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diff --git a/1705-h/1705-h.htm b/1705-h/1705-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2d00300 --- /dev/null +++ b/1705-h/1705-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,9438 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="us-ascii"?> + +<!DOCTYPE html + PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" > + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en"> + <head> + <title> + A History of Science, Vol I. by Henry Smith Williams + </title> + <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve"> + + body { margin:5%; background:#faebd0; text-align:justify} + P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } + hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} + .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } + blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} + .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;} + .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;} + div.fig { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; } + div.middle { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; } + .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;} + .figright {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;} + .pagenum {display:inline; font-size: 70%; font-style:normal; + margin: 0; padding: 0; position: absolute; right: 1%; + text-align: right;} + pre { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;} + +</style> + </head> + <body> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of Science, Volume 1(of 5), by +Henry Smith Williams + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: A History of Science, Volume 1(of 5) + +Author: Henry Smith Williams + +Release Date: November 17, 2009 [EBook #1705] +Last Updated: January 26, 2013 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF SCIENCE, V1 *** + + + + +Produced by Charles Keller, and David Widger + + + + + + +</pre> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h1> + A HISTORY OF SCIENCE + </h1> + <h2> + BY HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS, M.D., LL.D. <br /> <br /> <br /> ASSISTED BY EDWARD + H. WILLIAMS, M.D. <br /> <br /><br /> IN FIVE VOLUMES <br /> <br /> VOLUME I. + THE BEGINNINGS OF SCIENCE + </h2> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> <b>A HISTORY OF SCIENCE</b> </a><br /> + <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> <b>BOOK I</b> </a><br /><br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0003"> I. PREHISTORIC SCIENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0004"> II. EGYPTIAN SCIENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0005"> III. SCIENCE OF BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0006"> IV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ALPHABET </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0007"> V. THE BEGINNINGS OF GREEK SCIENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0008"> VI. THE EARLY GREEK PHILOSOPHERS IN ITALY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0009"> VII. GREEK SCIENCE IN THE EARLY ATTIC PERIOD + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0010"> VIII. POST-SOCRATIC SCIENCE AT ATHENS—PLATO, + ARISTOTLE, AND THEOPHRASTUS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0011"> IX. GREEK SCIENCE OF THE ALEXANDRIAN OR + HELLENISTIC PERIOD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0012"> X. SCIENCE OF THE ROMAN PERIOD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0013"> XI. A RETROSPECTIVE GLANCE AT CLASSICAL + SCIENCE </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc2"> + <a href="#link2H_APPE"> <b>APPENDIX</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc2"> + <a href="#link2HCH0001"> CHAPTER I. PREHISTORIC SCIENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc2"> + <a href="#link2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II. EGYPTIAN SCIENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc2"> + <a href="#link2HCH0003"> CHAPTER III. SCIENCE OF BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc2"> + <a href="#link2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ALPHABET + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc2"> + <a href="#link2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V. THE BEGINNINGS OF GREEK SCIENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc2"> + <a href="#link2HCH0006"> CHAPTER VI. THE EARLY GREEK PHILOSOPHERS IN + ITALY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc2"> + <a href="#link2HCH0007"> CHAPTER VII. GREEK SCIENCE IN THE EARLY ATTIC + PERIOD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc2"> + <a href="#link2HCH0008"> CHAPTER VIII. POST-SOCRATIC SCIENCE AT ATHENS + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc2"> + <a href="#link2HCH0009"> CHAPTER IX. GREEK SCIENCE OF THE ALEXANDRIAN OR + HELLENISTIC PERIOD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc2"> + <a href="#link2HCH0010"> CHAPTER X. SCIENCE OF THE ROMAN PERIOD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc2"> + <a href="#link2HCH0011"> CHAPTER XI. A RETROSPECTIVE GLANCE AT CLASSICAL + SCIENCE </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h1> + A HISTORY OF SCIENCE + </h1> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + BOOK I + </h2> + <p> + Should the story that is about to be unfolded be found to lack interest, + the writers must stand convicted of unpardonable lack of art. Nothing but + dulness in the telling could mar the story, for in itself it is the record + of the growth of those ideas that have made our race and its civilization + what they are; of ideas instinct with human interest, vital with meaning + for our race; fundamental in their influence on human development; part + and parcel of the mechanism of human thought on the one hand, and of + practical civilization on the other. Such a phrase as "fundamental + principles" may seem at first thought a hard saying, but the idea it + implies is less repellent than the phrase itself, for the fundamental + principles in question are so closely linked with the present interests of + every one of us that they lie within the grasp of every average man and + woman—nay, of every well-developed boy and girl. These principles + are not merely the stepping-stones to culture, the prerequisites of + knowledge—they are, in themselves, an essential part of the + knowledge of every cultivated person. + </p> + <p> + It is our task, not merely to show what these principles are, but to point + out how they have been discovered by our predecessors. We shall trace the + growth of these ideas from their first vague beginnings. We shall see how + vagueness of thought gave way to precision; how a general truth, once + grasped and formulated, was found to be a stepping-stone to other truths. + We shall see that there are no isolated facts, no isolated principles, in + nature; that each part of our story is linked by indissoluble bands with + that which goes before, and with that which comes after. For the most part + the discovery of this principle or that in a given sequence is no + accident. Galileo and Keppler must precede Newton. Cuvier and Lyall must + come before Darwin;—Which, after all, is no more than saying that in + our Temple of Science, as in any other piece of architecture, the + foundation must precede the superstructure. + </p> + <p> + We shall best understand our story of the growth of science if we think of + each new principle as a stepping-stone which must fit into its own + particular niche; and if we reflect that the entire structure of modern + civilization would be different from what it is, and less perfect than it + is, had not that particular stepping-stone been found and shaped and + placed in position. Taken as a whole, our stepping-stones lead us up and + up towards the alluring heights of an acropolis of knowledge, on which + stands the Temple of Modern Science. The story of the building of this + wonderful structure is in itself fascinating and beautiful. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0003" id="link2H_4_0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + I. PREHISTORIC SCIENCE + </h2> + <p> + To speak of a prehistoric science may seem like a contradiction of terms. + The word prehistoric seems to imply barbarism, while science, clearly + enough, seems the outgrowth of civilization; but rightly considered, there + is no contradiction. For, on the one hand, man had ceased to be a + barbarian long before the beginning of what we call the historical period; + and, on the other hand, science, of a kind, is no less a precursor and a + cause of civilization than it is a consequent. To get this clearly in + mind, we must ask ourselves: What, then, is science? The word runs glibly + enough upon the tongue of our every-day speech, but it is not often, + perhaps, that they who use it habitually ask themselves just what it + means. Yet the answer is not difficult. A little attention will show that + science, as the word is commonly used, implies these things: first, the + gathering of knowledge through observation; second, the classification of + such knowledge, and through this classification, the elaboration of + general ideas or principles. In the familiar definition of Herbert + Spencer, science is organized knowledge. + </p> + <p> + Now it is patent enough, at first glance, that the veriest savage must + have been an observer of the phenomena of nature. But it may not be so + obvious that he must also have been a classifier of his observations—an + organizer of knowledge. Yet the more we consider the case, the more clear + it will become that the two methods are too closely linked together to be + dissevered. To observe outside phenomena is not more inherent in the + nature of the mind than to draw inferences from these phenomena. A deer + passing through the forest scents the ground and detects a certain odor. A + sequence of ideas is generated in the mind of the deer. Nothing in the + deer's experience can produce that odor but a wolf; therefore the + scientific inference is drawn that wolves have passed that way. But it is + a part of the deer's scientific knowledge, based on previous experience, + individual and racial; that wolves are dangerous beasts, and so, combining + direct observation in the present with the application of a general + principle based on past experience, the deer reaches the very logical + conclusion that it may wisely turn about and run in another direction. All + this implies, essentially, a comprehension and use of scientific + principles; and, strange as it seems to speak of a deer as possessing + scientific knowledge, yet there is really no absurdity in the statement. + The deer does possess scientific knowledge; knowledge differing in degree + only, not in kind, from the knowledge of a Newton. Nor is the animal, + within the range of its intelligence, less logical, less scientific in the + application of that knowledge, than is the man. The animal that could not + make accurate scientific observations of its surroundings, and deduce + accurate scientific conclusions from them, would soon pay the penalty of + its lack of logic. + </p> + <p> + What is true of man's precursors in the animal scale is, of course, true + in a wider and fuller sense of man himself at the very lowest stage of his + development. Ages before the time which the limitations of our knowledge + force us to speak of as the dawn of history, man had reached a high stage + of development. As a social being, he had developed all the elements of a + primitive civilization. If, for convenience of classification, we speak of + his state as savage, or barbaric, we use terms which, after all, are + relative, and which do not shut off our primitive ancestors from a + tolerably close association with our own ideals. We know that, even in the + Stone Age, man had learned how to domesticate animals and make them useful + to him, and that he had also learned to cultivate the soil. Later on, + doubtless by slow and painful stages, he attained those wonderful elements + of knowledge that enabled him to smelt metals and to produce implements of + bronze, and then of iron. Even in the Stone Age he was a mechanic of + marvellous skill, as any one of to-day may satisfy himself by attempting + to duplicate such an implement as a chipped arrow-head. And a barbarian + who could fashion an axe or a knife of bronze had certainly gone far in + his knowledge of scientific principles and their practical application. + The practical application was, doubtless, the only thought that our + primitive ancestor had in mind; quite probably the question as to + principles that might be involved troubled him not at all. Yet, in spite + of himself, he knew certain rudimentary principles of science, even though + he did not formulate them. + </p> + <p> + Let us inquire what some of these principles are. Such an inquiry will, as + it were, clear the ground for our structure of science. It will show the + plane of knowledge on which historical investigation begins. Incidentally, + perhaps, it will reveal to us unsuspected affinities between ourselves and + our remote ancestor. Without attempting anything like a full analysis, we + may note in passing, not merely what primitive man knew, but what he did + not know; that at least a vague notion may be gained of the field for + scientific research that lay open for historic man to cultivate. + </p> + <p> + It must be understood that the knowledge of primitive man, as we are about + to outline it, is inferential. We cannot trace the development of these + principles, much less can we say who discovered them. Some of them, as + already suggested, are man's heritage from non-human ancestors. Others can + only have been grasped by him after he had reached a relatively high stage + of human development. But all the principles here listed must surely have + been parts of our primitive ancestor's knowledge before those earliest + days of Egyptian and Babylonian civilization, the records of which + constitute our first introduction to the so-called historical period. + Taken somewhat in the order of their probable discovery, the scientific + ideas of primitive man may be roughly listed as follows: + </p> + <p> + 1. Primitive man must have conceived that the earth is flat and of + limitless extent. By this it is not meant to imply that he had a distinct + conception of infinity, but, for that matter, it cannot be said that any + one to-day has a conception of infinity that could be called definite. + But, reasoning from experience and the reports of travellers, there was + nothing to suggest to early man the limit of the earth. He did, indeed, + find in his wanderings, that changed climatic conditions barred him from + farther progress; but beyond the farthest reaches of his migrations, the + seemingly flat land-surfaces and water-surfaces stretched away unbroken + and, to all appearances, without end. It would require a reach of the + philosophical imagination to conceive a limit to the earth, and while such + imaginings may have been current in the prehistoric period, we can have no + proof of them, and we may well postpone consideration of man's early + dreamings as to the shape of the earth until we enter the historical epoch + where we stand on firm ground. + </p> + <p> + 2. Primitive man must, from a very early period, have observed that the + sun gives heat and light, and that the moon and stars seem to give light + only and no heat. It required but a slight