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Gwatkin, M.A. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> +/*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */ +<!-- + p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; + } + hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; + } + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + body{margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + } + + .pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: right; + } /* page numbers */ + + .linenum {position: absolute; top: auto; left: 4%;} /* poetry number */ + .blockquot{margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 10%;} + .sidenote {width: 20%; padding-bottom: .5em; padding-top: .5em; + padding-left: .5em; padding-right: .5em; margin-left: 1em; + float: right; clear: right; margin-top: 1em; + font-size: smaller; color: black; background: #eeeeee; border: dashed 1px;} + + .bb {border-bottom: solid 2px;} + .bl {border-left: solid 2px;} + .bt {border-top: solid 2px;} + .br {border-right: solid 2px;} + .bbox {border: solid 2px;} + + .center {text-align: center;} + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + .u {text-decoration: underline;} + + .caption {font-weight: bold;} + + .figcenter {margin: auto; text-align: center;} + + .figleft {float: left; clear: left; margin-left: 0; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-top: + 1em; margin-right: 1em; padding: 0; text-align: center;} + + .figright {float: right; clear: right; margin-left: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; + margin-top: 1em; margin-right: 0; padding: 0; text-align: center;} + + .footnotes {border: dashed 1px;} + .footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + .footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + .fnanchor {vertical-align: super; font-size: .8em; text-decoration: none;} + + .poem {margin-left:10%; margin-right:10%; text-align: left;} + .poem br {display: none;} + .poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;} + .poem span.i0 {display: block; margin-left: 0em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 2em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i4 {display: block; margin-left: 4em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i3 {display: block; margin-left: 3em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + // --> + /* XML end ]]>*/ + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Arian Controversy, by H. M. Gwatkin + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Arian Controversy + +Author: H. M. Gwatkin + +Release Date: May 11, 2006 [EBook #18377] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY *** + + + + +Produced by Geoff Horton, David King, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + + + +<h2>Epochs of Church History</h2> + +<h3>EDITED BY THE</h3> + +<h2><span class="smcap">Right Hon. and Right Rev. MANDELL CREIGHTON, D.D.</span></h2> + +<h3>LATE LORD BISHOP OF LONDON</h3> + +<hr/> + + +<h1>THE +ARIAN CONTROVERSY.</h1> + +<h3>BY</h3> + +<h2>H.M. GWATKIN, M.A.</h2> + +<h3>DIXIE PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN THE +UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE</h3> + +<h3>SIXTH IMPRESSION</h3> + +<h3>LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. +39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON +NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA +1908</h3> + +<h3>All rights reserved</h3> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS.</h2> + +<!-- Autogenerated TOC. Modify or delete as required. --> +<p> +<a href="#CHAPTER_I"><b>CHAPTER I. THE BEGINNINGS OF ARIANISM</b></a><br /> +<a href="#CHAPTER_II"><b>CHAPTER II. THE COUNCIL OF NICÆA</b></a><br /> +<a href="#CHAPTER_III"><b>CHAPTER III. THE EUSEBIAN REACTION</b></a><br /> +<a href="#CHAPTER_IV"><b>CHAPTER IV. THE COUNCIL OF SARDICA</b></a><br /> +<a href="#CHAPTER_V"><b>CHAPTER V. THE VICTORY OF ARIANISM</b></a><br /> +<a href="#CHAPTER_VI"><b>CHAPTER VI. THE REIGN OF JULIAN</b></a><br /> +<a href="#CHAPTER_VII"><b>CHAPTER VII. THE RESTORED HOMŒAN SUPREMACY</b></a><br /> +<a href="#CHAPTER_VIII"><b>CHAPTER VIII. THE FALL OF ARIANISM</b></a><br /> +<a href="#CHRONOLOGICAL_TABLE"><b>CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.</b></a><br /> +<a href="#INDEX"><b>INDEX.</b></a><br /> +</p> +<!-- End Autogenerated TOC. --> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="LIST_OF_WORKS" id="LIST_OF_WORKS"></a>LIST OF WORKS.</h2> + + +<p>The following works will be found useful by students who +are willing to pursue the subject further. Some of special +interest or importance are marked with an asterisk.</p> + + +<p>(A.) <span class="smcap">Original Authorities and Translations</span>.</p> + +<p>The Church Histories of *Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, +and (for the Arian side) the fragments of Philostorgius +[translations in Bohn's <i>Ecclesiastical Library</i>].</p> + +<p>*Eusebius, <i>Vita Constantini</i> and <i>Contra Marcellum Ancyranum</i>.</p> + +<p>*Athanasius, especially <i>De Incarnatione Verbi Dei</i>, <i>De +Decretis Synodi Nicænæ</i>, <i>Orationes contra Arianos</i>, <i>De Synodis</i>, +<i>Ad Antiochenos</i>, <i>Ad Afros</i>. Convenient editions of most of +these by Professor Bright of Oxford. [Translations of *<i>De +Incarnatione</i> (Bindley in <i>Christian Classics</i> Series) and of the +<i>Orationes</i> and most of the historical works, Newman in +Oxford <i>Library of the Fathers</i>.]</p> + +<p>Hilary, especially <i>De Synodis</i>. Cyril's <i>Catecheses</i> [translation +in <i>Oxford Library of the Fathers</i>]. Basil, especially +<i>Letters</i>. Gregory of Nazianzus, especially <i>Orationes</i> iv. and +v. (against Julian). Of minor writers, Phœbadius and +Sulpicius Severus (for Council of Ariminum). Fragments +of Marcellus, collected by Rettberg (Göttingen, 1794). +[German translations of most of these in Thalhofer's +<i>Bibliothek der Kirchenväter</i>. English may be hoped for in +Schaff's <i>Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers</i> +(vol. i. Buffalo, 1886) in 25 vols.]</p> + +<p>Heathen writers:—Zosimus (bitterly prejudiced); Ammianus +Marcellinus for 353-378 (cool and impartial); Julian, +especially <i>Cæsares</i>, <i>Fragmentum Epistolæ</i>, and <i>Epp.</i> 7, 25, +26, 42, 43, 49, 52.</p> + + +<p>(B.) <span class="smcap">Modern Writers</span>.</p> + +<p>1. For general reference:—</p> + +<p>Gibbon's <i>Decline and Fall</i> (prejudiced against the Christian +Empire, but narrative still unrivalled); Schiller <i>Geschichte +der römischen Kaiserzeit</i>, Bd. ii. (church matters a weak +point); Ranke, <i>Weltgeschichte</i>, Bd. iii. iv.</p> + +<p>General Church Histories of Neander [translation in +Bohn's <i>Standard Library</i>]; Kurtz (zehnte Aufl., 1887); +Fisher (New York, 1887); also Hefele, <i>History of the +Church Councils</i> [translation published by T. & T. Clark].</p> + +<p>Articles in <i>Dictionary of Christian Biography</i> (especially +those by Lightfoot, Reynolds, and Wordsworth), and in +Herzog's <i>Realencyclopädie</i> (especially <i>Mönchtum</i> by Weingarten).</p> + +<p>Weingarten's <i>Zeittafeln z. Kirchengeschichte</i> (3 Aufl. 1888).</p> + +<p>(2.) For special use:—</p> + +<p>The whole period is more or less covered by Kaye, <i>Some +Account of the Nicene Council</i>, 1853; *Stanley, <i>Eastern Church</i> +(best account of the outside of the council); Broglie, <i>L'Église +et l'Empire romain</i>; Gwatkin, <i>Studies of Arianism</i>, 1882.</p> + +<p>On Constantine, Burckhardt, <i>Die Zeit Constantins</i>, 1853; +Keim, <i>Der Uebertritt Constantins</i>, 1862; Brieger, <i>Constantin +der Grosse als Religionspolitiker</i>, 1880.</p> + +<p>On Julian, English account by *Rendall, 1879; German +lives by Neander, 1813 [translated 1850]; Mücke, 1867-69, +and Rode, 1877. The French books are mostly bad. For +the decline of heathenism generally, Merivale, <i>Boyle Lectures</i> +for 1864-65; Chastel, <i>Destruction du Paganisme</i>, 1850; +Lasaulx, <i>Untergang des Hellenismus</i>, 1854; Schultze, +<i>Geschichte des Untergangs des griechisch-römischen Heidentums</i>, +1887; also Capes, <i>University Life in Ancient Athens</i>, +1877; Sievers, <i>Leben des Libanius</i>, 1868.</p> + +<p>Biographies:—Fialon, <i>Saint Athanase</i>, 1877 (slight, but +suggestive); Zahn, <i>Marcellus von Ancyra</i>, 1867; Reinkens, +<i>Hilarius von Poitiers</i>, 1864; Fialon, <i>Saint Basile</i>, 1868; +Ullmann, <i>Gregorius von Nazianz</i>, 2 Aufl. 1867 [translated +1851]; Krüger, <i>Lucifer von Calaris</i>, 1886; Eichhorn, <i>Athanasii +de vita ascetica Testimonia</i>, 1886 (in opposition to +Weingarten and others); Guldenpenning u. Island, <i>Theodosius +der Grosse</i>, 1878; various of unequal merit in <i>The +Fathers for English Readers</i>.</p> + +<p>On Teutonic Arianism:—Scott, <i>Ulfilas, Apostle of the +Goths</i>, 1885; Hodgkin, <i>Italy and her Invaders</i>, 1880-85; +Revillout, <i>De l'Arianisme des Peuples germaniques</i>, 1850.</p> + +<p>For doctrine, the general histories in German of Baur, +Nitzsch, 1870; Hagenbach [translated in Clark's <i>Foreign +Theological Library</i>], and *Harnack, Bd. ii., 1887; Dorner's +<i>Doctrine of the Person of Christ</i> [translated in Clark's <i>Foreign +Theological Library</i>]; *Hort, <i>Two Dissertations</i>, 1876 (on +Nicene and Constantinopolitan Creeds); Caspari, <i>Quellen</i>, +Bd. iii. (on Apostles' Creed).</p> + +<p>On Athanasius, also Voigt, <i>Die Lehre von Athanasius</i>, +1861; Atzberger, <i>Die Logoslehre des hl. Athanasius</i>, 1880; +Wilde, <i>Athanasius als Bestrijder der Arianen</i>, 1868 (Dutch).</p> + +<p>For the Roman Catholic version of the history, Möhler, +<i>Athanasius der Grosse</i>, 1844; Newman, <i>Arians of the +Fourth Century</i>.</p> + +<p>For short sketches giving the relation of Arianism to +Church history in general, *Allen, <i>Continuity of Christian +Thought</i>, 1884 (contrast of Greek and Latin Churches); +*Sohm, <i>Kirchengeschichte im Abriss</i>, 1888.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="NOTE" id="NOTE"></a><b>NOTE.</b></h2> + + +<p>The present work is largely, though not entirely, an abridgement of +my <i>Studies of Arianism</i>.</p> + +<p>The Conversion of the Goths, which gives the best side of Arianism, +has been omitted as belonging more properly to another volume of +the series.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="THE_ARIAN_CONTROVERSY" id="THE_ARIAN_CONTROVERSY"></a>THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY.</h2> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<h3><i>THE BEGINNINGS OF ARIANISM</i>.</h3> + + +<p>Arianism is extinct only in the sense that it has long +ceased to furnish party names. It sprang from permanent +tendencies of human nature, and raised questions +whose interest can never perish. As long as the +Agnostic and the Evolutionist are with us, the old +battlefields of Athanasius will not be left to silence. +Moreover, no writer more directly joins the new world +of Teutonic Christianity with the old of Greek and +Roman heathenism. Arianism began its career partly +as a theory of Christianity, partly as an Eastern +reaction of philosophy against a gospel of the Son of +God. Through sixty years of ups and downs and +stormy controversy it fought, and not without success, +for the dominion of the world. When it was at last +rejected by the Empire, it fell back upon its converts +among the Northern nations, and renewed the contest +as a Western reaction of Teutonic pride against a +Roman gospel. The struggle went on for full three +hundred years in all, and on a scale of vastness never<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span> +seen again in history. Even the Reformation was +limited to the West, whereas Arianism ranged at one +time or another through the whole of Christendom. +Nor was the battle merely for the wording of antiquated +creeds or for the outworks of the faith, but +for the very life of revelation. If the Reformation +decided the supremacy of revelation over church +authority, it was the contest with Arianism which +cleared the way, by settling for ages the deeper and +still more momentous question, which is once more +coming to the surface as the gravest doubt of our +time, whether a revelation is possible at all.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The doctrine +of the Lord's +person.</div> + +<p>Unlike the founders of religions, Jesus of Nazareth +made his own person the centre of his message. +Through every act and utterance recorded +of him there runs a clear undoubting self-assertion, +utterly unknown to Moses or +Mahomet. He never spoke but with authority. His +first disciples told how he began his ministry by +altering the word which was said to them of old time, +and ended it by calmly claiming to be the future +Judge of all men. And they told the story of their own +life also; how they had seen his glory while he dwelt +among them, and how their risen Lord had sent them +forth to be his witnesses to all the nations. Whatever +might be doubtful, their personal knowledge of the +Lord was sure and certain, and of necessity became +the base and starting-point of their teaching. In +Christ all things were new. From him they learned +the meaning of their ancient scriptures; through him +they knew their heavenly Father; in him they saw +their Saviour from this present world, and to him<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> +they looked for the crown of life in that to come. +His word was law, his love was life, and in his name +the world was overcome already. What mattered it +to analyse the power of life they felt within them? +It was enough to live and to rejoice; and their works +are one long hymn of triumphant hope and overflowing +thankfulness.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">In contact +(1) with the +vulgar.</div> + +<p>It was easier for the first disciples to declare what +their own eyes had seen and their own hands had +handled of the Word of Life, than for +another generation to take up a record +which to themselves was only history, and +to pass from the traditional assertion of the Lord's +divinity to its deliberate enunciation in clear consciousness +of the difficulties which gathered round it when +the gospel came under the keen scrutiny of thoughtful +heathens. Whatever vice might be in heathenism, +there was no want of interest in religion. If the +doubts of some were real, the scoffs of many were +only surface-deep. If the old legends of Olympus +were outworn, philosophy was still a living faith, and +every sort of superstition flourished luxuriantly. Old +worships were revived, the ends of the earth were +searched for new ones. Isis or Mithras might help +where Jupiter was powerless, and uncouth lustrations +of the blood of bulls and goats might peradventure +cast a spell upon eternity. The age was too sad to +be an irreligious one. Thus from whatever quarter +a convert might approach the gospel, he brought +earlier ideas to bear upon its central question of the +person of the Lord. Who then was this man who +was dead, whom all the churches affirmed to be alive<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> +and worshipped as the Son of God? If he was +divine, there must be two Gods; if not, his worship +was no better than the vulgar worships of the dead. +In either case, there seemed to be no escape from +the charge of polytheism.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">(2) with the +philosophers.</div> + +<p>The key of the difficulty is on its other side, in +the doctrine of the unity of God, which was not +only taught by Jews and Christians, but +generally admitted by serious heathens. +The philosophers spoke of a dim Supreme far off +from men, and even the polytheists were not unwilling +to subordinate their motley crew of gods to +some mysterious divinity beyond them all. So far +there was a general agreement. But underneath this +seeming harmony there was a deep divergence. +Resting on a firm basis of historic revelation, +Christianity could bear record of a God who loved +the world and of a Redeemer who had come in human +flesh. As this coming is enough to show that God +is something more than abstract perfection and infinity, +there is nothing incredible in a real incarnation, +or in a real trinity inside the unity of God. +But the heathen had no historic revelation of a living +hope to sustain him in that age of failure and +exhaustion. Nature was just as mighty, just as +ruthless then as now, and the gospel was not yet +the spring of hope it is in modern life. In our time +the very enemies of the cross are living in its light, +and drawing at their pleasure from the well of +Christian hope. It was not yet so in that age. +Brave men like Marcus Aurelius could only do their +duty with hopeless courage, and worship as they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> +might a God who seemed to refuse all answer to +the great and bitter cry of mankind. If he cares for +men, why does he let them perish? The less he +has to do with us, the better we can understand our +evil plight. Thus their Supreme was far beyond the +weakness of human sympathy. They made him less +a person than a thing or an idea, enveloped in clouds +of mysticism and abolished from the world by his +very exaltation over it. He must not touch it lest +it perish. The Redeemer whom the Christians worship +may be a hero or a prophet, an angel or a demi-god—anything +except a Son of God in human form. +We shall have to find some explanation for the scandal +of the incarnation.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Arius himself.</div> + +<p>Arianism is Christianity shaped by thoughts like +these. Its author was no mere bustling schemer, +but a grave and blameless presbyter of +Alexandria. Arius was a disciple of the +greatest critic of his time, the venerated martyr Lucian +of Antioch. He had a name for learning, and his +letters bear witness to his dialectical skill and mastery +of subtle irony. At the outbreak of the controversy, +about the year 318, we find him in charge of the +church of Baucalis at Alexandria, and in high favour +with his bishop, Alexander. It was no love of +heathenism, but a real difficulty of the gospel which +led him to form a new theory. His aim was not to +lower the person of the Lord or to refuse him +worship, but to defend that worship from the charge +of polytheism. Starting from the Lord's humanity, he +was ready to add to it everything short of the fullest +deity. He could not get over the philosophical difficulty<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> +that one who is man cannot be also God, and +therefore a second God. Let us see how high a creature +can be raised without making hint essentially divine.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">His doctrine; Its merits.</div> + +<p>The Arian Christ is indeed a lofty creature. He +claims our worship as the image of the Father, begotten +before all worlds, as the Son of God, by +whom all things were made, who for us +men took flesh and suffered and rose again, and sat +down at the right hand of the Father, and remains +both King and God for ever. Is not this a good confession? +What more can we want? Why should all +this glorious language go for nothing? God forbid +that it should go for nothing. Arianism +was at least so far Christian that it held +aloft the Lord's example as the Son of Man, and never +wavered in its worship of him as the Son of God. +Whatever be the errors of its creed, whatever the +scandals of its history, it was a power of life among +the Northern nations. Let us give Arianism full +honour for its noble work of missions in that age of +deep despair which saw the dissolution of the ancient +world.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Its real meaning.</div> + +<p>Nevertheless, this plausible Arian confession will +not bear examination. It is only the philosophy +of the day put into a Christian dress. It +starts from the accepted belief that the +unity of God excludes not only distinctions inside the +divine nature, but also contact with the world. Thus +the God of Arius is an unknown God, whose being is +hidden in eternal mystery. No creature can reveal +him, and he cannot reveal himself. But if he is not +to touch the world, he needs a minister of creation.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> +The Lord is rather such a minister than the conqueror +of death and sin. No doubt he is the Son of God, +and begotten before all worlds. Scripture is quite +clear so far; but if he is distinct from the Father, he +is not God; and if he is a Son, he is not co-eternal +with the Father. And what is not God is creature, +and what is not eternal is also creature. On both +grounds, then, the Lord is only a creature; so that if +he is called God, it is in a lower and improper sense; +and if we speak of him as eternal, we mean no more +than the eternity of all things in God's counsel. Far +from sharing the essence of the Father, he does not +even understand his own. Nay, more; he is not even +a creature of the highest type. If he is not a sinner, +(Scripture forbids at least <i>that</i> theory, though some +Arians came very near it), his virtue is, like our own, a +constant struggle of free-will, not the fixed habit which +is the perfection and annulment of free-will. And now +that his human soul is useless, we may as well simplify +the incarnation into an assumption of human flesh +and nothing more. The Holy Spirit bears to the Son +a relation not unlike that of the Son to the Father. +Thus the Arian trinity of divine persons forms a +descending series, separated by infinite degrees of +honour and glory, resembling the philosophical triad +of orders of spiritual existence, extending outwards in +concentric circles.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Criticism +of it.</div> + +<p>Indeed the system is heathen to the core. The +Arian Christ is nothing but a heathen idol invented to +maintain a heathenish Supreme in heathen +isolation from the world. Never was a +more illogical theory devised by the wit of man.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> +Arius proclaims a God of mystery, unfathomable to the +Son of God himself, and goes on to argue as if the divine +generation were no more mysterious than its human +type. He forgets first that metaphor would cease to +be metaphor if there were nothing beyond it; then +that it would cease to be true if its main idea were +misleading. He presses the metaphor of sonship as if +mere human relations could exhaust the meaning of +the divine; and soon works round to the conclusion +that it is no proper sonship at all. In his irreverent +hands the Lord's deity is but the common right of mankind, +his eternity no more than the beasts themselves +may claim. His clumsy logic overturns every doctrine +he is endeavouring to establish. He upholds the +Lord's divinity by making the Son of God a creature, +and then worships him to escape the reproach of +heathenism, although such worship, on his own showing, +is mere idolatry. He makes the Lord's manhood +his primary fact, and overthrows that too by refusing +the Son of Man a human soul. The Lord is neither +truly God nor truly man, and therefore is no true +mediator. Heathenism may dream of a true communion +with the Supreme, but for us there neither is +nor ever can be any. Between our Father and ourselves +there is a great gulf fixed, which neither he nor +we can pass. Now that we have heard the message +of the Lord, we know the final certainty that God is +darkness, and in him is no light at all. If this be +the sum of the whole matter, then revelation is a +mockery, and Christ is dead in vain.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Athanasius <i>de +Incarnatione</i>.</div> + +<p>Arius was but one of many who were measuring +the heights of heaven with their puny logic, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> +sounding the deeps of Wisdom with the plummet of +the schools. Men who agreed in nothing else agreed +in this practical subordination of revelation +to philosophy. Sabellius, for example, had +reduced the Trinity to three successive manifestations +of the one God in the Law, the Gospel, and the +Church; yet even he agreed with Arius in a philosophical +doctrine of the unity of God which was inconsistent +with a real incarnation. Even the noble work +of Origen had helped to strengthen the philosophical +influences which were threatening to overwhelm the +definite historic revelation. Tertullian had long since +warned the churches of the danger; but a greater +than Tertullian was needed now to free them from +their bondage to philosophy. Are we to worship the +Father of our spirits or the Supreme of the philosophers? +Arius put the question: the answer came +from Athanasius. Though his <i>De Incarnatione Verbi +Dei</i> was written in early manhood, before the rise of +Arianism, we can already see in it the firm grasp of +fundamental principles which enabled him so thoroughly +to master the controversy when it came before him. +He starts from the beginning, with the doctrine that +God is good and not envious, and that His goodness +is shown in the creation, and more especially by the +creation of man in the image of God, whereby he +was to remain in bliss and live the true life, the life +of the saints in Paradise. But when man sinned, he +not only died, but fell into the entire corruption summed +up in death; for this is the full meaning of the threat +'ye shall die with death.'<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> So things went on from +bad to worse on earth. The image of God was disappearing, +and the whole creation going to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> destruction. +What then was God to do? He could not take back +his sentence that death should follow sin, and yet he +could not allow the creatures of his love to perish. +Mere repentance on man's side could not touch the +law of sin; a word from God forbidding the approach +of death would not reach the inner corruption. Angels +could not help, for it was not in the image of angels +that man was made. Only he who is himself the Life +could conquer death. Therefore the immortal Word +took human flesh and gave his mortal body for us all. +It was no necessity of his nature so to do, but a pure +outcome of his love to men and of the Father's loving +purpose of salvation. By receiving in himself the +principle of death he overcame it, not in his own +person only, but in all of us who are united with him. +If we do not yet see death abolished, it is now no more +than the passage to our joyful resurrection. Our mortal +human nature is joined with life in him, and clothed +in the asbestos robe of immortality. Thus, and only +thus, in virtue of union with him, can man become a +sharer of his victory. There is no limit to the sovereignty +of Christ in heaven and earth and hell. Wherever +the creation has gone before, the issues of the +incarnation must follow after. See, too, what he has +done among us, and judge if his works are not the +works of sovereign power and goodness. The old fear +of death is gone. Our children tread it underfoot, our +women mock at it. Even the barbarians have laid +aside their warfare and their murders, and live at his +bidding a new life of peace and purity. Heathenism +is fallen, the wisdom of the world is turned to folly, +the oracles are dumb, the demons are confounded. T<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span>he +gods of all the nations are giving place to the one true +God of mankind. The works of Christ are more in +number than the sea, his victories are countless as +the waves, his presence is brighter than the sunlight. +'He was made man that we might be made God.'<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id="FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Gen. ii. 17, LXX.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Ath. <i>De Inc.</i> 44: [Greek: autos gar +enênthrôpêsen hina hêmeis theopoiêthômen]. +Bold as this phrase is, it is not too bold a paraphrase of Heb. ii. 5-18.</p></div> + +<div class="sidenote">Its +significance.</div> + +<p>The great persecution had been raging but a +few years back, and the changes which had passed +since then were enough to stir the enthusiasm +of the dullest Christian. These splendid +paragraphs are the song of victory over +the defeat of the Pharaohs of heathenism and the +deliverance of the churches from the house of bondage. +'Sing ye to the Lord, for he hath triumphed +gloriously.' There is something in them higher than +the fierce exultation of Lactantius over the sufferings +of the dying persecutors, though that too is impressive. +'The Lord hath heard our prayers. The men +who strove with God lie low; the men who overthrew +his churches have themselves fallen with a mightier +overthrow; the men who tortured the righteous have +surrendered their guilty spirits under the blows of +Heaven and in tortures well deserved though long +delayed—yet delayed only that posterity might learn +the full terrors of God's vengeance on his enemies.' +There is none of this fierce joy in Athanasius, though +he too had seen the horrors of the persecution, and +some of his early teachers had perished in it. His +eyes are fixed on the world-wide victory of the Eternal +Word, and he never lowers them to resent the evil +wrought by men of yesterday. Therefore neither +lapse of time nor multiplicity of trials could ever +quench in Athanasius the pure spirit of hope which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> +glows in his youthful work. Slight as our sketch +of it has been, it will be enough to show his combination +of religious intensity with a speculative insight +and a breadth of view reminding us of Origen. +If he fails to reach the mystery of sinlessness in man, +and is therefore not quite free from a Sabellianising +view of the Lord's humanity as a mere vesture of +his divinity, he at least rises far above the barren +logic of the Arians. We shall presently have to +compare him with the next great Eastern thinker, +Apollinarius of Laodicea.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Attraction of +Arianism: (1.) +For superficial +thinkers.</div> + +<p>Yet there were many men whom Arianism suited +by its shallowness. As soon as Christianity was +established as a lawful worship by the edict +of Milan in 312, the churches were crowded +with converts and inquirers of all sorts. +A church which claims to be universal cannot pick +and choose like a petty sect, but must receive all +comers. Now these were mostly heathens with the +thinnest possible varnish of Christianity, and Arianism +enabled them to use the language of Christians without +giving up their heathen ways of thinking. In +other words, the world was ready to accept the gospel +as a sublime monotheism, and the Lord's divinity was +the one great stumbling-block which seemed to hinder +its conversion. Arianism was therefore a welcome +explanation of the difficulty. Nor was the attraction +only for nominal Christians like these. Careless<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> +thinkers—sometimes thinkers who were not careless—might +easily suppose that Arianism had the best +of such passages as 'The Lord created me,'<a name="FNanchor_1_3" id="FNanchor_1_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_3" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> or 'The +Father is greater than I.'<a name="FNanchor_2_4" id="FNanchor_2_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_4" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Athanasius constantly +complains of the Arian habit of relying on isolated +passages like these without regard to their context +or to the general scope and drift of Scripture.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_3" id="Footnote_1_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_3"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Prov. viii. 22, LXX mistranslation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_4" id="Footnote_2_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_4"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> John xiv. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="sidenote">(2.) To thoughtful +men.</div> + +<p>Nor was even this all. The Lord's divinity was +a real difficulty to thoughtful men. They were still +endeavouring to reconcile the philosophical +idea of God with the fact of the incarnation. +In point of fact, the two things are incompatible, +and one or the other would have to be abandoned. +The absolute simplicity of the divine nature is consistent +with a merely external Trinity, or with a merely +economic Trinity, with an Arian Trinity of one increate +and two created beings, or with a Sabellian Trinity of +three temporal aspects of the one God revealed in +history; but not with a Christian Trinity of three +eternal aspects of the divine nature, facing inward on +each other as well as outward on the world. But this +was not yet fully understood. The problem was to +explain the Lord's distinction from the Father without +destroying the unity of God. Sabellianism did it at +the cost of his premundane and real personality, and +therefore by common consent was out of the question. +The Easterns were more inclined to theories of subordination, +to distinctions of the derivatively from the +absolutely divine, and to views of Christ as a sort of +secondary God. Such theories do not really meet the +difficulty. A secondary God is necessarily a second +God. Thus heathenism still held the key of the +position, and constantly threatened to convict them of +polytheism. They could not <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span>sit still, yet they could +not advance without remodelling their central doctrine +of the divine nature to agree with revelation. Nothing +could be done till the Trinity was placed inside the +divine <i>nature</i>. But this is just what they could not +for a long time see. These men were not Arians, for +they recoiled in genuine horror from the polytheistic +tendencies of Arianism; but they had no logical defence +against Arianism, and were willing to see if some +modification of it would not give them a foothold of +some kind. To men who dreaded the return of Sabellian +confusion, Arianism was at least an error in the +right direction. It upheld the same truth as they—the +separate personality of the Son of God—and if it went +further than they could follow, it might still do service +against the common enemy.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Arianism at +Alexandria.</div> + +<p>Thus the new theory made a great sensation at +Alexandria, and it was not without much hesitation +and delay that Alexander ventured to excommunicate +his heterodox presbyter with +his chief followers, like Pistus, Carpones, and the +deacon Euzoius—all of whom we shall meet again. +Arius was a dangerous enemy. His austere life and +novel doctrines, his dignified character and championship +of 'common sense in religion,' made him the idol +of the ladies and the common people. He had plenty +of telling arguments for them. 'Did the Son of God +exist before his generation?' Or to the women, +'Were you a mother before you had a child?' He knew<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> +also how to cultivate his popularity by pastoral visiting—his +enemies called it canvassing—and by issuing a +multitude of theological songs 'for sailors and millers +and wayfarers,' as one of his admirers says. So he set +the bishop at defiance, and more than held his ground +against him. The excitement spread to every village +in Egypt, and Christian divisions became a pleasant +subject for the laughter of the heathen theatres.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">And elsewhere.</div> + +<p>The next step was to secure outside support. Arius +betook himself to Cæsarea in Palestine, and thence +appealed to the Eastern churches generally. +Nor did he look for help in vain. His +doctrine fell in with the prevailing dread of Sabellianism, +his personal misfortunes excited interest, his +dignified bearing commanded respect, and his connection +with the school of Lucian secured him learned and +influential sympathy. Great Syrian bishops like those +of Cæsarea, Tyre, and Laodicea gave him more or less +encouragement; and when the old Lucianist Eusebius +of Nicomedia held a council in Bithynia to demand his +recall, it became clear that the controversy was more than +a local dispute. Arius even boasted that the Eastern +bishops agreed with him, 'except a few heretical and +ill-taught men,' like those of Antioch and Jerusalem.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Constantine's +interference.</div> + +<p>The Eastern Emperor, Licinius, let the dispute take +its course. He was a rude old heathen soldier, and +could only let it alone. If Eusebius of +Nicomedia tried to use his influence in +favour of Arius, he had small success. But when +the battle of Chrysopolis (323) laid the Empire at +the feet of Constantine, it seemed time to +get the question somehow settled.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<h3><i>THE COUNCIL OF NICÆA.</i></h3> + + +<div class="sidenote">State of the +Empire.</div> + +<p>For nearly twenty years after the middle of the third +century, the Roman Empire seemed given over to +destruction. It is hard to say whether +the provinces suffered more from the inroads +of barbarians who ravaged them almost at their will, +or from the exactions of a mutinous soldiery who set +up an emperor for almost every army; yet both calamities +were surpassed by the horrors of a pestilence +which swept away the larger part of mankind. There +was little hope in an effete polytheism, still less in a +corrupt and desponding society. The emperors could +not even make head against their foreign enemies. +Decius was killed in battle with the Goths, Valerian +captured by the Persians. But the Teuton was not +yet ready to be the heir of the world. Valerian left +behind a school of generals who were able, even in +those evil days, to restore the Empire to something +like its former splendour. Claudius began by breaking +the power of the Goths at Naissus in 269. Aurelian +(270-275) made a firm peace with the Goths, and +also recovered the provinces. Tetricus and Zenobia,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> +the Gaulish Cæsar and the Syrian queen, adorned the +triumph of their conqueror. The next step was for +Diocletian (284-305) to reform the civil power and +reduce the army to obedience. Unfortunately his +division of the Empire into more manageable parts led +to a series of civil wars, which lasted till its reunion +by Constantine in 323. His religious policy was a +still worse failure. Instead of seeing in Christianity +the one remaining hope of mankind, he set himself at +the end of his reign to stamp it out, and left his +successors to finish the hopeless task. Here again +Constantine repaired Diocletian's error. The edict of +Milan in 312 put an end to the great persecution, and +a policy of increasing favour soon removed all danger +of Christian disaffection.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Constantine.</div> + +<p>When Constantine stood out before the world as +the patron of the gospel, he felt bound to settle the +question of Arianism. In some ways he +was well qualified for the task. There can +be no doubt of his ability and earnestness, or of his +genuine interest in Christianity. In political skill he +was an overmatch for Diocletian, and his military successes +were unequalled since the triumph of Aurelian. +The heathens saw in him the restorer of the Empire, +the Christians their deliverer from persecution. Even +the feeling of a divine mission, which laid him so open +to flattery, gave him also a keen desire to remedy the +social misery around him; and in this he looked for +help to Christianity. Amidst the horrors of Diocletian's +persecution a conviction grew upon him that +the power which fought the Empire with success must +somehow come from the Supreme. Thus he slowly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> +learned to recognise the God of the Christians in +his father's God, and in the Sun-god's cross of light +to see the cross of Christ. But in Christianity itself +he found little more than a confirmation of natural +religion. Therefore, with all his interest in the +churches, he could not reach the secret of their inner +life. Their imposing monotheism he fully appreciated, +but the person of the Lord was surely a minor question. +Constantine shared the heathen feelings of his time, +so that the gospel to him was only a monotheistic +heathenism. Thus Arianism came up to his idea of +it, and the whole controversy seemed a mere affair of +words.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">His view of the +controversy.</div> + +<p>But if he had no theological interest in the question, +he could not overlook its political importance. Egypt +was always a difficult province to manage; +and if these Arian songs caused a bloody +tumult in Alexandria, he could not let the Christians +fight out their quarrels in the streets, as the Jews were +used to do. The Donatists had given him trouble +enough over a disputed election in Africa, and he did +not want a worse than Donatist quarrel in Egypt. +Nor was the danger confined to Egypt; it had already +spread through the East. The unity of Christendom +was at peril, and with it the support which the +shattered Empire looked for from an undivided church. +The state could treat with a definite organisation of +churches, but not with miscellaneous gatherings of +sectaries. The question must therefore be settled one +way or the other, and settled at once. Which way it +was decided mattered little, so that an end was made +of the disturbance.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">His first +attempt to +settle it.</div> + +<p>In this temper Constantine approached the difficulty. +His first step was to send Hosius of Cordova +to Alexandria with a letter to Alexander +and Arius representing the question as a +battle of words about mysteries beyond our +reach. In the words of a modern writer, 'It was the +excess of dogmatism founded upon the most abstract +words in the most abstract region of human thought.' +It had all arisen out of an over-curious question asked +by Alexander, and a rash answer given by Arius. It +was a childish quarrel and unworthy of sensible men +like them, besides being very distressing to himself. +Had the dispute been really trifling, such a letter might +have had a chance of quieting it. Instead of this, the +excitement grew worse.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Summons of +the council.