were won by Gothic strength. It was the Goths who scattered
+the mutineers of Britain, and triumphantly scaled the impregnable walls
+of Aquileia; [Sidenote: 388.] the Goths who won the hardest battle of
+the century, and saw the Franks themselves go down before them on the
+Frigidus. [Sidenote: 394.] The Goths of Alaric plundered Rome itself;
+the Goths of Gainas entered Constantinople, though only to be
+overwhelmed and slaughtered round the vain asylum of their burning
+church.
+
+[Sidenote: (2.) In the West.]
+
+In the next century the Teutonic conquest of the West gave Arianism
+another lease of power. Once more the heresy was supreme in Italy, and
+Spain, and Africa. Once more it held and lost the future of the world.
+To the barbarian as well as to the heathen it was a half-way halt upon
+the road to Christianity; and to the barbarian also it was nothing but a
+source of weakness. It lived on and in its turn perpetuated the feud
+between the Roman and the Teuton which caused the destruction of the
+earlier Teutonic kingdoms in Western Europe. The provincials or their
+children might forget the wrongs of conquest, but heresy was a standing
+insult to the Roman world. Theodoric the Ostrogoth may rank with the
+greatest statesmen of the Empire, yet even Theodoric found his Arianism
+a fatal disadvantage. And if the isolation of heresy fostered the
+beginnings of a native literature, it also blighted every hope of future
+growth. The Goths were not inferior to the English, but there is nothing
+in Gothic history like the wonderful burst of power which followed the
+conversion of the English. There is no Gothic writer to compare with
+Bede or Caedmon. Jordanis is not much to set against them, and even
+Jordanis was not an Arian.
+
+[Sidenote: Fall of Teutonic Arianism.]
+
+The sword of Belisarius did but lay open the internal disunion of Italy
+and Africa. A single blow destroyed the kingdom of the Vandals, and all
+the valour of the Ostrogoths could only win for theirs a downfall of
+heroic grandeur. Sooner or later every Arian nation had to purge itself
+of heresy or vanish from the earth. Even the distant Visigoths
+[Sidenote: 589.] were forced to see that Arians could not hold Spain.
+The Lombards in Italy were the last defenders of the hopeless cause, and
+they too yielded a few years later to the efforts of Pope Gregory and
+Queen Theudelinda. [Sidenote: 599.] Of Continental Teutons, the Franks
+alone escaped the divisions of Arianism. In the strength of orthodoxy
+they drove the Goths before them on the field of Vougle, [Sidenote:
+507.] and brought the green standard of the Prophet to a halt upon the
+Loire. [Sidenote: 732.] The Franks were no better than their
+neighbours--rather worse--so that it was nothing but their orthodoxy
+which won for them the prize which the Lombard and the Goth had missed,
+and brought them through a long career of victory to that proud day of
+universal reconciliation [Sidenote: 800.] when the strife of ages was
+forgotten, and Arianism with it--when, after more than three hundred
+years of desolating anarchy, the Latin and the Teuton joined to
+vindicate for Old Rome her just inheritance of empire, and to set its
+holy diadem upon the head of Karl the Frank.
+
+[Sidenote: Conclusion.]
+
+Now that we have traced the history of Arianism to its final overthrow,
+let us once more glance at the causes of its failure. Arianism, then,
+was an illogical compromise. It went too far for heathenism, not far
+enough for Christianity. It conceded Christian worship to the Lord, yet
+made him no better than a heathen demigod. It confessed a Heavenly
+Father, as in Christian duty bound, yet identified Him with the
+mysterious and inaccessible Supreme of the philosophers. As a scheme of
+Christianity, it was overmatched at every point by the Nicene doctrine;
+as a concession to heathenism, it was outbid by the growing worship of
+saints and relics. Debasing as was the error of turning saints into
+demigods, it seems to have shocked Christian feeling less than the Arian
+audacity which degraded the Lord of saints to the level of his
+creatures. But the crowning weakness of Arianism was the incurable
+badness of its method. Whatever were the errors of Athanasius--and in
+details they were not a few--his work was without doubt a faithful
+search for truth by every means attainable to him. He may be misled by
+his ignorance of Hebrew or by the defective exegesis of his time; but
+his eyes are always open to the truth, from whatever quarter it may come
+to him. In breadth of view as well as grasp of doctrine, he is beyond
+comparison with the rabble of controversialists who cursed or still
+invoke his name. The gospel was truth and life to him, not a mere
+subject for strife and debate. It was far otherwise with the Arians. On
+one side their doctrine was a mass of presumptuous theorizing, supported
+by alternate scraps of obsolete traditionalism and uncritical
+text-mongering; on the other it was a lifeless system of spiritual pride
+and hard unlovingness. Therefore Arianism perished. So too every system,
+whether of science or theology, must likewise perish which presumes like
+Arianism to discover in the feeble brain of man a law to circumscribe
+the revelation of our Father's love in Christ.