extension of this observation + to note that the changing phases of the seasons were associated with the + seeming approach and recession of the sun. This observation, however, + could not have been made until man had migrated from the tropical regions, + and had reached a stage of mechanical development enabling him to live in + subtropical or temperate zones. Even then it is conceivable that a long + period must have elapsed before a direct causal relation was felt to exist + between the shifting of the sun and the shifting of the seasons; because, + as every one knows, the periods of greatest heat in summer and greatest + cold in winter usually come some weeks after the time of the solstices. + Yet, the fact that these extremes of temperature are associated in some + way with the change of the sun's place in the heavens must, in time, have + impressed itself upon even a rudimentary intelligence. It is hardly + necessary to add that this is not meant to imply any definite knowledge of + the real meaning of, the seeming oscillations of the sun. We shall see + that, even at a relatively late period, the vaguest notions were still in + vogue as to the cause of the sun's changes of position. + </p> + <p> + That the sun, moon, and stars move across the heavens must obviously have + been among the earliest scientific observations. It must not be inferred, + however, that this observation implied a necessary conception of the + complete revolution of these bodies about the earth. It is unnecessary to + speculate here as to how the primitive intelligence conceived the transfer + of the sun from the western to the eastern horizon, to be effected each + night, for we shall have occasion to examine some historical speculations + regarding this phenomenon. We may assume, however, that the idea of the + transfer of the heavenly bodies beneath the earth (whatever the conception + as to the form of that body) must early have presented itself. + </p> + <p> + It required a relatively high development of the observing faculties, yet + a development which man must have attained ages before the historical + period, to note that the moon has a secondary motion, which leads it to + shift its relative position in the heavens, as regards the stars; that the + stars themselves, on the other hand, keep a fixed relation as regards one + another, with the notable exception of two or three of the most brilliant + members of the galaxy, the latter being the bodies which came to be known + finally as planets, or wandering stars. The wandering propensities of such + brilliant bodies as Jupiter and Venus cannot well have escaped detection. + We may safely assume, however, that these anomalous motions of the moon + and planets found no explanation that could be called scientific until a + relatively late period. + </p> + <p> + 3. Turning from the heavens to the earth, and ignoring such primitive + observations as that of the distinction between land and water, we may + note that there was one great scientific law which must have forced itself + upon the attention of primitive man. This is the law of universal + terrestrial gravitation. The word gravitation suggests the name of Newton, + and it may excite surprise to hear a knowledge of gravitation ascribed to + men who preceded that philosopher by, say, twenty-five or fifty thousand + years. Yet the slightest consideration of the facts will make it clear + that the great central law that all heavy bodies fall directly towards the + earth, cannot have escaped the attention of the most primitive + intelligence. The arboreal habits of our primitive ancestors gave + opportunities for constant observation of the practicalities of this law. + And, so soon as man had developed the mental capacity to formulate ideas, + one of the earliest ideas must have been the conception, however vaguely + phrased in words, that all unsupported bodies fall towards the earth. The + same phenomenon being observed to operate on water-surfaces, and no + alteration being observed in its operation in different portions of man's + habitat, the most primitive wanderer must have come to have full faith in + the universal action of the observed law of gravitation. Indeed, it is + inconceivable that he can have imagined a place on the earth where this + law does not operate. On the other hand, of course, he never grasped the + conception of the operation of this law beyond the close proximity of the + earth. To extend the reach of gravitation out to the moon and to the + stars, including within its compass every particle of matter in the + universe, was the work of Newton, as we shall see in due course. Meantime + we shall better understand that work if we recall that the mere local fact + of terrestrial gravitation has been the familiar knowledge of all + generations of men. It may further help to connect us in sympathy with our + primeval ancestor if we recall that in the attempt to explain this fact of + terrestrial gravitation Newton made no advance, and we of to-day are + scarcely more enlightened than the man of the Stone Age. Like the man of + the Stone Age, we know that an arrow shot into the sky falls back to the + earth. We can calculate, as he could not do, the arc it will describe and + the exact speed of its fall; but as to why it returns to earth at all, the + greatest philosopher of to-day is almost as much in the dark as was the + first primitive bowman that ever made the experiment. + </p> + <p> + Other physical facts going to make up an elementary science of mechanics, + that were demonstratively known to prehistoric man, were such as these: + the rigidity of solids and the mobility of liquids; the fact that changes + of temperature transform solids to liquids and vice versa—that heat, + for example, melts copper and even iron, and that cold congeals water; and + the fact that friction, as illustrated in the rubbing together of two + sticks, may produce heat enough to cause a fire. The rationale of this + last experiment did not receive an explanation until about the beginning + of the nineteenth century of our own era. But the experimental fact was so + well known to prehistoric man that he employed this method, as various + savage tribes employ it to this day, for the altogether practical purpose + of making a fire; just as he employed his practical knowledge of the + mutability of solids and liquids in smelting ores, in alloying copper with + tin to make bronze, and in casting this alloy in molds to make various + implements and weapons. Here, then, were the germs of an elementary + science of physics. Meanwhile such observations as that of the solution of + salt in water may be considered as giving a first lesson in chemistry, but + beyond such altogether rudimentary conceptions chemical knowledge could + not have gone—unless, indeed, the practical observation of the + effects of fire be included; nor can this well be overlooked, since + scarcely another single line of practical observation had a more direct + influence in promoting the progress of man towards the heights of + civilization. + </p> + <p> + 4. In the field of what we now speak of as biological knowledge, primitive + man had obviously the widest opportunity for practical observation. We can + hardly doubt that man attained, at an early day, to that conception of + identity and of difference which Plato places at the head of his + metaphysical system. We shall urge presently that it is precisely such + general ideas as these that were man's earliest inductions from + observation, and hence that came to seem the most universal and "innate" + ideas of his mentality. It is quite inconceivable, for example, that even + the most rudimentary intelligence that could be called human could fail to + discriminate between living things and, let us say, the rocks of the + earth. The most primitive intelligence, then, must have made a tacit + classification of the natural objects about it into the grand divisions of + animate and inanimate nature. Doubtless the nascent scientist may have + imagined life animating many bodies that we should call inanimate—such + as the sun, wandering planets, the winds, and lightning; and, on the other + hand, he may quite likely have relegated such objects as trees to the + ranks of the non-living; but that he recognized a fundamental distinction + between, let us say, a wolf and a granite bowlder we cannot well doubt. A + step beyond this—a step, however, that may have required centuries + or millenniums in the taking—must have carried man to a plane of + intelligence from which a primitive Aristotle or Linnaeus was enabled to + note differences and resemblances connoting such groups of things as + fishes, birds, and furry beasts. This conception, to be sure, is an + abstraction of a relatively high order. We know that there are savage + races to-day whose language contains no word for such an abstraction as + bird or tree. We are bound to believe, then, that there were long ages of + human progress during which the highest man had attained no such stage of + abstraction; but, on the other hand, it is equally little in question that + this degree of mental development had been attained long before the + opening of our historical period. The primeval man, then, whose scientific + knowledge we are attempting to predicate, had become, through his + conception of fishes, birds, and hairy animals as separate classes, a + scientific zoologist of relatively high attainments. + </p> + <p> + In the practical field of medical knowledge, a certain stage of + development must have been reached at a very early day. Even animals pick + and choose among the vegetables about them, and at times seek out certain + herbs quite different from their ordinary food, practising a sort of + instinctive therapeutics. The cat's fondness for catnip is a case in + point. The most primitive man, then, must have inherited a racial or + instinctive knowledge of the medicinal effects of certain herbs; in + particular he must have had such elementary knowledge of toxicology as + would enable him to avoid eating certain poisonous berries. Perhaps, + indeed, we are placing the effect before the cause to some extent; for, + after all, the animal system possesses marvellous powers of adaption, and + there is perhaps hardly any poisonous vegetable which man might not have + learned to eat without deleterious effect, provided the experiment were + made gradually. To a certain extent, then, the observed poisonous effects + of numerous plants upon the human system are to be explained by the fact + that our ancestors have avoided this particular vegetable. Certain fruits + and berries might have come to have been a part of man's diet, had they + grown in the regions he inhabited at an early day, which now are poisonous + to his system. This thought, however, carries us too far afield. For + practical purposes, it suffices that certain roots, leaves, and fruits + possess principles that are poisonous to the human system, and that unless + man had learned in some way to avoid these, our race must have come to + disaster. In point of fact, he did learn to avoid them; and such evidence + implied, as has been said, an elementary knowledge of toxicology. + </p> + <p> + Coupled with this knowledge of things dangerous to the human system, there + must have grown up, at a very early day, a belief in the remedial + character of various vegetables as agents to combat disease. Here, of + course, was a rudimentary therapeutics, a crude principle of an empirical + art of medicine. As just suggested, the lower order of animals have an + instinctive knowledge that enables them to seek out remedial herbs (though + we probably exaggerate the extent of this instinctive knowledge); and if + this be true, man must have inherited from his prehuman ancestors this + instinct along with the others. That he extended this knowledge through + observation and practice, and came early to make extensive use of drugs in + the treatment of disease, is placed beyond cavil through the observation + of the various existing barbaric tribes, nearly all of whom practice + elaborate systems of therapeutics. We shall have occasion to see that even + within historic times the particular therapeutic measures employed were + often crude, and, as we are accustomed to say, unscientific; but even the + crudest of them are really based upon scientific principles, inasmuch as + their application implies the deduction of principles of action from + previous observations. Certain drugs are applied to appease certain + symptoms of disease because in the belief of the medicine-man such drugs + have proved beneficial in previous similar cases. + </p> + <p> + All this, however, implies an appreciation of the fact that man is subject + to "natural" diseases, and that if these diseases are not combated, death + may result. But it should be understood that the earliest man probably had + no such conception as this. Throughout all the ages of early development, + what we call "natural" disease and "natural" death meant the onslaught of + a tangible enemy. A study of this question leads us to some very curious + inferences. The more we look into the matter the more the thought forces + itself home to us that the idea of natural death, as we now conceive it, + came to primitive man as a relatively late scientific induction. This + thought seems almost startling, so axiomatic has the conception "man is + mortal" come to appear. Yet a study of the ideas of existing savages, + combined with our knowledge of the point of view from which historical + peoples regard disease, make it more probable that the primitive + conception of human life did not include the idea of necessary death. We + are told that the Australian savage who falls from a tree and breaks his + neck is not regarded as having met a natural death, but as having been the + victim of the magical practices of the "medicine-man" of some neighboring + tribe. Similarly, we shall find that the Egyptian and the Babylonian of + the early historical period conceived illness as being almost invariably + the result of the machinations of an enemy. One need but recall the + superstitious observances of the Middle Ages, and the yet more recent + belief in witchcraft, to realize how generally disease has been + personified as a malicious agent invoked by an unfriendly mind. Indeed, + the phraseology of our present-day speech is still reminiscent of this; as + when, for example, we speak of an "attack of fever," and the like. + </p> + <p> + When, following out this idea, we picture to ourselves the conditions + under which primitive man lived, it will be evident at once how relatively + infrequent must have been his observation of what we usually term natural + death. His world was a world of strife; he lived by the chase; he saw + animals kill one another; he witnessed the death of his own fellows at the + hands of enemies. Naturally enough, then, when a member of his family was + "struck down" by invisible agents, he ascribed this death also to + violence, even though the offensive agent was concealed. Moreover, having + very little idea of the lapse of time—being quite unaccustomed, that + is, to reckon events from any fixed era—primitive man cannot have + gained at once a clear conception of age as applied to his fellows. Until + a relatively late stage of development made tribal life possible, it + cannot have been usual for man to have knowledge of his grandparents; as a + rule he did not know his own parents