</div> + +<p>Constantine enlarged his plans. If Arian doctrine +disturbed Alexandria, Meletius of Lycopolis was giving +quite as much trouble about discipline +farther up the Nile, and the old disputes +about the time of Easter had never been effectually +settled. There were also minor questions about the +validity of baptism administered by the followers of +Novatian and Paul of Samosata, and about the treatment +of those who had denied the faith during the +persecution of Licinius. Constantine, therefore, invited +all Christian bishops inside and outside the +Empire to meet him at Nicæa in Bithynia during the +summer of 325, in order to make a final end of all +the disputes which endangered the unity of Christendom. +The 'city of victory' bore an auspicious +name, and the restoration of peace was a holy +service, and would be a noble preparation for the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> +solemnities of the great Emperor's twentieth year upon +the throne.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The first +œcumenical +council.</div> + +<p>The idea of a general or œcumenical council (the +words mean the same thing) may well have been Constantine's +own. It bears the mark of a +statesman's mind, and is of a piece with the +rest of his life. Constantine was not thinking +only of the questions to be debated. However +these might be settled, the meeting could not fail to +draw nearer to the state and to each other the churches +of that great confederation which later ages have so +often mistaken for the church of Christ. As regards +Arianism, smaller councils had been a frequent means +of settling smaller questions. Though Constantine had +not been able to quiet the Donatists by means of the +Council of Arles, he might fairly hope that the authority +of such a gathering as this would bear down all resistance. +If he could only bring the bishops to some +decision, the churches might be trusted to follow it.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Its members.</div> + +<p>An imposing list of bishops answered Constantine's +call. The signatures are 223, but they are +not complete. The Emperor speaks of 300, and +tradition gives 318, like the number of +Abraham's servants, or like the mystic +number<a name="FNanchor_1_5" id="FNanchor_1_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_5" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> which stands for the cross of Christ. From +the far west came his chief adviser for the Latin +churches, the patriarch of councils, the old confessor +Hosius of Cordova. Africa was represented by Cæcilian +of Carthage, round whose election the whole Donatist +controversy had arisen, and a couple of presbyters +answered for the apostolic and imperial see of Rome. +Of the thirteen great provinces of the Empire none +was missing except distant Britain; but t<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span>he Western +bishops were almost lost in the crowd of Easterns. +From Egypt came Alexander of Alexandria with his +young deacon Athanasius, and the Coptic confessors +Paphnutius and Potammon, each with an eye seared +out, came from cities farther up the Nile. All these +were resolute enemies of Arianism; its only Egyptian +supporters were two bishops from the edge of the +western desert. Syria was less unequally divided. If +Eustathius of Antioch and Macarius of Ælia (we know +that city better as Jerusalem) were on Alexander's side, +the bishops of Tyre and Laodicea with the learned +Eusebius of Cæsarea leaned the other way or took a +middle course. Altogether there were about a dozen +more or less decided Arianizers thinly scattered over +the country from the slopes of Taurus to the Jordan +valley. Of the Pontic bishops we need notice only +Marcellus of Ancyra and the confessor Paul of Neocæsarea. +Arianism had no friends in Pontus to our +knowledge, and Marcellus was the busiest of its +enemies. Among the Asiatics, however, there was a +small but influential group of Arianizers, disciples of +Lucian like Arius himself. Chief of these was Eusebius +of Nicomedia, who was rather a court politician than a +student like his namesake of Cæsarea, and might be +expected to influence the Emperor as much as any one. +With him went the bishops of Ephesus and Nicæa +itself, and Maris of Chalcedon. The Greeks of Europe +were few and unimportant, but on the outskirts of the +Empire we find some names of great interest. James +of Nisibis represented the old Syrian churches which +spoke the Lord's own native language. Restaces +the Armenian could remind the bishops that Armenia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> +was in Christ before Rome, and had fought the persecutors +in their cause. Theophilus the Goth might tell +them the modest beginnings of Teutonic Christianity +among his countrymen of the Crimean undercliff. John +the Persian, who came from one or another of the many +distant regions which bore the name of India, may +dimly remind ourselves of the great Nestorian missions +which one day were to make the Christian name a +power in Northern China. Little as Eusebius of +Cæsarea liked some issues of the council, he is full of +genuine enthusiasm over his majestic roll of churches +far and near, from the extremity of Europe to the +farthest ends of Asia. Not without the Holy Spirit's +guidance did that august assembly meet. Nor was its +meeting a day of hope for the churches only, but also for +the weary Empire. In that great crisis the deep despair +of ages was forgotten. It might be that the power +which had overcome the world could also cure its ancient +sickness. Little as men could see into the issues of the +future, the meaning of the present was beyond mistake. +The new world faced the old, and all was ready for the +league which joined the names of Rome and Christendom, +and made the sway of Christ and Cæsar one.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_5" id="Footnote_1_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_5"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> 318; in Greek [Greek: tiê].</p></div> + +<div class="sidenote">The idea of a +test creed.</div> + +<p>It seems to have been understood that the council +was to settle the question by drawing up a creed +as a test for bishops. Here was a twofold +novelty. In the first place, Christendom as +a whole had as yet no written creed at all. The so-called +Apostles' Creed may be older than 340, but +then it first appears, and only as a personal confession<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> +of the heretic Marcellus. Every church taught its +catechumens the historic outlines of the faith, and +referred to Scripture as the storehouse and final test +of doctrine. But that doctrine was not embodied in +forms of more than local currency. Thus different +churches had varying creeds to form the basis of the +catechumen's teaching, and placed varying professions in +his mouth at baptism. Some of these were ancient, and +some of widespread use, and all were much alike, for all +were couched in Scripture language, variously modelled +on the Lord's baptismal formula (Matt. xxviii. 19). At +Jerusalem, for example, the candidate declared his faith:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">in the Father;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">in the Son;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">in the Holy Spirit;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">and in one Baptism of Repentance.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>The Roman form, as approximately given by Novatian +in the middle of the third century, was,</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">I believe in God the Father,<br /></span> +<span class="i4">the Lord Almighty;<br /></span> +<span class="i2">in Christ Jesus his Son,<br /></span> +<span class="i4">the Lord our God;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">and in the Holy Spirit.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Though these local usages were not disturbed, it was +none the less a momentous step to draw up a document +for all the churches. Its use as a test for bishops was +a further innovation. Purity of doctrine was for a +long time guarded by Christian public opinion. If +a bishop taught novelties, the neighbouring churches +(not the clergy only) met in conference on them, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> +refused his communion if they proved unsound. Of +late years these conferences had been growing into +formal councils of bishops, and the legal recognition of +the churches by Gallienus (261) +enabled them +to take the further step of deposing false +teachers. Aurelian had sanctioned this in the case of +Paul of Samosata by requiring communion with the +bishops of Rome and Italy as the legal test +of Christian orthodoxy (272) +there were +practical difficulties in this plan of government by +councils. A strong party might dispute the sentence, +or even get up rival councils to reverse it. The African +Donatists had given Constantine trouble enough +of this sort some years before; and now that the +Arians were following their example, it was evident +that every local quarrel would have an excellent chance +of becoming a general controversy. In the interest, +therefore, of peace and unity, it seemed better to adopt +a written test. If a bishop was willing to sign it +when asked, his subscription should be taken as a full +reply to every charge of heresy which might be made +against him. On this plan, whatever was left out of +the creed would be deliberately left an open question +in the churches. Whatever a bishop might choose to +teach (Arianism, for example), he would have full protection, +unless some clause of the new creed expressly +shut it out. This is a point which must be kept +in view when we come to estimate the conduct of +Athanasius. Thus however Constantine hoped to +make the bishops keep the peace over such trumpery +questions as this of Arianism seemed to him. Had it +been a trumpery question, his policy might have had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> +some chance of lasting success. For the moment, at +any rate, all parties accepted it, so that the council +had only to settle the wording of the new creed.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Arianism condemned.</div> + +<p>The Arians must have come full of hope to the +council. So far theirs was the winning side. They +had a powerful friend at court in the +Emperor's sister, Constantia, and an influential +connection in the learned Lucianic circle. +Reckoning also on the natural conservatism of Christian +bishops, on the timidity of some, and on the simplicity +or ignorance of others, they might fairly expect that +if their doctrine was not accepted by the council, it +would at least escape formal condemnation. They hoped, +however, to carry all before them. An Arianizing creed +was therefore presented by a score or so of bishops, +headed by the courtier Eusebius of Nicomedia. They +soon found their mistake. The Lord's divinity was +not an open question in the churches. The bishops +raised an angry clamour and tore the offensive creed +in pieces. Arius was at once abandoned by nearly +all his friends.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Eusebius proposes +the creed +of Cæsarea.</div> + +<p>This was decisive. Arianism was condemned almost +unanimously, and nothing remained but to put on record +the decision. But here began the difficulty. +Marcellus and Athanasius wanted it put into +the creed, but the bishops in general saw +no need of this. A heresy so easily overcome could +not be very dangerous. There were only half a dozen +Arians left in the council, and too precise a definition +might lead to dangers on the Sabellian side. At this +point the historian Eusebius came forward. Though +neither a great man nor a clear thinker, he was the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> +most learned student of the East. He had been a +confessor in the persecution, and now occupied an important +see, and stood high in the Emperor's favour. +With regard to doctrine, he held a sort of intermediate +position, regarding the Lord not indeed as a creature, +but as a secondary God derived from the will of the +Father. This, as we have seen, was the idea then +current in the East, that it is possible to find some +middle term between the creature and the highest +deity. To a man of this sort it seemed natural to fall +back on the authority of some older creed, such as all +could sign. He therefore laid before the council that +of his own church of Cæsarea, as follows:—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">We believe in one God, the Father Almighty,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">maker of all things, both visible and invisible;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">And in one Lord Jesus Christ,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">the Word of God,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">God from God,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">light from light,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">life from life,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">the only-begotten Son,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">the first-born of all creation,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">begotten of the Father before all ages,—<br /></span> +<span class="i2">by whom also all things were made;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">who for our salvation was made flesh,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">and lived among men,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">and suffered,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">and rose again the third day,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">and ascended to the Father,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">and shall come again in glory, to judge quick<br /></span> +<span class="i4">and dead;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">And in the Holy Spirit.<br /></span> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span></div></div> + +<p>Had the council been drawing up a creed for popular +use, a short and simple document of this kind would +have been suitable enough. The undecided bishops +received it with delight. It contained none of the +vexatious technical terms which had done all the +mischief—nothing but familiar Scripture, which the +least learned of them could understand. So far as +Arianism might mean to deny the Lord's divinity, it +was clearly condemned already, and the whole question +might now be safely left at rest behind the ambiguities +of the Cæsarean creed. So it was accepted at +once. Marcellus himself could find no fault with its +doctrine, and the Arians were glad now to escape +a direct condemnation. But unanimity of this sort, +which really decided nothing, was not what Athanasius +and Marcellus wanted. They had not come to the +council to haggle over compromises, but to cast out the +blasphemer, and they were resolved to do it effectually.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Persistence +of Athanasius.</div> + +<p>Hardly a more momentous resolution can be found +in history. The whole future of Christianity was +determined by it; and we must fairly face +the question whether Athanasius was right +or not. Would it not have been every way better +to rest satisfied with the great moral victory already +gained? When heathens were pressing into the +church in crowds, was that a suitable time to offend +them with a solemn proclamation of the very doctrine +which chiefly kept them back? It was, moreover, a +dangerous policy to insist on measures for which even +Christian opinion was not ripe, and it led directly to +the gravest troubles in the churches—troubles of which +no man then living was to see the end. The first<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> +half century of prelude was a war of giants; but the +main contest opened at Nicæa is not ended yet, or like +to end before the Lord himself shall come to end it. +It was the decision of Athanasius which made half +the bitterness between the Roman and the Teuton, +between Christianity and Islam to this day. Even +now it is the worst stumbling-block of Western unbelief. +Many of our most earnest enemies would +gladly forget their enmity if we would only drop our +mysticism and admire with them a human Christ who +never rose with power from the dead. But we may +not do this thing. Christianity cannot make its peace +with this world by dropping that message from the +other which is its only reason for existence. Athanasius +was clearly right. When Constantine had +fairly put the question, they could not refuse to +answer. Let the danger be what it might, they could +not deliberately leave it open for Christian bishops +(the creed was not for others) to dispute whether our +Lord is truly God or not. Those may smile to whom +all revelation is a vain thing; but it is our life, and +we believe it is their own life too. If there is truth +or even meaning in the gospel, this question of all +others is most surely vital. Nor has history failed to +justify Athanasius. That heathen age was no time to +trifle with heathenism in the very citadel of Christian +life. Fresh from the fiery trial of the last great persecution, +whose scarred and mutilated veterans were +sprinkled through the council-hall, the church of God +was entering on a still mightier conflict with the spirit +of the world. If their fathers had been faithful unto +death or saved a people from the world, their sons<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> +would have to save the world itself and tame its +Northern conquerors. Was that a time to say of +Christ, 'But as for this man, we know not whence +he is'?</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Revision of the +Cæsarean +creed.</div> + +<p>Athanasius and his friends made a virtue of necessity, +and disconcerted the plans of Eusebius by +promptly accepting his creed. They were +now able to propose a few amendments in +it, and in this way they meant to fight out +the controversy. It was soon found impossible to +avoid a searching revision. Ill-compacted clauses invited +rearrangement, and older churches, like Jerusalem +or Antioch, might claim to share with Cæsarea the +honour of giving a creed to the whole of Christendom. +Moreover, several of the Cæsarean phrases seemed to +favour the opinions which the bishops had agreed to +condemn. 'First-born of all creation' does not necessarily +mean more than that he existed before other +things were made. 'Begotten before all worlds' is +just as ambiguous, or rather worse, for the Arians +understood 'begotten' to mean 'created.' Again, 'was +made flesh' left it unsettled whether the Lord took +anything more than a human body. These were +serious defects, and the bishops could not refuse to +amend them. After much careful work, the following +was the form adopted:—</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Nicene +Creed.</div> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">We believe in one God, the Father Almighty,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">maker of all things, both visible and invisible;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">begotten of the Father, an only-begotten—<br /></span> +<span class="i2">that is, from the essence (<i>ousia</i>) of the Father<br /></span><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> +<span class="i3">God from God,<br /></span> +<span class="i4">light from light,<br /></span> +<span class="i4">true God from true God,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">begotten, not made,<br /></span> +<span class="i3">being of one essence (<i>homoousion</i>) with the Father,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">by whom all things were made,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">both things in heaven and things on earth:<br /></span> +<span class="i0">who for us men and for our salvation came down and was made flesh,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">was made man, suffered, and rose again the third day,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">ascended into heaven,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">cometh to judge quick and dead;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">And in the Holy Spirit.<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">But those who say that<br /></span> +<span class="i2">'there was once when he was not,' and<br /></span> +<span class="i2">'before he was begotten he was not,' and<br /></span> +<span class="i2">'he was made of things that were not,'<br /></span> +<span class="i2">or maintain that the Son of God is of a different essence<br /></span> +<span class="i4">(<i>hypostasis or ousia</i><a name="FNanchor_1_6" id="FNanchor_1_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_6" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>)<br /></span> +<span class="i2">or created or subject to moral change or alteration—<br /></span> +<span class="i0">these doth the Catholic and Apostolic Church anathematize.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_6" id="Footnote_1_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_6"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The two words are used as synonyms.</p></div> + +<div class="sidenote">Its doctrine.</div> + +<p>It will be seen that the genuine Nicene Creed here +given differs in almost every clause from the so-called +Nicene Creed of our Communion Service. +Leaving, however, the spurious Nicene Creed +till we come to it, let us see how the genuine Nicene +Creed dealt with Arianism. Its central phrases are +the two which refer to essence. Now the <i>essence</i> of a +thing is that by which it is what we suppose it to be. +We look at it from various points of view, and ascribe +to it first one quality and then another. Its <i>essence</i> +from any one of these successive points of view is that by +which it possesses the corresponding quality. About +this unknown something we make no assertion, so that +we are committed to no theory whatever. Thus the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> +<i>essence</i> of the Father <i>as God</i> (for this was the point of +view) is that unknown and incommunicable something +by which He is God. If therefore we explain St. John's +'an only-begotten who is God'<a name="FNanchor_1_7" id="FNanchor_1_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_7" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> inserting 'that is, +from the <i>essence</i> of the Father,' we declare that the +Divine Sonship is no accident of will, but belongs to the +divine nature. It is not an outside matter of creation +or adoption, but (so to speak) an organic relation inside +that nature. The Father is no more God without the +Son than the Son is God without the Father. Again, +if we confess him to be <i>of one essence</i> with the Father, +we declare him the common possessor with the Father +of the one essence which no creature can share, and +thus ascribe to him the highest deity in words which +allow no evasion or reserve. The two phrases, however, +are complementary. <i>From the essence</i> makes a +clear distinction: <i>of one essence</i> lays stress on the unity. +The word had a Sabellian history, and was used by +Marcellus in a Sabellian sense, so that it was justly +discredited as Sabellian. Had it stood alone, the +creed would have been Sabellian; but at Nicæa it was +checked by <i>from the essence</i>. When the later Nicenes, +under Semiarian influence, came to give the word +another meaning, the check was wisely removed.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_7" id="Footnote_1_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_7"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> John i. 18 (the best reading, and certainly familiar in the Nicene +age).</p></div> + +<div class="sidenote">Its caution.</div> + +<p>Upon the whole, the creed is a cautious document. +Though Arianism is attacked again in the clause <i>was +made man</i>, which states that the Lord took +something more than a human body, there +is no attempt to forestall later controversies by a further +definition of the meaning of the incarnation. The +abrupt<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> pause after the mention of the Holy Spirit is +equally significant, for the nature of his divinity was +still an open question. Even the heretics are not +cursed, for anathema in the Nicene age was no more +than the penalty which to a layman was equivalent to +the deposition of a cleric. It meant more when it was +launched against the dead two hundred years later.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Arian +objections.</div> + +<p>Our accounts of the debate are very fragmentary. +Eusebius passes over an unpleasant subject, and +Athanasius up and down his writings only +tells us what he wants for his immediate +purpose. Thus we cannot trace many of the Arian +objections to the creed. Knowing, however, as we +do that they were carefully discussed, we may presume +that they were the standing difficulties of the +next generation. These were four in number:—</p> + +<p>(1.) 'From the essence' and 'of one essence' are +materialist expressions, implying either that the Son is +a separate part of the essence of the Father, or that +there is some third essence prior to both. This objection +was a difficulty in the East, and still more in the +West, where 'essence' was represented by the materializing +word <i>substantia</i>, from which we get our unfortunate +translation 'of one substance.'</p> + +<p>(2.) 'Of one essence' is Sabellian. This was true; +and the defenders of the word did not seem to care +if it was true. Marcellus almost certainly used incautious +language, and it was many years before even +Athanasius was fully awake to the danger from the +Sabellian side.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span></p> + +<p>(3.) The words 'essence' and 'of one essence' are +not found in Scripture. This is what seems to have +influenced the bishops most of all.</p> + +<p>(4.) 'Of one essence' is contrary to church authority. +This also was true, for the word had been rejected as +materializing by a large council held at Antioch in +269 against Paul of Samosata. The point, however, +at present raised was not that it had been rejected for +a good reason, but simply that it had been rejected; +and this is an appeal to church authority in the style +of later times. The question was one of Scripture +against church authority. Both parties indeed accepted +Scripture as supreme, but when they differed in its +interpretation, the Arians pleaded that a word not +sanctioned by church authority could not be made a +test of orthodoxy. If tradition gave them a foothold +(and none could deny it), they thought themselves +entitled to stay; if Scripture condemned them (and +there could be no doubt of that), Athanasius thought +himself bound to turn them out. It was on the ground +of Scripture that the fathers of Nicæa took their stand, +and the works of Athanasius, from first to last, are +one continuous appeal to Scripture. In this case he +argues that if the disputed word is not itself Scripture, +its meaning is. This was quite enough; but if the +Arians chose to drag in antiquarian questions, they +might easily be met on that ground also, for the word +had been used or recognised by Origen and others +at Alexandria. With regard to its rejection by the +Syrian churches, he refuses all mechanical comparisons +of date or numbers between the councils of Antioch +and Nicæa, and endeavours to show that while Paul<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> +of Samosata had used the word in one sense, Arius +denied it in another.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Hesitation of +the council.</div> + +<p>The council paused. The confessors in particular +were an immense conservative force. If Hosius and +Eustathius had been forward in attacking +Arianism, few of them can have greatly +wished to re-state the faith which had sustained them +in their trial. Now the creed involved something like +a revolution. The idea of a universal test was in itself +a great change, best softened as much as might be. +The insertion of a direct condemnation of Arianism +was a still more serious step, and though the bishops +had consented to it, they had not consented without +misgiving. But when it was proposed to use a word +of doubtful tendency, neither found in Scripture nor +sanctioned by church authority, it would have been +strange if they had not looked round for some escape.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Arian +evasions.</div> + +<p>Yet what escape was possible? Scripture can be +used as a test if its authority is called in question, +but not when its meaning is disputed. +If the Arians were to be excluded, it +was useless to put into the creed the very words +whose plain meaning they were charged with evading. +Athanasius gives an interesting account of +this stage of the debate. It appears that when the +bishops collected phrases from Scripture and set down +that the Son is 'of God,' those wicked Arians said +to each other, 'We can sign that, for we ourselves +also are of God. Is it not written, All things are +of God?'<a name="FNanchor_1_8" id="FNanchor_1_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_8" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> So when the bishops saw their impious +ingenuity, they put it more clearly, that the Son is +not only of God like the creatures, but of the essence +of God. And this was the reas<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span>on why the word +'essence' was put into the creed. Again, the Arians +were asked if they would confess that the Son is not +a creature, but the power and eternal image of the +Father and true God. Instead of giving a straightforward +answer, they were caught whispering to each +other. 'This is true of ourselves, for we men are +called the image and glory of God.<a name="FNanchor_2_9" id="FNanchor_2_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_9" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> We too are +eternal, for we who live are always.<a name="FNanchor_3_10" id="FNanchor_3_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_10" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> And powers +of God are many. Is He not the Lord of powers +(hosts)? The locust and the caterpillar are actually +"my great power which I sent among you."<a name="FNanchor_4_11" id="FNanchor_4_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_11" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> He +is true God also, for he became true God as soon +as he was created.' These were the evasions which +compelled the bishops to sum up the sense of Scripture +in the statement that the Son is of one essence with +the Father.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_8" id="Footnote_1_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_8"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> 1 Cor. viii. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_9" id="Footnote_2_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_9"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> 1 Cor. xi. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_10" id="Footnote_3_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_10"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> 2 Cor. iv. 11; the impudence of the quotation is worth notice.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_11" id="Footnote_4_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_11"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Joel ii. 25 (army).</p></div> + +<div class="sidenote">Acceptance of +the creed.</div> + +<p>So far Athanasius. The longer the debate went on, +the clearer it became that the meaning of Scripture +could not be defined without going outside +Scripture for words to define it. In the +end, they all signed except a few. Many, however, +signed with misgivings, and some almost avowedly +as a formality to please the Emperor. 'The soul is +none the worse for a little ink.' It is not a pleasant +scene for the historian.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The letter of +Eusebius.</div> + +<p>Eusebius of Cæsarea was sorely disappointed. +Instead of giving a creed to Christendom, he received +back his confession in a form which at first he could +not sign at all. There was some ground for his +complaint that, under pretence of inserting +the single word of <i>one essence</i>, which our +wise and godly Emperor so admirably explained, the +bishops had in effect drawn up a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span>composition of their +own. It was a venerable document of stainless +orthodoxy, and they had laid rude hands on almost +every clause of it. Instead of a confession which +secured the assent of all parties by deciding nothing, +they forced on him a stringent condemnation, not +indeed of his own belief, but of opinions held by +many of his friends, and separated by no clear logical +distinction from his own. But now was he to sign +or not? Eusebius was not one of the hypocrites, +and would not sign till his scruples were satisfied. +He tells us them in a letter to the people of his +diocese, which he wrote under the evident feeling that +his signature needed some apology. First he gives +their own Cæsarean creed, and protests his unchanged +adherence to it. Then he relates its unanimous +acceptance, subject to the insertion of the single word +<i>of one essence</i>, which Constantine explained to be +directed against materializing and unspiritual views +of the divine generation. But it emerged from the +debates in so altered a form that he could not sign +it without careful examination. His first scruple was +at <i>of the essence of the Father</i>, which was explained +as not meant to imply any materializing separation. +So, for the sake of peace, he was willing to accept +it, as well as <i>of one essence</i>, now that he could do it +with a good conscience. Similarly, <i>begotten, not made</i>, +was explained to mean that the Son has nothing in +common with the creatures made by him, but is of +a higher essence, ineffably begotten of the Father. +So also, on careful consideration, <i>of one essence with the +Father</i> implies no more than the uniqueness of the +Son's generation, and his distinctness from the creatures.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> +Other expressions prove equally innocent.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Constantine's +interference.</div> + +<p>Now that a general agreement had been reached, +it was time for Constantine to interpose. He had +summoned the council as a means of union, +and enforced his exhortation to harmony by +burning the letters of recrimination which the bishops +had presented to him. To that text he still adhered. +He knew too little of the controversy to have any very +strong personal opinion, and the influences which might +have guided him were divided. If Hosius of Cordova +leaned to the Athanasian side, Eusebius of Nicomedia +was almost Arian. If Constantine had any feeling in the +matter—dislike, for example, of the popularity of Arius—he +was shrewd enough not to declare it too hastily. +If he tried to force a view of his own on the undecided +bishops, he might offend half Christendom; but if +he waited for the strongest force inside the council to +assert itself, he might safely step in at the end to +coerce the recusants. Therefore whatever pleased the +council pleased the Emperor too. When they tore up +the Arian creed, he approved. When they accepted +the Cæsarean, he approved again. When the morally +strong Athanasian minority urged the council to put +in the disputed clauses, Constantine did his best to +smooth the course of the debate. At last, always in +the interest of unity, he proceeded to put pressure on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> +the few who still held out. Satisfactory explanations +were given to Eusebius of Cæsarea, and in the end +they all signed but the two Egyptian Arians, Secundus +of Ptolemais and Theonas of Marmarica. These were +sent into exile, as well as Arius himself; and a qualified +subscription from Eusebius of Nicomedia only +saved him for the moment. An imperial rescript +also branded the heretic's followers with the name of +Porphyrians, and ordered his writings to be burnt. +The concealment of a copy was to be a capital +offence.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Close of the +council.</div> + +<p>Other subjects decided by the council will not +detain us long, though some of its members may have +thought one or two of them quite as +important as Arianism. The old Easter +question was settled in favour of the Roman custom +of observing, not the day of the Jewish passover +in memory of the crucifixion, but a later Sunday +in memory of the resurrection. For how, explains +Constantine—how could we who are Christians possibly +keep the same day as those wicked Jews? The +council, however, was right on the main point, that the +feasts of Christian worship are not to be tied to those +of Judaism. The third great subject for discussion +was the Meletian schism in Egypt, and this was +settled by a liberal compromise. The Meletian presbyter +might act alone if there was no orthodox +presbyter in the place, otherwise he was to be a +coadjutor with a claim to succeed if found worthy. +Athanasius (at least in later times) would have preferred +severer measures, and more than once refers +to these with unconcealed disgust. The rest of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> +business disposed of, Constantine dismissed the bishops +with a splendid feast, which Eusebius enthusiastically +likens to the kingdom of heaven.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Results of the +council.</div> + +<p>Let us now sum up the results of the council, so far +as they concern Arianism. In one sense they were +decisive. Arianism was so sharply condemned +by the all but unanimous voice of +Christendom, that nearly thirty years had to pass before +it was openly avowed again. Conservative feeling +in the West was engaged in steady defence of the +great council; and even in the East its doctrine could +be made to wear a conservative aspect as the actual +faith of Christendom. On the other hand, were +serious drawbacks. The triumph was rather a surprise +than a solid victory. As it was a revolution +which a minority had forced through by sheer strength +of clearer thought, a reaction was inevitable when the +half-convinced majority returned home. In other +words, Athanasius had pushed the Easterns farther +than they wished to go, and his victory recoiled on +himself. But he could not retreat when once he had +put the disputed words into the creed. Come what +might, those words were irreversible. And if it was a +dangerous policy which won the victory, the use made +of it was deplorable. Though the exile of Arius and +his friends was Constantine's work, much of the discredit +must fall on the Athanasian leaders, for we cannot +find that they objected to it either at the time or +afterwards. It seriously embittered the controversy. +If the Nicenes set the example of persecution, the +other side improved on it till the whole contest +threatened to degenerate into a series of personal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> +quarrels and retaliations. The process was only +checked by the common hatred of all parties to +Julian, and by the growth of a better spirit among +the Nicenes, as shown in the later writings of Athanasius.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<h3><i>THE EUSEBIAN REACTION.</i></h3> + + +<div class="sidenote">The problem +stated.</div> + +<p>At first sight the reaction which followed the Nicene +council is one of the strangest scenes in history. The +decision was clear and all but unanimous. +Arianism seemed crushed for ever by the +universal reprobation of the Christian world. Yet it +instantly renewed the contest, and fought its conquerors +on equal terms for more than half a century. +A reaction like this is plainly more than a court +intrigue. Imperial favour could do a good deal in +the Nicene age, but no emperor could long oppose any +clear and definite belief of Christendom. Nothing +could be plainer than the issue of the council. How +then could Arianism venture to renew the contest?</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The reaction +rather conservative +than +Arian.</div> + +<p>The answer is, that though the belief of the churches +was certainly not Arian, neither was it yet definitely +Nicene. The dominant feeling both in +East and West was one of dislike to change, +which we may conveniently call conservatism. +But here there was a difference. Heresies +in the East had always gathered round the person of +the Lord, and more than one had already partly occupied<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> +the ground of Arianism. Thus Eastern conservatism +inherited a doctrine from the last generation, +and was inclined to look on the Nicene decisions as +questionable innovations. The Westerns thought +otherwise. Leaning on authority as they habitually +did, they cared little to discuss for themselves an +unfamiliar question. They could not even translate +its technical terms into Latin without many misunderstandings. +Therefore Western conservatism simply +fell back on the august decisions of Nicæa. No later +meeting could presume to rival 'the great and holy +council' where Christendom had once for all pronounced +the condemnation of Arianism. In short, +East and West were alike conservative; but while +conservatism in the East went behind the council, in +the West it was content to start from it.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Supported by +influence of: +(1.) Heathens.