+
+
+
+
+CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
+
+
+269. Claudius defeats the Goths at Naissus.
+
+272. Aurelian defeats Zenobia.
+
+284-305. Diocletian.
+
+Cir. 297. Birth of Athanasius.
+
+303-313. The great persecution.
+
+306-337. Constantine (in Gaul).
+
+311. First edict of toleration (by Galerius).
+
+312-337. Constantine (in Italy).
+
+312. Second edict of toleration (from Milan).
+
+314. Council of Arles, on the Donatists, &c.
+
+315-337. Constantine (in Illyricum).
+
+Cir. 317. Athanasius _de Incarnatione Verbi Dei_.
+
+Cir. 318. Outbreak of Arian controversy.
+
+323-337. Constantine (in the East).
+
+325 (June). Council of Nicaea.
+
+328-373. Athanasius bishop of Alexandria.
+
+330. Foundation of Constantinople.
+
+Cir. 330. Deposition of Eustathius of Antioch.
+
+335. Councils of Tyre and Jerusalem.
+
+336 (Feb.)-337 (Nov.) First exile of Athanasius.
+
+337 (May 22). Death of Constantine.
+
+339 (Lent)-346 (Oct.) Second exile of Athanasius.
+
+341. Council of the Dedication at Antioch. Consecration of Ulfilas.
+
+343. Councils of Sardica and Philippopolis.
+
+350. Death of Constans.
+
+351. Battle of Mursa.
+
+353. Death of Magnentius.
+
+355. Julian Caesar in Gaul. Council at Milan.
+
+356 (Feb. 8)-362 (Feb. 22). Third exile of Athanasius.
+
+357. Sirmian manifesto.
+
+358. Council at Ancyra. Hilary _de Synodis_.
+
+359 (May 22). Conference at Sirmium. The dated creed. Councils of
+Ariminum and Seleucia. Athanasius _de Synodis_.
+
+360 (Jan.) Julian Augustus at Paris. Council at Constantinople. Exile of
+Semiarians.
+
+361. Appointment and exile of Meletius. (Nov.) Death of Constantius.
+
+362. Council at Alexandria. Fourth exile of Athanasius.
+
+363 (June 26). Death of Julian. Jovian succeeds.
+
+364 (Feb. 16). Death of Jovian. Valentinian succeeds.
+
+365-366. Revolt of Procopius. Fifth exile and final restoration of
+Athanasius.
+
+367-369. Gothic war.
+
+370-379. Basil bishop of Caesarea (in Cappadocia).
+
+371. Death of Marcellus.
+
+372. Meeting of Basil and Valens.
+
+373 (May 2). Death of Athanasius.
+
+374. Epiphanius _Ancoratus_.
+
+374-397. Ambrose bishop of Milan.
+
+375. Death of Valentinian.  Gratian succeeds.
+
+376. Goths pass the Danube.
+
+378 (Aug. 9). Battle of Hadrianople.  Death of Valens.
+
+379-395. Theodosius Emperor.
+
+381 (May.) Council of Constantinople.
+
+383. Last overtures of Theodosius to the Arians.
+
+397. Chrysostom bishop of Constantinople.
+
+410. Sack of Rome by Alaric.