after he had passed the adolescent + stage and had been turned out upon the world to care for himself. If, + then, certain of his fellow-beings showed those evidences of infirmity + which we ascribe to age, it did not necessarily follow that he saw any + association between such infirmities and the length of time which those + persons had lived. The very fact that some barbaric nations retain the + custom of killing the aged and infirm, in itself suggests the possibility + that this custom arose before a clear conception had been attained that + such drags upon the community would be removed presently in the natural + order of things. To a person who had no clear conception of the lapse of + time and no preconception as to the limited period of man's life, the + infirmities of age might very naturally be ascribed to the repeated + attacks of those inimical powers which were understood sooner or later to + carry off most members of the race. And coupled with this thought would go + the conception that inasmuch as some people through luck had escaped the + vengeance of all their enemies for long periods, these same individuals + might continue to escape for indefinite periods of the future. There were + no written records to tell primeval man of events of long ago. He lived in + the present, and his sweep of ideas scarcely carried him back beyond the + limits of his individual memory. But memory is observed to be fallacious. + It must early have been noted that some people recalled events which other + participants in them had quite forgotten, and it may readily enough have + been inferred that those members of the tribe who spoke of events which + others could not recall were merely the ones who were gifted with the best + memories. If these reached a period when their memories became vague, it + did not follow that their recollections had carried them back to the + beginnings of their lives. Indeed, it is contrary to all experience to + believe that any man remembers all the things he has once known, and the + observed fallaciousness and evanescence of memory would thus tend to + substantiate rather than to controvert the idea that various members of a + tribe had been alive for an indefinite period. + </p> + <p> + Without further elaborating the argument, it seems a justifiable inference + that the first conception primitive man would have of his own life would + not include the thought of natural death, but would, conversely, connote + the vague conception of endless life. Our own ancestors, a few generations + removed, had not got rid of this conception, as the perpetual quest of the + spring of eternal youth amply testifies. A naturalist of our own day has + suggested that perhaps birds never die except by violence. The thought, + then, that man has a term of years beyond which "in the nature of things," + as the saying goes, he may not live, would have dawned but gradually upon + the developing intelligence of successive generations of men; and we + cannot feel sure that he would fully have grasped the conception of a + "natural" termination of human life until he had shaken himself free from + the idea that disease is always the result of the magic practice of an + enemy. Our observation of historical man in antiquity makes it somewhat + doubtful whether this conception had been attained before the close of the + prehistoric period. If it had, this conception of the mortality of man was + one of the most striking scientific inductions to which prehistoric man + attained. Incidentally, it may be noted that the conception of eternal + life for the human body being a more primitive idea than the conception of + natural death, the idea of the immortality of the spirit would be the most + natural of conceptions. The immortal spirit, indeed, would be but a + correlative of the immortal body, and the idea which we shall see + prevalent among the Egyptians that the soul persists only as long as the + body is intact—the idea upon which the practice of mummifying the + dead depended—finds a ready explanation. But this phase of the + subject carries us somewhat afield. For our present purpose it suffices to + have pointed out that the conception of man's mortality—a conception + which now seems of all others the most natural and "innate"—was in + all probability a relatively late scientific induction of our primitive + ancestors. + </p> + <p> + 5. Turning from the consideration of the body to its mental complement, we + are forced to admit that here, also, our primitive man must have made + certain elementary observations that underlie such sciences as psychology, + mathematics, and political economy. The elementary emotions associated + with hunger and with satiety, with love and with hatred, must have forced + themselves upon the earliest intelligence that reached the plane of + conscious self-observation. The capacity to count, at least to the number + four or five, is within the range of even animal intelligence. Certain + savages have gone scarcely farther than this; but our primeval ancestor, + who was forging on towards civilization, had learned to count his fingers + and toes, and to number objects about him by fives and tens in + consequence, before he passed beyond the plane of numerous existing + barbarians. How much beyond this he had gone we need not attempt to + inquire; but the relatively high development of mathematics in the early + historical period suggests that primeval man had attained a not + inconsiderable knowledge of numbers. The humdrum vocation of looking after + a numerous progeny must have taught the mother the rudiments of addition + and subtraction; and the elements of multiplication and division are + implied in the capacity to carry on even the rudest form of barter, such + as the various tribes must have practised from an early day. + </p> + <p> + As to political ideas, even the crudest tribal life was based on certain + conceptions of ownership, at least of tribal ownership, and the + application of the principle of likeness and difference to which we have + already referred. Each tribe, of course, differed in some regard from + other tribes, and the recognition of these differences implied in itself a + political classification. A certain tribe took possession of a particular + hunting-ground, which became, for the time being, its home, and over which + it came to exercise certain rights. An invasion of this territory by + another tribe might lead to war, and the banding together of the members + of the tribe to repel the invader implied both a recognition of communal + unity and a species of prejudice in favor of that community that + constituted a primitive patriotism. But this unity of action in opposing + another tribe would not prevent a certain rivalry of interest between the + members of the same tribe, which would show itself more and more + prominently as the tribe increased in size. The association of two or more + persons implies, always, the ascendency of some and the subordination of + others. Leadership and subordination are necessary correlatives of + difference of physical and mental endowment, and rivalry between leaders + would inevitably lead to the formation of primitive political parties. + With the ultimate success and ascendency of one leader, who secures either + absolute power or power modified in accordance with the advice of + subordinate leaders, we have the germs of an elaborate political system—an + embryo science of government. + </p> + <p> + Meanwhile, the very existence of such a community implies the recognition + on the part of its members of certain individual rights, the recognition + of which is essential to communal harmony. The right of individual + ownership of the various articles and implements of every-day life must be + recognized, or all harmony would be at an end. Certain rules of justice—primitive + laws—must, by common consent, give protection to the weakest members + of the community. Here are the rudiments of a system of ethics. It may + seem anomalous to speak of this primitive morality, this early recognition + of the principles of right and wrong, as having any relation to science. + Yet, rightly considered, there is no incongruity in such a citation. There + cannot well be a doubt that the adoption of those broad principles of + right and wrong which underlie the entire structure of modern civilization + was due to scientific induction,—in other words, to the belief, + based on observation and experience, that the principles implied were + essential to communal progress. He who has scanned the pageant of history + knows how often these principles seem to be absent in the intercourse of + men and nations. Yet the ideal is always there as a standard by which all + deeds are judged. + </p> + <p> + It would appear, then, that the entire superstructure of later science had + its foundation in the knowledge and practice of prehistoric man. The + civilization of the historical period could not have advanced as it has + had there not been countless generations of culture back of it. The new + principles of science could not have been evolved had there not been great + basal principles which ages of unconscious experiment had impressed upon + the mind of our race. Due meed of praise must be given, then, to our + primitive ancestor for his scientific accomplishments; but justice demands + that we should look a little farther and consider the reverse side of the + picture. We have had to do, thus far, chiefly with the positive side of + accomplishment. We have pointed out what our primitive ancestor knew, + intimating, perhaps, the limitations of his knowledge; but we have had + little to say of one all-important feature of his scientific theorizing. + The feature in question is based on the highly scientific desire and + propensity to find explanations for the phenomena of nature. Without such + desire no progress could be made. It is, as we have seen, the generalizing + from experience that constitutes real scientific progress; and yet, just + as most other good things can be overdone, this scientific propensity may + be carried to a disastrous excess. + </p> + <p> + Primeval man did not escape this danger. He observed, he reasoned, he + found explanations; but he did not always discriminate as to the + logicality of his reasonings. He failed to recognize the limitations of + his knowledge. The observed uniformity in the sequence of certain events + impressed on his mind the idea of cause and effect. Proximate causes + known, he sought remoter causes; childlike, his inquiring mind was always + asking, Why? and, childlike, he demanded an explicit answer. If the forces + of nature seemed to combat him, if wind and rain opposed his progress and + thunder and lightning seemed to menace his existence, he was led + irrevocably to think of those human foes who warred with him, and to see, + back of the warfare of the elements, an inscrutable malevolent + intelligence which took this method to express its displeasure. But every + other line of scientific observation leads equally, following back a + sequence of events, to seemingly causeless beginnings. Modern science can + explain the lightning, as it can explain a great number of the mysteries + which the primeval intelligence could not penetrate. But the primordial + man could not wait for the revelations of scientific investigation: he + must vault at once to a final solution of all scientific problems. He + found his solution by peopling the world with invisible forces, + anthropomorphic in their conception, like himself in their thought and + action, differing only in the limitations of their powers. His own dream + existence gave him seeming proof of the existence of an alter ego, a + spiritual portion of himself that could dissever itself from his body and + wander at will; his scientific inductions seemed to tell him of a world of + invisible beings, capable of influencing him for good or ill. From the + scientific exercise of his faculties he evolved the all-encompassing + generalizations of invisible and all-powerful causes back of the phenomena + of nature. These generalizations, early developed and seemingly supported + by the observations of countless generations, came to be among the most + firmly established scientific inductions of our primeval ancestor. They + obtained a hold upon the mentality of our race that led subsequent + generations to think of them, sometimes to speak of them, as "innate" + ideas. The observations upon which they were based are now, for the most + part, susceptible of other interpretations; but the old interpretations + have precedent and prejudice back of them, and they represent ideas that + are more difficult than almost any others to eradicate. Always, and + everywhere, superstitions based upon unwarranted early scientific + deductions have been the most implacable foes to the progress of science. + Men have built systems of philosophy around their conception of + anthropomorphic deities; they have linked to these systems of philosophy + the allied conception of the immutability of man's spirit, and they have + asked that scientific progress should stop short at the brink of these + systems of philosophy and accept their dictates as final. Yet there is not + to-day in existence, and there never has been, one jot of scientific + evidence for the existence of these intangible anthropomorphic powers back + of nature that is not susceptible of scientific challenge and of more + logical interpretation. In despite of which the superstitious beliefs are + still as firmly fixed in the minds of a large majority of our race as they + were in the mind of our prehistoric ancestor. The fact of this baleful + heritage must not be forgotten in estimating the debt of gratitude which + historic man owes to his barbaric predecessor. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0004" id="link2H_4_0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + II. EGYPTIAN SCIENCE + </h2> + <p> + In the previous chapter we have purposely refrained from referring to any + particular tribe or race of historical man. Now, however, we are at the + beginnings of national existence, and we have to consider the + accomplishments of an individual race; or rather, perhaps, of two or more + races that occupied successively the same geographical territory. But even + now our studies must for a time remain very general; we shall see little + or nothing of the deeds of individual scientists in the course of our + study of Egyptian culture. We are still, it must be understood, at the + beginnings of history; indeed, we must first bridge over the gap from the + prehistoric before we may find ourselves fairly on the line of march of + historical science. + </p> + <p> + At the very outset we may well ask what constitutes the distinction + between prehistoric and historic epochs—a distinction which has been + constantly implied in much that we have said. The reply savors somewhat of + vagueness. It is a distinction having to do, not so much with facts of + human progress as with our interpretation of these facts. When we speak of + the dawn of history we must not be understood to imply that, at the period + in question, there was any sudden change in the intellectual status of the + human race or in the status of any individual tribe or nation of men. What + we mean is that modern knowledge has penetrated the mists of the past for + the period we term historical with something more of clearness and + precision than it has been able to bring to bear upon yet earlier periods. + New accessions of knowledge may thus shift from time to time the bounds of + the so-called historical period. The clearest illustration of this is + furnished by our interpretation of Egyptian history. Until recently the + biblical records of the Hebrew captivity or service, together with the + similar account of Josephus, furnished about all that was known of + Egyptian history even of so comparatively recent a time as that of Ramses + II. (fifteenth century B.C.), and from that period on there was almost a + complete gap until the story was taken up by the Greek historians + Herodotus and Diodorus. It is true that the king-lists of the Alexandrian + historian, Manetho, were all along accessible in somewhat garbled copies. + But at best they seemed to supply unintelligible lists of names and dates + which no one was disposed to take seriously. That they were, broadly + speaking, true historical records, and most important historical records + at that, was not recognized by modern scholars until fresh light had been + thrown on the subject from altogether new sources. + </p> + <p> + These new sources of knowledge of ancient history demand a moment's + consideration. They are all-important because they have been the means of + extending the historical period of Egyptian history (using the word + history in the way just explained) by three or four thousand years. As + just suggested, that historical period carried the scholarship of the + early nineteenth century scarcely beyond the fifteenth century B.C., but + to-day's vision extends with tolerable clearness to about the middle of + the fifth millennium B.C. This change has been brought about chiefly + through study of the Egyptian hieroglyphics. These hieroglyphics + constitute, as we now know, a highly developed system of writing; a system + that was practised for some thousands of years, but which fell utterly + into disuse in the later Roman period, and the knowledge of which passed + absolutely from the mind of man. For about two thousand years no one was + able to read, with any degree of explicitness, a single character of this + strange script, and the idea became prevalent that it did not constitute a + real system of writing, but only a more or less barbaric system of + religious symbolism. The falsity of this view was shown early in the + nineteenth century when Dr. Thomas Young was led, through study of the + famous trilingual inscription of the Rosetta stone, to make the first + successful attempt at clearing up the mysteries of the hieroglyphics. + </p> + <p> + This is not the place to tell the story of his fascinating discoveries and + those of his successors. That story belongs to nineteenth-century science, + not to the science of the Egyptians. Suffice it here that Young gained the + first clew to a few of the phonetic values of the Egyptian symbols, and + that the work of discovery was carried on and vastly extended by the + Frenchman Champollion, a little later, with the result that the firm + foundations of the modern science of Egyptology were laid. Subsequently + such students as Rosellini the Italian, Lepsius the German, and Wilkinson + the Englishman, entered the field, which in due course was cultivated by + De Rouge in France and Birch in England, and by such distinguished + latter-day workers as Chabas, Mariette, Maspero, Amelineau, and De Morgan + among the Frenchmen; Professor Petrie and Dr. Budge in England; and + Brugsch Pasha and Professor Erman in Germany, not to mention a large + coterie of somewhat less familiar names. These men working, some of them + in the field of practical exploration, some as students of the Egyptian + language and writing, have restored to us a tolerably precise knowledge of + the history of Egypt from the time of the first historical king, Mena, + whose date is placed at about the middle of the fifth century B.C. We know + not merely the names of most of the subsequent rulers, but some thing of + the deeds of many of them; and, what is vastly more important, we know, + thanks to the modern interpretation of the old literature, many things + concerning the life of the people, and in particular concerning their + highest culture, their methods of thought, and their scientific + attainments, which might well have been supposed to be past finding out. + Nor has modern investigation halted with the time of the first kings; the + recent explorations of such archaeologists as Amelineau, De Morgan, and + Petrie have brought to light numerous remains of what is now spoken of as + the predynastic period—a period when the inhabitants of the Nile + Valley used implements of chipped stone, when their pottery was made + without the use of the potter's wheel, and when they buried their dead in + curiously cramped attitudes without attempt at mummification. These + aboriginal inhabitants of Egypt cannot perhaps with strict propriety be + spoken of as living within the historical period, since we cannot date + their relics with any accuracy. But they give us glimpses of the early + stages of civilization upon which the Egyptians of the dynastic period + were to advance. + </p> + <p> + It is held that the nascent civilization of these Egyptians of the + Neolithic, or late Stone Age, was overthrown by the invading hosts of a + more highly civilized race which probably came from the East, and which + may have been of a Semitic stock. The presumption is that this invading + people brought with it a knowledge of the arts of war and peace, developed + or adopted in its old home. The introduction of these arts served to + bridge somewhat suddenly, so far as Egypt is concerned, that gap between + the prehistoric and the historic stage of culture to which we have all + along referred. The essential structure of that bridge, let it now be + clearly understood, consisted of a single element. That element is the + capacity to make written records: a knowledge of the art of writing. + Clearly understood, it is this element of knowledge that forms the line + bounding the historical period. Numberless mementos are in existence that + tell of the intellectual activities of prehistoric man; such mementos as + flint implements, pieces of pottery, and fragments of bone, inscribed with + pictures that may fairly be spoken of as works of art; but so long as no + written word accompanies these records, so long as no name of king or + scribe comes down to us, we feel that these records belong to the domain + of archaeology rather than to that of history. Yet it must be understood + all along that these two domains shade one into the other and, it has + already been urged, that the distinction between them is one that pertains + rather to modern scholarship than to the development of civilization + itself. Bearing this distinction still in mind, and recalling that the + historical period, which is to be the field of our observation throughout + the rest of our studies, extends for Egypt well back into the fifth + millennium B.C., let us briefly review the practical phases of that + civilization to which the Egyptian had attained before the beginning of + the dynastic period. Since theoretical science is everywhere linked with + the mechanical arts, this survey will give us a clear comprehension of the + field that lies open for the progress of science in the long stages of + historical time upon which we are just entering. + </p> + <p> + We may pass over such rudimentary advances in the direction of + civilization as are implied in the use of articulate language, the + application of fire to the uses of man, and the systematic making of + dwellings of one sort or another, since all of these are stages of + progress that were reached very early in the prehistoric period. What more + directly concerns us is to note that a really high stage of mechanical + development had been reached before the dawnings of Egyptian history + proper. All manner of household utensils were employed; the potter's wheel + aided in the construction of a great variety of earthen vessels; weaving + had become a fine art, and weapons of bronze, including axes, spears, + knives, and arrow-heads, were in constant use. Animals had long been + domesticated, in particular the dog, the cat, and the ox; the horse was + introduced later from the East. The practical arts of agriculture were + practised almost as they are at the present day in Egypt, there being, of + course, the same dependence then as now upon the inundations of the Nile. + </p> + <p> + As to government, the Egyptian of the first dynasty regarded his king as a + demi-god to be actually deified after his death, and this point of view + was not changed throughout the stages of later Egyptian history. In point + of art, marvellous advances upon the skill of the prehistoric man had been + made, probably in part under Asiatic influences, and that unique style of + stilted yet expressive drawing had come into vogue, which was to be + remembered in after times as typically Egyptian. More important than all + else, our Egyptian of the earliest historical period was in possession of + the art of writing. He had begun to make those specific records which were + impossible to the man of the Stone Age, and thus he had entered fully upon + the way of historical progress which, as already pointed out, has its very + foundation in written records. From now on the deeds of individual kings + could find specific record. It began to be possible to fix the chronology + of remote events with some accuracy; and with this same fixing of + chronologies came the advent of true history. The period which precedes + what is usually spoken of as the first dynasty in Egypt is one into which + the present-day searcher is still able to see but darkly. The evidence + seems to suggest than an invasion of relatively cultured people from the + East overthrew, and in time supplanted, the Neolithic civilization of the + Nile Valley. It is impossible to date this invasion accurately, but it + cannot well have been later than the year 5000 B.C., and it may have been + a great many centuries earlier than this. Be the exact dates what they + may, we find the Egyptian of the fifth millennium B.C. in full possession + of a highly organized civilization. + </p> + <p> + All subsequent ages have marvelled at the pyramids, some of which date + from about the year 4000 B.C., though we may note in passing that these + dates must not be taken too literally. The chronology of ancient Egypt + cannot as yet be fixed with exact accuracy, but the disagreements between + the various students of the subject need give us little concern. For our + present purpose it does not in the least matter whether the pyramids were + built three thousand or four thousand years before the beginning of our + era. It suffices that they date back to a period long antecedent to the + beginnings of civilization in Western Europe. They prove that the Egyptian + of that early day had attained a knowledge of practical mechanics which, + even from the twentieth-century point of view, is not to be spoken of + lightly. It has sometimes been suggested that these mighty pyramids, built + as they are of great blocks of stone, speak for an almost miraculous + knowledge on the part of their builders; but a saner view of the + conditions gives no warrant for this thought. Diodoras, the Sicilian, in + his famous World's History, written about the beginning of our era, + explains the building of the pyramids by suggesting that great quantities + of earth were piled against the side of the rising structure to form an + inclined plane up which the blocks of stone were dragged. He gives us + certain figures, based, doubtless, on reports made to him by Egyptian + priests, who in turn drew upon the traditions of their country, perhaps + even upon written records no longer preserved. He says that one hundred + and twenty thousand men were employed in the construction of the largest + pyramid, and that, notwithstanding the size of this host of workers, the + task occupied twenty years. We must not place too much dependence upon + such figures as these, for the ancient historians are notoriously given to + exaggeration in recording numbers; yet we need not doubt that the report + given by Diodorus is substantially accurate in its main outlines as to the + method through which the pyramids were constructed. A host of men putting + their added weight and strength to the task, with the aid of ropes, + pulleys, rollers, and levers, and utilizing the principle of the inclined + plane, could undoubtedly move and elevate and place in position the + largest blocks that enter into the pyramids or—what seems even more + wonderful—the most gigantic obelisks, without the aid of any other + kind of mechanism or of any more occult power. The same hands could, as + Diodorus suggests, remove all trace of the debris of construction and + leave the pyramids and obelisks standing in weird isolation, as if sprung + into being through a miracle. + </p> + <p> + ASTRONOMICAL SCIENCE + </p> + <p> + It has been necessary to bear in mind these phases of practical + civilization because much that we know of the purely scientific + attainments of the Egyptians is based upon modern observation of their + pyramids and temples. It was early observed, for example, that the + pyramids are obviously oriented as regards the direction in which they + face, in strict accordance with some astronomical principle. Early in the + nineteenth century the Frenchman Biot made interesting studies in regard + to this subject, and a hundred years later, in our own time, Sir Joseph + Norman Lockyer, following up the work of various intermediary observers, + has given the subject much attention, making it the central theme of his + work on The Dawn of Astronomy.