</div> + +<p>The Eastern reaction was therefore in its essence +not Arian but conservative. Its leaders might be +conservatives like Eusebius of Cæsarea, or +court politicians like his successor, Acacius. +They were never open Arians till 357. +The front and strength of the party was conservative, +and the Arians at its tail were in themselves only a +source of weakness. Yet they could enlist powerful +allies in the cause of reaction. Heathenism was still +a living power in the world. It was strong in numbers +even in the East, and even stronger in the imposing +memories of history. Christianity was still an upstart +on Cæsar's throne. The favour of the gods had built +up the Empire, and men's hearts misgave them that +their wrath might overthrow it. Heathenism was still +an established religion, the Emperor still its official<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> +head. Old Rome was still devoted to her ancient +deities, her nobles still recorded their priesthoods and +augurships among their proudest honours, and the +Senate itself still opened every sitting with an offering +of incense on the altar of Victory. The public service +was largely heathen, and the army too, especially its +growing cohorts of barbarian auxiliaries. Education +also was mostly heathen, turning on heathen classics +and taught by heathen rhetoricians. Libanius, the +teacher of Chrysostom, was also the honoured friend of +Julian. Philosophy too was a great influence, now that +it had leagued together all the failing powers of the +ancient world against a rival not of this world. Its +weakness as a moral force must not blind us to its +charm for the imagination. Neoplatonism brought +Egypt to the aid of Greece, and drew on Christianity +itself for help. The secrets of philosophy were set +forth in the mysteries of Eastern superstition. From +the dim background of a noble monotheism the ancient +gods came forth to represent on earth a majesty above +their own. No waverer could face the terrors of that +mighty gathering of infernal powers. And the Nicene +age was a time of unsettlement and change, of half-beliefs +and wavering superstition, of weakness and +unclean frivolity. Above all, society was heathen to +an extent we can hardly realise. The two religions +were strangely mixed. The heathens on their side +never quite understood the idea of worshipping one +God only; while crowds of nominal Christians never +asked for baptism unless a dangerous illness or an +earthquake scared them, and thought it quite enough +to show their faces in church once or twice a year.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> +Meanwhile, they lived just like the heathens round +them, steeped in superstitions like their neighbours, +attending freely their immoral games and dances, and +sharing in the sins connected with them. Thus +Arianism had many affinities with heathenism, in its +philosophical idea of the Supreme, in its worship of a +demigod of the vulgar type, in its rhetorical methods, +and in its generally lower moral tone. Heathen influences +therefore strongly supported Arianism.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">(2.) Jews.</div> + +<p>The Jews also usually took the Arian side. They +were still a power in the world, though it was long +since Israel had challenged Rome to seventy +years of internecine contest for the dominion +of the East. But they had never forgiven her the +destruction of Jehovah's temple. +(<span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 66-135.) Half overcome +themselves by the spell of the eternal +Empire, they still looked vaguely for some Eastern +deliverer to break her impious yoke. Still more +fiercely they resented her adoption of the gospel, +which indeed was no tidings of good-will or peace to +them, but the opening of a thousand years of persecution. +Thus they were a sort of caricature of the +Christian churches. They made every land their own, +yet were aliens in all. They lived subject to the laws +of the Empire, yet gathered into corporations governed +by their own. They were citizens of Rome, yet +strangers to her imperial comprehensiveness. In a +word, they were like a spirit in the body, but a spirit +of uncleanness and of sordid gain. If they hated the +Gentile, they could love his vices notwithstanding. +If the old missionary zeal of Israel was extinct, they +could still purvey impostures for the world. Jewish<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> +superstitions were the plague of distant Spain, the +despair of Chrysostom at Antioch. Thus the lower +moral tone of Arianism and especially its denial of +the Lord's divinity were enough to secure it a fair +amount of Jewish support as against the Nicenes. At +Alexandria, for example, the Jews were always ready +for lawless outrage at the call of every enemy of +Athanasius.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">(3.) The court.</div> + +<p>The court also leaned to Arianism. The genuine +Arians, to do them justice, were not more pliant to +imperial dictation than the Nicenes, but +the genuine Arians were only one section +of a motley coalition. Their conservative patrons and +allies were laid open to court influence by their dread +of Sabellianism; for conservatism is the natural home +of the impatient timidity which looks round at every +difficulty for a saviour of society, and would fain turn +the whole work of government into a crusade against +a series of scarecrows. Thus when Constantius turned +against them, their chiefs were found wanting in the +self-respect which kept both Nicene and Arian leaders +from condescending to a battle of intrigue with such +masters of the art as flourished in the palace. But +for thirty years the intriguers found it their interest +to profess conservatism. The court was as full of +selfish cabals as that of the old French monarchy. +Behind the glittering ceremonial on which the treasures +of the world were squandered fought armies of place-hunters +great and small, cooks and barbers, women +and eunuchs, courtiers and spies, adventurers of every +sort, for ever wresting the majesty of law to private +favour, for ever aiming new oppressions at the men on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> +whom the exactions of the Empire already fell with +crushing weight. The noblest bishops, the ablest +generals, were their fairest prey; and we have no +surer witness to the greatness of Athanasius or Julian +than the pertinacious hatred of this odious horde. +Intriguers of this kind found it better to unsettle the +Nicene decisions, on behalf of conservatism forsooth, +than to maintain them in the name of truth. There +were many ways of upsetting them, and each might +lead to gain; only one of defending them, and that +was not attractive.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">(4.) Asia.</div> + +<p>Nor were Constantius and Valens without political +reasons for their support of Arianism. We can see +by the light of later history that the real +centre of the Empire was the solid mass of +Asia from the Bosphorus to Mount Taurus, and that +Constantinople was its outwork on the side of Europe. +In Rome on one side, Egypt and Syria on the other, +we can already trace the tendencies which led to their +separation from the orthodox Eastern Church and +Empire. Now in the fourth century Asia was a +stronghold of conservatism. There was a good deal of +Arianism in Cappadocia, but we hear little of it in +Asia. The group of Lucianists at Nicæa left neither +Arian nor Nicene successors. The ten provinces of +Asia 'verily knew not God' in Hilary's time; and +even the later Nicene doctrine of Cappadocia was +almost as much Semiarian as Athanasian. Thus Constantius +and Valens pursued throughout an Asiatic +policy, striking with one hand at Egypt, with the other +at Rome. Every change in their action can be explained +with reference to the changes of opinion in Asia.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Conclusion.</div> + +<p>Upon the whole, we may say that Arian hatred of +the council would have been powerless if it had not +rested on a formidable mass of conservative discontent, +while the conservative discontent +might have died away if the court had not supplied +it with the means of action. If the decision lay +with the majority, every initiative had to come from +the court. Hence the reaction went on as long as +these were agreed against the Nicene party; it was +suspended as soon as Julian's policy turned another +way, became unreal when conservative alarm subsided, +and finally collapsed when Asia went over to the +Nicene side.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Sequel of the +council.</div> + +<p>We may now return to the sequel of the great +council. If Constantine thought he had restored peace +in the churches, he soon found out his mistake. +The literary war began again almost +where his summons had interrupted it. The creed +was signed and done with and seemed forgotten. The +conservatives hardly cared to be reminded of their half +unwilling signatures. To Athanasius it may have +been a watchword from the first, but it was not so to +many others. In the West it was as yet almost unknown. +Even Marcellus was more disposed to avoid +all technical terms than to lay stress on those which +the council sanctioned. Yet all parties had learned +caution at Nicæa. Marcellus disavowed Sabellianism; +Eusebius avoided Arianism, and nobody seems to have +disowned the creed as long as Constantine lived.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Athanasius +bishop of +Alexandria, +<span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 328.</div> + +<p>The next great change was at Alexandria. The +bishop Alexander died in the spring of 328, and a +stormy election followed. Its details are obscure, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> +the Nicene party put forward the deacon Athanasius, +and consecrated him in spite of a determined opposition +from Arians and Meletians. And +now that we stand before the greatest of +the Eastern fathers, let us see how his +character and training fitted him to be the hero of +the Arian controversy.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Character of +Athanasius.</div> + +<p>Athanasius was a Greek by birth and education, +Greek also in subtle thought and philosophic insight, +in oratorical power and supple statesmanship. +Though born almost within the +shadow of the mighty temple of Serapis at Alexandria, +he shows few signs of Coptic influence. Deep as is his +feeling of the mystery of revelation, he has no love of +mystery for its own sake, nothing of the Egyptian +passion for things awful and mysterious. Even his +style is clear and simple, without a trace of Egyptian +involution and obscurity. We know nothing of his +family, and cannot even date his birth for certain, +though it must have been very near the year 297. +He was, therefore, old enough to remember the worst +days of the great persecution, which Maximin Daza +kept up in Egypt as late as 313. Legend has of +course been busy with his early life. According to +one story, Alexander found him with some other boys +at play, imitating the ceremonies of baptism—not a +likely game for a youth of sixteen. Another story +makes him a disciple of the great hermit Antony, +who never existed. He may have been a lawyer for a +time, but in any case his training was neither Coptic +nor monastic, but Greek and scriptural, as became a +scholar of Alexandria. There may be traces of Latin<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> +in his writings, but his allusions to Greek literature are +such as leave no doubt that he had a liberal education. +In his earliest works he refers to Plato; in later years +he quotes Homer, and models his notes on Aristotle, his +<i>Apology</i> to Constantius on Demosthenes. To Egyptian +idolatry he seldom alludes. Scripture, however, is his +chosen and familiar study, and few commentators have +ever shown a firmer grasp of certain of its leading +thoughts. He at least endeavoured (unlike the Arian +text-mongers) to take in the context of his quotations +and the general drift of Christian doctrine. Many +errors of detail may be pardoned to a writer who so +seldom fails in suggestiveness and width of view. In +mere learning he was no match for Eusebius of Cæsarea, +and even as a thinker he has a worthy rival in Hilary +of Poitiers, while some of the Arian leaders were fully +equal to him in political skill. But Eusebius was no +great thinker, Hilary no statesman, and the Arian +leaders were not men of truth. Athanasius, on the +other hand, was philosopher, statesman, and saint in one. +Few great men have ever been so free from littleness +or weakness. At the age of twenty he had risen far +above the level of Arianism and Sabellianism, and +throughout his long career we catch glimpses of a +spiritual depth which few of his contemporaries could +reach. Above all things, his life was consecrated to a +simple witness for truth. Athanasius is the hero of a +mighty struggle, and the secret of his grandeur is his +intense and vivid faith that the incarnation is a real +revelation from the other world, and that its issues are +for life and death supreme in heaven and earth and +hell for evermore.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Early years of +his rule at +Alexandria.</div> + +<p>Such a bishop was sure to meet a bitter opposition, +and as sure to overcome it. Egypt soon became a +stronghold of the Nicene faith, for Athanasius +could sway the heart of Greek and Copt +alike. The pertinacious hatred of a few +was balanced by the enthusiastic admiration of the +many. The Meletians dwindled fast, the Arians faster +still. Nothing but outside persecution was needed now +to make Nicene orthodoxy the national faith of Egypt.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Beginnings of +the reaction.</div> + +<p>It will be remembered that Eusebius of Nicomedia +was exiled shortly after the council. His disgrace was +not a long one. He had powerful friends +at court, and it was not very hard for a man +who had signed the creed to satisfy the Emperor of his +substantial orthodoxy. Constantine was not unforgiving, +and policy as well as easy temper forbade him to +scrutinize too closely the professions of submission laid +before him. Once restored to his former influence at +court, Eusebius became the centre of intrigue against +the council. Old Lucianic friendships may have led +him on. Arius was a Lucianist like himself, and the +Lucianists had in vain defended him before the council. +Eusebius was the ablest of them, and had fared the +worst. He had strained his conscience to sign the +creed, and his compliance had not even saved him from +exile. We cannot wonder if he brought back a firm +determination to undo the council's hateful work. If +it was too dangerous to attack the creed itself, its +defenders might be got rid of one by one on various +pretexts. Such was the plan of operations.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Formation of +the Eusebian +coalition.</div> + +<p>A party was easily formed. The Lucianists were its +nucleus, and all sorts of malcontents gathered round<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> +them. The Meletians of Egypt joined the coalition, +and the unclean creatures of the palace rejoiced to +hear of fresh intrigue. Above all, the conservatives +gave extensive help. The charges +against the Nicene leaders were often more +than plausible, for men like the Cæsarean Eusebius +dreaded Sabellianism, and Marcellus was practically +Sabellian, and the others aiders and abettors of his +misbelief. Some even of the darker charges may have +had some ground, or at least have seemed truer than +they were. Thus Eusebius had a very heterogeneous +following, and it would be scant charity if we laid on +all of them the burden of their leader's infamy.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Attacks on: +(1.) Eustathius.</div> + +<p>They began with Eustathius of Antioch, an old +confessor and a man of eloquence, who enjoyed a great +and lasting popularity in the city. He was +one of the foremost enemies of Arianism at +Nicæa, and had since waged an active literary war with +the Arianizing clique in Syria. In one respect they +found him a specially dangerous enemy, for he saw +clearly the important consequences of the Arian denial +of the Lord's true human soul. Eustathius was therefore +deposed (on obscure grounds) in 330, and exiled +with many of his clergy to Thrace. The vacant see +was offered to Eusebius of Cæsarea, and finally accepted +by the Cappadocian Euphronius. But party spirit ran +high at Antioch. The removal of Eustathius nearly +caused a bloody riot, and his departure was followed +by an open schism. The Nicenes refused to recognise +Euphronius, and held their meetings apart, under the +presbyter Paulinus, remaining without a bishop for +more than thirty years.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">(2.) Marcellus.</div> + +<p>The system was vigorously followed up. Ten of the +Nicene leaders were exiled in the next year or two. +But Alexandria and Ancyra were the great +strongholds of the Nicene faith, and the +Eusebians still had to expel Marcellus and Athanasius. +As Athanasius might have met a charge of heresy with +a dangerous retort, it was found necessary to take other +methods with him. Marcellus, however, was so far the +foremost champion of the council, and he had fairly +exposed himself to a doctrinal attack. Let us therefore +glance at his theory of the incarnation.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Character of +Marcellus.</div> + +<p>Marcellus of Ancyra was already in middle life when +he came forward as a resolute enemy of Arianism at +Nicæa. Nothing is known of his early +years and education, but we can see some +things which influenced him later on. Ancyra was +a strange diocese, full of uncouth Gauls and chaffering +Jews, and overrun with Montanists and Manichees, and +votaries of endless fantastic heresies and superstitions. +In the midst of this turmoil Marcellus spent his life; +and if he learned too much of the Galatian party spirit, +he learned also that the gospel is wider than the forms +of Greek philosophy. The speculations of Alexandrian +theology were as little appreciated by the Celts of Asia +as is the stately churchmanship of England by the +Celts of Wales. They were the foreigner's thoughts, +too cold for Celtic zeal, too grand for Celtic narrowness. +Fickleness is not inconsistent with a true and +deep religious instinct, and we may find something +austere and high behind the ever-changing phases of +spiritual excitement. Thus the ideal holiness of the +church, upheld by Montanists and Novatians, attracted<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> +kindred spirits at opposite ends of the Empire, among +the Moors of the Atlas and the Gauls of Asia. Such +a people will have sins and scandals like its neighbours, +but very little indifference or cynicism. It will be +more inclined to make of Christian liberty an excuse +for strife and debate. The zeal which carries the +gospel to the loneliest mountain villages will also fill +them with the jealousies of endless quarrelling sects; +and the Gaul of Asia clung to his separatism with all +the more tenacity for the consciousness that his race +was fast dissolving in the broader and better world of +Greece. Thus Marcellus was essentially a stranger to +the wider movements of his time. His system is an +appeal from Origen to St. John, from philosophy to +Scripture. Nor can we doubt the high character and +earnest zeal of the man who for years stood side by +side with Athanasius. The more significant therefore +is the failure of his bold attempt to cut the knot of +controversy.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Doctrine of +Marcellus.</div> + +<p>Marcellus then agreed with the Arians that the idea +of sonship implies beginning and inferiority, so that +a Son of God is neither eternal nor equal to +the Father. When the Arians argued on +both grounds that the Lord is a creature, the conservatives +were content to reply that the idea of sonship +excludes that of creation, and implies a peculiar +relation to and origin from the Father. But their own +position was weak. Whatever they might say, their +secondary God was a second God, and their theory +of the eternal generation only led them into further +difficulties, for their concession of the Son's origin from +the will of the Father made the Arian conclusion<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> +irresistible. Marcellus looked scornfully on a lame +result like this. The conservatives had broken down +because they had gone astray after vain philosophy. +Turn we then to Scripture. 'In the beginning was,' +not the Son, but the Word. It is no secondary or +accidental title which St. John throws to the front of +his Gospel, and repeats with deliberate emphasis three +times over in the first verse. Thus the Lord is +properly the Word of God, and this must govern the +meaning of all such secondary names as the Son. +Then he is not only the silent thinking principle +which remains with God, but also the active creating +power which comes forth too for the dispensation of +the world. In this Sabellianizing sense Marcellus +accepted the Nicene faith, holding that the Word is +one with God as reason is one with man. Thus he +explained the Divine Sonship and other difficulties by +limiting them to the incarnation. The Word as such +is pure spirit, and only became the Son of God by +becoming the Son of Man. It was only in virtue of +this humiliating separation from the Father that the +Word acquired a sort of independent personality. +Thus the Lord was human certainly on account of +his descent into true created human flesh, and yet +not merely human, for the Word remained unchanged. +Not for its own sake was the Word incarnate, but +merely for the conquest of Satan. 'The flesh profiteth +nothing,' and even the gift of immortality cannot make +it worthy of permanent union with the Word. God is +higher than immortality itself, and even the immortal +angels cannot pass the gulf which parts the creature +from its Lord. That which is of the earth is useless<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> +for the age to come. Hence the human nature must +be laid aside when its work is done and every hostile +power overthrown. Then shall the Son of God deliver +up the kingdom to the Father, that the kingdom of +God may have no end; and then the Word shall +return, and be for ever with the Father as before.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The conservative +panic.</div> + +<p>A universal cry of horror rose from the conservative +ranks to greet the new Sabellius, the Jew and worse +than Jew, the shameless miscreant who had +forsworn the Son of God. Marcellus had +confused together all the errors he could find. The +faith itself was at peril if blasphemies like these were +to be sheltered behind the rash decisions of Nicæa. +So thought the conservatives, and not without a reason, +though their panic was undignified from the first, and +became a positive calamity when taken up by political +adventurers for their own purposes. As far as doctrine +went, there was little to choose between Marcellus +and Arius. Each held firmly the central error of the +conservatives, and rejected as illogical the modifications +and side views by which they were finding their way +to something better. Both parties, says Athanasius, +are equally inconsistent. The conservatives, who refuse +eternal being to the Son of God, will not endure to +hear that his kingdom is other than eternal; while the +Marcellians, who deny his personality outright, are +equally shocked at the Arian limitation of it to the +sphere of time. Nor had Marcellus escaped the difficulties +of Arius. If, for example, the idea of an +eternal Son is polytheistic, nothing is gained by transferring +the eternity to an impersonal Word. If the +generation of the Son is materializing, so also is the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> +coming forth of the Word. If the work of creation is +unworthy of God, it may as well be delegated to a +created Son as to a transitory Word. So far Athanasius. +Indeed, to Marcellus the Son of God is a mere +phenomenon of time, and even the Word is as foreign +to the divine essence as the Arian Son. If the one +can only reveal in finite measure, the other gives but +broken hints of an infinity beyond. Instead of destroying +Arianism by the roots, Marcellus had fallen +into something very like Sabellianism. He reaches +no true mediation, no true union of God and man, for +he makes the incarnation a mere theophany, the flesh +a useless burden, to be one day laid aside. The Lord +is our Redeemer and the conqueror of death and Satan, +but there is no room for a second Adam, the organic +head of regenerate mankind. The redemption becomes +a mere intervention from without, not also the planting +of a power of life within, which will one day quicken +our mortal bodies too.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">(3.) Athanasius.</div> + +<p>Marcellus had fairly exposed himself to a doctrinal +attack; other methods were used with Athanasius. +They had material enough without touching +doctrine. His election was disputed: +Meletians and Arians complained of oppression: there +were some useful charges of magic and political intrigue. +At first, however, the Meletians could not +even get a hearing from the Emperor. When Eusebius +of Nicomedia took up their cause, they fared a little +better. The attack had to be put off till the winter +of 331, and was even then a failure. Their charges +were partly answered by two presbyters of Athanasius +who were on the spot; and when the bishop himself<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> +was summoned to court, he soon completed their discomfiture. +As Constantine was now occupied with the +Gothic war, nothing more could be done till 334. +When, however, Athanasius was ordered to attend a +council at Cæsarea, he treated it as a mere cabal of his +enemies, and refused to appear.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Council of +Tyre (335).</div> + +<p>Next year the Eastern bishops gathered to Jerusalem +to keep the festival of the thirtieth year of Constantine's +reign and to dedicate his splendid church +on Golgotha. But first it was a work of +charity to restore peace in Egypt. A synod of about +150 bishops was held at Tyre, and this time the +appearance of Athanasius was secured by peremptory +orders from the Emperor. The Eusebians had the +upper hand, though there was a strong minority. +Athanasius brought nearly fifty bishops from Egypt, +and others, like Maximus of Jerusalem and Alexander +of Thessalonica, were willing to do justice. Athanasius +was not accused of heresy, but, with more plausibility, +of episcopal tyranny. His friends replied with reckless +violence. Potammon aimed a bitter and unrighteous +taunt at Eusebius of Cæsarea. 'You and I were once +in prison for the faith. I lost an eye: how did you +escape?' Athanasius might perhaps have been crushed +if his enemies had kept up a decent semblance of +truth and fairness. But nothing was further from +their thoughts than an impartial trial. Scandal succeeded +scandal, till the iniquity culminated in the +dispatch of an openly partizan commission to superintend +the manufacture of evidence in Egypt. Maximus +of Jerusalem and Paphnutius left the council, saying +that it was not good that old confessors like them<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> +should share its evil deeds. The Egyptian bishops +protested. Alexander of Thessalonica denounced the +plot to the Emperor's representative. Athanasius himself +took ship for Constantinople without waiting for +the end of the farce, and the council condemned him +by default. This done, the bishops went on to Jerusalem +for the proper business of their meeting.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Assembly at +Jerusalem.</div> + +<p>The concourse on Golgotha was a brilliant spectacle. +Ten years had passed since the still unrivalled assembly +at Nicæa, and the veterans of the last +great persecution must have been deeply +moved at their meeting once again in this world. +The stately ceremonial suited Maximus and Eusebius +much better than the noisy scene at Tyre, and may +for the moment have soothed the swelling indignation +of Potammon and Paphnutius. Constantine had once +more plastered over the divisions of the churches with +a general reconciliation, but this time Athanasius +was condemned and Arius received to communion. +The heretic had long since left his exile in Illyricum, +though we cannot fix the date of his recall. However, +one winter the Emperor invited Arius and his friend +Euzoius to Constantinople, where they laid before him +a short and simple confession of their faith. It said +nothing of the disputed points, but was not unorthodox +as far as it went. Nor were they bishops, that the +Nicene creed should be forced upon them. Constantine +was therefore satisfied, and now directed them to lay +it before the bishops at Jerusalem, who duly approved +of it and received its authors to communion. In order +to complete the work of peace, Athanasius was condemned +afresh on the return of the commission from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> +Egypt, and proceedings were begun against Marcellus +of Ancyra.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">First exile of +Athanasius.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile Constantine's dreams of peace were rudely +dissipated by the sudden appearance of Athanasius +before him in the streets of Constantinople. +Whatever the bishops had done, they had +plainly caused dissensions just when the Emperor was +most anxious for harmony. An angry letter summoned +the whole assembly straight to court. The meeting, +however, was most likely dispersed before its arrival; +at any rate, there came only a deputation of Eusebians. +The result was unexpected. Instead of attempting to +defend the council of Tyre, Eusebius of Nicomedia +suddenly accused Athanasius of hindering the supply +of corn for the capital. This was quite a new charge, +and chosen with much skill. Athanasius was not +allowed to defend himself, but summarily sent away to +Trier in Gaul, where he was honourably received by +the younger Constantine. On the other hand, the +Emperor refused to let his place be filled up at +Alexandria, and exiled the Meletian leader, John +Archaph, 'for causing divisions.' To Constantinople +came also Marcellus. He had kept away from the +councils of Tyre and Jerusalem, and only came now to +invite the Emperor's decision on his book. Constantine +referred it as usual to the bishops, who promptly condemned +it and deposed its author.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Death of +Arius.</div> + +<p>There remained only the formal restoration of Arius +to communion at Constantinople. But the heretic was +taken ill suddenly, and died in the midst +of a procession the evening before the day +appointed. His enemies saw in his death a judgment<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> +from heaven, and likened it to that of Judas. Only +Athanasius relates it with reserve and dignity.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Policy of +Constantine.</div> + +<p>Upon the whole, Constantine had done his best for +peace by leaving matters in an uneasy suspense which +satisfied neither party. This seems the +best explanation of his wavering. He had +not turned Arian, for there is no sign that he ever +allowed the decisions of Nicæa to be openly rejected +inside the churches. Athanasius was not exiled for +heresy, for there was no question of heresy in the case. +The quarrel was ostensibly one of orthodox bishops, for +Eusebius had signed the Nicene creed as well as +Athanasius. Constantine's action seems to have been +determined by Asiatic feeling. Had he believed the +charge of delaying the corn-ships, he would have executed +Athanasius at once. His conduct does not look +like a real explosion of rage. The merits of the case +were not easy to find out, but the quarrel between +Athanasius and the Asiatic bishops was a nuisance, so +he sent him out of the way as a troublesome person. +The Asiatics were not all of them either Arians or +intriguers. It was not always furtive sympathy with +heresy which led them to regret the heresiarch's +expulsion for doctrines which he disavowed; neither +was it always partizanship which could not see the +innocence of Athanasius. Constantine's vacillation is +natural if his policy was to seek for unity by letting +the bishops guide him.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<h3><i>THE COUNCIL OF SARDICA.</i></h3> + + +<div class="sidenote">Death of +Constantine, +May 22, 337.</div> + +<p>Constantine's work on earth was done. When the +hand of death was on him, he laid aside the purple, +and the ambiguous position of a Christian +Cæsar with it, and passed away in the white +robe of a simple convert. Long as he had +been a friend to the churches, he had till now put off +the elementary rite of baptism, in the hope one day to +receive it in the waters of the Jordan, like the Lord +himself. Darkly as his memory is stained with isolated +crimes, Constantine must for ever rank among the +greatest of the emperors; and as an actual benefactor +of mankind, he stands alone among them. Besides +his great services to the Empire in his own time, he +gave the civilization of later days a new centre on the +Bosphorus, beyond the reach of Goth or Vandal. +Bulgarians and Saracens and Russians dashed themselves +in pieces on the walls of Constantinople, +(<span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1204.) and the strong arms of Western and crusading traitors were +needed at last to overthrow the old bulwark +which for so many centuries had guarded +Christendom. Above all, it was Constantine who first<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> +essayed the problem of putting a Christian spirit into +the statecraft of the world. Hard as the task is even +now, it was harder still in times when the gospel had +not yet had time to form, as it were, an outwork of +common feeling against some of the grosser sins. Yet +whatever might be his errors, his legislation was a +landmark for ever, because no emperor before him had +been guided by a Christian sense of duty.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Division of +the Empire.</div> + +<p>The sons of Constantine shared the Empire among +them 'like an ancestral inheritance.' Thrace and Pontus +had been assigned to their cousins, Dalmatius +and Hannibalianus; but the army would +have none but Constantine's own sons to reign over +them. The whole house of Theodora perished in the +tumult except two boys—Gallus and Julian, afterwards +the apostate Emperor. Thus Constantine's sons were +left in possession of the Empire. Constantine II. took +Gaul and Britain, the legions of Syria secured the East +for Constantius, and Italy and Illyricum were left for +the share of the youngest, Constans.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Recall of Athanasius, +337.</div> + +<p>One of the first acts of the new Emperors was to +restore the exiled bishops. Athanasius was released +by the younger Constantine as soon as his +father's death was known at Trier, and +reached Alexandria in November 337, to the joy of +both Greeks and Copts. Marcellus and the rest were +restored about the same time, though not without much +disturbance at Ancyra, where the intruding bishop +Basil was an able man, and had formed a party.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Character of +Constantius.</div> + +<p>Let us now take a glance at the new Emperor of the +East. Constantius had something of his father's +character. In temperance and chastity, in love of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> +letters and in dignity of manner, in social charm and +pleasantness of private life, he was no unworthy son of +Constantine; and if he inherited no splendid +genius for war, he had a full measure of +soldierly courage and endurance. Nor was the statesmanship +entirely bad which kept the East in tolerable +peace for four-and-twenty years. But Constantius was +essentially a little man, in whom his father's vices took +a meaner form. Constantine committed some great +crimes, but the whole spirit of Constantius was +corroded with fear and jealousy of every man better +than himself. Thus the easy trust in unworthy +favourites, which marks even the ablest of his family, +became in Constantius a public calamity. It was bad +enough when the uprightness of Constantine or Julian +was led astray, but it was far worse when the +eunuchs found a master too weak to stand alone, too +jealous to endure a faithful counsellor, too easy-tempered +and too indolent to care what oppressions +were committed in his name, and without the sense of +duty which would have gone far to make up for all +his shortcomings. The peculiar repulsiveness of Constantius +is not due to any flagrant personal vice, but +to the combination of cold-blooded treachery with the +utter want of any inner nobleness of character. Yet +he was a pious emperor, too, in his own way. He +loved the ecclesiastical game, and was easily won over +to the Eusebian side. The growing despotism of the +Empire and the personal vanity of Constantius were +equally suited by the episcopal timidity which cried +for an arm of flesh to fight its battles. It is not easy +to decide how far he acted on his own likings and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> +superstitions, how far he merely let his flatterers lead +him, or how far he saw political reasons for following +them. In any case, he began with a thorough dislike +of the Nicene council, continued for a long time to +hold conservative language, and ended after some +vacillation by adopting the vague Homoœn compromise +of 359.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Second exile of +Athanasius, +Lent, 339.</div> + +<p>Eusebian intrigue was soon resumed. Now that +Constantine was dead, a schism could be set on foot at +Alexandria; so the Arians were encouraged +to hold assemblies of their own, and provided +with a bishop in the person of Pistus, +one of the original heretics deposed by Alexander. +No fitter consecrator could be found for him than +Secundus of Ptolemais, one of the two bishops who +held out to the last against the council. The next +move was the formal deposition of Athanasius by a +council held at Antioch in the winter of 338. But +there was still no charge of heresy—only old and new +ones of sedition and intrigue, and a new argument, +that after his deposition at Tyre he had forfeited all +right to further justice by accepting a restoration from +the civil power. This last was quite a new claim on +behalf of the church, first used against Athanasius, and +next afterwards for the ruin of Chrysostom, though it +has since been made a pillar of the faith. Pistus was +not appointed to the vacant see. The council chose +Gregory of Cappadocia as a better agent for the rough +work to be done. Athanasius was expelled by the +apostate prefect Philagrius, and Gregory installed by +military violence in his place. Scenes of outrage were +enacted all over Egypt.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Athanasius and +Marcellus at +Rome.</div> + +<p>Athanasius fled to Rome. Thither also came Marcellus +of Ancyra, and ejected clerics from all parts of +the East. Under the rule of Constans they +might meet with justice. Bishop Julius +at once took the position of an arbiter of +Christendom. He received the fugitives with a decent +reserve, and invited the Eusebians to the council they +had already asked him to hold. For a long time there +came no answer from the East. The old heretic +Carpones appeared at Rome on Gregory's behalf, but +the envoys of Julius were detained at Antioch till +January 340, and at last dismissed with an unmannerly +reply. After some further delay, a synod of about +fifty bishops met at Rome the following autumn. The +cases were examined, Marcellus and Athanasius acquitted, +and it remained for Julius to report their decision +to the Easterns.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The letter of +Julius.</div> + +<p>His letter is one of the ablest documents of the +entire controversy. Nothing can be better than the +calm and high judicial tone in which he +lays open every excuse of the Eusebians. +He was surprised, he says, to receive so discourteous +an answer to his letter. But what was their +grievance? If it was his invitation to a synod, +they could not have much confidence in their cause. +Even the great council of Nicæa had decided (and not +without the will of God) that the acts of one synod +might be revised by another. Their own envoys had +asked him to hold a council, and the men who set +aside the decisions of Nicæa by using the services of +heretics like Secundus, Pistus and Carpones could +hardly claim finality for their own doings at Tyre.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> +Their complaint that he had given them too short a +notice would have been reasonable if the appointed day +had found them on the road to Rome. 'But this +also, beloved, is only an excuse.' They had detained +his envoys for months at Antioch, and plainly did not +mean to come. As for the reception of Athanasius, it +was neither lightly nor unjustly done. The Eusebian +letters against him were inconsistent, for no two of +them ever told the same story; and they were, moreover, +contradicted by letters in his favour from Egypt +and elsewhere. The accused had come to Rome when +summoned, and waited for them eighteen months in +vain, whereas the Eusebians had uncanonically appointed +an utter stranger in his place at Alexandria, +and sent him with a guard of soldiers all the way from +Antioch to disturb the peace of Egypt with horrible +outrages. With regard to Marcellus, he had denied +the charge of heresy and presented a very sound confession +of his faith. The Roman legates at Nicæa +had also borne witness to the honourable part he had +taken in the council. Thus the Eusebians could not +say that Athanasius and Marcellus had been too hastily +received at Rome. Rather their own doings were the +cause of all the troubles, for complaints of their violence +came in from all parts of the East. The authors of +these outrages were no lovers of peace, but of confusion. +Whatever grievance they might have against +Athanasius, they should not have neglected the old +custom of writing first to Rome, that a legitimate +decision might issue from the apostolic see. It was +time to put an end to these scandals, as they would +have to answer for them in the day of judgment.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Criticism of it.</div> + +<p>Severe as the letter is, it contrasts well with the +disingenuous querulousness of the Eusebians. Nor is +Julius unmindful to press as far as possible +the claims of the Roman see. His one +serious mistake was in supporting Marcellus. No +doubt old services at Nicæa counted heavily in the +West. His confession too was innocent enough, being +very nearly our so-called Apostles' Creed, here met for +the first time in history.