+
+451. Council of Chalcedon.
+
+487-526. Reign of Theodoric in Italy.
+
+507. Battle of Vougle.
+
+589. Visigoths abandon Arianism.
+
+599. Lombards abandon Arianism.
+
+800. Coronation of Karl the Frank.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX.
+
+
+Acasius, Bishop of Caesarea, 42, 49;
+  at Sardica, 70, 90;
+  forms Homoean party, 92;
+  at Seleucia, 97;
+  character, 100;
+  at Constantinople, 101;
+  and Meletius, 103, 104;
+  accepts Nicene faith, 115, 120, 124.
+
+Aetius, Anomoean doctrine, 75;
+  ordained by Leontius, 78; 100;
+  degraded, 101.
+
+Agelius, Novatian bishop of Constantinople, 163.
+
+Alaric, 164.
+
+Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, 5;
+  excommunicates Arius, 14, 19;
+  at Nicaea, 21;
+  death of, 47;
+  and Athanasius, 48.
+
+Alexander, Bishop of Thessalonica, at Tyre, 57, 58.
+
+Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, 122, 134;
+  Illyrian council, 146, 151.
+
+Ammianus, historian, 109.
+
+Anastasia church, 153.
+
+Anthimus, Bishop of Tyana, quarrels with Basil, 135, 153;
+  with Gregory of Nyssa, 145.
+
+Antony, legendary hermit, 48, 123.
+
+Apollinarius of Laodicea, 12, 113, 124;
+  doctrine, 136-142, 145.
+
+Arinthaeus the Goth, 132.
+
+Arius, early life and doctrine, 5;
+  excommunicated, 14;
+  flees to Caesarea, 15, 19;
+  exiled, 38;
+  restored at Jerusalem, 58;
+  death, 59; 68, 75, 77;
+  and Apollinarius, 137.
+
+Ascholius, Bishop of Thessalonica, baptizes Theodosius, 155.
+
+Asterius, Cappadocian sophist, 131.
+
+Athanaric, Goth, 148;
+  death, 155.
+
+Athanasius, _de Incarnatione_, 9-12;
+  as a commentator, 13, 49, 167;
+  at Nicaea, 21;
+  persistence, 27;
+  account of Nicene debates, 34;
+  dislikes Meletian settlement, 38;
+  policy at Nicaea, 39; 46, 47;
+  Bishop of Alexandria, 48;
+  character and early life, 48;
+  power in Egypt, 50, 87, 114, 122;
+  at Tyre, 57;
+  flees to Constantinople, 58, 87;
+  first exile, 59;
+  return, 62;
+  second exile, 64, 68;
+  at Sardica, 70;
+  second return, 73;
+  overtures of Magnentius, 81;
+  expelled by Syrianus, 86;
+  third exile, 87;
+  on Homoean reasoning, 94;
+  _de Synodis_, 97, 98;
+  third return, 111;
+  at council of Alexandria, 112;
+  fourth exile, 114;
+  fourth return, 120, 122;
+  on the Holy Spirit, 125;
+  troubles with Valens, 127;
+  final restoration, 129;
+  and Basil, 132, 134;
+  and Apollinarius, 137-141;
+  last years, reception of Marcellus, 142;
+  death, 143; 151;
+  holds to Nicene creed, 160.
+
+Aurelian, Emperor (270-275), services, 16;
+  test of Christian orthodoxy, 24.
+
+Auxentius, Arian bishop of Milan, 102, 121;
+  Cappadocian, 131.
+
+
+Baptismal professions, 23.
+
+Basil, Bishop of Ancyra, expelled, 62;
+  restored, 82;
+  at synod of Ancyra, 90, 132; 98,
+  returns, 111.
+
+Basil, Bishop of Caesarea (Cappadocia), 109;
+  on the Holy Spirit, 125;
+  life and work, 132-136;
+  on reception of Marcellians, 144, 145;
+  death, 151;
+  student life, 152;
+  holds to Nicene creed, 160.
+
+Basilina, mother of Julian, 105, 106.
+
+Belisarius, 165.