(1) Lockyer's researches make it clear that + in the main the temples of Egypt were oriented with reference to the point + at which the sun rises on the day of the summer solstice. The time of the + solstice had peculiar interest for the Egyptians, because it corresponded + rather closely with the time of the rising of the Nile. The floods of that + river appear with very great regularity; the on-rushing tide reaches the + region of Heliopolis and Memphis almost precisely on the day of the summer + solstice. The time varies at different stages of the river's course, but + as the civilization of the early dynasties centred at Memphis, + observations made at this place had widest vogue. + </p> + <p> + Considering the all-essential character of the Nile floods-without which + civilization would be impossible in Egypt—it is not strange that the + time of their appearance should be taken as marking the beginning of a new + year. The fact that their coming coincides with the solstice makes such a + division of the calendar perfectly natural. In point of fact, from the + earliest periods of which records have come down to us, the new year of + the Egyptians dates from the summer solstice. It is certain that from the + earliest historical periods the Egyptians were aware of the approximate + length of the year. It would be strange were it otherwise, considering the + ease with which a record of days could be kept from Nile flood to Nile + flood, or from solstice to solstice. But this, of course, applies only to + an approximate count. There is some reason to believe that in the earliest + period the Egyptians made this count only 360 days. The fact that their + year was divided into twelve months of thirty days each lends color to + this belief; but, in any event, the mistake was discovered in due time and + a partial remedy was applied through the interpolation of a "little month" + of five days between the end of the twelfth month and the new year. This + nearly but not quite remedied the matter. What it obviously failed to do + was to take account of that additional quarter of a day which really + rounds out the actual year. + </p> + <p> + It would have been a vastly convenient thing for humanity had it chanced + that the earth had so accommodated its rotary motion with its speed of + transit about the sun as to make its annual flight in precisely 360 days. + Twelve lunar months of thirty days each would then have coincided exactly + with the solar year, and most of the complexities of the calendar, which + have so puzzled historical students, would have been avoided; but, on the + other hand, perhaps this very simplicity would have proved detrimental to + astronomical science by preventing men from searching the heavens as + carefully as they have done. Be that as it may, the complexity exists. The + actual year of three hundred and sixty-five and (about) one-quarter days + cannot be divided evenly into months, and some such expedient as the + intercalation of days here and there is essential, else the calendar will + become absolutely out of harmony with the seasons. + </p> + <p> + In the case of the Egyptians, the attempt at adjustment was made, as just + noted, by the introduction of the five days, constituting what the + Egyptians themselves termed "the five days over and above the year." These + so-called epagomenal days were undoubtedly introduced at a very early + period. Maspero holds that they were in use before the first Thinite + dynasty, citing in evidence the fact that the legend of Osiris explains + these days as having been created by the god Thot in order to permit Nuit + to give birth to all her children; this expedient being necessary to + overcome a ban which had been pronounced against Nuit, according to which + she could not give birth to children on any day of the year. But, of + course, the five additional days do not suffice fully to rectify the + calendar. There remains the additional quarter of a day to be accounted + for. This, of course, amounts to a full day every fourth year. We shall + see that later Alexandrian science hit upon the expedient of adding a day + to every fourth year; an expedient which the Julian calendar adopted and + which still gives us our familiar leap-year. But, unfortunately, the + ancient Egyptian failed to recognize the need of this additional day, or + if he did recognize it he failed to act on his knowledge, and so it + happened that, starting somewhere back in the remote past with a new + year's day that coincided with the inundation of the Nile, there was a + constantly shifting maladjustment of calendar and seasons as time went on. + </p> + <p> + The Egyptian seasons, it should be explained, were three in number: the + season of the inundation, the season of the seed-time, and the season of + the harvest; each season being, of course, four months in extent. + Originally, as just mentioned, the season of the inundations began and + coincided with the actual time of inundation. The more precise fixing of + new year's day was accomplished through observation of the time of the + so-called heliacal rising of the dog-star, Sirius, which bore the Egyptian + name Sothis. It chances that, as viewed from about the region of + Heliopolis, the sun at the time of the summer solstice occupies an + apparent position in the heavens close to the dog-star. Now, as is well + known, the Egyptians, seeing divinity back of almost every phenomenon of + nature, very naturally paid particular reverence to so obviously + influential a personage as the sun-god. In particular they thought it + fitting to do homage to him just as he was starting out on his tour of + Egypt in the morning; and that they might know the precise moment of his + coming, the Egyptian astronomer priests, perched on the hill-tops near + their temples, were wont to scan the eastern horizon with reference to + some star which had been observed to precede the solar luminary. Of course + the precession of the equinoxes, due to that axial wobble in which our + clumsy earth indulges, would change the apparent position of the fixed + stars in reference to the sun, so that the same star could not do service + as heliacal messenger indefinitely; but, on the other hand, these changes + are so slow that observations by many generations of astronomers would be + required to detect the shifting. It is believed by Lockyer, though the + evidence is not quite demonstrative, that the astronomical observations of + the Egyptians date back to a period when Sothis, the dog-star, was not in + close association with the sun on the morning of the summer solstice. Yet, + according to the calculations of Biot, the heliacal rising of Sothis at + the solstice was noted as early as the year 3285 B.C., and it is certain + that this star continued throughout subsequent centuries to keep this + position of peculiar prestige. Hence it was that Sothis came to be + associated with Isis, one of the most important divinities of Egypt, and + that the day in which Sothis was first visible in the morning sky marked + the beginning of the new year; that day coinciding, as already noted, with + the summer solstice and with the beginning of the Nile flow. + </p> + <p> + But now for the difficulties introduced by that unreckoned quarter of a + day. Obviously with a calendar of 365 days only, at the end of four years, + the calendar year, or vague year, as the Egyptians came to call it, had + gained by one full day upon the actual solar year—that is to say, + the heliacal rising of Sothis, the dog-star, would not occur on new year's + day of the faulty calendar, but a day later. And with each succeeding + period of four years the day of heliacal rising, which marked the true + beginning of the year—and which still, of course, coincided with the + inundation—would have fallen another day behind the calendar. In the + course of 120 years an entire month would be lost; and in 480 years so + great would become the shifting that the seasons would be altogether + misplaced; the actual time of inundations corresponding with what the + calendar registered as the seed-time, and the actual seed-time in turn + corresponding with the harvest-time of the calendar. + </p> + <p> + At first thought this seems very awkward and confusing, but in all + probability the effects were by no means so much so in actual practice. We + need go no farther than to our own experience to know that the names of + seasons, as of months and days, come to have in the minds of most of us a + purely conventional significance. Few of us stop to give a thought to the + meaning of the words January, February, etc., except as they connote + certain climatic conditions. If, then, our own calendar were so defective + that in the course of 120 years the month of February had shifted back to + occupy the position of the original January, the change would have been so + gradual, covering the period of two life-times or of four or five average + generations, that it might well escape general observation. + </p> + <p> + Each succeeding generation of Egyptians, then, may not improbably have + associated the names of the seasons with the contemporary climatic + conditions, troubling themselves little with the thought that in an + earlier age the climatic conditions for each period of the calendar were + quite different. We cannot well suppose, however, that the astronomer + priests were oblivious to the true state of things. Upon them devolved the + duty of predicting the time of the Nile flood; a duty they were enabled to + perform without difficulty through observation of the rising of the + solstitial sun and its Sothic messenger. To these observers it must + finally have been apparent that the shifting of the seasons was at the + rate of one day in four years; this known, it required no great + mathematical skill to compute that this shifting would finally effect a + complete circuit of the calendar, so that after (4 X 365 =) 1460 years the + first day of the calendar year would again coincide with the heliacal + rising of Sothis and with the coming of the Nile flood. In other words, + 1461 vague years or Egyptian calendar years Of 365 days each correspond to + 1460 actual solar years of 365 1/4 days each. This period, measured thus + by the heliacal rising of Sothis, is spoken of as the Sothic cycle. + </p> + <p> + To us who are trained from childhood to understand that the year consists + of (approximately) 365 1/4 days, and to know that the calendar may be + regulated approximately by the introduction of an extra day every fourth + year, this recognition of the Sothic cycle seems simple enough. Yet if the + average man of us will reflect how little he knows, of his own knowledge, + of the exact length of the year, it will soon become evident that the + appreciation of the faults of the calendar and the knowledge of its + periodical adjustment constituted a relatively high development of + scientific knowledge on the part of the Egyptian astronomer. It may be + added that various efforts to reform the calendar were made by the ancient + Egyptians, but that they cannot be credited with a satisfactory solution + of the problem; for, of course, the Alexandrian scientists of the + Ptolemaic period (whose work we shall have occasion to review presently) + were not Egyptians in any proper sense of the word, but Greeks. + </p> + <p> + Since so much of the time of the astronomer priests was devoted to + observation of the heavenly bodies, it is not surprising that they should + have mapped out the apparent course of the moon and the visible planets in + their nightly tour of the heavens, and that they should have divided the + stars of the firmament into more or less arbitrary groups or + constellations. That they did so is evidenced by various sculptured + representations of constellations corresponding to signs of the zodiac + which still ornament the ceilings of various ancient temples. + Unfortunately the decorative sense, which was always predominant with the + Egyptian sculptor, led him to take various liberties with the distribution + of figures in these representations of the constellations, so that the + inferences drawn from them as to the exact map of the heavens as the + Egyptians conceived it cannot be fully relied upon. It appears, however, + that the Egyptian astronomer divided the zodiac into twenty-four decani, + or constellations. The arbitrary groupings of figures, with the aid of + which these are delineated, bear a close resemblance to the equally + arbitrary outlines which we are still accustomed to use for the same + purpose. + </p> + <p> + IDEAS OF COSMOLOGY + </p> + <p> + In viewing this astronomical system of the Egyptians one cannot avoid the + question as to just what interpretation was placed upon it as regards the + actual mechanical structure of the universe. A proximal answer to the + question is supplied us with a good deal of clearness. It appears that the + Egyptian conceived the sky as a sort of tangible or material roof placed + above the world, and supported at each of its four corners by a column or + pillar, which was later on conceived as a great mountain. The earth itself + was conceived to be a rectangular box, longer from north to south than + from east to west; the upper surface of this box, upon which man lived, + being slightly concave and having, of course, the valley of the Nile as + its centre. The pillars of support were situated at the points of the + compass; the northern one being located beyond the Mediterranean Sea; the + southern one away beyond the habitable regions towards the source of the + Nile, and the eastern and western ones in equally inaccessible regions. + Circling about the southern side of the world was a great river suspended + in mid-air on something comparable to mountain cliffs; on which river the + sun-god made his daily course in a boat, fighting day by day his + ever-recurring battle against Set, the demon of darkness. The wide channel + of this river enabled the sun-god to alter his course from time to time, + as he is observed to do; in winter directing his bark towards the farther + bank of the channel; in summer gliding close to the nearer bank. As to the + stars, they were similar lights, suspended from the vault of the heaven; + but just how their observed motion of translation across the heavens was + explained is not apparent. It is more than probable that no one + explanation was, universally accepted. + </p> + <p> + In explaining the origin of this mechanism of the heavens, the Egyptian + imagination ran riot. Each separate part of Egypt had its own hierarchy of + gods, and more or less its own explanations of cosmogony. There does not + appear to have been any one central story of creation that found universal + acceptance, any more than there was one specific deity everywhere + recognized as supreme among the gods. Perhaps the most interesting of the + cosmogonic myths was that which conceived that Nuit, the goddess of night, + had been torn from the arms of her husband, Sibu the earth-god, and + elevated to the sky despite her protests and her husband's struggles, + there to remain supported by her four limbs, which became metamorphosed + into the pillars, or mountains, already mentioned. The forcible elevation + of Nuit had been effected on the day of creation by a new god, Shu, who + came forth from the primeval waters. A painting on the mummy case of one + Betuhamon, now in the Turin Museum, illustrates, in the graphic manner so + characteristic of the Egyptians, this act of creation. As Maspero(2) + points out, the struggle of Sibu resulted in contorted attitudes to which + the irregularities of the earth's surface are to be ascribed. + </p> + <p> + In contemplating such a scheme of celestial mechanics as that just + outlined, one cannot avoid raising the question as to just the degree of + literalness which the Egyptians themselves put upon it. We know how + essentially eye-minded the Egyptian was, to use a modern psychological + phrase—that is to say, how essential to him it seemed that all his + conceptions should be visualized. The evidences of this are everywhere: + all his gods were made tangible; he believed in the immortality of the + soul, yet he could not conceive of such immortality except in association + with an immortal body; he must mummify the body of the dead, else, as he + firmly believed, the dissolution of the spirit would take place along with + the dissolution of the body itself. His world was peopled everywhere with + spirits, but they were spirits associated always with corporeal bodies; + his gods found lodgment in sun and moon and stars; in earth and water; in + the bodies of reptiles and birds and mammals. He worshipped all of these + things: the sun, the moon, water, earth, the spirit of the Nile, the ibis, + the cat, the ram, and apis the bull; but, so far as we can judge, his + imagination did not reach to the idea of an absolutely incorporeal deity. + Similarly his conception of the mechanism of the heavens must be a + tangibly mechanical one. He must think of the starry firmament as a + substantial entity which could not defy the law of gravitation, and which, + therefore, must have the same manner of