<a name="FNanchor_1_12" id="FNanchor_1_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_12" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Knowing, however, what +his doctrine was, we must admit that the Easterns +were right in resenting its deliberate approval at +Rome.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_12" id="Footnote_1_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_12"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> It has even been ascribed to Marcellus; but it seems a little older. +Its apostolic origin is of course absurd. The legend cannot be traced +beyond the last quarter of the fourth century.</p></div> + +<div class="sidenote">Council of the +dedication at +Antioch (341).</div> + +<p>The Eusebians replied in the summer of 341, +when ninety bishops met at Antioch to consecrate +the Golden Church, begun by Constantine. +The character of the council is an old +question of dispute. Hilary calls it a +meeting of saints, and its canons have found their +way into the authoritative collections; yet its chief +work was to confirm the deposition of Athanasius and +to draw up creeds in opposition to the Nicene. Was +it Nicene or Arian? Probably neither, but conservative. +The Eusebians seem to have imitated Athanasius +in pressing a creed (this time an Arianizing one) on +unwilling conservatives, but only to have succeeded in +making great confusion. This was a new turn of +their policy, and not a hopeful one. Constantine's +death indeed left them free to try if they could replace +the Nicene creed by something else; but the friends of +Athanasius could accept no substitute, and even the +conservatives could hardly agree to make the Lord's +divinity an open question. The result was twenty +years of busy creed-making, and twenty more of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span>confusion, +before it was finally seen that there was no +escape from the dilemma which had been decisive at +Nicæa.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Lucianic +creed (second +of Antioch).</div> + +<p>The Eusebians began by offering a meagre and +evasive creed, much like the confession of Arius and +Euzoius, prefacing it with a declaration +that they were not followers of Arius, but +his independent adherents. They overshot +their mark, for the conservatives were not willing to +go so far as this, and, moreover, had older standards +of their own. Instead, therefore, of drawing up a new +creed, they put forward a work of the venerated +martyr Lucian of Antioch. Such it was said to be, +and such in the main it probably was, though the +anathemas must have been added now. This Lucianic +formula then is essentially conservative, but leans +much more to the Nicene than to the Arian side. +Its central clause declares the Son of God 'not +subject to moral change or alteration, but the unvarying +image of the deity and essence and power +and counsel and glory of the Father,' while its +anathemas condemn 'those who say that there was +once <i>a time</i> when the Son of God was not, or that +he is a creature <i>as one of the creatures</i>.' These are +strong words, but they do not in the least shut out +Arianism. No doubt the phrase 'unvarying image +of the essence' means that there is no change of +essence in passing from the Father to the Son, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> +is therefore logically equivalent to 'of one essence' +(<i>homoousion</i>); but the conservatives meant nothing +more than 'of like essence' (<i>homoiousion</i>), which is +consistent with great unlikeness in attributes. The +anathemas also are the Nicene with insertions which +might have been made for the very purpose of letting +the Arians escape. However, the conservatives were +well satisfied with the Lucianic creed, and frequently +refer to it with a veneration akin to that of Athanasius +for the Nicene. But the wire-pullers were determined +to upset it. The confession next presented by Theophronius +of Tyana was more to their mind, for it +contained a direct anathema against "Marcellus and +those who communicated with him." It secured a +momentary approval, but the meeting broke up without +adopting it. The Lucianic formula remained the +creed of the council.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The fourth +creed.</div> + +<p>Defeated in a free council, the wire-pullers a few +months later assembled a cabal of their own, and +drew up a fourth creed, which a deputation +of notorious Arianizers presented to Constans +in Gaul as the genuine work of the council. +It seems to have suited them better than the Lucianic, +for they repeated it with increasing series of anathemas +at Philippopolis in 343, at Antioch the next year, +and at Sirmium in 351. We can see why it suited +them. While in substance it is less opposed to +Arianism than the Lucianic, its wording follows the +Nicene, even to the adoption of the anathemas in a +weakened form. Upon the whole, it is a colourless +document, which left all questions open.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Constans +demands a +council.</div> + +<p>The wording of the creed of Tyana was a direct blow<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> +at Julius of Rome, and is of itself enough to show +that its authors were no lovers of peace. But Western +suspicion was already roused by the issue +of the Lucianic creed. There could no +longer be any doubt that the Nicene faith +was the real object of attack. Before the Eastern +envoys reached Constans in Gaul, he had already +written to his brother (Constantine II. was now dead) +to demand a new general council. Constantius was +busy with the Persian war, and could not refuse; +so it was summoned to meet in the summer of 343. +To the dismay of the Eusebians, the place chosen +was Sardica in Dacia, just inside the dominions of +Constans. After their failure with the Eastern +bishops at Antioch, they could not hope to control +the Westerns in a free council.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Council of +Sardica (343).</div> + +<p>To Sardica the bishops came. The Westerns were +about ninety-six in number, 'with Hosius of Cordova +for their father,' bringing with him Athanasius +and Marcellus, and supported by the +chief Westerns—Gratus of Carthage, Protasius of +Milan, Maximus of Trier, Fortunatian of Aquileia, and +Vincent of Capua, the old Roman legate at Nicæa. +The Easterns, under Stephen of Antioch and Acacius +of Cæsarea, the disciple and successor of Eusebius, +were for once outnumbered. They therefore travelled +in one body, more than seventy strong, and agreed +to act together. They began by insisting that the +deposition of Marcellus and Athanasius at Antioch +should be accepted without discussion. Such a +demand was absurd. There was no reason why the +deposition at Antioch should be accepted blindly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> +rather than the acquittal at Rome. At any rate, the +council had an express commission to re-open the +whole case, and indeed had met for no other purpose; +so, if they were not to do it, they might as well go +home. The Westerns were determined to sift the +whole matter to the bottom, but the Eusebians +refused to enter the council. It was in vain that +Hosius asked them to give their proofs, if it were +only to himself in private. In vain he promised +that if Athanasius was acquitted, and they were +still unwilling to receive him, he would take him +back with him to Spain. The Westerns began the +trial: the Easterns left Sardica by night in haste. +They had heard, forsooth, of a victory on the Persian +frontier, and must pay their respects to the Emperor +without a moment's delay.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Acquittal of +Marcellus and +Athanasius.</div> + +<p>Once more the charges were examined and the +accused acquitted. In the case of Marcellus, it was +found that the Eusebians had misquoted +his book, setting down opinions as his own +which he had only put forward for discussion. +Thus it was not true that he had denied +the eternity of the Word in the past or of his kingdom +in the future. Quite so: but the eternity of the +Sonship is another matter. This was the real charge +against him, and he was allowed to evade it. Though +doctrinal questions lay more in the background in the +case of Athanasius, one party in the council was for +issuing a new creed in explanation of the Nicene. The +proposal was wisely rejected. It would have made +the fatal admission that Arianism had not been clearly +condemned at Nicæa, and thrown on the Westerns the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> +odium of innovation. All that could be done was to +pass a series of canons to check the worst scandals of +late years. After this the council issued its encyclical +and the bishops dispersed.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Rival council +of Philippopolis.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile the Easterns (such was their haste) +halted for some weeks at Philippopolis to issue their +own encyclical, falsely dating it from Sardica. +They begin with their main argument, +that the acts of councils are irreversible. +Next they recite the charges against Athanasius +and Marcellus, and the doings of the Westerns +at Sardica. Hereupon they denounce Hosius, Julius, +and others as associates of heretics and patrons of +the detestable errors of Marcellus. A few random +charges of gross immorality are added, after the +Eusebian custom. They end with a new creed, the +fourth of Antioch, with some verbal changes, and +seven anathemas instead of two.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The fifth +creed of +Antioch +(344).</div> + +<p>The quarrel of East and West seemed worse than +ever. The Eusebians had behaved discreditably +enough, but they had at least frustrated +the council, and secured a recognition of +their creed from a large body of Eastern +conservatives. So far they had been fairly successful, +but the next move on their side was a blunder and +worse. When the Sardican envoys, Vincent of Capua +and Euphrates of Cologne, came eastward in the spring +of 344, a harlot was brought one night into their +lodgings. Great was the scandal when the plot was +traced up to the Eusebian leader, Stephen of Antioch. +A new council was held, by which Stephen was deposed +and Leontius the Lucianist, himself the subject of an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> +old scandal, was raised to the vacant see. The fourth +creed of Antioch was also re-issued with a few changes, +but followed by long paragraphs of explanation. The +Easterns adhered to their condemnation of Marcellus, +and joined with him his disciple Photinus of Sirmium, +who had made the Lord a mere man like the Ebionites. +On the other hand, they condemned several Arian +phrases, and insisted in the strongest manner on the +mutual, inseparable, and, as it were, organic union of +the Son with the Father in a single deity.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Return of +Athanasius +(Oct. 346).</div> + +<p>This conciliatory move cleared the way for a general +suspension of hostilities. Stephen's crime had discredited +the whole gang of Eastern court +intriguers who had made the quarrel. Nor +were the Westerns unreasonable. Though +they still upheld Marcellus, they frankly gave up and +condemned Photinus. Meanwhile Constans pressed the +execution of the decrees of Sardica, and Constantius, +with a Persian war on his hands, could not refuse. +The last obstacle was removed by the death of Gregory +of Cappadocia in 345. It was not till the third invitation +that Athanasius returned. He had to take +leave of his Italian friends, and the Emperor's letters +were only too plainly insincere. However, Constantius +received him graciously at Antioch, ordered all the +charges against him to be destroyed, and gave him +a solemn promise of full protection for the future. +Athanasius went forward on his journey, and the old +confessor Maximus assembled the bishops of Palestine +to greet him at Jerusalem. But his entry into Alexandria +(Oct. 346) was the crowning triumph of his life. +For miles along the road the great city streamed out to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> +meet him with enthusiastic welcome, and the jealous +police of Constantius could raise no tumult to mar the +universal harmony of that great day of national rejoicing.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Interval of +rest (346-353.)</div> + +<p>The next few years were an uneasy interval of suspense +rather than of peace, for the long contest had so +far decided nothing. If the Nicene exiles +were restored, the Eusebian disturbers were +not deposed. Thus while Nicene animosity was not +satisfied, the standing grounds of conservative distrust +were not removed. Above all, the return of Athanasius +was a personal humiliation for Constantius, which +he was not likely to accept without watching his opportunity +for a final struggle to decide the mastery of +Egypt. Still there was tolerable quiet for the present. +The court intriguers could do nothing without the +Emperor, and Constantius was occupied first with the +Persian war, then with the civil war against Magnentius. +If there was not peace, there was a fair amount of quiet +till the Emperor's hands were freed by the death of +Magnentius in 353.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Modification +of Nicene +position.</div> + +<p>The truce was hollow and the rest precarious, but +the mere cessation of hostilities was not without its +influence. As Nicenes and conservatives +were fundamentally agreed on the reality of +the Lord's divinity, minor jealousies began +to disappear when they were less busily encouraged. +The Eusebian phase of conservatism, which emphasised +the Lord's personal distinction from the Father, was +giving way to the Semiarian, where stress was rather +laid on his essential likeness to the Father. Thus 'of +a like essence' (<i>homoiousion</i>) and 'like in all things' +became more and more the watchwords of conservatism.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> +The Nicenes, on the other side, were warned by the +excesses of Marcellus that there was some reason for +the conservative dread of the Nicene 'of one essence' +(<i>homoousion</i>) as Sabellian. The word could not be +withdrawn, but it might be put forward less conspicuously, +and explained rather as a safe and emphatic +form of the Semiarian 'of like essence' than as a rival +doctrine. Henceforth it came to mean absolute likeness +of attributes rather than common possession of the +divine essence. Thus by the time the war is renewed, +we can already foresee the possibility of a new alliance +between Nicenes and conservatives.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Rise of +Anomœans.</div> + +<p>We see also the rise of a new and more defiant Arian +school, more in earnest than the older generation, +impatient of their shuffling diplomacy and +less pliant to court influences. Aetius was +a man of learning and no small dialectic skill, who had +passed through many troubles in his earlier life and +been the disciple of several scholars, mostly of the +Lucianic school, before he came to rest in a clear and +simple form of Arianism. Christianity without mystery +seems to have been his aim. The Anomœan leaders +took their stand on the doctrine of Arius himself, and +dwelt with most emphasis on its most offensive aspects. +Arius had long ago laid down the absolute unlikeness +of the Son to the Father, but for years past the +Arianizers had prudently softened it down. Now, however, +'unlike' became the watchword of Aetius and +Eunomius, and their followers delighted to shock all +sober feeling by the harshest and profanest declarations +of it. The scandalous jests of Eudoxius must have +given deep offence to thousands; but the great novelty<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> +of the Anomœan doctrine was its audacious self-sufficiency. +Seeing that Arius was illogical in regarding +the divine nature as incomprehensible, and yet reasoning +as if its relations were fully explained by human +types, the Anomœans boldly declared that it is no +mystery at all. If the divine essence is simple, man +can perfectly understand it. 'Canst thou by searching +find out God?' Yes, and know him quite as well as +he knows me. Such was the new school of Arianism—presumptuous +and shallow, quarrelsome and heathenising, +yet not without a directness and a firmness of conviction +which gives it a certain dignity in spite of its +wrangling and irreverence. Its conservative allies it +despised for their wavering and insincerity; to its +Nicene opponents it repaid hatred for hatred, and flung +back with retorted scorn their denial of its right to +bear the Christian name.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Illustration +from the state +of: (1.) Jerusalem.</div> + +<p>We may now glance at the state of the churches +at Jerusalem and Antioch during the years of rest. +Jerusalem had been a resort of pilgrims +since the days of Origen, and Helena's +visit shortly after the Nicene council had +fully restored it to the dignity of a holy place. We +still have the itinerary of a nameless pilgrim who +found his way from Bordeaux to Palestine in 333. +The great church, however, of the Resurrection, which +Constantine built on Golgotha, was only dedicated by +the council of 335. The <i>Catecheses</i> of Cyril are a +series of sermons on the creed, delivered to the catechumens +of that church in 348. If it is not a work +of any great originality, it will show us all the better +what was passing in the minds of men of practical<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> +and simple piety, who had no taste for the controversies +of the day. All through it we see the earnest +pastor who feels that his strength is needed to combat +the practical immoralities of a holy city (Jerusalem +was a scandal of the age), and never lifts his eyes to +the wild scene of theological confusion round him but +in fear and dread that Antichrist is near. 'I fear the +wars of the nations; I fear the divisions of the +churches; I fear the mutual hatred of the brethren. +Enough concerning this. God forbid it come to pass in +our days; yet let us be on our guard. Enough concerning +Antichrist.' Jews, Samaritans, and Manichees +are his chief opponents; yet he does not forget to +warn his hearers against the teaching of Sabellius and +Marcellus, 'the dragon's head of late arisen in Galatia.' +Arius he sometimes contradicts in set terms, though +without naming him. Of the Nicenes too, we hear +nothing directly, but they seem glanced at in the +complaint that whereas in former times heresy was +open, the church is now full of secret heretics. The +Nicene creed again he never mentions, but we cannot +mistake the allusion when he tells his hearers that +their own Jerusalem creed was not put together by +the will of men, and impresses on them that every +word of it can be proved by Scripture. But the most +significant feature of his language is its close relation +to that of the dated creed of Sirmium in 359. Nearly +every point where the latter differs from the Lucianic +is one specially emphasized by Cyril. If then the +Lucianic creed represents the earlier conservatism, it +follows that Cyril expresses the later views which had +to be conciliated in 359.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">(2.) Antioch.</div> + +<p>The condition of Antioch under Leontius (344-357) +is equally significant. The Nicene was quite as strong +in the city as Arianism had ever been at Alexandria. +The Eustathians formed a separate +and strongly Nicene congregation under the presbyter +Paulinus, and held their meetings outside the walls. +Athanasius communicated with them on his return +from exile, and agreed to give the Arians a church +in Alexandria, as Constantius desired, if only the +Eustathians were allowed one inside the walls of +Antioch. His terms were prudently declined, for the +Arians were a minority even in the congregation of +Leontius. The old Arian needed all his caution to +avoid offence. 'When this snow melts,' touching his +white head, 'there will be much mud.' Nicenes and +Arians made a slight difference in the doxology; and +Leontius always dropped his voice at the critical point, +so that nobody knew what he said. This policy was +successful in keeping out of the Eustathian communion +not only the indifferent multitude, but also many whose +sympathies were clearly Nicene, like the future bishops +Meletius and Flavian. But they always considered +him an enemy, and the more dangerous for the contrast +of his moderation with the reckless violence of Macedonius +at Constantinople. His appointments were +Arianizing, and he gave deep offence by the ordination +of his old disciple, the detested Aetius. So great was +the outcry that Leontius was forced to suspend him. +The opposition was led by two ascetic laymen, Flavian +and Diodorus, who both became distinguished bishops +in later time. Orthodox feeling was nourished by a +vigorous use of hymns and by all-night services at the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> +tombs of the martyrs. As such practices often led to +great abuses, Leontius may have had nothing more in +view than good order when he directed the services to +be transferred to the church.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">State of +parties.</div> + +<p>The case of Antioch was not exceptional. Arians +and Nicenes were still parties inside the church rather +than distant sects. They still used the +same prayers and the same hymns, still +worshipped in the same buildings, still commemorated +the same saints and martyrs, and still considered +themselves members of the same church. The +example of separation set by the Eustathians at Antioch +and the Arians at Alexandria was not followed till a +later stage of the controversy, when Diodorus and +Flavian on one side, and the Anomœans on the other, +began to introduce their own peculiarities into the +service. And if the bitterness of intestine strife was +increased by a state of things which made every bishop +a party nominee, there was some compensation in the +free intercourse of parties afterwards separated by +barriers of persecution. Nicenes and Arians in most +places mingled freely long after Leontius was dead, +and the Novatians of Constantinople threw open their +churches to the victims of Macedonius in a way which +drew his persecution on themselves, and was remembered +in their favour even in the next century by +liberal men like the historian Socrates.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V.</h2> + +<h3><i>THE VICTORY OF ARIANISM</i>.</h3> + + +<div class="sidenote">The West +(337-350).</div> + +<p>Meanwhile new troubles were gathering in the West. +While the Eastern churches were distracted with the +crimes or wrongs of Marcellus and Athanasius, +Europe remained at peace from the +Atlantic to the frontier of Thrace. The western +frontier of Constantius was also the western limit of +the storm. Hitherto its distant echoes had been very +faintly heard in Gaul and Spain; but now the time +was come for Arianism to invade the tranquil obscurity +of the West.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Magnentian +war, 350-353.</div> + +<p>Constans was not ill-disposed, and for some years +ruled well and firmly. Afterwards—it may be that +his health was bad—he lived in seclusion +with his Frankish guards, and left his subjects +to the oppression of unworthy favourites. Few +regretted their weak master's fate when the army of +Gaul proclaimed Magnentius Augustus (January 350). +But the memory of Constantine was still a power +which could set up emperors and pull them down. +The old general Vetranio at Sirmium received the +purple from Constantine's daughter, and Nepotianus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> +claimed it at Rome as Constantine's nephew. The +Magnentian generals scattered the gladiators of Nepotianus, +and disgraced their easy victory with slaughter +and proscription. The ancient mother of the nations +never forgave the intruder who had disturbed her +queenly rest with civil war and filled her streets with +bloodshed. Meantime Constantius came up from Syria, +won over the legions of Illyricum, reduced Vetranio to +a peaceful abdication, and pushed on with augmented +forces towards the Julian Alps, there to decide the +strife between Magnentius and the house of Constantine. +Both parties tried the resources of intrigue; but while +Constantius won over the Frank Silvanus from the +Western camp, the envoys of Magnentius, who sounded +Athanasius, gained nothing from the wary Greek. +The decisive battle was fought near Mursa, on the +Save (September 28, 351). Both armies well sustained +the honour of the Roman name, and it was +only after a frightful slaughter that the usurper was +thrown back on Aquileia. Next summer he was +forced to evacuate Italy, and in 353 his destruction +was completed by a defeat in the Cottian Alps. Magnentius +fell upon his sword, and Constantius remained +the master of the world.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Renewal of the +contest.</div> + +<p>The Eusebians were not slow to take advantage of +the confusion. The fires of controversy in the East +were smouldering through the years of rest, +so that it was no hard task to make them +blaze afresh. As the recall of the exiles was only due +to Western pressure, the death of Constans cleared the +way for further operations. Marcellus and Photinus +were again deposed by a council held at Sirmium in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> +351. Ancyra was restored to Basil, Sirmium given +to Germinius of Cyzicus. Other Eastern bishops were +also expelled, but there was no thought of disturbing +Athanasius for the present. Constantius more than +once repeated to him his promise of protection.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Western +bishops.</div> + +<p>Magnentius had not meddled with the controversy. +He was more likely to see in it the chance of an ally +at Alexandria than a matter of practical +interest in the West. As soon, however, +as Constantius was master of Gaul, he set himself to +force on the Westerns an indirect condemnation of the +Nicene faith in the person of Athanasius. Any direct +approval of Arianism was out of the question, for +Western feeling was firmly set against it by the council +of Nicæa. Liberius of Rome followed the steps of +his predecessor Julius. Hosius of Cordova was still +the patriarch of Christendom, while Paulinus of Trier, +Dionysius of Milan, and Hilary of Poitiers proved their +faith in exile. Mere creatures of the palace were no +match for men like these. Doctrine was therefore +kept in the background. Constantius began by demanding +from the Western bishops a summary and +lawless condemnation of Athanasius. No evidence +was offered; and when an accuser was asked for, the +Emperor himself came forward, and this at a time +when Athanasius was ruling Alexandria in peace on +the faith of his solemn and repeated promises of protection.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Council of +Arles (Oct. +353).</div> + +<p>A synod was held at Arles as soon as Constantius +was settled there for the winter. The bishops were +not unwilling to take the Emperor's word for the +crimes of Athanasius, if only the court party cleared<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> +itself from the suspicion of heresy by anathematizing +Arianism. Much management and no little violence +was needed to get rid of this condition; +but in the end the council yielded. Even +the Roman legate, Vincent of Capua, gave +way with the rest, and Paulinus of Trier alone stood +firm, and was sent away to die in exile.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Council of +Milan (Oct. +355).</div> + +<p>There was a sort of armed truce for the next two +years. Liberius of Rome disowned the weakness of +his legates and besought the Emperor to +hold a new council. But Constantius was +busy with the barbarians, and had to leave +the matter till he came to Milan in the autumn of +355. There Julian was invested with the purple and +sent as Cæsar to drive the Alemanni out of Gaul, or, +as some hoped, to perish in the effort. The council, +however, was for a long time quite unmanageable, and +only yielded at last to open violence. Dionysius of +Milan, Eusebius of Vercellæ, and Lucifer of Calaris in +Sardinia were the only bishops who had to be exiled.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Lucifer of +Calaris.</div> + +<p>The appearance of Lucifer is enough to show that +the contest had entered on a new stage. The lawless +tyranny of Constantius had roused an +aggressive fanaticism which went far beyond +the claim of independence for the church. In dauntless +courage and determined orthodoxy Lucifer may +rival Athanasius himself, but any cause would have been +disgraced by his narrow partisanship and outrageous +violence. Not a bad name in Scripture but is turned +to use. Indignation every now and then supplies the +place of eloquence, but more often common sense itself +is almost lost in the weary flow of vulgar scolding and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> +interminable abuse. He scarcely condescends to reason, +scarcely even to state his own belief, but revels in the +more congenial occupation of denouncing the fires of +damnation against the disobedient Emperor.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Hilary of +Poitiers.</div> + +<p>The victory was not to be won by an arm of flesh +like this. Arianism had an enemy more dangerous +than Lucifer. From the sunny land of +Aquitaine, the firmest conquest of Roman +civilization in Atlantic Europe, came Hilary of Poitiers, +the noblest representative of Western literature in the +Nicene age. Hilary was by birth a heathen, and only +turned in ripe manhood from philosophy to Scripture, +coming before us in 355 as an old convert and a +bishop of some standing. He was by far the deepest +thinker of the West, and a match for Athanasius himself +in depth of earnestness and massive strength of +intellect. But Hilary was a student rather than an +orator, a thinker rather than a statesman like Athanasius. +He had not touched the controversy till it was forced +upon him, and would much have preferred to keep out +of it. But when once he had studied the Nicene +doctrine and found its agreement with his own conclusions +from Scripture, a clear sense of duty forbade +him to shrink from manfully defending it. Such was +the man whom the brutal policy of Constantius forced +to take his place at the head of the Nicene opposition. +As he was not present at Milan, the courtiers had to +silence him some other way. In the spring of 356 +they exiled him to Asia, on some charge of conduct +'unworthy of a bishop, or even of a layman.'</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Hosius and +Liberius.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile Hosius of Cordova was ordered to +Sirmium and there detained. Constantius was not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> +ashamed to send to the rack the old man who had +been a confessor in his grandfather's days, more than +fifty years before. He was brought at +last to communicate with the Arianizers, +but even in his last illness refused to condemn +Athanasius. After this there was but one power in +the West which could not be summarily dealt with. +The grandeur of Hosius was merely personal, but +Liberius claimed the universal reverence due to the +apostolic and imperial See of Rome. It was a great +and wealthy church, and during the last two hundred +years had won a noble fame for world-wide charity. +Its orthodoxy was without a stain; for whatever +heresies might flow to the great city, no heresy had +ever issued thence. The strangers of every land who +found their way to Rome were welcomed from St. +Peter's throne with the majestic blessing of a universal +father. 'The church of God which sojourneth in +Rome' was the immemorial counsellor of all the +churches; and now that the voice of counsel was +passing into that of command, Bishop Julius had made +a worthy use of his authority as a judge of Christendom. +Such a bishop was a power of the first importance +now that Arianism was dividing the Empire round +the hostile camps of Gaul and Asia. If the Roman +church had partly ceased to be a Greek colony in the +Latin capital, it was still the connecting link of East +and West, the representative of Western Christianity +to the Easterns, and the interpreter of Eastern to the +Latin West. Liberius could therefore treat almost on +the footing of an independent sovereign. He would +not condemn Athanasius unheard, and after so many<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> +acquittals. If Constantius wanted to reopen the case, +he must summon a free council, and begin by expelling +the Arians. To this demand he firmly adhered. The +Emperor's threats he disregarded, the Emperor's gifts +he flung out of the church. It was not long before +Constantius was obliged to risk the scandal of seizing +and carrying off the bishop of Rome.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Third exile of +Athanasius +(356).</div> + +<p>Athanasius was still at Alexandria. When the +notaries tried to frighten him away, he refused to take +their word against the repeated written +promises of protection he had received from +Constantius himself. Duty as well as +policy forbade him to believe that the most pious +Emperor could be guilty of any such treachery. So +when Syrianus, the general in Egypt, brought up +his troops, it was agreed to refer the whole question to +Constantius. Syrianus broke the agreement. On a +night of vigil (Feb. 8, 356) he surrounded the church +of Theonas with a force of more than five thousand +men. The whole congregation was caught as in a net. +The doors were broken open, and the troops pressed up +the church. Athanasius fainted in the tumult; yet +before they reached the bishop's throne its occupant +had somehow been safely conveyed away.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">George of +Cappadocia.</div> + +<p>If the soldiers connived at the escape of Athanasius, +they were all the less disposed to spare his flock. The +outrages of Philagrius and Gregory were +repeated by Syrianus and his successor, +Sebastian the Manichee; and the evil work went on +apace after the arrival of the new bishop in Lent 357. +George of Cappadocia is said to have been before this +a pork-contractor for the army, and is certainly no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> +credit to Arianism. Though Athanasius does injustice +to his learning, there can be no doubt that he was a +thoroughly bad bishop. Indiscriminate oppression of +Nicenes and heathens provoked resistance from the fierce +populace of Alexandria. George escaped with difficulty +from one riot in August 358, and was fairly driven from +the city by another in October.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Athanasius in +exile (356-362).</div> + +<p>Meanwhile Athanasius had disappeared from the +eyes of men. A full year after the raid of Syrianus, +he was still unconvinced of the Emperor's +treachery. Outrage after outrage might +turn out to be the work of underlings. Constantine +himself had not despised his cry for justice, and if he +could but stand before the son of Constantine, his +presence might even yet confound the gang of eunuchs. +Even the weakness of Athanasius is full of nobleness. +Not till the work of outrage had gone on for many +months was he convinced. But then he threw off all +restraint. Even George the pork-contractor is not +assailed with such a storm of merciless invective as +his holiness Constantius Augustus. George might sin +'like the beasts who know no better,' but no wickedness +of common mortals could attain to that of the new +Belshazzar, of the Lord's anointed 'self-abandoned to +eternal fire.'</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Political meaning +of his +exile.</div> + +<p>The exile governed Egypt from his hiding in the +desert. Alexandria was searched in vain; in vain the +malice of Constantius pursued him to the +court of Ethiopia. Letter after letter issued +from his inaccessible retreat to keep alive +the indignation of the faithful, and invisible hands +conveyed them to the farthest corners of the land.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> +Constantius had his revenge, but it shook the Empire +to its base. It was the first time since the fall of +Israel that a nation had defied the Empire in the +name of God. It was a national rising, none the less +real for not breaking out in formal war. This time +Greeks and Copts were united in defence of the Nicene +faith, so that the contest was at an end when the +Empire gave up Arianism. But the next breach was +never healed. Monophysite Egypt was a dead limb +of the Empire, and the Roman power beyond Mount +Taurus fell before the Saracens because the provincials +would not lift a hand to fight for the heretics of +Chalcedon.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Sirmian +manifesto (357).</div> + +<p>The victory seemed won when the last great enemy +was driven into the desert, and the intriguers hasted +to the spoil. They forgot that the West +was only overawed for the moment, that +Egypt was devoted to its patriarch, that there was a +strong opposition in the East, and that the conservatives, +who had won the battle for them, were not likely +to take up Arianism at the bidding of their unworthy +leaders. Amongst the few prominent Eusebians of +the West were two disciples of Arius who held the +neighbouring bishoprics of Mursa and Singidunum, +the modern Belgrade. Valens and Ursacius were +young men in 335, but old enough to take a part in +the infamous Egyptian commission of the council of +Tyre. Since that time they had been well to the +front in the Eusebian plots. In 347, however, they +had found it prudent to make their peace with Julius of +Rome by confessing the falsehood of their charges +against Athanasius. Of late they had been active on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span> +the winning side, and enjoyed much influence with Constantius. +Thinking it now safe to declare more openly +for Arianism, they called a few bishops to Sirmium in +the summer of 357, and issued a manifesto of their +belief for the time being, to the following general effect. +'We acknowledge one God the Father, also His only +Son, Jesus Christ our Lord. But two Gods must +not be preached. The Father is without beginning, +invisible, and in every respect greater than the Son, +who is subject to Him together with the creatures. +The Son is born of the Father, God of God, by an +inscrutable generation, and took flesh or body, that is, +man, through which he suffered. The words <i>essence</i>, <i>of +the same essence</i>, <i>of like essence</i>, ought not to be used, +because they are not found in Scripture, and because +the divine generation is beyond our understanding.' +Here is something to notice besides the repeated hints +that the Son is no better than a creature. It was a +new policy to make the mystery in the manner of the +divine generation an excuse for ignoring the fact. In +this case the plea of ignorance is simply impertinent.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Its results in +general.</div> + +<p>The Sirmian manifesto is the turning-point of the +whole contest. Arianism had been so utterly crushed +at Nicæa that it had never again till now +appeared in a public document. Henceforth +the conservatives were obliged in self-defence to +look for a Nicene alliance against the Anomœans. +Suspicions and misunderstandings, and at last mere +force, delayed its consolidation till the reign of Theodosius, +but the Eusebian coalition fell to pieces the +moment Arianism ventured to have a policy of its +own.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">(1.) In the +West.</div> + +<p>Ursacius and Valens had blown a trumpet which +was heard from one end of the Empire to the other. +Its avowal of Arianism caused a stir even +in the West. Unlike the creeds of Antioch, +it was a Western document, drawn up in Latin by +Western bishops. The spirit of the West was fairly +roused, now that the battle was clearly for the faith. +The bishops of Rome, Cordova, Trier, Poitiers, Toulouse, +Calaris, Milan, and Vercellæ were in exile, but Gaul +was now partly shielded from persecution by the varying +fortunes of Julian's Alemannic war. Thus everything +increased the ferment. Phœbadius of Agen +took the lead, and a Gaulish synod at once condemned +the 'blasphemy.'</p> + +<div class="sidenote">(2.) In the +East.</div> + +<p>If the Sirmian manifesto disturbed the West, it +spread dismay through the ranks of the Eastern conservatives. +Plain men were weary of the +strife, and only the fishers in troubled waters +wanted more of it. Now that Marcellus and Photinus +had been expelled, the Easterns looked for rest. But +the Sirmian manifesto opened an abyss at their feet. +The fruits of their hard-won victories over Sabellianism +were falling to the Anomœans. They must even defend +themselves, for Ursacius and Valens had the Emperor's +ear. As if to bring the danger nearer home to them, +Eudoxius the new bishop of Antioch, and Acacius of +Cæsarea convened a Syrian synod, and sent a letter of +thanks to the authors of the manifesto.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Synod of +Ancyra (Lent, +358).</div> + +<p>Next spring came the conservative reply from a knot +of twelve bishops who had met to consecrate a new +church for Basil of Ancyra. But its weight was far beyond +its numbers. Basil's name stood high for learning,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> +and he more than any man could sway the +vacillating Emperor. Eustathius of Sebastia was another +man of mark. His ascetic eccentricities, +long ago condemned by the council of +Gangra, were by this time forgotten or considered +harmless. Above all, the synod represented most +of the Eastern bishops. Pontus indeed was devoted to +conservatism, and the decided Arianizers were hardly +more than a busy clique even in Asia and Syria. Its +decisions show the awkwardness to be expected from +men who have had to make a sudden change of front, +and exhibit well the transition from Eusebian to +Semiarian conservatism. They seem to start from the +declaration of the Lucianic creed, that the Lord's sonship +is not an idle name. Now if we reject materialising +views of the Divine Sonship, its primary meaning +will be found to lie in similarity of essence. On this +ground the Sirmian manifesto is condemned. Then +follow eighteen anathemas, alternately aimed at Aetius +and Marcellus. The last of these condemns the Nicene +<i>of one essence</i>—clearly as Sabellian, though no reason +is given.