+
+
+Caecilian, Bishop of Carthage, at Nicaea, 20.
+
+Cappadocia, 130.
+
+Carpones, an early Arian, 14;
+  at Rome, 65.
+
+Chrysostom (John), 43, 46, 163.
+
+Claudius, Bishop in Picenum, 100.
+
+Constans, Emperor (337-350), 62, 69, 73;
+  death, 80.
+
+Constantia, sister of Constantine, 25.
+
+Constantine, Emperor (306-337), character, 17;
+  dealings with Arianism, 18;
+  summons Nicene council, 19;
+  action there, 36, 37, 47;
+  church on Golgotha, 57, 76;
+  exiles Athanasius, 59;
+  work and death, 61;
+  church at Antioch, 67, 87;
+  power of his name, 80, 127, 128; 148.
+
+Constantine II., Emperor (337-340), 62;
+  death, 70.
+
+Constantius, Emperor (337-361), 45, 46;
+  accession and character, 62;
+  calls Sardican council, 70;
+  recalls Athanasius, 73;
+  defeats Magnentius, 81;
+  pressure on the West, 82;
+  exiles Liberius, 85;
+  expels Athanasius, 86, 101, 103;
+  death of, 106, 112.
+
+Councils:
+  Alexandria (362), 112.
+  Ancyra (358), 90.
+  Antioch (269), 33.
+  "  (338), 64.
+  "  (341), 67.
+  "  (344), 72.
+  Ariminum (359), 93.
+  Arles (314), 20.
+  "  (353), 70.
+  Constantinople (360), 101.
+  "  (381), 157.
+  Lampsacus (364), 125.
+  Jerusalem (335), 58.
+  Milan (355), 83.
+  Nicaea (325), 19-40.
+  Sardica (343), 70.
+  Seleucia (359), 93.
+  Tyre (335), 57.
+
+Creeds:
+  Antioch (first), 68.
+  "  (second = Lucianic), 68.
+  "  (third = Tyana), 69.
+  "  (fourth), 69.
+  "  (fifth), 72.
+  Apostles' (Marcellus), 22, 67.
+  Caesarea, 26.
+  Constantinople (360), 101.
+  "Constantinople" (381), 159.
+  Jerusalem, 77, 159.
+  Nicaea (genuine) 29.
+  "  (spurious), 159.
+  Nice, 95.
+  Sardica (Philippopolis), 72.
+  Seleucia, 97.
+  Sirmium (manifesto), 88.
+  "  (dated), 94.
+
+Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, 163.
+
+Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem, _Catecheses_, 76;
+  accepts Nicene faith, 115; 147, 151;
+  at Constantinople, 157;
+  and "Nicene" creed, 160, 161.
+
+
+Dalmatius, 62.
+
+Damasus, Bishop of Rome, 155.
+
+Demophilus, Bishop of Constantinople, 122, 145, 151;
+  gives up the churches, 156.
+
+Dianius, Bishop of Caesarea (Cappadocia), 115;
+  baptizes Basil, 132.
+
+Diocletian, Emperor (284-305), persecution, 9;
+  reign, 17.
+
+Diodorus, Bishop of Tarsus, 78.
+
+Dionysius, Bishop of Milan, exiled, 82, 83, 90.
+
+Dominica, Empress, 126.
+
+Donatists, 18, 20.
+
+Dorotheus, Arian bishop of Antioch, 151.
+
+
+Eleusius, Bishop of Cyzicus, at Seleucia, 96, 97, 115;
+  at Lampsacus, 125;
+  at Constantinople, 157, 158.
+
+Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis, 160, 161.
+
+Eudoxius, Bishop of Constantinople, 75;
+  Bishop of Antioch, 90, 97;
+  translated to Constantinople, 102; 104, 115, 120; 122;
+  deposed at Lampsacus, 125;
+  influence with Valens, 126, 129;
+  Cappadocian, 131, 145.
+
+Eugenius, deacon, 142.
+
+Euippius, Arian bishop, 132, 133.