support as is required by the roof + of a house or temple. We know that this idea of the materiality of the + firmament found elaborate expression in those later cosmological guesses + which were to dominate the thought of Europe until the time of Newton. We + need not doubt, therefore, that for the Egyptian this solid vault of the + heavens had a very real existence. If now and then some dreamer conceived + the great bodies of the firmament as floating in a less material plenum—and + such iconoclastic dreamers there are in all ages—no record of his + musings has come down to us, and we must freely admit that if such + thoughts existed they were alien to the character of the Egyptian mind as + a whole. + </p> + <p> + While the Egyptians conceived the heavenly bodies as the abiding-place of + various of their deities, it does not appear that they practised astrology + in the later acceptance of that word. This is the more remarkable since + the conception of lucky and unlucky days was carried by the Egyptians to + the extremes of absurdity. "One day was lucky or unlucky," says Erman,(3) + "according as a good or bad mythological incident took place on that day. + For instance, the 1st of Mechir, on which day the sky was raised, and the + 27th of Athyr, when Horus and, Set concluded peace together and divided + the world between them, were lucky days; on the other hand, the 14th of + Tybi, on which Isis and Nephthys mourned for Osiris, was an unlucky day. + With the unlucky days, which, fortunately, were less in number than the + lucky days, they distinguished different degrees of ill-luck. Some were + very unlucky, others only threatened ill-luck, and many, like the 17th and + the 27th Choiakh, were partly good and partly bad according to the time of + day. Lucky days might, as a rule, be disregarded. At most it might be as + well to visit some specially renowned temple, or to 'celebrate a joyful + day at home,' but no particular precautions were really necessary; and, + above all, it was said, 'what thou also seest on the day is lucky.' It was + quite otherwise with the unlucky and dangerous days, which imposed so many + and such great limitations on people that those who wished to be prudent + were always obliged to bear them in mind when determining on any course of + action. Certain conditions were easy to carry out. Music and singing were + to be avoided on the 14th Tybi, the day of the mourning of Osiris, and no + one was allowed to wash on the 16th Tybi; whilst the name of Set might not + be pronounced on the 24th of Pharmuthi. Fish was forbidden on certain + days; and what was still more difficult in a country so rich in mice, on + the 12th of Tybi no mouse might be seen. The most tiresome prohibitions, + however, were those which occurred not infrequently, namely, those + concerning work and going out: for instance, four times in Paophi the + people had to 'do nothing at all,' and five times to sit the whole day or + half the day in the house; and the same rule had to be observed each + month. It was impossible to rejoice if a child was born on the 23d of + Thoth; the parents knew it could not live. Those born on the 20th of + Choiakh would become blind, and those born on the 3d of Choiakh, deaf." + </p> + <p> + CHARMS AND INCANTATIONS + </p> + <p> + Where such conceptions as these pertained, it goes without saying that + charms and incantations intended to break the spell of the unlucky omens + were equally prevalent. Such incantations consisted usually of the + recitation of certain phrases based originally, it would appear, upon + incidents in the history of the gods. The words which the god had spoken + in connection with some lucky incident would, it was thought, prove + effective now in bringing good luck to the human supplicant—that is + to say, the magician hoped through repeating the words of the god to + exercise the magic power of the god. It was even possible, with the aid of + the magical observances, partly to balk fate itself. Thus the person + predestined through birth on an unlucky day to die of a serpent bite might + postpone the time of this fateful visitation to extreme old age. The like + uncertainty attached to those spells which one person was supposed to be + able to exercise over another. It was held, for example, that if something + belonging to an individual, such as a lock of hair or a paring of the + nails, could be secured and incorporated in a waxen figure, this figure + would be intimately associated with the personality of that individual. An + enemy might thus secure occult power over one; any indignity practised + upon the waxen figure would result in like injury to its human prototype. + If the figure were bruised or beaten, some accident would overtake its + double; if the image were placed over a fire, the human being would fall + into a fever, and so on. But, of course, such mysterious evils as these + would be met and combated by equally mysterious processes; and so it was + that the entire art of medicine was closely linked with magical practices. + It was not, indeed, held, according to Maspero, that the magical spells of + enemies were the sole sources of human ailments, but one could never be + sure to what extent such spells entered into the affliction; and so + closely were the human activities associated in the mind of the Egyptian + with one form or another of occult influences that purely physical + conditions were at a discount. In the later times, at any rate, the + physician was usually a priest, and there was a close association between + the material and spiritual phases of therapeutics. Erman(4) tells us that + the following formula had to be recited at the preparation of all + medicaments: "That Isis might make free, make free. That Isis might make + Horus free from all evil that his brother Set had done to him when he slew + his father, Osiris. O Isis, great enchantress, free me, release me from + all evil red things, from the fever of the god, and the fever of the + goddess, from death and death from pain, and the pain which comes over me; + as thou hast freed, as thou hast released thy son Horus, whilst I enter + into the fire and come forth from the water," etc. Again, when the invalid + took the medicine, an incantation had to be said which began thus: "Come + remedy, come drive it out of my heart, out of these limbs strong in magic + power with the remedy." He adds: "There may have been a few rationalists + amongst the Egyptian doctors, for the number of magic formulae varies much + in the different books. The book that we have specially taken for a + foundation for this account of Egyptian medicine—the great papyrus + of the eighteenth dynasty edited by Ebers(5)—contains, for instance, + far fewer exorcisms than some later writings with similar contents, + probably because the doctor who compiled this book of recipes from older + sources had very little liking for magic." + </p> + <p> + It must be understood, however—indeed, what has just been said + implies as much—that the physician by no means relied upon + incantations alone; on the contrary, he equipped himself with an + astonishing variety of medicaments. He had a particular fondness for what + the modern physician speaks of as a "shot-gun" prescription—one + containing a great variety of ingredients. Not only did herbs of many + kinds enter into this, but such substances as lizard's blood, the teeth of + swine, putrid meat, the moisture from pigs' ears, boiled horn, and + numerous other even more repellent ingredients. Whoever is familiar with + the formulae employed by European physicians even so recently as the + eighteenth century will note a striking similarity here. Erman points out + that the modern Egyptian even of this day holds closely to many of the + practices of his remote ancestor. In particular, the efficacy of the + beetle as a medicinal agent has stood the test of ages of practice. + "Against all kinds of witchcraft," says an ancient formula, "a great + scarabaeus beetle; cut off his head and wings, boil him; put him in oil + and lay him out; then cook his head and wings, put them in snake fat, + boil, and let the patient drink the mixture." The modern Egyptian, says + Erman, uses almost precisely the same recipe, except that the snake fat is + replaced by modern oil. + </p> + <p> + In evidence of the importance which was attached to practical medicine in + the Egypt of an early day, the names of several physicians have come down + to us from an age which has preserved very few names indeed, save those of + kings. In reference to this Erman says(6): "We still know the names of + some of the early body physicians of this time; Sechmetna'eonch, 'chief + physician of the Pharaoh,' and Nesmenan his chief, the 'superintendent of + the physicians of the Pharaoh.' The priests also of the lioness-headed + goddess Sechmet seem to have been famed for their medical wisdom, whilst + the son of this goddess, the demi-god Imhotep, was in later times + considered to be the creator of medical knowledge. These ancient doctors + of the New Empire do not seem to have improved upon the older conceptions + about the construction of the human body." + </p> + <p> + As to the actual scientific attainments of the Egyptian physician, it is + difficult to speak with precision. Despite the cumbersome formulae and the + grotesque incantations, we need not doubt that a certain practical value + attended his therapeutics. He practised almost pure empiricism, however, + and certainly it must have been almost impossible to determine which ones, + if any, of the numerous ingredients of the prescription had real efficacy. + </p> + <p> + The practical anatomical knowledge of the physician, there is every reason + to believe, was extremely limited. At first thought it might seem that the + practice of embalming would have led to the custom of dissecting human + bodies, and that the Egyptians, as a result of this, would have excelled + in the knowledge of anatomy. But the actual results were rather the + reverse of this. Embalming the dead, it must be recalled, was a purely + religious observance. It took place under the superintendence of the + priests, but so great was the reverence for the human body that the + priests themselves were not permitted to make the abdominal incision which + was a necessary preliminary of the process. This incision, as we are + informed by both Herodotus(7) and Diodorus(8), was made by a special + officer, whose status, if we may believe the explicit statement of + Diodorus, was quite comparable to that of the modern hangman. The + paraschistas, as he was called, having performed his necessary but + obnoxious function, with the aid of a sharp Ethiopian stone, retired + hastily, leaving the remaining processes to the priests. These, however, + confined their observations to the abdominal viscera; under no + consideration did they make other incisions in the body. It follows, + therefore, that their opportunity for anatomical observations was most + limited. + </p> + <p> + Since even the necessary mutilation inflicted on the corpse was regarded + with such horror, it follows that anything in the way of dissection for a + less sacred purpose was absolutely prohibited. Probably the same + prohibition extended to a large number of animals, since most of these + were held sacred in one part of Egypt or another. Moreover, there is + nothing in what we know of the Egyptian mind to suggest the probability + that any Egyptian physician would make extensive anatomical observations + for the love of pure knowledge. All Egyptian science is eminently + practical. If we think of the Egyptian as mysterious, it is because of the + superstitious observances that we everywhere associate with his daily + acts; but these, as we have already tried to make clear, were really based + on scientific observations of a kind, and the attempt at true inferences + from these observations. But whether or not the Egyptian physician desired + anatomical knowledge, the results of his inquiries were certainly most + meagre. The essentials of his system had to do with a series of vessels, + alleged to be twenty-two or twenty-four in number, which penetrated the + head and were distributed in pairs to the various members of the body, and + which were vaguely thought of as carriers of water, air, excretory fluids, + etc. Yet back of this vagueness, as must not be overlooked, there was an + all-essential recognition of the heart as the central vascular organ. The + heart is called the beginning of all the members. Its vessels, we are + told, "lead to all the members; whether the doctor lays his finger on the + forehead, on the back of the head, on the hands, on the place of the + stomach (?), on the arms, or on the feet, everywhere he meets with the + heart, because its vessels lead to all the members."(9) This recognition + of the pulse must be credited to the Egyptian physician as a piece of + practical knowledge, in some measure off-setting the vagueness of his + anatomical theories. + </p> + <p> + ABSTRACT SCIENCE + </p> + <p> + But, indeed, practical knowledge was, as has been said over and over, the + essential characteristic of Egyptian science. Yet another illustration of + this is furnished us if we turn to the more abstract departments of + thought and inquire what were the Egyptian attempts in such a field as + mathematics. The answer does not tend greatly to increase our admiration + for the Egyptian mind. We are led to see, indeed, that the Egyptian + merchant was able to perform all the computations necessary to his craft, + but we are forced to conclude that the knowledge of numbers scarcely + extended beyond this, and that even here the methods of reckoning were + tedious and cumbersome. Our knowledge of the subject rests largely upon + the so-called papyrus Rhind,(10) which is a sort of mythological hand-book + of the ancient Egyptians. Analyzing this document, Professor Erman + concludes that the knowledge of the Egyptians was adequate to all + practical requirements. Their mathematics taught them "how in the exchange + of bread for beer the respective value was to be determined when converted + into a quantity of corn; how to reckon the size of a field; how to + determine how a given quantity of corn would go into a granary of a + certain size," and like every-day problems. Yet they were obliged to make + some of their simple computations in a very roundabout way. It would + appear, for example, that their mental arithmetic did not enable them to + multiply by a number larger than two, and that they did not reach a clear + conception of complex fractional numbers. They did, indeed, recognize that + each part of an object divided into 10 pieces became 1/10 of that object; + they even grasped the idea of 2/3 this being a conception easily + visualized; but they apparently did not visualize such a conception as + 3/10 except in the crude form of 1/10 plus 1/10 plus 1/10. Their entire + idea of division seems defective. They viewed the subject from the more + elementary stand-point of multiplication. Thus, in order to find out how + many times 7 is contained in 77, an existing example shows that the + numbers representing 1 times 7, 2 times 7, 4 times 7, 8 times 7 were set + down successively and various experimental additions made to find out + which sets of these numbers aggregated 77. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + —1 7 + —2 14 + —4 28 + —8 56 +</pre> + <p> + A line before the first, second, and fourth of these numbers indicated + that it is necessary to multiply 7 by 1 plus 2 plus 8—that is, by + 11, in order to obtain 77; that is to say, 7 goes 11 times in 77. All this + seems very cumbersome indeed, yet we must not overlook the fact that the + process which goes on in our own minds in performing such a problem as + this is precisely similar, except that we have learned to slur over + certain of the intermediate steps with the aid of a memorized + multiplication table. In the last analysis, division is only the obverse + side of multiplication, and any one who has not learned his multiplication + table is reduced to some such expedient as that of the Egyptian. Indeed, + whenever we pass beyond the range of our memorized multiplication + table-which for most of us ends with the twelves—the experimental + character of the trial multiplication through which division is finally + effected does not so greatly differ from the experimental efforts which + the Egyptian was obliged to apply to smaller numbers. + </p> + <p> + Despite his defective comprehension of fractions, the Egyptian was able to + work out problems of relative complexity; for example, he could determine + the answer of such a problem as this: a number together with its fifth + part makes 21; what is the number? The process by which the Egyptian + solved this problem seems very cumbersome to any one for whom a + rudimentary knowledge of algebra makes it simple, yet the method which we + employ differs only in that we are enabled, thanks to our hypothetical x, + to make a short cut, and the essential fact must not be overlooked that + the Egyptian reached a correct solution of the problem. With all due + desire to give credit, however, the fact remains that the Egyptian was but + a crude mathematician. Here, as elsewhere, it is impossible to admire him + for any high development of theoretical science. First, last, and all the + time, he was practical, and there is nothing to show that the thought of + science for its own sake, for the mere love of knowing, ever entered his + head. + </p> + <p> + In general, then, we must admit that the Egyptian had not progressed far + in the hard way of abstract thinking. He worshipped everything about him + because he feared the result of failing to do so. He embalmed the dead + lest the spirit of the neglected one might come to torment him. Eye-minded + as he was, he came to have an artistic sense, to love decorative effects. + But he let these always take precedence over his sense of truth; as, for + example, when he modified his lists of kings at Abydos to fit the space + which the architect had left to be filled; he had no historical sense to + show to him that truth should take precedence over mere decoration. And + everywhere he lived in the same happy-go-lucky way. He loved personal + ease, the pleasures of the table, the luxuries of life, games, + recreations, festivals. He took no heed for the morrow, except as the + morrow might minister to his personal needs. Essentially a sensual being, + he scarcely conceived the meaning of the intellectual life in the modern + sense of the term. He had perforce learned some things about astronomy, + because these were necessary to his worship of the gods; about practical + medicine, because this ministered to his material needs; about practical + arithmetic, because this aided him in every-day affairs. The bare + rudiments of an historical science may be said to be crudely outlined in + his defective lists of kings. But beyond this he did not go. Science as + science, and for its own sake, was unknown to him. He had gods for all + material functions, and festivals in honor of every god; but there was no + goddess of mere wisdom in his pantheon. The conception of Minerva was + reserved for the creative genius of another people. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0005" id="link2H_4_0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + III. SCIENCE OF BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA + </h2> + <p> + Throughout classical antiquity Egyptian science was famous. We know that + Plato spent some years in Egypt in the hope of penetrating the alleged + mysteries of its fabled learning; and the story of the Egyptian priest who + patronizingly assured Solon that the Greeks were but babes was quoted + everywhere without disapproval. Even so late as the time of Augustus, we + find Diodorus, the Sicilian, looking back with veneration upon the + Oriental learning, to which Pliny also refers with unbounded respect. From + what we have seen of Egyptian science, all this furnishes us with a + somewhat striking commentary upon the attainments of the Greeks and Romans + themselves. To refer at length to this would be to anticipate our purpose; + what now concerns us is to recall that all along there was another nation, + or group of nations, that disputed the palm for scientific attainments. + This group of nations found a home in the valley of the Tigris and + Euphrates. Their land was named Mesopotamia by the Greeks, because a large + part of it lay between the two rivers just mentioned. The peoples + themselves are familiar to every one as the Babylonians and the Assyrians. + These peoples were of Semitic stock—allied, therefore, to the + ancient Hebrews and Phoenicians and of the same racial stem with the + Arameans and Arabs. + </p> + <p> + The great capital of the Babylonians during the later period of their + history was the famed city of Babylon itself; the most famous capital of + the Assyrians was Nineveh, that city to which, as every Bible-student will + recall, the prophet Jonah was journeying when he had a much-exploited + experience, the record of which forms no part of scientific annals. It was + the kings of Assyria, issuing from their palaces in Nineveh, who dominated + the civilization of Western Asia during the heyday of Hebrew history, and + whose deeds are so frequently mentioned in the Hebrew chronicles. Later + on, in the year 606 B.C., Nineveh was overthrown by the Medes(1) and + Babylonians. The famous city was completely destroyed, never to be + rebuilt. Babylon, however, though conquered subsequently by Cyrus and held + in subjection by Darius,(2) the Persian kings, continued to hold sway as a + great world-capital for some centuries. The last great historical event + that occurred within its walls was the death of Alexander the Great, which + took place there in the year 322 B.C. + </p> + <p> + In the time of Herodotus the fame of Babylon was at its height, and the + father of history has left us a most entertaining account of what he saw + when he visited the wonderful capital. Unfortunately, Herodotus was not a + scholar in the proper acceptance of the term. He probably had no inkling + of the Babylonian language, so the voluminous records of its literature + were entirely shut off from his observation. He therefore enlightens us + but little regarding the science of the Babylonians, though his + observations on their practical civilization give us incidental references + of no small importance. Somewhat more detailed references to the + scientific attainments of the Babylonians are found in the fragments that + have come down to us of the writings of the great Babylonian historian, + Berosus,(3) who was born in Babylon about 330 B.C., and who was, + therefore, a contemporary of Alexander the Great. But the writings of + Berosus also, or at least such parts of them as have come down to us, + leave very much to be desired in point of explicitness. They give some + glimpses of Babylonian history, and they detail at some length the strange + mythical tales of creation that entered into the Babylonian conception of + cosmogony—details which find their counterpart in the allied + recitals of the Hebrews. But taken all in all, the glimpses of the actual + state of Chaldean(4) learning, as it was commonly called, amounted to + scarcely more than vague wonder-tales. No one really knew just what + interpretation to put upon these tales until the explorers of the + nineteenth century had excavated the ruins of the Babylonian and Assyrian + cities, bringing to light the relics of their wonderful civilization. But + these relics fortunately included vast numbers of written documents, + inscribed on tablets, prisms, and cylinders of terra-cotta. When + nineteenth-century scholarship had penetrated the mysteries of the strange + script, and ferreted out the secrets of an unknown tongue, the world at + last was in possession of authentic records by which the traditions + regarding the Babylonians and Assyrians could be tested. Thanks to these + materials, a new science commonly spoken of as Assyriology came into + being, and a most important chapter of human history was brought to light. + It became apparent that the Greek ideas concerning Mesopotamia, though + vague in the extreme, were founded on fact. No one any longer questions + that the Mesopotamian civilization was fully on a par with that of Egypt; + indeed, it is rather held that superiority lay with the Asiatics. + Certainly, in point of purely scientific attainments, the Babylonians + passed somewhat beyond their Egyptian competitors. All the evidence seems + to suggest also that the Babylonian civilization was even more ancient + than that of Egypt. The precise dates are here in dispute; nor for our + present purpose need they greatly concern us. But the Assyrio-Babylonian + records have much greater historical accuracy as regards matters of + chronology than have the Egyptian, and it is believed that our knowledge + of the early Babylonian history is carried back, with some certainty, to + King Sargon of Agade,(5) for whom the date 3800 B.C. is generally + accepted; while somewhat vaguer records give us glimpses of periods as + remote as the sixth, perhaps even the seventh or eighth millenniums before + our era. + </p> + <p> + At a very early period Babylon itself was not a capital and Nineveh had + not come into existence. The important cities, such as Nippur and + Shirpurla, were situated farther to the south. It is on the site of these + cities that the recent excavations have been made, such as those of the + University of Pennsylvania expeditions at Nippur,(6) which are giving us + glimpses into remoter recesses of the historical period. + </p> + <p> + Even if we disregard the more problematical early dates, we are still + concerned with the records of a civilization extending unbroken throughout + a period of about four thousand years; the actual period is in all + probability twice or thrice that. Naturally enough, the current of history + is not an unbroken stream throughout this long epoch. It appears that at + least two utterly different ethnic elements are involved. A preponderance + of evidence seems to show that the earliest civilized inhabitants of + Mesopotamia were not Semitic, but an alien race, which is now commonly + spoken of as Sumerian. This people, of whom we catch glimpses chiefly + through the records of its successors, appears to have been subjugated or + overthrown by Semitic invaders, who, coming perhaps from Arabia (their + origin is in dispute), took possession of the region of the Tigris and + Euphrates, learned from the Sumerians many of the useful arts, and, partly + perhaps because of their mixed lineage, were enabled to develop the most + wonderful civilization of antiquity. Could we analyze the details of this + civilization from its earliest to its latest period we should of course + find the same changes which always attend racial progress and decay. We + should then be able, no doubt, to speak of certain golden epochs and their + periods of decline. To a certain meagre extent we are able to do this now. + We know, for example, that King Khammurabi, who lived about 2200 B.C., was + a great law-giver, the ancient prototype of Justinian; and the epochs of + such Assyrian kings as Sargon II., Asshurnazirpal, Sennacherib, and + Asshurbanapal stand out with much distinctness. Yet, as a whole, the + record does not enable us to trace with clearness the progress of + scientific thought. At best we can gain fewer glimpses in this direction + than in almost any other, for it is the record of war and conquest rather + than of the peaceful arts that commanded the attention of the ancient + scribe. So in dealing with the scientific achievements of these peoples, + we shall perforce consider their varied civilizations as a unity, and + attempt, as best we may, to summarize their achievements as a whole. For + the most part, we shall not attempt to discriminate as to what share in + the final product was due to Sumerian, what to Babylonian, and what to + Assyrian. We shall speak of Babylonian science as including all these + elements; and drawing our information chiefly from the relatively late + Assyrian and Babylonian sources, which, therefore, represent the + culminating achievements of all these ages of effort, we shall attempt to + discover what was the actual status of Mesopotamian science at its climax. + In so far as we succeed, we shall be able to judge what scientific + heritage Europe received from the Orient; for in the records of Babylonian + science we have to do with the Eastern mind at its best. Let us turn to + the specific inquiry as to the achievements of the Chaldean scientist + whose fame so dazzled the eyes of his contemporaries of the classic world. + </p> + <p> + BABYLONIAN ASTRONOMY + </p> + <p> + Our first concern naturally is astronomy, this being here, as in Egypt, + the first-born and the most important of the sciences. The fame of the + Chaldean astronomer was indeed what chiefly commanded the admiration of + the Greeks, and it was through the results of astronomical observations + that Babylonia transmitted her most important influences to the Western + world. "Our division of time is of Babylonian origin," says Hornmel;(7) + "to Babylonia we owe the week of seven days, with the names of the planets + for the days of the week, and the division into hours and months." Hence + the almost personal interest which we of to-day must needs feel in the + efforts of the Babylonian star-gazer. + </p> + <p> + It must not be supposed, however, that the Chaldean astronomer had made + any very extraordinary advances upon the knowledge of the Egyptian + "watchers of the night." After all, it required patient observation rather + than any peculiar genius in the observer to note in the course of time + such broad astronomical conditions as the regularity of the moon's phases, + and the relation of the lunar periods to the longer periodical + oscillations of the sun. Nor could the curious wanderings of the planets + escape the attention of even a moderately keen observer. The chief + distinction between the Chaldean and Egyptian astronomers appears to have + consisted in the relative importance they attached to various of the + phenomena which they both observed. The Egyptian, as we have seen, centred + his attention upon the sun. That luminary was the abode of one of his most + important gods. His worship was essentially solar. The Babylonian, on the + other hand, appears to have been peculiarly impressed with the importance + of the moon. He could not, of course, overlook the attention-compelling + fact of the solar year; but his unit of time was the lunar period of + thirty days, and his year consisted of twelve lunar periods, or 360 days. + He was perfectly aware, however, that this period did not coincide with + the actual year; but the relative unimportance which he ascribed to the + solar year is evidenced by the fact that he interpolated an added month to + adjust the calendar only once in six years. Indeed, it would appear that + the Babylonians and Assyrians did not adopt precisely the same method of + adjusting the calendar, since the Babylonians had two intercular months + called Elul and Adar, whereas the Assyrians had only a single such month, + called the second Adar.