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Victory of the +Semiarians.</div> + +<p>The synod broke up. Basil and Eustathius went +to lay its decisions before the court at Sirmium. To +conciliate the Nicenes, they left out the last +six anathemas of Ancyra. They were just +in time to prevent Constantius from declaring for +Eudoxius and the Anomœans. Peace was made before +long on Semiarian terms. A collection was made of +the decisions against Photinus and Paul of Samosata, +together with the Lucianic creed, and signed by +Liberius of Rome, by Ursacius and Valens, and by all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> +the Easterns present. Liberius had not borne exile +well. He had already signed some still more compromising +document, and is denounced for it as an +apostate by Hilary and others. However, he was now +allowed to return to his see.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Semiarian +failure.</div> + +<p>The Semiarians had won a complete victory. Their +next step was to throw it away. The Anomœan +leaders were sent into exile. After all, +these Easterns only wanted to replace one +tyranny by another. The exiles were soon recalled, +and the strife began again with more bitterness than +ever.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Rise of the +Homœans.</div> + +<p>Here was an opening for a new party. Semiarians, +Nicenes, and Anomœans were equally unable to settle +this interminable controversy. The Anomœans +indeed almost deserved success for +their boldness and activity, but pure Arianism was +hopelessly discredited throughout the Empire. The +Nicenes had Egypt and the West, but they could +not at present overcome the court and Asia. The +Semiarians might have mediated, but men who began +with persecutions and wholesale exiles were not likely +to end with peace. In this deadlock better men than +Ursacius and Valens might have been tempted to try +some scheme of compromise. But existing parties +left no room for anything but vague and spacious +charity. If we may say neither <i>of one essence</i> nor <i>of +like essence</i>, nor yet <i>unlike</i>, the only course open is to +say <i>like</i>, and forbid nearer definition. This was the +plan of the new Homœan party formed by Acacius in +the East, Ursacius and Valens in the West.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">New relations +of parties.</div> + +<p>Parties began to group themselves afresh. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> +Anomœans leaned to the side of Acacius. They +had no favour to expect from Nicenes or Semiarians, +but to the Homœans they could look for +connivance at least. The Semiarians were +therefore obliged to draw still closer to the Nicenes. +Here came in Hilary of Poitiers. If he had seen in +exile the worldliness of too many of the Asiatic +bishops, he had also found among them men of a +better sort who were in earnest against Arianism, and +not so far from the Nicene faith as was supposed. +To soften the mutual suspicions of East and West, +he addressed his <i>De Synodis</i> to his Gaulish friends +about the end of 358. In it he reviews the Eusebian +creeds to show that they are not indefensible. He +also compares the rival phrases <i>of one essence</i> and <i>of +like essence</i>, to shew that either of them may be rightly +or wrongly used. The two, however, are properly +identical, for there is no likeness but that of unity, +and no use in the idea of likeness but to exclude +Sabellian confusion. Only the Nicene phrase guards +against evasion, and the other does not.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Summons for +a council.</div> + +<p>Now that the Semiarians were forced to treat with +their late victims on equal terms, they agreed to hold +a general council. Both parties might +hope for success. If the Homœan influence +was increasing at court, the Semiarians were strong in +the East, and could count on some help from the +Western Nicenes. But the court was resolved to +secure a decision to its own mind. As a council of +the whole Empire might have been too independent, it +was divided. The Westerns were to meet at Ariminum +in Italy, the Easterns at Seleucia in Isauria; and in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> +case of disagreement, ten deputies from each side were +to hold a conference before the Emperor. A new +creed was also to be drawn up before their meeting +and laid before them for acceptance.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The 'Dated +Creed' (May +22, 359).</div> + +<p>The 'Dated Creed' was drawn up at Sirmium on +Pentecost Eve 359, by a small meeting of Homœan +and Semiarian leaders. Its prevailing character +is conservative, as we see from its +repeated appeals to Scripture, its solemn +tone of reverence for the person of the Lord, its +rejection of the word <i>essence</i> for the old conservative +reason that it is not found in Scripture, and above +all, from its elaborate statement of the eternity and +mysterious nature of the divine generation. The +chief clause however is, 'But we say that the Son is +<i>like</i> the Father in all things, as the Scriptures say and +teach.' Though the phrase here is Homœan, the +doctrine seems at first sight Semiarian, not to say +Nicene. In point of fact, the clause is quite ambiguous. +First, if the comma is put before <i>in all +things</i>, the next words will merely forbid any extension +of the likeness beyond what Scripture allows; and the +Anomœans were quite entitled to sign it with the +explanation that for their part they found very little +likeness taught in Scripture. Again, likeness in all +things cannot extend to essence, for all likeness which +is not identity implies difference, if only the comparison +is pushed far enough. So the Anomœans +argued, and Athanasius accepts their reasoning. The +Semiarians had ruined their position by attempting to +compromise a fundamental contradiction. The whole +contest was lowered to a court intrigue. There is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> +grandeur in the flight of Athanasius, dignity in the +exile of Eunomius; but the conservatives fell ignobly +and unregretted, victims of their own violence and +unprincipled intrigue.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Western +Council at +Ariminum.</div> + +<p>After signing the creed, Ursacius and Valens went +on to Ariminum, with the Emperor's orders to the +council to take doctrinal questions first, and +not to meddle with Eastern affairs. They +found the Westerns waiting for them, to +the number of more than two hundred. The bishops +were in no courtly temper, and the intimidation was +not likely to be an easy task. They had even refused +the usual imperial help for the expenses of the journey. +Three British bishops only accepted it on the ground +of poverty. The new creed was very ill received; and +when the Homœan leaders refused to anathematize +Arianism, they were deposed, 'not only for their +present conspiracy to introduce heresy, but also for +the confusion they had caused in all the churches by +their repeated changes of faith.' The last clause was +meant for Ursacius and Valens. The Nicene creed +was next confirmed, and a statement added in defence +of the word <i>essence</i>. This done, envoys were sent to +report at court and ask the Emperor to dismiss them +to their dioceses, from which they could ill be spared. +Constantius was busy with his preparations for the +Persian war, and refused to see them. They were +sent to wait his leisure, first at Hadrianople, then at +the neighbouring town of Nicé (chosen to cause confusion +with Nicæa), where Ursacius and Valens induced +them to sign a revision of the dated creed. The few +changes made in it need not detain us.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Eastern +Council at +Seleucia.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile the Easterns met at Seleucia near the +Cilician coast. It was a fairly central spot, and easy +of access from Egypt and Syria by sea, but +otherwise most unsuitable. It was a mere +fortress, lying in a rugged country, where +the spurs of Mount Taurus reach the sea. Around it +were the ever-restless marauders of Isauria. They had +attacked the place that very spring, and it was still +the headquarters of the army sent against them. The +choice of such a place is as significant as if a Pan-Anglican +synod were called to meet at the central and +convenient port of Souakin. Naturally the council +was a small one. Of the 150 bishops present, about +110 were Semiarians. The Acacians and Anomœans +were only forty, but they had a clear plan and the +court in their favour. As the Semiarian leaders had +put themselves in a false position by signing the dated +creed, the conservative defence was taken up by men +of the second rank, like Silvanus of Tarsus and the old +soldier Eleusius of Cyzicus. With them, however, +came Hilary of Poitiers, who, though still an exile, +had been summoned with the rest. The Semiarians +welcomed him, and received him to full communion.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Its proceedings.</div> + +<p>Next morning the first sitting was held. The +Homœans began by proposing to abolish the Nicene creed +in favour of one to be drawn up in scriptural +language. Some of them argued in defiance +of their own Sirmian creed, that 'generation is unworthy +of God. The Lord is creature, not Son, and his generation +is nothing but creation.' The Semiarians, however, had +no objection to the Nicene creed beyond the obscurity +of the word <i>of one essence</i>. The still more important<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> +<i>of the essence of the Father</i> seems to have passed without +remark. Towards evening Silvanus of Tarsus proposed +to confirm the Lucianic creed, which was done +next morning by the Semiarians only. On the third +day the Count Leonas, who represented the Emperor, +read a document given him by Acacius, which turned +out to be the dated creed revised afresh and with a +new preface. In this the Homœans say that they are +far from despising the Lucianic creed, though it was +composed with reference to other controversies. The +words <i>of one essence</i> and <i>of like essence</i> are next rejected +because they are not found in Scripture, and the new +Anomœan <i>unlike</i> is anathematized—'but we clearly +confess the likeness of the Son to the Father, according +to the apostle's words, Who is the image of the invisible +God.' There was a hot dispute on the fourth day, +when Acacius explained the likeness as one of will +only, not extending to essence, and refused to be +bound by his own defence of the Lucianic creed +against Marcellus. Semiarian horror was not diminished +when an extract was read from an obscene +sermon preached by Eudoxius at Antioch. At last +Eleusius broke in upon Acacius—'Any hole-and-corner +doings of yours at Sirmium are no concern of +ours. Your creed is not the Lucianic, and that is +quite enough to condemn it.' This was decisive. +Next morning the Semiarians had the church to +themselves, for the Homœans, and even Leonas, refused +to come. 'They might go and chatter in the church +if they pleased.' So they deposed Acacius, Eudoxius, +George of Alexandria, and six others.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Athanasius <i>de +Synodis</i>.</div> + +<p>The exiled patriarch of Alexandria was watching<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> +from his refuge in the desert, and this was the time +he chose for an overture of friendship to his old conservative +enemies. If he was slow to see his +opportunity, at least he used it nobly. The +Eastern church has no more honoured name than that +of Athanasius, yet even Athanasius rises above himself +in his <i>De Synodis</i>. He had been a champion of +controversy since his youth, and spent his manhood in +the forefront of its hottest battle. The care of many +churches rested on him, the pertinacity of many enemies +wore out his life. Twice he had been driven to the +ends of the earth, and twice come back in triumph; +and now, far on in life, he saw his work again destroyed, +himself once more a fugitive. We do not look for calm +impartiality in a Demosthenes, and cannot wonder if +the bitterness of his long exile grows on even Athanasius. +Yet no sooner is he cheered with the news of +hope, than the jealousies which had grown for forty +years are hushed in a moment, as though the Lord +himself had spoken peace to the tumult of the grey +old exile's troubled soul. To the impenitent Arians +he is as severe as ever, but for old enemies returning +to a better mind he has nothing but brotherly consideration +and respectful sympathy. Men like Basil of +Ancyra, says he, are not to be set down as Arians or +treated as enemies, but to be reasoned with as brethren +who differ from us only about the use of a word which +sums up their own teaching as well as ours. When they +confess that the Lord is a true Son of God and not a +creature, they grant all that we care to contend for. +Their own <i>of like essence</i> without the addition of <i>from +the essence</i> does not exclude the idea of a creature, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> +the two together are precisely equivalent to <i>of one +essence</i>. Our brethren accept the two separately: we +join them in a single word. Their <i>of like essence</i> is +by itself misleading, for likeness is of properties and +qualities, not of essence, which must be either the +same or different. Thus the word rather suggests +than excludes the limited idea of a sonship which +means no more than a share of grace, whereas our <i>of +one essence</i> quite excludes it. Sooner or later they +will see their way to accept a term which is a necessary +safeguard for the belief they hold in common +with ourselves.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">End of the +Council of +Ariminum.</div> + +<p>There could be no doubt of the opinion of the churches +when the councils had both so decidedly refused the +dated creed; but the court was not yet at +the end of its resources. The Western +deputies were sent back to Ariminum, and +the bishops, already reduced to great distress by their +long detention, were plied with threats and cajolery +till most of them yielded. When Phœbadius and a +score of others remained firm, their resistance was +overcome by as shameless a piece of villany as can be +found in history. Valens came forward and declared +that he was not one of the Arians, but heartily detested +their blasphemies. The creed would do very well as it +stood, and the Easterns had accepted it already; but +if Phœbadius was not satisfied, he was welcome to propose +additions. A stringent series of anathemas was +therefore drawn up against Arius and all his misbelief. +Valens himself contributed one against 'those who say +that the Son of God is a creature like other creatures.' +The court party accepted everything, and the council<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> +met for a final reading of the amended creed. Shout +after shout of joy rang through the church when Valens +protested that the heresies were none of his, and with +his own lips pronounced the whole series of anathemas; +and when Claudius of Picenum produced a few more +rumours of heresy, 'which my lord and brother Valens +has forgotten,' they were disavowed with equal readiness. +The hearts of all men melted towards the old +dissembler, and the bishops dispersed from Ariminum +in the full belief that the council would take its place +in history among the bulwarks of the faith.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Conferences at +Constantinople.</div> + +<p>The Western council was dissolved in seeming harmony, +but a strong minority disputed the conclusions +of the Easterns at Seleucia. Both parties, +therefore, hurried to Constantinople. But +there Acacius was in his element. He held a splendid +position as the bishop of a venerated church, the disciple +and successor of Eusebius, and himself a patron +of learning and a writer of high repute. His fine gifts +of subtle thought and ready energy, his commanding +influence and skilful policy, marked him out for a +glorious work in history, and nothing but his own +falseness degraded him to be the greatest living +master of backstairs intrigue. If Athanasius is the +Demosthenes of the Nicene age, Acacius will be its +Æschines. He had found his account in abandoning +conservatism for pure Arianism, and was now preparing +to complete his victory by a new treachery to +the Anomœans. He had anathematized <i>unlike</i> at +Seleucia, and now sacrificed Aetius to the Emperor's +dislike of him. After this it became possible to enforce +the prohibition of the Nicene <i>of like essence</i>.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> +Meanwhile the final report arrived from Ariminum. +Valens at once gave an Arian meaning to the anathemas +of Phœbadius. 'Not a creature like other +creatures.' Then creature he is. 'Not from nothing.' +Quite so: from the will of the Father. 'Eternal.' Of +course, as regards the future. However, the Homœans +repeated the process of swearing that they were not +Arians; the Emperor threatened; and at last the +Seleucian deputies signed the decisions of Ariminum +late on the last night of the year 359.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Deposition of +the Semiarians</div> + +<p>Acacius had won his victory, and had now to pass +sentence on his rivals. Next month a council was +held at Constantinople. As the Semiarians +of Asia were prudent enough to absent +themselves, the Homœans were dominant. Its first +step was to re-issue the creed of Nicé with a number +of verbal changes. The anathemas of Phœbadius having +served their purpose, were of course omitted. Next +Aetius was degraded and anathematized for his impious +and heretical writings, and as 'the author of +all the scandals, troubles, and divisions.' This was +needed to satisfy Constantius; but as many as nine +bishops were found to protest against it. They were +given six months to reconsider the matter, and soon +began to form communities of their own. Having +cleared themselves from the charge of heresy by laying +the foundation of a permanent schism, the Homœans +could proceed to the expulsion of the Semiarian leaders. +As men who had signed the creed of Nicé could not +well be accused of heresy, they were deposed for various +irregularities.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Homœan +supremacy.</div> + +<p>The Homœan supremacy established at Constantinople<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> +was limited to the East. Violence was its only +resource beyond the Alps; and violence was out of the +question after the mutiny at Paris (Jan. +360) had made Julian master of Gaul. Now +that he could act for himself, common sense as well as +inclination forbade him to go on with the mischievous +policy of Constantius. So there was no further question +of Arian domination. Few bishops were committed to +the losing side, and those few soon disappeared in the +course of nature. Auxentius the Cappadocian, who +held the see of Milan till 374, must have been one +of the last survivors of the victors of Ariminum. In +the East, however, the Homœan supremacy lasted +nearly twenty years. No doubt it was an artificial +power, resting partly on court intrigue, partly on the +divisions of its enemies; yet there was a reason for +its long duration. Eusebian conservatism was fairly +worn out, but the Nicene doctrine had not yet replaced +it. Men were tired of these philosophical +word-battles, and ready to ask whether the difference +between Nicé and Nicæa was worth fighting about. +The Homœan formula seemed reverent and safe, and +its bitterest enemies could hardly call it false. When +even the court preached peace and charity, the sermon +was not likely to want an audience.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Homœan +policy.</div> + +<p>The Homœans were at first less hostile to the +Nicene faith than the Eusebians had been. After +sacrificing Aetius and exiling the Semiarians, +they could hardly do without Nicene +support. Thus their appointments were often made +from the quieter men of Nicene leanings. If we have +to set on the other side the enthronement of Eudoxius<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> +at Constantinople and the choice of Eunomius the +Anomœan for the see of Cyzicus, we can only say that +the Homœan party was composed of very discordant +elements.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Appointment +of Meletius.</div> + +<p>The most important nomination ascribed to Acacius +is that of Meletius at Antioch to replace Eudoxius. +The new bishop was a man of distinguished +eloquence and undoubted piety, and further +suited for a dangerous elevation by his peaceful temper +and winning manners. He was counted among the +Homœans, and they had placed him a year before in +the room of Eustathius at Sebastia, so that his uncanonical +translation to Antioch engaged him all the +more to remain on friendly terms with them. Such +a man—and of course Acacius was shrewd enough to +see it—would have been a tower of strength to them. +Unfortunately, for once Acacius was not all-powerful. +Some evil-disposed person put Constantius on demanding +from the new bishop a sermon on the crucial text +'The Lord created me.'<a name="FNanchor_1_13" id="FNanchor_1_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_13" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Acacius, who preached first, +evaded the test, but Meletius, as a man of honour, could +not refuse to declare himself. To the delight of the congregation, +his doctrine proved decidedly Nicene. It was +a test for his hearers as well as for himself. He carefully +avoided technical terms, repudiated Marcellus, and +repeatedly deprecated controversy on the ineffable mystery +of the divine generation. In a word, he followed +closely the lines of the Sirmian creed; and his treatment +by the Homœans is a decisive proof of their +insincerity. The people applauded, but the courtiers +were covered with shame. There was nothing for it +but to exile Meletius at once and appoint a new +bishop. This time they made sure of their man b<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span>y +choosing Euzoius, the old friend of Arius. But the +mischief was already done. The old congregation of +Leontius was broken up, and a new schism, more dangerous +than the Eustathian, formed round Meletius. +Many jealousies still divided him from the Nicenes, but +his bold confession was the first effective blow at the +Homœan supremacy.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_13" id="Footnote_1_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_13"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Prov. Viii. 21. LXX. translation.</p></div> + +<div class="sidenote">Affairs in 361.</div> + +<p>The idea of conciliating Nicene support was not +entirely given up. Acacius remained on friendly +terms with Meletius, and was still able to +name Pelagius for the see of Laodicea. +But Euzoius was an avowed Arian; Eudoxius differed +little from him, and only the remaining scruples of +Constantius delayed the victory of the Anomœans.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<h3><i>THE REIGN OF JULIAN.</i></h3> + + +<div class="sidenote">Earlier life +of Julian.</div> + +<p>Flavius Claudius Julianus was the son of Constantine's +half-brother, Julius Constantius, by his second +wife, Basilina, a lady of the great Anician +family. He was born in 331, and lost his +mother a few months later, while his father and other +relations perished in the massacre which followed +Constantine's death. Julian and his half-brother +Gallus escaped the slaughter to be kept almost as +prisoners of state, surrounded through their youth with +spies and taught by hypocrites a repulsive Christianity. +Julian, however, had a literary education from his +mother's old teacher, the eunuch Mardonius; and this +was his happiness till he was old enough to attend the +rhetoricians at Nicomedia and elsewhere. Gallus was +for a while Cæsar in Syria (351-354), and after his +execution, Julian's own life was only saved by the +Empress Eusebia, who got permission for him to retire +to the schools of Athens. In 355 he was made Cæsar +in Gaul, and with much labour freed the province +from the Germans. Early in 360 the soldiers mutinied +at Paris and proclaimed Julian Augustus. Negotiations<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> +followed, and it was not till the summer of 361 +that Julian pushed down the Danube. By the time +he halted at Naissus, he was master of three-quarters +of the Empire. There seemed no escape from civil +war now that the main army of Constantius was +coming up from Syria. But one day two barbarian +counts rode into Julian's camp with the news that +Constantius was dead. A sudden fever had carried +him off in Cilicia (Nov. 3, 361), and the Eastern army +presented its allegiance to Julian Augustus.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Julian's +heathenism.</div> + +<p>Before we can understand Julian's influence on the +Arian controversy, we shall have to take a wider view +of the Emperor himself and of his policy +towards the Christians generally. The life +of Julian is one of the noblest wrecks in history. The +years of painful self-repression and forced dissimulation +which turned his bright youth to bitterness and filled +his mind with angry prejudice, had only consolidated +his self-reliant pride and firm determination to walk +worthily before the gods. In four years his splendid +energy and unaffected kindliness had won all hearts +in Gaul; and Julian related nothing of his sense of +duty to the Empire when he found himself master of +the world at the age of thirty.</p> + +<p>But here came in that fatal heathen prejudice, which +put him in a false relation to all the living powers of +his time, and led directly even to his military disaster +in Assyria. Heathen pride came to him with Basilina's +Roman blood, and the dream-world of his lonely youth +was a world of heathen literature. Christianity was +nothing to him but 'the slavery of a Persian prison.' +Fine preachers of the kingdom of heaven were those<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> +fawning eunuchs and episcopal sycophants, with Constantius +behind them, the murderer of all his family! +Every force about him worked for heathenism. The +teaching of Mardonius was practically heathen, and +the rest were as heathen as utter worldliness could +make them. He could see through men like George +the pork-contractor or the shameless renegade Hecebolius. +Full of thoughts like these, which corroded +his mind the more for the danger of expressing them, +Julian was easily won to heathenism by the fatherly +welcome of the philosophers at Nicomedia (351). +Like a voice of love from heaven came their teaching, +and Julian gave himself heart and soul to the mysterious +fascination of their lying theurgy. Henceforth King +Sun was his guardian deity, and Greece his Holy Land, +and the philosopher's mantle dearer to him than the +diadem of empire. For ten more years of painful +dissimulation Julian 'walked with the gods' in secret, +before the young lion of heathenism could openly throw +off the 'donkey's skin' of Christianity.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Julian's reorganisation +of +heathenism.</div> + +<p>Once master of the world, Julian could see its needs +without using the eyes of the Asiatic camarilla. First +of all, Christian domination must be put +down. Not that he wanted to raise a +savage persecution. Cruelty had been well +tried before, and it would be a poor success to stamp +out the 'Galilean' imposture without putting something +better in its place. As the Christians 'had filled +the world with their tombs' (Julian's word for churches), +so must it be filled with the knowledge of the living +gods. Sacrifices were encouraged and a pagan hierarchy +set up to oppose the Christian. Heathen schools<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> +were to confront the Christian, and heathen almshouses +were to grow up round them. Above all, the priests +were to cultivate temperance and hospitality, and to +devote themselves to grave and pious studies. Julian +himself was a model of heathen purity, and spared no +pains to infect his wondering subjects with his own +enthusiasm for the cause of the immortal gods. Not +a temple missed its visit, not a high place near his +line of march was left unclimbed. As for his sacrifices, +they were by the hecatomb. The very abjects called +him Slaughterer.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">His failure.</div> + +<p>Never was a completer failure. Crowds of course +applauded Cæsar, but only with the empty cheers they +gave the jockeys or the preachers. Multitudes +came to see an Emperors devotions, +but they only quizzed his shaggy beard or tittered at +the antiquated ceremonies. Sacrificial dinners kept +the soldiers devout, and lavish bribery secured a good +number of renegades—mostly waverers, who really had +not much to change. Of the bishops, Pegasius of +Ilium alone laid down his office for a priesthood; but +he had always been a heathen at heart, and worshipped +the gods even while he held his bishopric. The +Christians upon the whole stood firm. Even the +heathens were little moved. Julian's own teachers +held cautiously aloof from his reforms; and if meaner +men paused in their giddy round of pleasure, it was +only to amuse themselves with the strange spectacle +of imperial earnestness. Neither friends nor enemies +seemed able to take him quite seriously.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Julian's policy +against Christianity.</div> + +<p>Passing over scattered cases of persecution encouraged +or allowed by Julian, we may state generally<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> +that he aimed at degrading Christianity into a +vulgar superstition, by breaking its connections with +civilized government on one side, with +liberal education on the other. One part +of it was to deprive the 'Galileans' of state +support and weed them out as far as might be from +the public service, while still leaving them full freedom +to quarrel amongst themselves; the other was to cut +them off from literature by forbidding them to teach +the classics. Homer and Hesiod were prophets of the +gods, and must not be expounded by unbelievers. +Matthew and Luke were good enough for barbarian +ears like theirs. We need not pause to note the +impolicy of an edict which Julian's own admirer +Ammianus wishes 'buried in eternal silence.' Its +effect on the Christians was very marked. Marius +Victorinus, the favoured teacher of the Roman nobles, +at once resigned his chair of rhetoric. The studies of +his old age had brought him to confess his faith in +Christ, and he would not now deny his Lord. Julian's +own teacher Proæresius gave up his chair at Athens, +refusing the special exemption which was offered him. +It was not all loss for the Christians to be reminded +that the gospel is revelation, not philosophy—life and +not discussion. But Greek literature was far too +weak to bear the burden of a sinking world, and its +guardians could not have devised a more fatal plan +than this of setting it in direct antagonism to the +living power of Christianity. In our regret for the +feud between Hellenic culture and the mediæval +churches, we must not forget that it was Julian who +drove in the wedge of separation.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Julian's toleration.</div> + +<p>We can now sum up in a sentence. Every blow +struck at Christianity by Julian fell first on the +Arianizers whom Constantius had left in +power, and the reaction he provoked against +heathen learning directly threatened the philosophical +postulates of Arianism within the church. In both +ways he powerfully helped the Nicene cause. The +Homœans could not stand without court support, and +the Anomœans threw away their rhetoric on men who +were beginning to see how little ground is really common +to the gospel and philosophy. Yet he cared little +for the party quarrels of the Christians. Instead of +condescending to take a side, he told them contemptuously +to keep the peace. His first step was to +proclaim full toleration for all sorts and sects of men. +It was only too easy to strike at the church by doing +common justice to the sects. A few days later came +an edict recalling the exiled bishops. Their property +was restored, but they were not replaced in their +churches. Others were commonly in possession, and +it was no business of Julian's to turn them out. The +Galileans might look after their own squabbles. This +sounds fairly well, and suits his professions of toleration; +but Julian had a malicious hope of still further +embroiling the ecclesiastical confusion. If the Christians +were only left to themselves, they might be trusted +'to quarrel like beasts.'</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Its results.</div> + +<p>Julian was gratified with a few unseemly wrangles, +but the general result of his policy was unexpected. +It took the Christians by surprise, and fairly +shamed them into a sort of truce. The +very divisions of churches are in some sense a sign of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> +life, for men who do not care about religion will +usually find something else to quarrel over. If nations +redeem each other, so do parties; and the dignified +slumber of a catholic uniformity may be more fatal to +spiritual life than the vulgar wranglings of a thousand +sects. The Christians closed their ranks before the +common enemy. Nicenes and Arians forgot their +enmity in the pleasant task of reviling the gods and +cursing Julian. A yell of execration ran all along the +Christian line, from the extreme Apollinarian right +to the furthest Anomœan left. Basil of Cæsarea renounced +the apostate's friendship; the rabble of Antioch +assailed him with scurrilous lampoons and anti-pagan +riots. Nor were the Arians behind in hate. Blind +old Maris of Chalcedon came and cursed him to his +face. The heathens laughed, the Christians cursed, and +Israel alone remembered Julian for good. 'Treasured +in the house of Julianus Cæsar,' the vessels of the temple +still await the day when Messiah-ben-Ephraim shall +take them thence.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Return of +Athanasius, +Feb. 362.</div> + +<p>Back to their dioceses came the survivors of the +exiled bishops, no longer travelling in pomp and +circumstance to their noisy councils, but +bound on the nobler errand of seeking out +their lost or scattered flocks. Eusebius of +Vercellæ and Lucifer left Upper Egypt, Marcellus and +Basil returned to Ancyra, while Athanasius reappeared +at Alexandria. The unfortunate George had led a +wandering life since his expulsion in 358, and did not +venture to leave the shelter of the court till late in 361. +It was a rash move, for his flock had not forgotten him. +Three days he spent in safety, but on the fourth came<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> +news that Constantius was dead and Julian master of +the Empire. The heathen populace was wild with +delight, and threw George straight into prison. Three +weeks later they dragged him out and lynched him. +Thus when Julian's edict came for the return of the +exiles, Athanasius was doubly prepared to take advantage +of it.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Council of +Alexandria +discusses:</div> + +<p>It was time to resume the interrupted work of the +council of Seleucia. Semiarian violence frustrated +Hilary's efforts, but Athanasius had things +more in his favour, now that Julian had +sobered Christian partizanship. If he +wished the Galileans to quarrel, he also left them free to +combine. So twenty-one bishops, mostly exiles, met at +Alexandria in the summer of 362. Eusebius of Vercellæ +was with Athanasius, but Lucifer had gone to Antioch, +and only sent a couple of deacons to the meeting.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">(1.) Returning +Arians.</div> + +<p>Four subjects claimed the council's attention. The +first was the reception of Arians who came over to +the Nicene side. The stricter party was for +treating all opponents without distinction +as apostates. Athanasius, however, urged a milder +course. It was agreed that all comers were to be +gladly received on the single condition of accepting +the Nicene faith. None but the chiefs and active defenders +of Arianism were even to be deprived of any ecclesiastical +rank which they might be holding.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">(2.) The Lord's +human nature.</div> + +<p>A second subject of debate was the Arian doctrine +of the Lord's humanity, which limited it to a human +body. In opposition to this, the council +declared that the Lord assumed also a +human soul. In this they may have had in view,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> +besides Arianism, the new theory of Apollinarius of +Laodicea, which we shall have to explain presently.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">(3.) The words +<i>person</i> and +<i>essence</i>.</div> + +<p>The third subject before the council was an old +misunderstanding about the term <i>hypostasis</i>. It had +been used in the Nicene anathemas as equivalent +to <i>ousia</i> or <i>essence</i>; and so Athanasius +used it still, to denote the common +deity of all the persons of the Trinity. So also the +Latins understood it, as the etymological representative +of <i>substantia</i>, which was their translation (a very bad one +by the way) of <i>ousia</i> (<i>essence</i>). Thus Athanasius and the +Latins spoke of one <i>hypostasis</i> (<i>essence</i>) only. Meantime +the Easterns in general had adopted Origen's limitation +of it to the deity of the several <i>persons</i> of the Trinity +in contrast with each other. Thus they meant by it +what the Latins called <i>persona</i>,<a name="FNanchor_1_14" id="FNanchor_1_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_14" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and rightly spoke of +three <i>hypostases</i> (<i>persons</i>). In this way East and West +were at cross-purposes. The Latins, who spoke of one +<i>hypostasis</i> (<i>essence</i>), regarded the Eastern three <i>hypostases</i> +as tritheist; while the Greeks, who confessed three +<i>hypostases</i> (<i>persons</i>), looked on the Western one <i>hypostasis</i> +as Sabellian. As Athanasius had connections +with both parties, he was a natural mediator. As soon +as both views were stated before the council, both were +seen to be orthodox. 'One <i>hypostasis</i>' (<i>essence</i>) was +not Sabellian, neither was 'three <i>hypostases</i>' (<i>persons</i>) +Arian. The decision was that each party might keep +its own usage.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_14" id="Footnote_1_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_14"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> <i>Persona</i>, again, was a legal term, not exactly corresponding to its +Greek representative.</p></div> + +<div class="sidenote">(4.) The schism +at Antioch.</div> + +<p>Affairs at Antioch remained for discussion. Now +that Meletius was free to return, some decision had to +be made. The Eustathians had been faithful through +thirty years of trouble, and Athanasius was specially +bound to his old frien<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span>ds; yet, on the other +hand, some recognition was due to the honourable +confession of Meletius. As the Eustathians +had no bishop, the simplest course was for them to +accept Meletius. This was the desire of the council, +and it might have been carried out if Lucifer had not +taken advantage of his stay at Antioch to denounce +Meletius as an associate of Arians. By way of making +the division permanent, he consecrated the presbyter +Paulinus as bishop for the Eustathians. When the +mischief was done it could not be undone. Paulinus +added his signature to the decisions of Alexandria, +but Meletius was thrown back on his old connection +with Acacius. Henceforth the rising Nicene party +of Pontus and Asia was divided from the older Nicenes +of Egypt and Rome by this unfortunate personal question.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Fourth exile +of Athanasius.</div> + +<p>Julian could not but see that Athanasius was master +in Egypt. He may not have cared about the council, +but the baptism of some heathen ladies at +Alexandria roused his fiercest anger. He +broke his rule of contemptuous toleration, and 'the +detestable Athanasius' was an exile again before the +summer was over. But his work remained. The +leniency of the council was a great success, notwithstanding +the calamity at Antioch. It gave offence, +indeed, to zealots like Lucifer, and may have admitted +more than one unworthy Arianizer. Yet its wisdom +is evident. First one bishop, then another accepted +the Nicene faith. Friendly Semiarians came in like<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> +Cyril of Jerusalem, old conservatives followed like +Dianius of the Cappadocian Cæsarea, and at last the +arch-heretic Acacius himself gave in his signature. +Even the creeds of the churches were remodelled in a +Nicene interest, as at Jerusalem and Antioch, in Cappadocia +and Mesopotamia.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Arians +under Julian.</div> + +<p>Nor were the other parties idle. The Homœan +coalition was even more unstable than the Eusebian. +Already before the death of Constantius +there had been quarrels over the appointment +of Meletius by one section of the party, of +Eunomius by another. The deposition of Aetius was +another bone of contention. Hence the coalition broke +up of itself as soon as men were free to act. Acacius +and his friends drew nearer to Meletius, while Eudoxius +and Euzoius talked of annulling the condemnation +of the Anomœan bishops at Constantinople. The Semiarians +were busy too. Guided by Macedonius and +Eleusius, the ejected bishops of Constantinople and +Cyzicus, they gradually took up a middle position between +Nicenes and Anomœans, confessing the Lord's +deity with the one, and denying that of the Holy +Spirit with the other. Like true Legitimists, who had +learned nothing and forgotten nothing, they were +satisfied to confirm the Seleucian decisions and re-issue +their old Lucianic creed. Had they ceased to care +for the Nicene alliance, or did they fancy the world +had stood still since the Council of the Dedication?