+
+Eunomius, Anomoean, 75, 95;
+  Bishop of Cyzicus, 103, 115;
+  on the Holy Spirit, 125;
+  exiled, 130;
+  Cappadocian, 131; 156.
+
+Euphrates, Bishop of Cologne, 72.
+
+Euphronius, Bishop of Antioch, 51.
+
+Eusebia, Empress, 105.
+
+Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea (Palestine), countenances Arius, 15, 21;
+  action at Nicaea, 25;
+  proposes Caesarean creed, 35;
+  signs Nicene, 36; 42;
+  caution after Nicaea, 47; 49, 51;
+  at Tyre, 57, 58;
+  succeeded by Acacius, 70, 100.
+
+Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea (Cappadocia), 132.
+
+Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia, favours Arius, 15;
+  at Nicaea, 21;
+  presents Arianizing creed, 25; 37;
+  exiled, 38;
+  organizes new party, 50;
+  attacks Athanasius, 56, 59.
+
+Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata, 133, 151;
+  murder of, 152.
+
+Eusebius, Bishop of Vercellae, exiled, 83, 90;
+  restored, 111;
+  at Alexandria, 112.
+
+Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch, at Nicaea, 21, 34;
+  exiled, 51;
+  and Apollinarius, 137.
+
+Eustathius, Bishop of Sebastia, at Ancyra, 91, 103;
+  at Lampsacus, 126;
+  exiled by Valens, goes to Liberius, 128, 132;
+  quarrels with Basil, 135, 136, 145.
+
+Euzoius, an early Arian, 14, 58, 68;
+  Bishop of Antioch, 104, 115, 120, 124;
+  death, 151.
+
+
+Flavian, Bishop of Antioch, 78, 158.
+
+Flavianus, prefect of Egypt, 127.
+
+Fortunatian, Bishop of Aquileia, 70.
+
+Fritigern, Goth, 148;
+  death, 154.
+
+
+Gainas, 164.
+
+Galatia, 52.
+
+Gallus, Caesar, 62, 105.
+
+George of Cappodocia, Arian bishop of Alexandria, 86, 87;
+  deposed at Seleucia, 97;
+  and Julian, 107;
+  lynched, 111, 112; 131.
+
+Germinius, Bishop of Cyzicus, translated to Sirmium, 82.
+
+Gothic wars, first, 129;
+  second (Hadrianople), 149-155.
+
+Gratian, Emperor (375-383), 149;
+  edict of toleration, 151;
+  takes Theodosius for colleague, 154.
+
+Gratus of Carthage, 70
+
+Gregory, Bishop of Nazianzus, consecrates Basil, 133; 152.
+
+Gregory of Nazianzus (son of the above), 151;
+  life and work at Constantinople, 152, 156;
+  Bishop of Constantinople, 157, 158.
+
+Gregory, Bishop of Nyssa, 141, 145;
+  at Constantinople, 157, 163.
+
+Gregory, Bishop of Rome, 166.
+
+Gregory of Cappadocia; Arian bishop of Alexandria, 64;
+  death of, 73; 86, 131.
+
+Gregory the Wonder-worker, 132.
+
+
+Hannibalianus, 62.
+
+Hecebolius, renegade, 107.
+
+Helladius, Bishop of Caesarea (Cappadocia), 157, 163.
+
+Hilarion, legendary hermit, 123.
+
+Hilary, Bishop of Poitiers, 46, 67, 82;
+  exile and character, 84, 90;
+  denounces Liberius, 92;
+  his _de Synodis_, 93;
+  at Seleucia, 96; 112;
+  on the Holy Spirit, 124.
+
+Hosius, Bishop of Cordova, at Nicaea, 20; 34, 37;
+  at Sardica, 70, 72, 82;
+  exile and death, 85, 90.
+
+
+James, Bishop of Nisibis, at Nicaea, 21.
+
+Jerusalem in 348, 76.
+
+John Archaph, Meletian, exiled, 59.
+
+John the Persian at Nicaea, 22.
+
+Jordanis, 165.
+
+Jovian, Emperor (363-364), 119, 120.