</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Julian's campaign +in Persia +(Mar. 5 to June +26, 363).</div> + +<p>Meanwhile the Persian war demanded Julian's attention. +An emperor so full of heathen enthusiasm was +not likely to forego the dreams of conquest which +had brought so many of his predecessors on the path<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> +of glory in the East. His own part of the campaign +was a splendid success. But when he had fought +his way through the desert to the Tigris, +he looked in vain for succours from the +north. The Christians of Armenia would not +fight for the apostate Emperor. Julian was obliged +to retreat on Nisibis through a wasted country, and +with the Persian cavalry hovering round. The campaign +would have been at best a brilliant failure, but +it was only converted into absolute disaster by the +chance arrow (June 26, 363) which cut short his +busy life. After all, he was only in his thirty-second +year.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Julian's +character.</div> + +<p>Christian charity will not delight in counting up +the outbreaks of petty spite and childish vanity which +disfigure a noble character of purity and +self-devotion. Still less need we presume +to speculate what Julian would have done if he had +returned in triumph from the Persian war. His +bitterness might have hardened into a renegade's +malice, or it might have melted at our Master's touch. +But apart from what he might have done, there is +matter for the gravest blame in what he did. The +scorner must not pass unchallenged to the banquet of +the just. Yet when all is said against him, the clear +fact remains that Julian lived a hero's life. Often as +he was blinded by his impatience or hurried into injustice +by his heathen prejudice, we cannot mistake a +spirit of self-sacrifice and earnest piety as strange to +worldling bishops as to the pleasure-loving heathen +populace. Mysterious and full of tragic pathos is the +irony of God in history, which allowed one of the very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> +noblest of the emperors to act the part of Jeroboam, +and brought the old intriguer Maris of Chalcedon to +cry against the altar like the man of God from Judah. +But Maris was right, for Julian was the blinder of +the two.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII.</h2> + + +<h3><i>THE RESTORED HOMŒAN SUPREMACY.</i></h3> + + +<div class="sidenote">Effects of +Julian's reign.</div> + +<p>Julian's reign seems at first sight no more than a +sudden storm which clears up and leaves everything +much as it was before. Far from restoring +heathenism, he could not even seriously +shake the power of Christianity. No sooner was he +dead than the philosophers disappeared, the renegades +did penance, and even the reptiles of the palace came +back to their accustomed haunts. Yet Julian's work +was not in vain, for it tested both heathenism and +Christianity. All that Constantine had given to the +churches Julian could take away, but the living power +of faith was not at Cæsar's beck and call. Heathenism +was strong in its associations with Greek philosophy +and culture, with Roman law and social life, but as +a moral force among the common people, its weakness +was contemptible. It could sway the wavering multitude +with superstitious fancies, and cast a subtler spell +upon the noblest Christian teachers, but its own +adherents it could hardly lift above their petty quest +of pleasure. Julian called aloud, and called in vain. +A mocking echo was the only answer from that valley<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> +of dry bones. Christianity, on the other side, had won +the victory almost without a blow. Instead of ever +coming to grapple with its mighty rival, the great +catholic church of heathenism hardly reached the stage +of apish mimicry. When its great army turned out +to be a crowd of camp-followers, the alarm of battle +died away in peals of defiant laughter. Yet the +alarm was real, and its teachings were not forgotten. +It broke up the revels of party strife, and partly roused +the churches to the dangers of a purely heathen education. +Above all, the approach of danger was a sharp +reminder that our life is not of this world. They stood +the test fairly well. Renegades or fanatics were old +scandals, and signs were not wanting that the touch of +persecution would wake the old heroic spirit which had +fought the Empire from the catacombs and overcome it.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Jovian Emperor +(June +27, 363).</div> + +<p>As Julian was the last survivor of the house of +Constantine, his lieutenants were free to choose the +worthiest of their comrades. But while his +four barbarian generals were debating, one +or two voices suddenly hailed Jovian as Emperor. +The cry was taken up, and in a few moments the +young officer found himself the successor of Augustus.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Jovian's +toleration.</div> + +<p>Jovian was a brilliant colonel of the guards. In +all the army there was not a goodlier person than +he. Julian's purple was too small for his +gigantic limbs. But that stately form was +animated by a spirit of cowardly selfishness. Instead +of pushing on with Julian's brave retreat, he saved the +relics of his army by a disgraceful peace. Jovian was +also a decided Christian, though his morals suited +neither the purity of the gospel nor the dignity of his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> +imperial position. Even the heathen soldiers condemned +his low amours and vulgar tippling. The +faith he professed was the Nicene, but Constantine +himself was less tolerant than Jovian. In this respect +he is blameless. If Athanasius was graciously received +at Antioch, even the Arians were told with scant ceremony +that they might hold their assemblies as they +pleased at Alexandria.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Anomœans +form a sect.</div> + +<p>About this time the Anomœans organised their +schism. Nearly four years had been spent in uncertain +negotiations for the restoration of Aetius. +The Anomœans counted on Eudoxius, but +did not find him very zealous in the matter. At last, +in Jovian's time, they made up their minds to set him +at defiance by consecrating Pœmenius to the see of +Constantinople. Other appointments were made at +the same time, and Theophilus the Indian, who had +a name for missionary work in the far East, was sent +to Antioch to win over Euzoius. From this time the +Anomœans were an organized sect.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Nicene successes.</div> + +<p>But the most important document of Jovian's reign +is the acceptance of the Nicene creed by Acacius of +Cæsarea, with Meletius of Antioch and more +than twenty others of his friends. Acacius +was only returning to his master's steps when he explained +<i>one in essence</i> by <i>like in essence</i>, and laid stress +on the care with which 'the Fathers' had guarded its +meaning. We may hope that Acacius had found out +his belief at last. Still the connexion helped to widen +the breach between Meletius and the older Nicenes.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Valentinian +Emperor.</div> + +<p>All these movements came to an end at the sudden +death of Jovian (Feb. 16, 364.) The Pannonian Valentinian<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> +was chosen to succeed him, and a month later +assigned the East to his brother Valens, reserving to +himself the more important Western provinces. +This was a lasting division of the +Empire, for East and West were never again united for +any length of time. Valentinian belongs to the better +class of emperors. He was a soldier like Jovian, and +held much the same rank at his election. He was a +decided Christian like Jovian, and, like him, free from +the stain of persecution. Jovian's rough good-humour +was replaced in Valentinian by a violent and sometimes +cruel temper, but he had a sense of duty and was free +from Jovian's vices. His reign was a laborious and +honourable struggle with the enemies of the republic +on the Rhine and the Danube. An uncultivated man +himself, he still could honour learning, and in religion +his policy was one of comprehensive toleration. If he +refused to displace the few Arians whom he found in +possession of Western sees like Auxentius at Milan, +he left the churches free to choose Nicene successors. +Under his wise rule the West soon recovered from the +strife Constantius had introduced.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Character of +Valens.</div> + +<p>Valens was a weaker character, timid, suspicious, +and slow, yet not ungentle in private life. He was as +uncultivated as his brother, but not inferior +to him in scrupulous care for his subjects. +Only as Valens was no soldier, he preferred remitting +taxation to fighting at the head of the legions. In +both ways he is entitled to head the series of financial +rather than unwarlike sovereigns whose cautious policy +brought the Eastern Empire safely through the great +barbarian invasions of the fifth century.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Breach between +church +and state.</div> + +<p>The contest entered on a new stage in the reign of +Valens. The friendly league of church and state at +Nicæa had become a struggle for supremacy. +Constantius endeavoured to dictate the faith +of Christendom according to the pleasure +of his eunuchs, while Athanasius reigned in Egypt +almost like a rival for the Empire. And if Julian's +reign had sobered party spirit, it had also shown that +an emperor could sit again in Satan's seat. Valens +had an obedient Homœan clergy, but no trappings +of official splendour could enable Eudoxius or Demophilus +to rival the imposing personality of Athanasius +or Basil. Thus the Empire lost the moral support it +looked for, and the church became embittered with its +wrongs.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Rise of monasticism.</div> + +<p>The breach involved a deeper evil. The ancient +world of heathenism was near its dissolution. Vice +and war, and latterly taxation, had dried +up the springs of prosperity, and even of +population, till Rome was perishing for lack of men. +Cities had dwindled into villages, and of villages the +very names had often disappeared. The stout Italian +yeomen had been replaced by gangs of slaves, and these +again by thinly scattered barbarian serfs. And if +Rome grew weaker every day, her power for oppression +seemed only to increase. Her fiscal system filled the +provinces with ruined men. The Alps, the Taurus, +and the Balkan swarmed with outlaws. But in the +East men looked for refuge to the desert, where many +a legend told of a people of brethren dwelling together +in unity and serving God in peace beyond the reach +of the officials. This was the time when the ascetic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> +spirit, which had long been hovering round the outskirts +of Christianity, began to assume the form of +monasticism. There were monks in Egypt—monks of +Serapis—before Christianity existed, and there may +have been Christian monks by the end of the third +century. In any case, they make little show in history +before the reign of Valens. Paul of Thebes, Hilarion +of Gaza, and even the great Antony are only characters +in the novels of the day. Now, however, there was +in the East a real movement towards monasticism. +All parties favoured it. The Semiarians were busy +inside Mount Taurus; and though Acacians and +Anomœans held more aloof, they could not escape an +influence which even Julian felt. But the Nicene +party was the home of the ascetics. In an age of +indecision and frivolity like the Nicene, the most +earnest striving after Christian purity will often degenerate +into its ascetic caricature. Through the +selfish cowardice of the monastic life we often see the +loving sympathy of Christian self-denial. Thus there +was an element of true Christian zeal in the enthusiasm +of the Eastern Churches; and thus it was that the +rising spirit of asceticism naturally attached itself to +the Nicene faith as the strongest moral power in +Christendom. It was a protest against the whole +framework of society in that age, and therefore the +alliance was cemented by a common enmity to the +Arian Empire. It helped much to conquer Arianism, +but it left a lasting evil in the lowering of the Christian +standard. Henceforth the victory of faith was not to +overcome the world, but to flee from it. Even heathen +immorality was hardly more ruinous than the unclean<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> +ascetic spirit which defames God's holy ordinance as a +form of sin which a too indulgent Lord will overlook.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">New questions +in controversy.</div> + +<p>Valens was only a catechumen, and had no policy +to declare for the present. Events therefore continued +to develop naturally. The Homœan bishops +retained their sees, but their influence was +fast declining. The Anomœans were forming a schism +on one side, the Nicenes recovering power on the +other. Unwilling signatures to the Homœan creed +were revoked in all directions. Some even of its +authors declared for Arianism with Euzoius, while +others drew nearer to the Nicene faith like Acacius. +On all sides the simpler doctrines were driving out +the compromises. It was time for the Semiarians to +bestir themselves if they meant to remain a majority +in the East. The Nicenes seemed daily to gain +ground. Lucifer had compromised them in one +direction, Apollinarius in another, and even Marcellus +had never been frankly disavowed; yet the Nicene +cause advanced. A new question, however, was beginning +to come forward. Hitherto the dispute had +been on the person of the Lord, while that of the +Holy Spirit was quite in the background. Significant +as is the tone of Scripture, the proof is not on the +surface. The divinity of the Holy Spirit is shown +by many convergent lines of evidence, but it was still +an open question whether that divinity amounts to +co-essential and co-equal deity. Thus Origen leans +to some theory of subordination, while Hilary limits +himself with the utmost caution to the words of +Scripture. If neither of them lays down in so many +words that the Holy Spirit is God, much less does<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> +either of them class him with the creatures, like +Eunomius. The difficulty was the same as with the +person of the Lord, that while the Scriptural data +clearly pointed to his deity, its admission involved the +dilemma of either Sabellian confusion or polytheistic +separation. Now, however, it was beginning to be +seen that the theory of hypostatic distinctions must +either be extended to the Holy Spirit or entirely +abandoned. Athanasius took one course, the Anomœans +the other, but the Semiarians endeavoured +to draw a distinction between the Lord's deity and +that of the Holy Spirit. In truth, the two are +logically connected. Athanasius pointed this out in +the letters of his exile to Serapion, and the council of +Alexandria condemned 'those who say that the Holy +Spirit is a creature and distinct from the essence of +the Son.' But logical connection is one thing, formal +enforcement another. Athanasius and Basil to the +last refused to make it a condition of communion. +If any one saw the error of his Arian ways, it was +enough for him to confess the Nicene creed. Thus +the question remained open for the present.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Council of +Lampsacus +(364).</div> + +<p>Thus the Semiarians were free to do what they +could against the Homœans. Under the guidance of +Eleusius of Cyzicus, they held a council +at Lampsacus in the summer of 364. It +sat two months, and reversed the acts of +the Homœans at Constantinople four years before. +Eudoxius was deposed (in name) and the Semiarian +exiles restored to their sees. With regard to doctrine, +they adopted the formula <i>like according to essence</i>, on +the ground that while likeness was needed to exclude<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> +a Sabellian (they mean Nicene) confusion, its express +extension to essence was needed against the Arians. +Nor did they forget to re-issue the Lucianic creed for +the acceptance of the churches. They also discussed +without result the deity of the Holy Spirit. Eustathius +of Sebastia for one was not prepared to commit himself +either way. The decisions were then laid before +Valens.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Homœan +policy of +Valens.</div> + +<p>But Valens was already falling into bad hands. +Now that Julian was dead, the courtiers were fast +recovering their influence, and Eudoxius +had already secured the Emperor's support. +The deputies of Lampsacus were ordered to +hold communion with the bishop of Constantinople, +and exiled on their refusal.</p> + +<p>Looking back from our own time, we should say +that it was not a promising course for Valens to +support the Homœans. They had been in power +before, and if they had not then been able to establish +peace in the churches, they were not likely to succeed +any better after their heavy losses in Julian's time. +It is therefore the more important to see the Emperor's +motives. No doubt personal influences must count +for a good deal with a man like Valens, whose private +attachments were so steady. Eudoxius was, after all, +a man of experience and learning, whose mild prudence +was the very help which Valens needed. The Empress +Dominica was also a zealous Arian, so that the courtiers +were Arians too. No wonder if their master was +sincerely attached to the doctrines of his friends. But +Valens was not strong enough to impose his own +likings on the Empire. No merit raised him to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> +throne; no education or experience prepared him for +the august dignity he reached so suddenly in middle +life. Conscientious and irresolute, he could not even +firmly control the officials. He had not the magic of +Constantine's name behind him, and was prevented by +Valentinian's toleration from buying support with the +spoils of the temples.</p> + +<p>Under these circumstances, he could hardly do +otherwise than support the Homœans. Heathenism +had failed in Julian's hands, and an Anomœan course +was out of the question. A Nicene policy might +answer in the West, but it was not likely to find much +support in the East outside Egypt. The only alternative +was to favour the Semiarians; and even that was +full of difficulties. After all, the Homœans were still +the strongest party in 365. They were in possession +of the churches and commanded much of the Asiatic +influence, and had no enmity to contend with which +was not quite as bitter against the other parties. +They also had astute leaders, and a doctrine which +still presented attractions to the quiet men who were +tired of controversy. Upon the whole, the Homœan +policy was the easiest for the moment.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The exiles +exiled again.</div> + +<p>In the spring of 365 an imperial rescript commanded +the municipalities, under a heavy penalty, to drive out +the bishops who had been exiled by Constantius +and restored by Julian. Thereupon +the populace of Alexandria declared that the law +did not apply to Athanasius, because he had not been +restored by Julian. A series of dangerous riots +followed, which obliged the prefect Flavianus to refer +the question back to Valens. Other bishops were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> +less fortunate. Meletius had to retire from Antioch, +Eustathius from Sebastia.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Semiarian +embassy to +Liberius.</div> + +<p>The Semiarians looked to Valentinian for help. He +had received them favourably the year before, and his +intercession was not likely to be disregarded +now. Eustathius of Sebastia was therefore +sent to lay their case before the court of +Milan. As, however, Valentinian had already started +for Gaul, the deputation turned aside to Rome and +offered to Liberius an acceptance of the Nicene creed +signed by fifty-nine Semiarians, and purporting to +come from the council of Lampsacus and other Asiatic +synods. The message was well received at Rome, and +in due time the envoys returned to Asia to report their +doings before a council at Tyana.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Revolt of +Procopius, +Sept. 365.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile the plans of Valens were interrupted by +the news that Constantinople had been seized by a +pretender. Procopius was a relative of +Julian who had retired into private life, but +whom the jealousy of Valens had forced to +become a pretender. For awhile the danger was +pressing. Procopius had won over to his side some of +the best legions of the Empire, while his connexion +with the house of Constantine secured him the formidable +services of the Goths. But the great generals +kept their faith to Valens, and the usurper's power +melted away before them. A decisive battle at Nacolia +in Phrygia (May 366) once more seated Valens firmly +on his throne.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Baptism of +Valens by Eudoxius +(367).</div> + +<p>Events could scarcely have fallen out better for +Eudoxius and his friends. Valens was already on +their side, and now his zeal was quickened by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> +mortal terror he had undergone, perhaps also by +shame at the unworthy panic in which he had already +allowed the exiles to return. In an age +when the larger number of professing Christians +were content to spend most of their +lives as catechumens, it was a decided step for an +Emperor to come forward and ask for baptism. This, +however, was the step taken by Valens in the spring +of 367, which finally committed him to the Homœan +side. By it he undertook to resume the policy of Constantius, +and to drive out false teachers at the dictation +of Eudoxius.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Interval in the +controversy +(366-371).</div> + +<p>The Semiarians were in no condition to resist. Their +district had been the seat of the revolt, and their disgrace +at court was not lessened by the embassy +to Rome. So divided also were they, +that while one party assembled a synod at +Tyana to welcome the return of the envoys, another +met in Caria to ratify the Lucianic creed again. Unfortunately +however for Eudoxius, Valens was entangled +in a war with the Goths for three campaigns, and +afterwards detained for another year in the Hellespontine +district, so that he could not revisit the East till +the summer of 371. Meanwhile there was not much +to be done. Athanasius had been formally restored to +his church during the Procopian panic by Brasidas +the notary (February 366), and was too strong to be +molested again. Meletius also and others had been +allowed to return at the same time, and Valens was +too busy to disturb them. Thus there was a sort of +truce for the next few years. Of Syria we hear +scarcely anything; and even in Pontus the strife must<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> +have been abated by the famine of 368. The little +we find to record seems to belong to the year 367. +On one side, Eunomius the Anomœan was sent into +exile, but soon recalled on the intercession of the old +Arian Valens of Mursa. On the other, the Semiarians +were not allowed to hold the great synod at Tarsus, +which was intended to complete their reconciliation +with the Western Nicenes. These years form the +third great break in the Arian controversy, and were +hardly less fruitful of results than the two former +breaks under Constantius and Julian. Let us therefore +glance at the condition of the churches.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">New Nicene +party in +Cappadocia</div> + +<p>The Homœan party was the last hope of Arianism +within the Empire. The original doctrine of Arius +had been decisively rejected at Nicæa; the +Eusebian coalition was broken up by the +Sirmian manifesto; and if the Homœan +union also failed, the fall of Arianism could not be +long delayed. Its weakness is shown by the rise of a +new Nicene party in the most Arian province of the +Empire. Cappadocia is an exception to the general +rule that Christianity flourished best where cities were +most numerous. The polished vice of Antioch or +Corinth presented fewer obstacles than the rude ignorance +of <i>pagi</i> or country villages. Now Cappadocia was +chiefly a country district. The walls of Cæsarea lay +in ruins since its capture by the Persians in the reign +of Gallienus, and the other towns of the province were +small and few. Yet Julian found it incorrigibly +Christian, and we hear but little of heathenism from +Basil. We cannot suppose that the Cappadocian +boors were civilized enough to be out of the reach of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> +heathen influence. It seems rather that the <i>paganismus</i> +of the West was partly represented by Arianism. In +Cappadocia the heresy found its first great literary +champion in the sophist Asterius. Gregory and +George were brought to Alexandria from Cappadocia, +and afterwards Auxentius to Milan and Eudoxius to +Constantinople. Philagrius also, the prefect who +drove out Athanasius in 339, was another of their +countrymen. Above all, the heresiarch Eunomius +came from Cappadocia, and had abundance of admirers +in his native district. In this old Arian stronghold +the league was formed which decided the fate of +Arianism. Earnest men like Meletius had only been +attracted to the Homœans by their professions of +reverence for the person of the Lord. When, therefore, +it appeared that Eudoxius and his friends were +no better than Arians after all, these men began to +look back to the decisions of 'the great and holy +council' of Nicæa. There, at any rate, they would +find something independent of the eunuchs and cooks +who ruled the palace. Of the old conservatives also, +who were strong in Pontus, there were many who felt +that the Semiarian position was unsound, and yet +could find no satisfaction in the indefinite doctrine +professed at court. Here then was one split in the +Homœan, another in the conservative party. If only +the two sets of malcontents could form a union with +each other and with the older Nicenes of Egypt and +the West, they would sooner or later be the arbiters +of Christendom. If they could secure Valentinian's +intercession, they might obtain religious freedom at +once.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Basil of Cæsarea.</div> + +<p>Such seems to have been the plan laid down by +the man who was now succeeding Athanasius as leader +of the Nicene party. Basil of Cæsarea was +a disciple of the schools of Athens, and a +master of heathen eloquence and learning. He was +also man of the world enough to keep on friendly +terms with men of all sorts. Amongst his friends we +find Athanasius and Gregory of Nazianzus, Libanius the +heathen rhetorician, the barbarian generals Arinthæus +and Victor, the renegade Modestus, and the Arian +bishop Euippius. He was a Christian also of a Christian +family. His grandmother, Macrina, was one of +those who fled to the woods in the time of Diocletian's +persecution; and in after years young Basil learned +from her the words of Gregory the Wonder worker. +The connections of his early life were with the conservatives. +He owed his baptism to Dianius of +Cæsarea, and much encouragement in asceticism to +Eustathius of Sebastia. In 359 he accompanied Basil +of Ancyra from Seleucia to the conferences at Constantinople, +and on his return home came forward as a +resolute enemy of Arianism at Cæsarea. The young +deacon was soon recognised as a power in Asia. He +received the dying recantation of Dianius, and guided +the choice of his successor Eusebius in 362. Yet he +still acted with the Semiarians, and helped them with +his counsel at Lampsacus. Indeed it was from the +Semiarian side that he approached the Nicene faith. +In his own city of Cæsarea Eusebius found him indispensable. +When jealousies arose between them, +and Basil withdrew to his rustic paradise in Pontus, +he was recalled by the clamour of the people at the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> +approach of Valens in 365. This time the danger +was averted by the Procopian troubles, but henceforth +Basil governed Eusebius, and the church of Cæsarea +through him, till in the summer of 370 he succeeded +to the bishopric himself.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Basil bishop +of Cæsarea.</div> + +<p>The election was a critical one, for every one knew +that a bishop like Basil would be a pillar of the +Nicene cause. On one side were the officials +and the lukewarm bishops, on the other the +people and the better class of Semiarians. They had +to make great efforts. Eusebius of Samosata came +to Cæsarea to urge the wavering bishops, and old +Gregory<a name="FNanchor_1_15" id="FNanchor_1_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_15" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> was carried from Nazianzus on his litter +to perform the consecration. There was none but +Basil who could meet the coming danger. By the +spring of 371 Valens had fairly started on his progress +to the East. He travelled slowly through the famine-wasted +provinces, and only reached Cæsarea in time +for the great winter festival of Epiphany 372. The +Nicene faith in Cappadocia was not the least of the +abuses he was putting down. The bishops yielded in +all directions, but Basil was unshaken. The rough +threats of Modestus succeeded no better than the +fatherly counsel of Euippius; and when Valens himself +and Basil met face to face, the Emperor was +overawed. More than once the order was prepared for +the obstinate prelate's exile, but for one reason or +another it was never issued. Valens went forward +on his journey, leaving behind a princely gift for +Basil's poorhouse. He reached Antioch in April, and +settled there for the rest of his reign, never again +leaving Syria till the disasters of the Gothic war called +him back to Eu<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span>rope.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_15" id="Footnote_1_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_15"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The father of Gregory of Nazianzus the Divine, who was bishop, as +we shall see, of Sasima and Constantinople in succession, but never +of Nazianzus.</p></div> + +<div class="sidenote">Basil's difficulties.</div> + +<p>Armed with spiritual power which in some sort +extended from the Bosphorus to Armenia, Basil could +now endeavour to carry out his plan. +Homœan malcontents formed the nucleus +of the league, but conservatives began to join it, and +Athanasius gave his patriarchal blessing to the scheme. +The difficulties, however, were very great. The league +was full of jealousies. Athanasius indeed might +frankly recognise the soundness of Meletius, though +he was committed to Paulinus, but others were less +liberal, and Lucifer of Calaris was forming a schism on +the question. Some, again, were lukewarm in the +cause and many sunk in worldliness, while others were +easily diverted from their purpose. The sorest trial of +all was the selfish coldness of the West. Basil might +find here and there a kindred spirit like Ambrose +of Milan after 374; but the confessors of 355 were +mostly gathered to their rest, and the church of Rome +paid no regard to sufferings which were not likely to +reach herself.</p> + +<p>Nor was Basil quite the man for such a task as +this. His courage indeed was indomitable. He ruled +Cappadocia from a sick-bed, and bore down opposition +by sheer strength of his inflexible determination. The +very pride with which his enemies reproached him was +often no more than a strong man's consciousness of +power; and to this unwearied energy he joined an +ascetic fervour which secured the devotion of his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> +friends, a knowledge of the world which often turned +aside the fury of his enemies, and a flow of warm-hearted +rhetoric which never failed to command the +admiration of outsiders. Yet after all we miss the lofty +self-respect which marks the later years of Athanasius. +Basil was involved in constant difficulties by his own +pride and suspicion. We cannot, for example, imagine +Athanasius turning two presbyters out of doors as +'spies.' But the ascetic is usually too full of his own +plans to feel sympathy with others, too much in earnest +to feign it like a diplomatist. Basil had enough +worldly prudence to keep in the background his belief +in the Holy Spirit, but not enough to protect even +his closest friends from the outbreaks of his imperious +temper. Small wonder if the great scheme met with +many difficulties.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Disputes with: +(1.) Anthimus.</div> + +<p>A specimen or two may be given, from which it will +be seen that the difficulties were not all of Basil's +making. When Valens divided Cappadocia +in 372, the capital of the new province was +fixed at Tyana. Thereupon Bishop Anthimus argued +that ecclesiastical arrangements necessarily follow civil, +and claimed the obedience of its bishops as due to +him and not to Basil. Peace was patched up after +an unseemly quarrel, and Basil disposed of any future +claims from Anthimus by getting the new capital transferred +to Podandus.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">(2.) Eustathius.</div> + +<p>The dispute with Anthimus was little more than a +personal quarrel, so that it was soon forgotten. The +old Semiarian Eustathius of Sebastia was +able to give more serious annoyance. He +was a man too active to be ignored, too unstable to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> +trusted, too famous for ascetic piety to be lightly made +an open enemy. His friendship was compromising, +his enmity dangerous. We left him professing the +Nicene faith before the council of Tyana. For the +next three years we lose sight of him. He reappears +as a friend of Basil in 370, and heartily supported +him in his strife with Valens. Eustathius was at any +rate no time-server. He was drawn to Basil by old +friendship and a common love of asceticism, but almost +equally repelled by the imperious orthodoxy of a stronger +will than his own. And Basil for a long time clung +to his old teacher, though the increasing distrust of +staunch Nicenes like Theodotus of Nicopolis was +beginning to attack himself. His peacemaking was +worse than a failure. First he offended Theodotus, +then he alienated Eustathius. The suspicious zeal of +Theodotus was quieted in course of time, but Eustathius +never forgave the urgency which wrung from him his +signature to a Nicene confession. He had long been +leaning the other way, and now he turned on Basil +with all the bitterness of broken friendship. To such +a man the elastic faith of the Homœans was a welcome +refuge. If they wasted little courtesy on their convert, +they did not press him to strain his conscience by +signing what he ought not to have signed.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Apollinarius +of Laodicea.</div> + +<p>The Arian controversy was exhausted for the present, +and new questions were already beginning to take its +place. While Basil and Eustathius were +preparing the victory of asceticism in the +next generation, Apollinarius had already essayed the +christological problem of Ephesus and Chalcedon; +and Apollinarius was no common thinker. If his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> +efforts were premature, he at least struck out the most +suggestive of the ancient heresies. Both in what he +saw and in what he failed to see, his work is full of +meaning for our own time. Apollinarius and his +father were Christian literary men of Laodicea in +Syria, and stood well to the front of controversy in +Julian's days. When the rescript came out which +forbade the Galileans to teach the classics, they +promptly undertook to form a Christian literature by +throwing Scripture into classical forms. The Old +Testament was turned into Homeric verse, the New into +Platonic dialogues. Here again Apollinarius was premature. +There was indeed no reason why Christianity +should not have as good a literature as heathenism, +but it would have to be a growth of many ages. +In doctrine Apollinarius was a staunch Nicene, and +one of the chief allies of Athanasius in Syria. But +he was a Nicene of an unusual type, for the side of +Arianism which specially attracted his attention was +its denial of the Lord's true manhood. It will be +remembered that according to Arius the created Word +assumed human flesh and nothing more. Eustathius +of Antioch had long ago pointed out the error, and +the Nicene council shut it out by adding <i>was made +man</i> to the <i>was made flesh</i> of the Cæsarean creed. It +was thus agreed that the lower element in the incarnation +was man, not mere flesh; in other words, the +Lord was perfect man as well as perfect God. But +in that case, how can God and man form one person? +In particular, the freedom of his human will is inconsistent +with the fixity of the divine. Without free-will +he was not truly man; yet free-will always leads<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> +to sin. If all men are sinners, and the Lord was not +a sinner, it seemed to follow that he was not true man +like other men. Yet in that case the incarnation is a +mere illusion. The difficulty was more than Athanasius +himself could fully solve. All that he could do +was to hold firmly the doctrine of the Lord's true manhood +as declared by Scripture, and leave the question +of his free-will for another age to answer.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Apollinarian +system.</div> + +<p>The analysis of human nature which we find in +Scripture is twofold. In many passages there is a +moral division into the spirit and the flesh—all +that draws us up towards heaven and +all that draws us down to earth. It must be carefully +noted (what ascetics of all ages have overlooked) that +the flesh is not the body. Envy and hatred are just +as much works of the flesh<a name="FNanchor_1_16" id="FNanchor_1_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_16" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> as revelling and uncleanness. +It is not the body which lusts against the +soul, but the evil nature running through them both +which refuses the leading of the Spirit of God. But +these are practical statements: the proper psychology +of Scripture is given in another series of passages. It +comes out clearly in 1 Thess. v. 23—'your whole +spirit, and soul, and body be preserved blameless unto +the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ.' Here the +division is threefold. The body we know pretty well, +as far as concerns its material form. The soul however, +is not the 'soul' of common language. It is +only the seat of the animal life which we share with +the beasts. Above the soul, beyond the ken of +Aristotle, Scripture reveals the spirit as the seat of +the immortal life which is to pass the gate of death +unharmed. Now it is one chief merit of Apollinarius +(and herein he has the advan<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span>tage over Athanasius) +that he based his system on the true psychology of +Scripture. He argued that sin reaches man through +the will, whose seat is in the spirit. Choice for good +or for evil is in the will. Hence Adam fell through +the weakness of the spirit. Had that been stronger, +he would have been able to resist temptation. So it +is with the rest of us: we all sin through the weakness +of the spirit. If then the Lord was a man in whom +the mutable human spirit was replaced by the immutable +Divine Word, there will be no difficulty in +understanding how he could be free from sin. Apollinarius, +however, rightly chose to state his theory the +other way—that the Divine Word assumed a human +body and a human soul, and himself took the place of +a human spirit. So far we see no great advance on the +Arian theory of the incarnation. If the Lord had no +true human spirit, he is no more true man than if he +had nothing human but the body. We get a better +explanation of his sinlessness, but we still get it at the +expense of his humanity. In one respect the Arians +had the advantage. Their created Word is easier +joined with human flesh than the Divine Word with a +human body and a human soul. At this point, however, +Apollinarius introduced a thought of deep significance—that +the spirit in Christ was human spirit, +although divine. If man was made in the image of +God, the Divine Word is not foreign to that human +spirit which is in his likeness, but is rather the true +perfection of its image. If, therefore, the Lord had +the divine Word instead of the human spirit of other +men, he is not the less human, but the more so for the +difference. Furthermore, the Word which in Christ<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> +was human spirit was eternal. Apart then from the +incarnation, the Word was archetypal man as well as +God. Thus we reach the still more solemn thought +that the incarnation is not a mere expedient to get +rid of sin, but the historic revelation of what was latent +in the Word from all eternity. Had man not sinned, +the Word must still have come among us, albeit not +through shame and death. It was his nature that he +should come. If he was man from eternity, it was +his nature to become in time like men on earth, +and it is his nature to remain for ever man. And +as the Word looked down on mankind, so mankind +looked upward to the Word. The spirit in man is a +frail and shadowy thing apart from Christ, and men +are not true men till they have found in him their +immutable and sovereign guide. Thus the Word and +man do not confront each other as alien beings. They +are joined together in their inmost nature, and (may +we say it?) each receives completion from the other.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_16" id="Footnote_1_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_16"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Gal. v. 19-21.</p></div> + +<div class="sidenote">Criticism of +Apollinarianism.</div> + +<p>The system of Apollinarius is a mighty outline whose +details we can hardly even now fill in; yet as a system +it is certainly a failure. His own contemporaries +may have done him something less +than justice, but they could not follow his +daring flights of thought when they saw plain errors +in his teaching. After all, Apollinarius reaches no true +incarnation. The Lord is something very like us, but +he is not one of us. The spirit is surely an essential +part of man, and without a true human spirit he could +have no true human choice or growth or life; and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> +indeed Apollinarius could not allow him any. His +work is curtailed also like his manhood, for (so Gregory +of Nyssa put it) the spirit which the Lord did not +assume is not redeemed. Apollinarius understood even +better than Athanasius the kinship of true human +nature to its Lord, and applied it with admirable skill +to explain the incarnation as the expression of the +eternal divine nature. But he did not see so well as +Athanasius that sin is a mere intruder among men. It +was not a hopeful age in which he lived. The world +had gone a long way downhill since young Athanasius +had sung his song of triumph over fallen heathenism. +Roman vice and Syrian frivolity, Eastern asceticism +and Western legalism, combined to preach, in spite of +Christianity, that the sinfulness of mankind is essential. +So instead of following out the pregnant hint of Athanasius +that sin is no true part of human nature (else +were God the author of evil), Apollinarius cut the knot +by refusing the Son of Man a human spirit as a thing +of necessity sinful. Too thoughtful to slur over the +difficulty like Pelagius, he was yet too timid to realize +the possibility of a conquest of sin by man, even +though that man were Christ himself.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Apollinarians.</div> + +<p>Apollinarius and his school contributed not a little +to the doctrinal confusion of the East. His ideas were +current for some time in various forms, and +are attacked in some of the later works of +Athanasius; but it was not till about 375 that they +led to a definite schism, marked by the consecration +of the presbyter Vitalis to the bishopric of Antioch. +From this time, Apollinarian bishops disputed many of +the Syrian sees with Nicenes and Anomœans. Their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> +adherents were also scattered over Asia, and supplied +one more element of discord to the noisy populace of +Constantinople.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Last years of +Athanasius +(366-373).</div> + +<p>The declining years of Athanasius were spent in +peace. Valens had restored him in good faith, and +never afterwards molested him. If Lucius +the Arian returned to Alexandria to try +his chance as bishop, the officials gave him +no connivance—nothing but sorely needed shelter from +the fury of the mob. Arianism was nearly extinct in +Egypt.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Athanasius +and Marcellus +(before 371).</div> + +<p>One of his last public acts was to receive an embassy +from Marcellus, who was still living in extreme old +age at Ancyra. Some short time before +371, the deacon Eugenius presented to +him a confession on behalf of the 'innumerable +multitude' who still owned Marcellus for their +father. 'We are not heretics, as we are slandered. +We specially anathematize Arianism, confessing, like +our fathers at Nicæa, that the Son is no creature, but +of the essence of the Father and co-essential with the +Father; and by the Son we mean no other than +the Word. Next we anathematize Sabellius, for we +confess the eternity and reality of the Son and the +Holy Spirit. We anathematize also the Anomœans, +in spite of their pretence not to be Arians. We +anathematize finally the Arianizers who separate the +Word from the Son, giving the latter a beginning at +the incarnation because they do not confess him to +be very God. Our own doctrine of the incarnation +is that the Word did not come down as on the prophets, +but truly became flesh and took a servant's form, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> +as regards flesh was born as a man.' There is no +departure here from the original doctrine of Marcellus, +for the eternity of the Son means nothing more than +the eternity of the Word. The memorial, however, +was successful. Though Athanasius was no Marcellian, +he was as determined as ever to leave all questions +open which the great council had forborne to close. +The new Nicenes of Pontus, on the other hand, +inherited the conservative dread of Marcellus, so that +it was a sore trial to Basil when Athanasius refused +to sacrifice the old companion of his exile. Even the +great Alexandrian's comprehensive charity is hardly +nobler than his faithfulness to erring friends. Meaner +men might cherish the petty jealousies of controversy, +but the veterans of the great council once more recognised +their fellowship in Christ. They were joined in +life, and in death they were not divided.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Death of Athanasius +(373).</div> + +<p>Marcellus passed away in 371, and Athanasius two +years later. The victory was not yet won, the goal of +half a century was still beyond the sight +of men; yet Athanasius had conquered +Arianism. Of his greatness we need say no more. +Some will murmur of 'fanaticism' before the only +Christian whose grandeur awed the scoffer Gibbon. +So be it that his greatness was not unmixed with +human passion; but those of us who have seen the +light of heaven shining from some saintly face, or +watched with kindling hearts and solemn thankfulness +some mighty victory of Christian faith, will surely know +that it was the spirit of another world which dwelt in +Athanasius. To him more than any one we owe it +that the question of Arianism did not lose itself in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> +personalities and quibbles, but took its proper place +as a battle for the central message of the gospel, +which is its chief distinction from philosophy and +heathenism.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Extinction of +the Marcellians +(375).</div> + +<p>Instantly Alexandria was given up to the Arians, +and Lucius repeated the outrages of Gregory and +George. The friends of Athanasius were +exiled, and his successor Peter fled to Rome. +Meanwhile the school of Marcellus died +away. In 375 his surviving followers addressed a +new memorial to the Egyptian exiles at Sepphoris, +in which they plainly confessed the eternal Sonship +so long evaded by their master. Basil took no small +offence when the exiles accepted the memorial. 'They +were not the only zealous defenders of the Nicene +faith in the East, and should not have acted without +the consent of the Westerns and of their own bishop, +Peter. In their haste to heal one schism they might +cause another if they did not make it clear that the +heretics had come over to them, and not they to the +heretics.' This, however, was mere grumbling. Now +that the Marcellians had given up the point in dispute, +there was no great difficulty about their formal reconciliation. +The West held out for Marcellus after +his own disciples had forsaken him, so that he was +not condemned at Rome till 380, nor by name till +381.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Confusion of: +(1) Churches.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile the churches of Asia seemed in a state +of universal dissolution. Disorder under Constantius +had become confusion worse confounded +under Valens. The exiled bishops were +so many centres of disaffection, and personal quarrels<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> +had full scope everywhere. Thus when Basil's brother +Gregory was expelled from Nyssa by a riot got up +by Anthimus of Tyana, he took refuge under the eyes +of Anthimus at Doara, where a similar riot had +driven out the Arian bishop. Pastoral work was +carried on under the greatest difficulties. The exiles +could not attend to their churches, the schemers would +not, and the fever of controversy was steadily demoralizing +both flocks and pastors.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">(2.) Creeds.</div> + +<p>Creeds were in the same confusion. The Homœans +as a body had no consistent principle at all beyond +the rejection of technical terms, so that their +doctrinal statements are very miscellaneous. +They began with the indefinite Sirmian creed, but +the confession they imposed on Eustathius of Sebastia +was purely Macedonian. Some of their bishops were +Nicenes, others Anomœans. There was room for all +in the happy family presided over by Eudoxius and his +successor Demophilus. In this anarchy of doctrine, +the growth of irreligious carelessness kept pace with +that of party bitterness. Ecclesiastical history records +no clearer period of decline than this. There is a +plain descent from Athanasius to Basil, a rapid one +from Basil to Theophilus and Cyril. The victors of Constantinople +are but the epigoni of a mighty contest.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Hopeful signs.</div> + +<p>Hopeful signs indeed were not entirely wanting. +If the Nicene cause did not seem to gain much ground +in Pontus, it was at least not losing. +While Basil held the court in check, the +rising power of asceticism was declaring itself every +day more plainly on his side. One schism was healed +by the reception of the Marcellians; and if Apollinarius<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> +was forming another, he was at least a resolute enemy +of Arianism. The submission of the Lycian bishops +in 375 helped to isolate the Semiarian phalanx in +Asia, and the Illyrian council held in the same year +by Ambrose was the first effective help from the +West. It secured a rescript of Valentinian in favour +of the Nicenes; and if he did not long survive, his +action was enough to show that Valens might not +always be left to carry out his plans undisturbed.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> + +<h3><i>THE FALL OF ARIANISM.</i></h3> + + +<div class="sidenote">Prospects +in 375.</div> + +<p>The fiftieth year from the great council came and +went, and brought no relief to the calamities of the +churches. Meletius and Cyril were still in +exile, East and West were still divided over +the consecration of Paulinus, and now even Alexandria +had become the prey of Lucius. The leaden rule of +Valens still weighed down the East, and Valens +was scarcely yet past middle life, and might reign +for many years longer. The deliverance came suddenly, +and the Nicene faith won its victory in the +confusion of the greatest disaster which had ever yet +befallen Rome.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Empire +in 376.</div> + +<p>In the year 376 the Empire still seemed to stand +unshaken within the limits of Augustus. If the legions +had retired from the outlying provinces of +Dacia and Carduene, they more than held +their ground on the great river frontiers of the Euphrates, +the Danube, and the Rhine. If Julian's death had +seemed to let loose all the enemies of Rome at once, they +had all been repulsed. While the Persian advance was +checked by the obstinate patriotism of Armenia, Valens<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> +reduced the Goths to submission, and his Western +colleague drove the Germans out of Gaul and recovered +Britain from the Picts. The Empire had fully held +its own through twelve years of incessant warfare; +and if there were serious indications of exhaustion in +the dwindling of the legions and the increase of the +barbarian auxiliaries, in the troops of brigands who +infested every mountain district, in the alarming decrease +of population, and above all in the ruin of the +provinces by excessive taxation, it still seemed inconceivable +that real danger could ever menace Rome's +eternal throne.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Gothic +war (377-378).</div> + +<p>But while the imperial statesmen were watching +the Euphrates, the storm was gathering on the Danube. +The Goths in Dacia had been learning husbandry +and Christianity since Aurelian's +time, and bade fair soon to become a civilized people. +Heathenism was already half abandoned, and their +nomad habits half laid aside. But when the Huns +came up suddenly from the steppes of Asia, the stately +Gothic warriors fled almost without a blow from the +hordes of wild dwarfish horsemen. The Ostrogoths +became the servants of their conquerors, and the +heathens of Athanaric found a refuge in the recesses +of the Transylvanian forests. But Fritigern was a +Christian. Rome had helped him once before, and +Rome might help him now. A whole nation of panic-stricken +warriors crowded to the banks of the Danube. +There was but one inviolable refuge in the world, and +that was beneath the shelter of the Roman eagles. +Only let them have some of the waste lands in Thrace, +and they would be glad to do the Empire faithful service.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> +When conditions had been settled, the Goths +were brought across the river. Once on Roman ground, +they were left to the mercy of officials whose only +thought was to make the famished barbarians a prey +to their own rapacity and lust. Before long the Goths +broke loose and spread over the country, destroying +whatever cultivation had survived the desolating misgovernment +of the Empire. Outlaws and deserters +were willing guides, and crowds of fresh barbarians +came in to share the spoil. The Roman generals found +it no easy task to keep the field.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Battle of Hadrianople +(Aug. 9, 378).</div> + +<p>First the victories of Claudius and Aurelian, and +then the statesmanship of Constantine, had stayed for a +century the tide of Northern war, but now +the Empire was again reduced to fight for +its existence. Its rulers seemed to understand +the crisis. The East was drained of all available +troops, and Sebastian the Manichee, the old enemy of +Athanasius, was placed in command. Gratian hurried +Thraceward with the Gaulish legions, and at last Valens +thought it time to leave his pleasant home at Antioch +for the field of war. Evil omens beset his march, +but no omen could be worse than his own impulsive +rashness. With a little prudence, such a force as he +had gathered round the walls of Hadrianople was an +overmatch for any hordes of barbarians. But Valens +determined to storm the Gothic camp without waiting +for his Western colleague. Rugged ground and tracts +of burning grass delayed his march, so that it was long +past noon before he neared the line of waggons, later +still before the Gothic trumpet sounded. But the +Roman army was in hopeless rout at sundown. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> +Goths came down 'like a thunderbolt on the mountain +tops,' and all was lost. Far into the night the +slaughtering went on. Sebastian fell, the Emperor +was never heard of more, and full two-thirds of the +Roman army perished in a scene of unequalled horror +since the butchery of Cannæ.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Results of the +battle.</div> + +<p>Beneath that crushing blow the everlasting Empire +shook from end to end. The whole power of the East +had been mustered with a painful effort to +the struggle, and the whole power of the +East had been shattered in a summer's day. For the +first time since the days of Gallienus, the Empire could +place no army in the field. But Claudius and Aurelian +had not fought in vain, nor were the hundred years of +respite lost. If the dominion of Western Europe was +transferred for ever to the Northern nations, the walls +of Constantinople had risen to bar their eastward +march, and Christianity had shown its power to awe +their boldest spirits. The Empire of the Christian +East withstood the shock of Hadrianople—only the +heathen West sank under it. When once the old +barriers of civilization on the Danube and the Rhine +were broken through, the barbarians poured in for +centuries like a flood of mighty waters overflowing. +Not till the Northman and the Magyar had found +their limit at the siege of Paris (888) and the +battle of the Lechfeld (955) could Europe feel +secure. The Roman Empire and the Christian Church +alone rode out the storm which overthrew the ancient +world. But the Christian Church was founded on +the ever-living Rock, the Roman Empire rooted deep +in history. Arianism was a thing of yesterday and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> +had no principle of life, and therefore it vanished +in the crash of Hadrianople. The Homœan supremacy +had come to rest almost wholly on imperial +misbelief. The mob of the capital might be in its +favour, and the virtues of isolated bishops might secure +it some support elsewhere; but serious men were +mostly Nicenes or Anomœans. Demophilus of Constantinople +headed the party, and his blunders did it +almost as much harm as the profane jests of Eudoxius. +At Antioch Euzoius, the last of the early Arians, was +replaced by Dorotheus. Milan under Ambrose was +aggressively Nicene, and the Arian tyrants were very +weak at Alexandria. On the other hand, the greatest +of the Nicenes had passed away, and few were left who +could remember the great council's meeting. Athanasius +and Hilary were dead, and even Basil did not live +to greet an orthodox Emperor. Meletius of Antioch +was in exile, and Cyril of Jerusalem and the venerated +Eusebius of Samosata, while Gregory of Nazianzus had +found in the Isaurian mountains a welcome refuge from +his hated diocese of Sasima. If none of the living +Nicenes could pretend to rival Athanasius, they at least +outmatched the Arians.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Gratian's +toleration.</div> + +<p>As Valens left no children, the Empire rested for the +moment in the hands of his nephew, Gratian, a youth +of not yet twenty. Gratian, however, was +wise enough to see that it was no time to +cultivate religious quarrels. He, therefore, began by +proclaiming toleration to all but Anomœans and +Photinians. As toleration was still the theory of the +Empire, and none but the Nicenes were practically +molested, none but the Nicenes gained anything by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> +the edict. But mere toleration was all they needed. +The exiled bishops found little difficulty in resuming +the government of their flocks, and even in sending +missions to Arian strongholds. The Semiarians were +divided. Numbers went over to the Nicenes, while +others took up an independent or Macedonian position. +The Homœan power in the provinces fell of itself +before it was touched by persecution. It scarcely even +struggled against its fate. At Jerusalem indeed party +spirit ran as high as ever, but Alexandria was given +up to Peter almost without resistance. We find one +or two outrages like the murder of Eusebius of +Samosata by an Arian woman in a country town, who +threw down a tile on his head, but we hardly ever find +a Homœan bishop heartily supported by his flock.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Gregory of +Nazianzus.</div> + +<p> +Constantinople itself was now the chief stronghold of +the Arians. They had held the churches since 340, +and were steadily supported by the court. +Thus the city populace was devoted to +Arianism, and the Nicenes were a mere remnant, +without either church or teacher. The time, however, +was now come for a mission to the capital. Gregory +of Nazianzus was the son of Bishop Gregory, born +about the time of the Nicene council. His father +was already presbyter of Nazianzus, and held the +bishopric for nearly half a century. (329-374.) +Young +Gregory was a student of many schools. +From the Cappadocian Cæsarea he went on to the +Palestinian, and thence to Alexandria; but Athens +was the goal of his student-life. Gregory and Basil +and Prince Julian met at the feet of Proæresius. They +all did credit to his eloquence, but there the likeness<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> +ends. Gregory disliked Julian's strange, excited +manner, and persuaded himself in later years that he +had even then foreseen the evil of the apostate's reign. +With Basil, on the other hand his friendship was for +life. They were well-matched in eloquence, in ascetic +zeal, and in opposition to Arianism, though Basil's +imperious ways were a trial to Gregory's gentler and +less active spirit. During the quarrel with Anthimus +of Tyana, Basil thought fit to secure the +disputed possession of Sasima by making +it a bishopric. (372.) +It was a miserable post-station—'No +water, no grass, nothing but dust and carts, and groans +and howls, and small officials with their usual instruments +of torture.' Gregory was made bishop of +Sasima against his will, and never fairly entered on +his repulsive duties. After a few years' retirement, +he came forward to undertake the mission +to Constantinople. (379.) +The great city was a +city of triflers. They jested at the actors and the +preachers without respect of persons, and followed +with equal eagerness the races and the theological +disputes. Anomœans abounded in their noisy streets, +and the graver Novatians and Macedonians were +infected with the spirit of wrangling. Gregory's austere +character and simple life were in themselves a +severe rebuke to the lovers of pleasure round him. +He began his work in a private house, and only built +a church when the numbers of his flock increased. +He called it his Anastasia,—the church of the resurrection +of the faith. The mob was hostile—one night +they broke into his church—but the fruit of his labours +was a growing congregation of Nicenes in the capital.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Theodosius +Emperor in +the East (379).</div> + +<p>Gratian's next step was to share his burden with a +colleague. If the care of the whole Empire had been +too much for Diocletian or Valentinian, +Gratian's were not the Atlantean shoulders +which could bear its undivided weight. In +the far West, at Cauca near Segovia, there lived a +son of Theodosius, the recoverer of Britain and Africa, +whose execution had so foully stained the opening of +Gratian's reign. That memory of blood was still fresh, +yet in that hour of overwhelming danger Gratian +called young Theodosius to be his honoured colleague +and deliverer. Early in 379 he gave him the conduct +of the Gothic war. With it went the Empire +of the East.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">End of the +Gothic war.</div> + +<p>Theodosius was neither Greek nor Asiatic, but a +stranger from the Spanish West, endued with a full +measure of Spanish courage and intolerance. +As a general he was the most brilliant Rome +had seen since Julian's death. Men compared him to +Trajan, and in a happier age he might have rivalled +Trajan's fame. But now the Empire was ready to +perish. The beaten army was hopelessly demoralized, +and Theodosius had to form a new army of barbarian +legionaries before the old tradition of Roman superiority +could resume its wonted sway. It soon appeared that +the Goths could do nothing with their victory, and +sooner or later would have to make their peace with +Rome. Theodosius drove them inland in the first +campaign; and while he lay sick at Thessalonica in +the second, Gratian or his generals received the submission +of the Ostrogoths. Fritigern died the same +year, and his old rival Athanaric was a fugitive before<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> +it ended. When the returning Ostrogoths dislodged +him from his Transylvanian forest, he was welcomed +with honourable courtesy by Theodosius in person at +Constantinople. But the old enemy of Rome and +Christianity had only come to lay his bones on Roman +soil. In another fortnight the barbarian chief was +carried out with kingly splendour to his Roman funeral. +Theodosius had nobly won Athanaric's inheritance. +His wondering Goths at once took service with their +conqueror: chief after chief submitted, and the work +of peace was completed on the Danube in the autumn +of 382.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Baptism of +Theodosius.</div> + +<p>We can now return to ecclesiastical affairs. The +dangerous illness of Theodosius in 380 had important +consequences, for his baptism by Ascholius +of Thessalonica was the natural signal for a +more decided policy. Ascholius was a zealous Nicene, +so that Theodosius was committed to the Nicene side +as effectually as Valens had been to the Homœan; +and Theodosius was less afraid of strong measures +than Valens. His first rescript (Feb. 27, 380) commands +all men to follow the Nicene doctrine 'committed +by the apostle Peter to the Romans, and now professed +by Damasus of Rome and Peter of Alexandria,' and +plainly threatens to impose temporal punishments on +the heretics. Here it will be seen that Theodosius +abandons Constantine's test of orthodoxy by subscription +to a creed. It seemed easier now, and more in the +spirit of Latin Christianity, to require communion with +certain churches. The choice of Rome is natural, the +addition of Alexandria shows that the Emperor was +still a stranger to the mysteries of Eastern partizanship.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Suppression of Arian worship +inside cities.</div> + +<p>There was no reason for delay when the worst +dangers of the Gothic war were over. Theodosius +made his formal entry into Constantinople, +November 24, 380, and at once required the +bishop either to accept the Nicene faith or +to leave the city. Demophilus honourably refused to +give up his heresy, and adjourned his services to the +suburbs. So ended the forty years of Arian domination +in Constantinople. But the mob was still Arian, +and their stormy demonstrations when the cathedral +of the Twelve Apostles was given up to Gregory of +Nazianzus were enough to make Theodosius waver. +Arian influence was still strong at court, and Arian +bishops came flocking to Constantinople. Low as +they had fallen, they could still count among them +the great name of Ulfilas. But he could give them +little help, for though the Goths of Mœsia were faithful +to the Empire, Theodosius preferred the stalwart +heathens of Athanaric to their Arian countrymen. +Ulfilas died at Constantinople like Athanaric, but +there was no royal funeral for the first apostle of the +Northern nations. Theodosius hesitated, and even +consented to see the heresiarch Eunomius, who was +then living near Constantinople. The Nicenes took +alarm, and the Empress Flaccilla urged her husband on +the path of persecution. The next edict (Jan. 381) +forbade heretical discussions and assemblies inside cities, +and ordered the churches everywhere to be given up +to the Nicenes.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Council of +Constantinople +(May 381).</div> + +<p>Thus was Arianism put down, as it had been set +up, by the civil power. Nothing now remained but to +clear away the disorders which the strife had left<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> +behind. Once more an imperial summons went forth +for a council to meet at Constantinople in May 381. +It was a sombre gathering. The bright +hope which lighted the Empire at Nicæa had +long ago died out, and even the conquerors +now had no more joyous feeling than that of +thankfulness that the weary strife was coming to an +end. Only a hundred and fifty bishops were present, +all of them Easterns. The West was not represented +even by a Roman legate. Amongst them were Meletius +of Antioch, Gregory of Nyssa, Cyril of Jerusalem, +Gregory of Nazianzus as elect of Constantinople, and +Basil's unworthy successor, Helladius of Cæsarea. +Timothy of Alexandria came later. The Semiarians +mustered thirty-six under Eleusius of Cyzicus.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Appointments +of Gregory, +Flavian, and +Nectarius.</div> + +<p>The bishops were greeted with much splendour, and +received a truly imperial welcome in the form of a new +edict of persecution against the Manichees. +Meletius of Antioch presided in the council, +and Paulinus was ignored. Theodosius was +no longer neutral between Constantinople and Alexandria. +The Egyptians were not invited to the earlier +sittings, or at least were not present. The first act of +the assembly was to ratify the choice of Gregory of +Nazianzus as bishop of Constantinople. Meletius died +as they were coming to discuss the affairs of Antioch, +and Gregory took his place as president. Here was +an excellent chance of putting an end to the schism, +for Paulinus and Meletius had agreed that on the death +of either of them, the survivor should be recognised +by both parties as bishop of Antioch. But the council +was jealous of Paulinus and his Western friends, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> +broke the agreement by appointing Flavian, one of +the presbyters who had sworn to refuse the office. +Gregory's remonstrance against this breach of faith +only drew upon him the hatred of the Eastern bishops. +The Egyptians, on the other hand, were glad to join +any attack on a nominee of Meletius, and found an +obsolete Nicene canon to invalidate his translation from +Sasima to Constantinople. Both parties were thus +agreed for evil. Gregory cared not to dispute with +them, but gave up his beloved Anastasia, and retired +to end his days at Nazianzus. The council was not +worthy of him. His successor was another sort of +man. Nectarius, the prætor of Constantinople, was a +man of the world of dignified presence, but neither +saint nor student. Him, however, Theodosius chose +to fill the vacant see, and under his guidance the +council finished its sessions.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Retirement of +the Semiarians.</div> + +<p>The next move was to find out whether the Semiarians +were willing to share the victory of the Nicenes. +As they were still a strong party round the +Hellespont, their friendship was important. +Theodosius also was less of a zealot than some of his +admirers imagine. The sincerity of his desire to conciliate +Eleusius is fairly guaranteed by his effort two +years later to find a scheme of comprehension even for +the Anomœans. But the old soldier was not to be +tempted by hopes of imperial favour. However he +might oppose the Anomœans, he could not forgive the +Nicenes their inclusion of the Holy Spirit in the sphere +of co-essential deity. Those of the Semiarians who +were willing to join the Nicenes had already done so, +and the rest were obstinate. They withdrew from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> +council and gave up their churches like the Arians. +They comforted themselves with those words of Scripture, +'The churchmen are many, but the elect are few.'<a name="FNanchor_1_17" id="FNanchor_1_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_17" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_17" id="Footnote_1_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_17"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Matt. xx. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="sidenote">Close of the +council.</div> + +<p>Whatever jealousies might divide the conquerors, +the Arian contest was now at an end. Pontus and +Syria were still divided from Rome and +Egypt on the question of Flavian's appointment, +and there were the germs of many future troubles +in the disposition of Alexandria to look for help to +Rome against the upstart see of Constantinople; but +against Arianism the council was united. Its first +canon is a solemn ratification of the Nicene creed in +its original shape, with a formal condemnation of all +the heresies, 'and specially those of the Eunomians or +Anomœans, of the Arians or Eudoxians (<i>Homœans</i>), of +the Semiarians or Pneumatomachi; of the Sabellians, +Marcellians, Photinians, and Apollinarians.'</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The spurious +Nicene creed.</div> + +<p>The bishops issued no new creed. Tradition indeed +ascribes to them the spurious Nicene creed of our +Communion Service, with the exception of +two later insertions—the clause 'God of +God,' and the procession of the Holy Spirit 'from the +Son' as well as 'from the Father.' The story is an +old one, for it can be traced back to one of the +speakers at the council of Chalcedon in 451. It +caused some surprise at the time, but was afterwards +accepted. Yet it is beyond all question false. This +is shown by four convergent lines of argument. In +the first place, (1.) it is <i>a priori</i> unlikely. The +Athanasian party had been contending all along, not +vaguely for the Nicene doctrine, but for the Nicene +creed, the whole Nicene creed, and nothing but the +Nicene creed. Athanasius re<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span>fused to touch it at Sardica +in 343, refused again at Alexandria in 362, and +to the end of his life refused to admit that it was +in any way defective. Basil himself as late as 377 +declined even to consider some additions to the incarnation +proposed to him by Epiphanius of Salamis. Is +it likely that their followers would straightway revise +the creed the instant they got the upper hand in 381? +And such a revision! The elaborate framework of +Nicæa is completely shattered, and even the keystone +clause 'of the essence of the Father' is left out. +Moreover, (2.) there is no contemporary evidence that +they did revise it. No historian mentions anything +of the sort, and no single document connected with +the council gives the slightest colour to the story. +There is neither trace nor sign of it for nearly seventy +years. The internal evidence (3.) points the same +way. Deliberate revision implies a deliberate purpose +to the alterations made. Now in this case, though we +have serious variations enough, there is another class +of differences so meaningless that they cannot even be +represented in an English translation. There remains +(4.) one more argument. The spurious Nicene creed +cannot be the work of the fathers of Constantinople in +381, because it is given in the <i>Ancoratus</i> of Epiphanius, +which was certainly written in 374. But if the council +did not draw up the creed, it is time to ask who +did. Everything seems to show that it is not a +revision of the Nicene creed at all, but of the local +creed of Jerusalem, executed by Bishop Cyril on his +return from exile in 362. This is only a theory, but +it has all the evidence which a theory can have—it +explains the whole matter. In the first place, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> +meaningless changes disappear if we compare the +spurious Nicene creed with that of Jerusalem instead +of the genuine Nicene. Every difference can be +accounted for by reference to the known position and +opinions of Cyril. Thus the old Jerusalem creed says +that the Lord '<i>sat</i> down at the right hand of the +Father;' our 'Nicene,' that he '<i>sitteth</i>.' Now this is +a favourite point of Cyril in his <i>Catecheses</i>—that the +Lord did not sit down once for all, but that he sitteth +so for ever. Similarly other points. We also know +that other local creeds were revised about the same +time and in the same way. In the next place, the +occurrence of a revised Jerusalem creed in the <i>Ancoratus</i> +is natural. Epiphanius was past middle life when he +left Palestine for Cyprus in 368, and never forgot the +friends he left behind at Lydda. We are also in a +position to account for its ascription to the council of +Constantinople. Cyril's was a troubled life, and there +are many indications that he was accused of heresy in +381, and triumphantly acquitted by the council. In +such a case his creed would naturally be examined and +approved. It was a sound confession, and in no way +heretical. From this point its history is clearer. The +authority of Jerusalem combined with its own intrinsic +merits to recommend it, and the incidental approval of +the bishops at Constantinople was gradually developed +into the legend of their authorship.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The rest of +the canons.</div> + +<p>The remaining canons are mostly aimed at the +disorders which had grown up during the reign of +Valens. One of them checks the reckless accusations +which were brought against the bishops by ordering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span> +that no charge of heresy should be received from heretics +and such like. Such a disqualification of +accusers was not unreasonable, as it did not +apply to charges of private wrong; yet this clerical +privilege grew into one of the worst scandals of the +Middle Ages. The forged decretals of the ninth century +not only order the strictest scrutiny of witnesses against +a bishop, but require seventy-two of them to convict +him of any crime <i>except</i> heresy. Another canon forbids +the intrusion of bishops into other dioceses. 'Nevertheless, +the bishop of Constantinople shall hold the +first rank after the bishop of Rome, because Constantinople +is New Rome.' This is the famous third canon, +which laid a foundation for the ecclesiastical authority +of Constantinople. It was extended at Chalcedon (451) into +a jurisdiction over the whole country from +Mount Taurus to the Danube, and by +Justinian into the supremacy of the East. The canon, +therefore, marks a clear step in the concentration of +the Eastern Church and Empire round Constantinople. +The blow struck Rome on one side, Alexandria on the +other. It was the reason why Rome withheld for +centuries her full approval from the council of Constantinople. (1215.) +She could not safely give it +till her Eastern rival was humiliated; and +this was not till the time of the Latin Emperors in the +thirteenth century.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Second edict defining orthodoxy.</div> + +<p>The council having ratified the Emperor's work, it +only remained for the Emperor to complete that of the +council. A new edict in July forbade Arians of every +sort to build churches. Even their old liberty to build +outside the walls of cities was now taken from them.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> +At the end of the month Theodosius issued an amended +definition of orthodoxy. Henceforth sound +belief was to be guaranteed by communion, +no longer with Rome and Alexandria, but +with Constantinople, Alexandria, and the chief bishoprics +of the East. The choice of bishops was decided +partly by their own importance, partly by that of their +sees. Gregory of Nyssa may represent one class, +Helladius of Cæsarea the other. The omissions, however, +are significant. We miss not only Antioch and +Jerusalem, but Ephesus and Hadrianople, and even +Nicomedia. There is a broad space left clear around +the Bosphorus. If we now take into account the +third canon, we cannot mistake the Asiatic policy of +endeavouring to replace the primacy of Rome or +Alexandria by that of Constantinople.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Novatians.</div> + +<p>The tolerance of Theodosius was a little, though +only a little, wider than it seems. Though the +Novatians were not in communion with +Nectarius, they were during the next half +century a recognised exception to the persecuting +laws. They had always been sound as against +Arianism, and their bishop Agelius had suffered +exile under Valens. His confession was approved by +Theodosius, and several of his successors lived on +friendly terms with liberal or worldly patriarchs like +Nectarius and Atticus. They suffered something from +the bigotry of Chrysostom, something also from the +greed of Cyril, but for them the age of persecution only +began with Nestorius in 428.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Decay of +Arianism.</div> + +<p>So far as numbers went, the cause of Arianism was +not even yet hopeless. It was still fairly strong<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> in +Syria and Asia, and counted adherents as far west as the +banks of the Danube. At Constantinople it could raise +dangerous riots (in one of them Nectarius +had his house burnt), and even at the court +of Milan it had a powerful supporter in Valentinian's +widow, the Empress Justina. Yet its fate was none the +less a mere question of time. Its cold logic generated +no such fiery enthusiasm as sustained the African +Donatists; the newness of its origin allowed no venerable +traditions to grow up round it like those of heathenism, +while its imperial claims and past successes cut it off +from the appeal of later heresies to provincial separatism. +When, therefore, the last overtures of Theodosius +fell through in 383, the heresy was quite unable to bear +the strain of steady persecution.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Teutonic +Arianism: (1.) +In the East.</div> + +<p>But if Arianism soon ceased to be a power inside +the Empire, it remained the faith of the barbarian +invaders. The work of Ulfilas was not in +vain. Not the Goths only, but all the +earlier Teutonic converts were Arians. And +the Goths had a narrow miss of empire. The +victories of Theodosius were won by Gothic strength. +It was the Goths who scattered the mutineers of Britain, +and triumphantly scaled the impregnable +walls of Aquileia; (388) +the Goths who won the +hardest battle of the century, and saw the Franks +themselves go down before them on the +Frigidus. (394) +The Goths of Alaric plundered +Rome itself; the Goths of Gaïnas entered Constantinople, +though only to be overwhelmed and slaughtered +round the vain asylum of their burning church.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span></p> +<div class="sidenote">(2.) In the +West.</div> + +<p>In the next century the Teutonic conquest of the +West gave Arianism another lease of power. Once +more the heresy was supreme in Italy, and +Spain, and Africa. Once more it held and +lost the future of the world. To the barbarian as well +as to the heathen it was a half-way halt upon the road to +Christianity; and to the barbarian also it was nothing +but a source of weakness. It lived on and in its +turn perpetuated the feud between the Roman and the +Teuton which caused the destruction of the earlier +Teutonic kingdoms in Western Europe. The provincials +or their children might forget the wrongs of +conquest, but heresy was a standing insult to the +Roman world. Theodoric the Ostrogoth may rank +with the greatest statesmen of the Empire, yet even +Theodoric found his Arianism a fatal disadvantage. +And if the isolation of heresy fostered the beginnings +of a native literature, it also blighted every hope of +future growth. The Goths were not inferior to the +English, but there is nothing in Gothic history like +the wonderful burst of power which followed the conversion +of the English. There is no Gothic writer to +compare with Bede or Cædmon. Jordanis is not much to +set against them, and even Jordanis was not an Arian.