+
+Julian, Emperor (361-363), 40, 43, 46, 47, 62;
+  made Caesar, 83;
+  Augustus, 102;
+  his reign, 105-117;
+  ascetic leanings, 108, 123;
+  education edict, 109, 137;
+  exiles Athanasius, 114, 127;
+  results, 118, 122;
+  and Cappadocia, 130;
+  student life, 152.
+
+Julius, Bishop of Rome, receives Athanasius and Marcellus, 65; 70, 72,
+85, 88.
+
+Julius Constantius, 105.
+
+Justina, Empress, 164.
+
+
+Karl the Great, coronation of, 166.
+
+
+Lactantius on the persecutors, 11.
+
+Leonas, 97.
+
+Leontius, Bishop of Antioch, appointed, 72;
+  management, 78; 104.
+
+Libanius, heathen rhetorician, 43;
+  friend of Basil, 132.
+
+Liberius, Bishop of Rome, 82;
+  disavows Vincent, 83;
+  exile of, 85, 90;
+  signs Sirmian creed, 91;
+  receives Semiarian deputation, 128.
+
+Licinius, Emperor (306-323), 15, 19.
+
+Lucian of Antioch, teacher of Arius, 5;
+  of Eusebius of Nicomedia, 15;
+  disciples at Nicaea, 21;
+  left no successors, 46;
+  disciples after Nicaea, 50;
+  connection with Aetius, 75.
+
+Lucianic creed, at Antioch, 68; 77, 91;
+  at Seleucia, 97, 115;
+  at Lampsacus, 126.
+
+Lucifer, Bishop of Calaris, exile and writings, 83, 90;
+  returns, 111;
+  absent from Alexandria, 112;
+  consecrates Paulinus, 114;
+  forms schism, 124, 134.
+
+Lucius, Arian bishop of Alexandria, 142, 144, 147.
+
+
+Macarius, Bishop of AElia (Jerusalem), 15;
+  at Nicaea, 21.
+
+Macedonius, Bishop of Constantinople, 79, 115.
+
+Magnentius, Emperor (350-353), 74; 80, 82.
+
+Marcellus, Bishop of Ancyra, at Nicaea, 21;
+  and Apostles' creed, 23, 67;
+  persistence, 27; 31, 32;
+  and Nicene creed, 47, 51;
+  character and doctrine, 52-56;
+  exiled, 59;
+  restored, 62;
+  flees to Rome, 65;
+  at Sardica, 70, 72;
+  attacked by Cyril, 77;
+  deposed, 81; 90, 103;
+  returns, 111;
+  embassy to Athanasius, 142;
+  death, 143;
+  extinction of his school, 144.
+
+Mardonius, 105, 107.
+
+Maris, Bishop of Chalcedon, at Nicaea, 21;
+  curses Julian, 111, 117.
+
+Maximin (Daza), Emperor (305-313), 48.
+
+Maximus, Bishop of Jerusalem, 57, 58;
+  receives Athanasius, 73.
+
+Maximus, Bishop of Trier, 70.
+
+Meletius, Bishop of Antioch, 78; translated from Sebastia, 103;
+  exiled, 104;
+  return, 113, 115;
+  accepts Nicene creed, 120;
+  exiled by Valens, 128;
+  restored, 129; 131, 134, 147, 151;
+  death at Constantinople, 157.
+
+Meletius, Bishop of Lycopolis, 19;
+  Nicene settlement, 38.
+
+Modestus, renegade, 132, 133.
+
+
+Nectarius, Bishop of Constantinople, 158, 163, 164.
+
+Nepotianus, Emperor (350), 80.
+
+Nestorius, Bishop of Constantinople, 163.
+
+
+Origen, 9, 33, 76, 113;
+  on the Holy Spirit, 124.
+
+
+Paphnutius, confessor, at Nicaea, 21;
+  at Tyre, 57, 58.
+
+Paul, Bishop of Neocaesarea, at Nicaea, 21.
+
+Paul of Samosata, 33, 91.
+
+Paul of Thebes, legendary hermit, 123.