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Fall of +Teutonic +Arianism.</div> + +<p>The sword of Belisarius did but lay open the +internal disunion of Italy and Africa. A single blow +destroyed the kingdom of the Vandals, and +all the valour of the Ostrogoths could only +win for theirs a downfall of heroic grandeur. +Sooner or later every Arian nation had to purge itself +of heresy or vanish from the earth. Even +the distant Visigoths (589) were +forced to see +that Arians could <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span>not hold Spain. The Lombards in +Italy were the last defenders of the hopeless cause, +and they too yielded a few years later to the efforts +of Pope Gregory and Queen Theudelinda. (599) +Of Continental Teutons, the Franks alone +escaped the divisions of Arianism. In the strength +of orthodoxy they drove the Goths before +them on the field of Vouglé (507), +and brought +the green standard of the Prophet to a halt upon the +Loire (732). +The Franks were no better than +their neighbours—rather worse—so that it +was nothing but their orthodoxy which won for them +the prize which the Lombard and the Goth had missed, +and brought them through a long career of victory to +that proud day of universal reconciliation (800) +when the strife of ages was forgotten, and +Arianism with it—when, after more than three hundred +years of desolating anarchy, the Latin and the Teuton +joined to vindicate for Old Rome her just inheritance +of empire, and to set its holy diadem upon the head +of Karl the Frank.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Conclusion.</div> + +<p>Now that we have traced the history of Arianism +to its final overthrow, let us once more glance at +the causes of its failure. Arianism, then, +was an illogical compromise. It went too +far for heathenism, not far enough for Christianity. +It conceded Christian worship to the Lord, yet made +him no better than a heathen demigod. It confessed +a Heavenly Father, as in Christian duty +bound, yet identified Him with the mysterious and +inaccessible Supreme of the philosophers. As a +scheme of Christianity, it was overmatched at every +point by the Nicene doctrine; as a concession to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> +heathenism, it was outbid by the growing worship of +saints and relics. Debasing as was the error of +turning saints into demigods, it seems to have shocked +Christian feeling less than the Arian audacity which +degraded the Lord of saints to the level of his creatures. +But the crowning weakness of Arianism was the incurable +badness of its method. Whatever were the +errors of Athanasius—and in details they were not a +few—his work was without doubt a faithful search for +truth by every means attainable to him. He may be +misled by his ignorance of Hebrew or by the defective +exegesis of his time; but his eyes are always open to +the truth, from whatever quarter it may come to him. +In breadth of view as well as grasp of doctrine, he is +beyond comparison with the rabble of controversialists +who cursed or still invoke his name. The gospel was +truth and life to him, not a mere subject for strife and +debate. It was far otherwise with the Arians. On +one side their doctrine was a mass of presumptuous +theorizing, supported by alternate scraps of obsolete +traditionalism and uncritical text-mongering; on the +other it was a lifeless system of spiritual pride and +hard unlovingness. Therefore Arianism perished. So +too every system, whether of science or theology, must +likewise perish which presumes like Arianism to discover +in the feeble brain of man a law to circumscribe +the revelation of our Father's love in Christ.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span></p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHRONOLOGICAL_TABLE" id="CHRONOLOGICAL_TABLE"></a>CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.</h2> + + +<p>269. Claudius defeats the Goths at Naissus.</p> + +<p>272. Aurelian defeats Zenobia.</p> + +<p>284-305. Diocletian.</p> + +<p>Cir. 297. Birth of Athanasius.</p> + +<p>303-313. The great persecution.</p> + +<p>306-337. Constantine (in Gaul).</p> + +<p>311. First edict of toleration (by Galerius).</p> + +<p>312-337. Constantine (in Italy).</p> + +<p>312. Second edict of toleration (from Milan).</p> + +<p>314. Council of Arles, on the Donatists, &c.</p> + +<p>315-337. Constantine (in Illyricum).</p> + +<p>Cir. 317. Athanasius <i>de Incarnatione Verbi Dei</i>.</p> + +<p>Cir. 318. Outbreak of Arian controversy.</p> + +<p>323-337. Constantine (in the East).</p> + +<p>325 (June). Council of Nicæa.</p> + +<p>328-373. Athanasius bishop of Alexandria.</p> + +<p>330. Foundation of Constantinople.</p> + +<p>Cir. 330. Deposition of Eustathius of Antioch.</p> + +<p>335. Councils of Tyre and Jerusalem.</p> + +<p>336 (Feb.)-337 (Nov.) First exile of Athanasius.</p> + +<p>337 (May 22). Death of Constantine.</p> + +<p>339 (Lent)-346 (Oct.) Second exile of Athanasius.</p> + +<p>341. Council of the Dedication at Antioch. Consecration +of Ulfilas.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span></p><p>343. Councils of Sardica and Philippopolis.</p> + +<p>350. Death of Constans.</p> + +<p>351. Battle of Mursa.</p> + +<p>353. Death of Magnentius.</p> + +<p>355. Julian Cæsar in Gaul. +Council at Milan.</p> + +<p>356 (Feb. 8)-362 (Feb. 22). Third exile of Athanasius.</p> + +<p>357. Sirmian manifesto.</p> + +<p>358. Council at Ancyra. +Hilary <i>de Synodis</i>.</p> + +<p>359 (May 22). Conference at Sirmium. The dated creed. +Councils of Ariminum and Seleucia. +Athanasius <i>de Synodis</i>.</p> + +<p>360 (Jan.) Julian Augustus at Paris. +Council at Constantinople. Exile of Semiarians.</p> + +<p>361. Appointment and exile of Meletius. +(Nov.) Death of Constantius.</p> + +<p>362. Council at Alexandria. Fourth exile of Athanasius.</p> + +<p>363 (June 26). Death of Julian. Jovian succeeds.</p> + +<p>364 (Feb. 16). Death of Jovian. Valentinian succeeds.</p> + +<p>365-366. Revolt of Procopius. Fifth exile and final restoration +of Athanasius.</p> + +<p>367-369. Gothic war.</p> + +<p>370-379. Basil bishop of Cæsarea (in Cappadocia).</p> + +<p>371. Death of Marcellus.</p> + +<p>372. Meeting of Basil and Valens.</p> + +<p>373 (May 2). Death of Athanasius.</p> + +<p>374. Epiphanius <i>Ancoratus</i>.</p> + +<p>374-397. Ambrose bishop of Milan.</p> + +<p>375. Death of Valentinian. Gratian succeeds.</p> + +<p>376. Goths pass the Danube.</p> + +<p>378 (Aug. 9). Battle of Hadrianople. Death of Valens.</p> + +<p>379-395. Theodosius Emperor.</p> + +<p>381 (May.) Council of Constantinople.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span></p> +<p>383. Last overtures of Theodosius to the Arians.</p> + +<p>397. Chrysostom bishop of Constantinople.</p> + +<p>410. Sack of Rome by Alaric.</p> + +<p>451. Council of Chalcedon.</p> + +<p>487-526. Reign of Theodoric in Italy.</p> + +<p>507. Battle of Vouglé.</p> + +<p>589. Visigoths abandon Arianism.</p> + +<p>599. Lombards abandon Arianism.</p> + +<p>800. Coronation of Karl the Frank.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX.</h2> + + +<p>Acasius, Bishop of Cæsarea, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;<br/> + at Sardica, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;<br/> + forms Homœan party, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;<br/> + at Seleucia, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;<br/> + character, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;<br/> + at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;<br/> + and Meletius, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;<br/> + accepts Nicene faith, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Aetius, Anomœan doctrine, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;<br/> + ordained by Leontius, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>; <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;<br/> + degraded, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Agelius, Novatian bishop of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Alaric, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;<br/> + excommunicates Arius, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;<br/> + at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br/> + death of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<br/> + and Athanasius, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Alexander, Bishop of Thessalonica, at Tyre, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;<br/> + Illyrian council, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Ammianus, historian, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Anastasia church, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Anthimus, Bishop of Tyana, quarrels with Basil, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;<br/> + with Gregory of Nyssa, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Antony, legendary hermit, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Apollinarius of Laodicea, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;<br/> + doctrine, <a href="#Page_136">136-142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Arinthæus the Goth, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Arius, early life and doctrine, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;<br/> + excommunicated, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;<br/> + flees to Cæsarea, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;<br/> + exiled, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;<br/> + restored at Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;<br/> + death, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>; <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;<br/> + and Apollinarius, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Ascholius, Bishop of Thessalonica, baptizes Theodosius, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Asterius, Cappadocian sophist, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Athanaric, Goth, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<br/> + death, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Athanasius, <i>de Incarnatione</i>, <a href="#Page_9">9-12</a>;<br/> + as a commentator, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;<br/> + at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br/> + persistence, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;<br/> + account of Nicene debates, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;<br/> + dislikes Meletian settlement, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;<br/> + policy at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>; <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<br/> + Bishop of Alexandria, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;<br/> + character and early life, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;<br/> + power in Egypt, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;<br/> + at Tyre, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;<br/> + flees to Constantinople, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;<br/> + first exile, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;<br/> + return, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;<br/> + second exile, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;<br/> + at Sardica, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;<br/> + second return, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;<br/> + overtures of Magnentius, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;<br/> + expelled by Syrianus, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;<br/> + third exile, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;<br/> + on Homœan reasoning, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;<br/> + <i>de Synodis</i>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;<br/> + third return, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;<br/> + at council of Alexandria, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;<br/> + fourth exile, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;<br/> + fourth return, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;<br/> + on the Holy Spirit, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;<br/> + troubles with Valens, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;<br/> + final restoration, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;<br/> + and Basil, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;<br/> + and Apollinarius, <a href="#Page_137">137-141</a>;<br/> + last years, reception of Marcellus, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;<br/> + death, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>; <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br/> + holds to Nicene creed, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Aurelian, Emperor (270-275), services, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;<br/> + test of Christian orthodoxy, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Auxentius, Arian bishop of Milan, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;<br/> + Cappadocian, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</p> +<p> +Baptismal professions, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Basil, Bishop of Ancyra, expelled, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;<br/> + restored, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;<br/> + at synod of Ancyra, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>; <a href="#Page_98">98</a>,<br/> + returns, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Basil, Bishop of Cæsarea (Cappadocia), <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;<br/> + on the Holy Spirit, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;<br/> + life and work, <a href="#Page_132">132-136</a>;<br/> + on reception of Marcellians, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;<br/> + death, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br/> + student life, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;<br/> + holds to Nicene creed, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Basilina, mother of Julian, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Belisarius, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>. +</p> +<p> +Cæcilian, Bishop of Carthage, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Cappadocia, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Carpones, an early Arian, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;<br/> + at Rome, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Chrysostom (John), <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Claudius, Bishop in Picenum, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Constans, Emperor (337-350), <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;<br/> + death, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Constantia, sister of Constantine, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.<br/> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> +Constantine, Emperor (306-337), character, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;<br/> + dealings with Arianism, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;<br/> + summons Nicene council, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;<br/> + action there, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<br/> + church on Golgotha, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;<br/> + exiles Athanasius, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;<br/> + work and death, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;<br/> + church at Antioch, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;<br/> + power of his name, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>; <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Constantine II., Emperor (337-340), <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;<br/> + death, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Constantius, Emperor (337-361), <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;<br/> + accession and character, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;<br/> + calls Sardican council, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;<br/> + recalls Athanasius, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;<br/> + defeats Magnentius, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;<br/> + pressure on the West, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;<br/> + exiles Liberius, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;<br/> + expels Athanasius, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;<br/> + death of, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Councils:<br/> + Alexandria (362), <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.<br/> + Ancyra (358), <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.<br/> + Antioch (269), <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.<br/> + " (338), <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.<br/> + " (341), <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.<br/> + " (344), <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.<br/> + Ariminum (359), <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.<br/> + Arles (314), <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.<br/> + " (353), <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.<br/> + Constantinople (360), <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.<br/> + " (381), <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.<br/> + Lampsacus (364), <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.<br/> + Jerusalem (335), <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.<br/> + Milan (355), <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.<br/> + Nicæa (325), <a href="#Page_19">19-40</a>.<br/> + Sardica (343), <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.<br/> + Seleucia (359), <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.<br/> + Tyre (335), <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Creeds:<br/> + Antioch (first), <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.<br/> + " (second = Lucianic), <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.<br/> + " (third = Tyana), <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.<br/> + " (fourth), <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.<br/> + " (fifth), <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.<br/> + Apostles' (Marcellus), <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.<br/> + Cæsarea, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.<br/> + Constantinople (360), <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.<br/> + "Constantinople" (381), <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.<br/> + Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.<br/> + Nicæa (genuine) <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.<br/> + " (spurious), <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.<br/> + Nicé, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.<br/> + Sardica (Philippopolis), <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.<br/> + Seleucia, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.<br/> + Sirmium (manifesto), <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.<br/> + " (dated), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem, <i>Catecheses</i>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;<br/> + accepts Nicene faith, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>; <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br/> + at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;<br/> + and "Nicene" creed, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>. +</p><p> +Dalmatius, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Damasus, Bishop of Rome, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Demophilus, Bishop of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br/> + gives up the churches, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Dianius, Bishop of Cæsarea (Cappadocia), <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;<br/> + baptizes Basil, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Diocletian, Emperor (284-305), persecution, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<br/> + reign, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Diodorus, Bishop of Tarsus, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Dionysius, Bishop of Milan, exiled, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Dominica, Empress, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Donatists, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Dorotheus, Arian bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>. +</p><p> +Eleusius, Bishop of Cyzicus, at Seleucia, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;<br/> + at Lampsacus, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;<br/> + at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Eudoxius, Bishop of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;<br/> + Bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;<br/> + translated to Constantinople, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>; <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>; <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;<br/> + deposed at Lampsacus, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;<br/> + influence with Valens, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;<br/> + Cappadocian, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Eugenius, deacon, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Euippius, Arian bishop, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Eunomius, Anomœan, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;<br/> + Bishop of Cyzicus, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;<br/> + on the Holy Spirit, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;<br/> + exiled, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;<br/> + Cappadocian, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>; <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Euphrates, Bishop of Cologne, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Euphronius, Bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Eusebia, Empress, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Eusebius, Bishop of Cæsarea (Palestine), countenances Arius, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br/> + action at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;<br/> + proposes Cæsarean creed, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;<br/> + signs Nicene, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>; <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;<br/> + caution after Nicæa, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>; <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;<br/> + at Tyre, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;<br/> + succeeded by Acacius, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Eusebius, Bishop of Cæsarea (Cappadocia), <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia, favours Arius, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;<br/> + at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br/> + presents Arianizing creed, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>; <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;<br/> + exiled, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;<br/> + organizes new party, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;<br/> + attacks Athanasius, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br/> + murder of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Eusebius, Bishop of Vercellæ, exiled, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;<br/> + restored, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;<br/> + at Alexandria, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;<br/> + exiled, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;<br/> + and Apollinarius, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Eustathius, Bishop of Sebastia, at Ancyra, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;<br/> + at Lampsacus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;<br/> + exiled by Valens, goes to Liberius, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;<br/> + quarrels with Basil, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Euzoius, an early Arian, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;<br/> + Bishop of Antioch, 104, 115, 120, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span><a href="#Page_124">124</a>;<br/> + death, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>. +</p><p> +Flavian, Bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Flavianus, prefect of Egypt, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Fortunatian, Bishop of Aquileia, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Fritigern, Goth, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<br/> + death, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>. +</p><p> +Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Galatia, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Gallus, Cæsar, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.<br/> +<br/> +George of Cappodocia, Arian bishop of Alexandria, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;<br/> + deposed at Seleucia, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;<br/> + and Julian, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;<br/> + lynched, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>; <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Germinius, Bishop of Cyzicus, translated to Sirmium, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Gothic wars, first, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;<br/> + second (Hadrianople), <a href="#Page_149">149-155</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Gratian, Emperor (375-383), <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;<br/> + edict of toleration, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br/> + takes Theodosius for colleague, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Gratus of Carthage, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Gregory, Bishop of Nazianzus, consecrates Basil, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>; <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Gregory of Nazianzus (son of the above), <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br/> + life and work at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;<br/> + Bishop of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Gregory, Bishop of Nyssa, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;<br/> + at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Gregory, Bishop of Rome, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Gregory of Cappadocia; Arian bishop of Alexandria, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;<br/> + death of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>; <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Gregory the Wonder-worker, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>. +</p><p> +Hannibalianus, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Hecebolius, renegade, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Helladius, Bishop of Cæsarea (Cappadocia), <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Hilarion, legendary hermit, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Hilary, Bishop of Poitiers, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;<br/> + exile and character, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;<br/> + denounces Liberius, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;<br/> + his <i>de Synodis</i>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;<br/> + at Seleucia, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>; <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;<br/> + on the Holy Spirit, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Hosius, Bishop of Cordova, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>; <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;<br/> + at Sardica, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;<br/> + exile and death, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>. +</p><p> +James, Bishop of Nisibis, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Jerusalem in 348, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.<br/> +<br/> +John Archaph, Meletian, exiled, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.<br/> +<br/> +John the Persian at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Jordanis, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Jovian, Emperor (363-364), <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Julian, Emperor (361-363), <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;<br/> + made Cæsar, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;<br/> + Augustus, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;<br/> + his reign, <a href="#Page_105">105-117</a>;<br/> + ascetic leanings, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;<br/> + education edict, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;<br/> + exiles Athanasius, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;<br/> + results, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;<br/> + and Cappadocia, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;<br/> + student life, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Julius, Bishop of Rome, receives Athanasius and Marcellus, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>; <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Julius Constantius, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Justina, Empress, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>. +</p><p> +Karl the Great, coronation of, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>. +</p><p> +Lactantius on the persecutors, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Leonas, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Leontius, Bishop of Antioch, appointed, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;<br/> + management, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>; <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Libanius, heathen rhetorician, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;<br/> + friend of Basil, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Liberius, Bishop of Rome, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;<br/> + disavows Vincent, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;<br/> + exile of, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;<br/> + signs Sirmian creed, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;<br/> + receives Semiarian deputation, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Licinius, Emperor (306-323), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Lucian of Antioch, teacher of Arius, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;<br/> + of Eusebius of Nicomedia, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;<br/> + disciples at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br/> + left no successors, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;<br/> + disciples after Nicæa, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;<br/> + connection with Aetius, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Lucianic creed, at Antioch, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>; <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;<br/> + at Seleucia, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;<br/> + at Lampsacus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Lucifer, Bishop of Calaris, exile and writings, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;<br/> + returns, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;<br/> + absent from Alexandria, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;<br/> + consecrates Paulinus, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;<br/> + forms schism, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Lucius, Arian bishop of Alexandria, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>. +</p><p> +Macarius, Bishop of Ælia (Jerusalem), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;<br/> + at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Macedonius, Bishop of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Magnentius, Emperor (350-353), <a href="#Page_74">74</a>; <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Marcellus, Bishop of Ancyra, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br/> + and Apostles' creed, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;<br/> + persistence, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>; <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;<br/> + and Nicene creed, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;<br/> + character and doctrine, <a href="#Page_52">52-56</a>;<br/> + exiled, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;<br/> + restored, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;<br/> + flees to Rome, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;<br/> + at Sardica, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;<br/> + attacked by Cyril, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;<br/> + deposed, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>; <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;<br/> + returns, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;<br/> + embassy to Athanasius, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;<br/> + death, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;<br/> + extinction of his school, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Mardonius, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>,<br/> +<br/> +Maris, Bishop of Chalcedon, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br/> + curses Julian, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Maximin (Daza), Emperor (305-313), <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Maximus, Bishop of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;<br/> + receives Athanasius, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Maximus, Bishop of Trier, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Meletius, Bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>; translated from Sebastia, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;<br/> + exiled, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span><br/> + return, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;<br/> + accepts Nicene creed, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;<br/> + exiled by Valens, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;<br/> + restored, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>; <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br/> + death at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Meletius, Bishop of Lycopolis, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;<br/> + Nicene settlement, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Modestus, renegade, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>. +</p><p> +Nectarius, Bishop of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Nepotianus, Emperor (350), <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Nestorius, Bishop of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>. +</p><p> +Origen, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;<br/> + on the Holy Spirit, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>. +</p><p> +Paphnutius, confessor, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br/> + at Tyre, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Paul, Bishop of Neocæsarea, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Paul of Samosata, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Paul of Thebes, legendary hermit, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Paulinus, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;<br/> + consecrated by Lucifer, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;<br/> + ignored at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Paulinus, Bishop of Trier, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Pegasius, Bishop of Ilium, apostate, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Pelagius, Bishop of Laodicea, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Philagrius, expels Athanasius, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Phœbadius, Bishop of Agen, condemns Sirmian manifesto, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;<br/> + at Ariminum, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Photinus, Bishop of Sirmium, condemned, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;<br/> + deposed, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>; <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Pistus, an early Arian, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;<br/> + Arian bishop of Alexandria, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Pœmenius, Anomœan bishop of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Potammon, confessor, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br/> + at Tyre, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Proæresius, teacher of Julian, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Procopius, revolt of, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Protasius, Bishop of Milan, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>. +</p><p> +Restaces, Armenian bishop at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>. +</p><p> +Sabellianism, its meaning, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<br/> + relation of Athanasius to, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;<br/> + general dislike of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;<br/> + relation of Marcellus to, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Sasima, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Sebastian the Manichee, outrages in Egypt, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;<br/> + commands against Goths, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Secundus, Bishop of Ptolemais, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br/> + refuses Nicene creed, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;<br/> + consecrates Pistus, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Serapion, Bishop of Thmuis, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Silvanus the Frank, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Silvanus, Bishop of Tarsus, at Seleucia, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Socrates, historian, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Stephen, Bishop of Antioch, at Sardica, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;<br/> + deposed, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Syrianus, <i>dux Ægypti</i>, expels Athanasius, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>. +</p><p> +Tertullian, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Theodoric, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Theodosius, Emperor (379-395), choice of and character, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;<br/> + first rescript, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;<br/> + calls council of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;<br/> + second rescript, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Theodotus, Bishop of Nicopolis, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Theonas, Bishop of Marmarica, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br/> + refuses Nicene creed, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Theophilus the Goth, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Theophilus the Indian, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Theophronius, Bishop of Tyana, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Theudelinda, Lombard queen, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Timothy, Bishop of Alexandria, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>. +</p><p> +Ulfilas, death, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Ursacius, Bishop of Singidunum, and Sirmian manifesto, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;<br/> + forms Homœan party, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;<br/> + at Ariminum, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>. +</p><p> +Valens, Emperor (364-378), <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;<br/> + character, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;<br/> + church and state under, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>; <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;<br/> + Homœan policy, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;<br/> + fresh exiles, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;<br/> + Procopian panic, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;<br/> + baptism and first Gothic war, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;<br/> + overawed by Basil, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;<br/> + second Gothic war, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;<br/> + death at Hadrianople, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Valens, Bishop of Mursa, and Sirmian manifesto, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;<br/> + forms Homœan party, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;<br/> + at Ariminum, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Valentinian, Emperor (364-375), character and policy, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;<br/> + Semiarian deputation to, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;<br/> + death, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Vetranio, Emperor (350), <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Victor, a Sarmatian, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Victorinus, Marius, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Vincent, Bishop of Capua, at Nicæa, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<br/> + at Sardica, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;<br/> + at Antioch, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;<br/> + yields at Arles, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.<br/> +<br/> +Vitalis, Apollinarian bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>. +</p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Arian Controversy, by H. 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