+
+Paulinus, 51;
+  consecrated by Lucifer, 114, 147;
+  ignored at Constantinople, 157, 158.
+
+Paulinus, Bishop of Trier, 82, 83, 90.
+
+Pegasius, Bishop of Ilium, apostate, 108.
+
+Pelagius, Bishop of Laodicea, 104.
+
+Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, 144, 152, 155.
+
+Philagrius, expels Athanasius, 64, 86.
+
+Phoebadius, Bishop of Agen, condemns Sirmian manifesto, 90;
+  at Ariminum, 99, 101.
+
+Photinus, Bishop of Sirmium, condemned, 73;
+  deposed, 81; 90, 91.
+
+Pistus, an early Arian, 14;
+  Arian bishop of Alexandria, 64, 65.
+
+Poemenius, Anomoean bishop of Constantinople, 120.
+
+Potammon, confessor, at Nicaea, 21;
+  at Tyre, 57, 58.
+
+Proaeresius, teacher of Julian, 109, 152.
+
+Procopius, revolt of, 128.
+
+Protasius, Bishop of Milan, 70.
+
+
+Restaces, Armenian bishop at Nicaea, 22.
+
+
+Sabellianism, its meaning, 9;
+  relation of Athanasius to, 12, 32;
+  general dislike of, 13;
+  relation of Marcellus to, 32.
+
+Sasima, 153.
+
+Sebastian the Manichee, outrages in Egypt, 86;
+  commands against Goths, 149.
+
+Secundus, Bishop of Ptolemais, at Nicaea, 21;
+  refuses Nicene creed, 38;
+  consecrates Pistus, 64, 65.
+
+Serapion, Bishop of Thmuis, 125.
+
+Silvanus the Frank, 81.
+
+Silvanus, Bishop of Tarsus, at Seleucia, 95, 97.
+
+Socrates, historian, 79.
+
+Stephen, Bishop of Antioch, at Sardica, 70;
+  deposed, 72.
+
+Syrianus, _dux AEgypti_, expels Athanasius, 86.
+
+
+Tertullian, 9.
+
+Theodoric, 165.
+
+Theodosius, Emperor (379-395), choice of and character, 154;
+  first rescript, 155;
+  calls council of Constantinople, 157;
+  second rescript, 163.
+
+Theodotus, Bishop of Nicopolis, 136.
+
+Theonas, Bishop of Marmarica, at Nicaea, 21;
+  refuses Nicene creed, 38.
+
+Theophilus the Goth, at Nicaea, 22.
+
+Theophilus the Indian, 120.
+
+Theophronius, Bishop of Tyana, 69.
+
+Theudelinda, Lombard queen, 166.
+
+Timothy, Bishop of Alexandria, 157.
+
+
+Ulfilas, death, 156, 164.
+
+Ursacius, Bishop of Singidunum, and Sirmian manifesto, 88, 90, 91;
+  forms Homoean party, 92;
+  at Ariminum, 95.
+
+
+Valens, Emperor (364-378), 46;
+  character, 121;
+  church and state under, 122, 144, 161; 124;
+  Homoean policy, 126;
+  fresh exiles, 127;
+  Procopian panic, 128;
+  baptism and first Gothic war, 129;
+  overawed by Basil, 133;
+  second Gothic war, 149;
+  death at Hadrianople, 150.
+
+Valens, Bishop of Mursa, and Sirmian manifesto, 88, 90, 91;
+  forms Homoean party, 92;
+  at Ariminum, 95, 99, 101, 130.
+
+Valentinian, Emperor (364-375), character and policy, 121;
+  Semiarian deputation to, 128, 131;
+  death, 146.
+
+Vetranio, Emperor (350), 80, 81.
+
+Victor, a Sarmatian, 132.
+
+Victorinus, Marius, 109.
+
+Vincent, Bishop of Capua, at Nicaea, 20;
+  at Sardica, 70;
+  at Antioch, 72;
+  yields at Arles, 83.
+
+Vitalis, Apollinarian bishop of Antioch, 141.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Arian Controversy, by H. M. Gwatkin
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