(8) (The Ve'Adar of the Hebrews.) This diversity + further emphasizes the fact that it was the lunar period which received + chief attention, the adjustment of this period with the solar seasons + being a necessary expedient of secondary importance. It is held that these + lunar periods have often been made to do service for years in the + Babylonian computations and in the allied computations of the early + Hebrews. The lives of the Hebrew patriarchs, for example, as recorded in + the Bible, are perhaps reckoned in lunar "years." Divided by twelve, the + "years" of Methuselah accord fairly with the usual experience of mankind. + </p> + <p> + Yet, on the other hand, the convenience of the solar year in computing + long periods of time was not unrecognized, since this period is utilized + in reckoning the reigns of the Assyrian kings. It may be added that the + reign of a king "was not reckoned from the day of his accession, but from + the Assyrian new year's day, either before or after the day of accession. + There does not appear to have been any fixed rule as to which new year's + day should be chosen; but from the number of known cases, it appears to + have been the general practice to count the reigning years from the new + year's day nearest the accession, and to call the period between the + accession day and the first new year's day 'the beginning of the reign,' + when the year from the new year's day was called the first year, and the + following ones were brought successively from it. Notwithstanding, in the + dates of several Assyrian and Babylonian sovereigns there are cases of the + year of accession being considered as the first year, thus giving two + reckonings for the reigns of various monarchs, among others, Shalmaneser, + Sennacherib, Nebuchadrezzar."(9) This uncertainty as to the years of + reckoning again emphasizes the fact that the solar year did not have for + the Assyrian chronology quite the same significance that it has for us. + </p> + <p> + The Assyrian month commenced on the evening when the new moon was first + observed, or, in case the moon was not visible, the new month started + thirty days after the last month. Since the actual lunar period is about + twenty-nine and one-half days, a practical adjustment was required between + the months themselves, and this was probably effected by counting + alternate months as Only 29 days in length. Mr. R. Campbell Thompson(10) + is led by his studies of the astrological tablets to emphasize this fact. + He believes that "the object of the astrological reports which related to + the appearance of the moon and sun was to help determine and foretell the + length of the lunar month." Mr. Thompson believes also that there is + evidence to show that the interculary month was added at a period less + than six years. In point of fact, it does not appear to be quite clearly + established as to precisely how the adjustment of days with the lunar + months, and lunar months with the solar year, was effected. It is clear, + however, according to Smith, "that the first 28 days of every month were + divided into four weeks of seven days each; the seventh, fourteenth, + twenty-first, twenty-eighth days respectively being Sabbaths, and that + there was a general prohibition of work on these days." Here, of course, + is the foundation of the Hebrew system of Sabbatical days which we have + inherited. The sacredness of the number seven itself—the belief in + which has not been quite shaken off even to this day—was deduced by + the Assyrian astronomer from his observation of the seven planetary bodies—namely, + Sin (the moon), Samas (the sun), Umunpawddu (Jupiter), Dilbat (Venus), + Kaimanu (Saturn), Gudud (Mercury), Mustabarru-mutanu (Mars).(11) Twelve + lunar periods, making up approximately the solar year, gave peculiar + importance to the number twelve also. Thus the zodiac was divided into + twelve signs which astronomers of all subsequent times have continued to + recognize; and the duodecimal system of counting took precedence with the + Babylonian mathematicians over the more primitive and, as it seems to us, + more satisfactory decimal system. + </p> + <p> + Another discrepancy between the Babylonian and Egyptian years appears in + the fact that the Babylonian new year dates from about the period of the + vernal equinox and not from the solstice. Lockyer associates this with the + fact that the periodical inundation of the Tigris and Euphrates occurs + about the equinoctial period, whereas, as we have seen, the Nile flood + comes at the time of the solstice. It is but natural that so important a + phenomenon as the Nile flood should make a strong impression upon the + minds of a people living in a valley. The fact that occasional excessive + inundations have led to most disastrous results is evidenced in the + incorporation of stories of the almost total destruction of mankind by + such floods among the myth tales of all peoples who reside in valley + countries. The flooding of the Tigris and Euphrates had not, it is true, + quite the same significance for the Mesopotamians that the Nile flood had + for the Egyptians. Nevertheless it was a most important phenomenon, and + may very readily be imagined to have been the most tangible index to the + seasons. But in recognizing the time of the inundations and the vernal + equinox, the Assyrians did not dethrone the moon from its accustomed + precedence, for the year was reckoned as commencing not precisely at the + vernal equinox, but at the new moon next before the equinox. + </p> + <p> + ASTROLOGY + </p> + <p> + Beyond marking the seasons, the chief interests that actuated the + Babylonian astronomer in his observations were astrological. After quoting + Diodorus to the effect that the Babylonian priests observed the position + of certain stars in order to cast horoscopes, Thompson tells us that from + a very early day the very name Chaldean became synonymous with magician. + He adds that "from Mesopotamia, by way of Greece and Rome, a certain + amount of Babylonian astrology made its way among the nations of the west, + and it is quite probable that many superstitions which we commonly record + as the peculiar product of western civilization took their origin from + those of the early dwellers on the alluvial lands of Mesopotamia. One + Assurbanipal, king of Assyria B.C. 668-626, added to the royal library at + Nineveh his contribution of tablets, which included many series of + documents which related exclusively to the astrology of the ancient + Babylonians, who in turn had borrowed it with modifications from the + Sumerian invaders of the country. Among these must be mentioned the series + which was commonly called 'the Day of Bel,' and which was decreed by the + learned to have been written in the time of the great Sargon I., king of + Agade, 3800 B.C. With such ancient works as these to guide them, the + profession of deducing omens from daily events reached such a pitch of + importance in the last Assyrian Empire that a system of making periodical + reports came into being. By these the king was informed of all the + occurrences in the heavens and on earth, and the results of astrological + studies in respect to after events. The heads of the astrological + profession were men of high rank and position, and their office was + hereditary. The variety of information contained in these reports is best + gathered from the fact that they were sent from cities as far removed from + each other as Assur in the north and Erech in the south, and it can only + be assumed that they were despatched by runners, or men mounted on swift + horses. As reports also came from Dilbat, Kutba, Nippur, and Bursippa, all + cities of ancient foundation, the king was probably well acquainted with + the general course of events in his empire."(12) + </p> + <p> + From certain passages in the astrological tablets, Thompson draws the + interesting conclusion that the Chaldean astronomers were acquainted with + some kind of a machine for reckoning time. He finds in one of the tablets + a phrase which he interprets to mean measure-governor, and he infers from + this the existence of a kind of a calculator. He calls attention also to + the fact that Sextus Empiricus(13) states that the clepsydra was known to + the Chaldeans, and that Herodotus asserts that the Greeks borrowed certain + measures of time from the Babylonians. He finds further corroboration in + the fact that the Babylonians had a time-measure by which they divided the + day and the night; a measure called kasbu, which contained two hours. In a + report relating to the day of the vernal equinox, it is stated that there + are six kasbu of the day and six kasbu of the night. + </p> + <p> + While the astrologers deduced their omens from all the celestial bodies + known to them, they chiefly gave attention to the moon, noting with great + care the shape of its horns, and deducing such a conclusion as that "if + the horns are pointed the king will overcome whatever he goreth," and that + "when the moon is low at its appearance, the submission (of the people) of + a far country will come."(14) The relations of the moon and sun were a + source of constant observation, it being noted whether the sun and moon + were seen together above the horizon; whether one set as the other rose, + and the like. And whatever the phenomena, there was always, of course, a + direct association between such phenomena and the well-being of human kind—in + particular the king, at whose instance, and doubtless at whose expense, + the observations were carried out. + </p> + <p> + From omens associated with the heavenly bodies it is but a step to omens + based upon other phenomena of nature, and we, shall see in a moment that + the Babylonian prophets made free use of their opportunities in this + direction also. But before we turn from the field of astronomy, it will be + well to inform ourselves as to what system the Chaldean astronomer had + invented in explanation of the mechanics of the universe. Our answer to + this inquiry is not quite as definite as could be desired, the vagueness + of the records, no doubt, coinciding with the like vagueness in the minds + of the Chaldeans themselves. So far as we can interpret the somewhat + mystical references that have come down to us, however, the Babylonian + cosmology would seem to have represented the earth as a circular plane + surrounded by a great circular river, beyond which rose an impregnable + barrier of mountains, and resting upon an infinite sea of waters. The + material vault of the heavens was supposed to find support upon the + outlying circle of mountains. But the precise mechanism through which the + observed revolution of the heavenly bodies was effected remains here, as + with the Egyptian cosmology, somewhat conjectural. The simple fact would + appear to be that, for the Chaldeans as for the Egyptians, despite their + most careful observations of the tangible phenomena of the heavens, no + really satisfactory mechanical conception of the cosmos was attainable. We + shall see in due course by what faltering steps the European imagination + advanced from the crude ideas of Egypt and Babylonia to the relatively + clear vision of Newton and Laplace. + </p> + <p> + CHALDEAN MAGIC + </p> + <p> + We turn now from the field of the astrologer to the closely allied + province of Chaldean magic—a province which includes the other; + which, indeed, is so all-encompassing as scarcely to leave any phase of + Babylonian thought outside its bounds. + </p> + <p> + The tablets having to do with omens, exorcisms, and the like magic + practices make up an astonishingly large proportion of the Babylonian + records. In viewing them it is hard to avoid the conclusion that the + superstitions which they evidenced absolutely dominated the life of the + Babylonians of every degree. Yet it must not be forgotten that the + greatest inconsistencies everywhere exist between the superstitious + beliefs of a people and the practical observances of that people. No other + problem is so difficult for the historian as that which confronts him when + he endeavors to penetrate the mysteries of an alien religion; and when, as + in the present case, the superstitions involved have been transmitted from + generation to generation, their exact practical phases as interpreted by + any particular generation must be somewhat problematical. The tablets upon + which our knowledge of these omens is based are many of them from the + libraries of the later kings of Nineveh; but the omens themselves are, in + such cases, inscribed in the original Accadian form in which they have + come down from remote ages, accompanied by an Assyrian translation. Thus + the superstitions involved had back of them hundreds of years, even + thousands of years, of precedent; and we need not doubt that the ideas + with which they are associated were interwoven with almost every thought + and deed of the life of the people. Professor Sayce assures us that the + Assyrians and Babylonians counted no fewer than three hundred spirits of + heaven, and six hundred spirits of earth. "Like the Jews of the Talmud," + he says, "they believed that the world was swarming with noxious spirits, + who produced the various diseases to which man is liable, and might be + swallowed with the food and drink which support life." Fox Talbot was + inclined to believe that exorcisms were the exclusive means used to drive + away the tormenting spirits. This seems unlikely, considering the uniform + association of drugs with the magical practices among their people. Yet + there is certainly a strange silence of the tablets in regard to medicine. + Talbot tells us that sometimes divine images were brought into the + sick-chamber, and written texts taken from holy books were placed on the + walls and bound around the sick man's members. If these failed, recourse + was had to the influence of the mamit, which the evil powers were unable + to resist. On a tablet, written in the Accadian language only, the + Assyrian version being taken, however, was found the following: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1. Take a white cloth. In it place the mamit, + 2. in the sick man's right hand. + 3. Take a black cloth, + 4. wrap it around his left hand. + 5. Then all the evil spirits (a long list of them is given) + 6. and the sins which he has committed + 7. shall quit their hold of him + 8. and shall never return. +</pre> + <p> + The symbolism of the black cloth in the left hand seems evident. The dying + man repents of his former evil deeds, and he puts his trust in holiness, + symbolized by the white cloth in his right hand. Then follow some obscure + lines about the spirits: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1. Their heads shall remove from his head. + 2. Their heads shall let go his hands. + 3. Their feet shall depart from his feet. +</pre> + <p> + Which perhaps may be explained thus: we learn from another tablet that the + various classes of evil spirits troubled different parts of the body; some + injured the head, some the hands and the feet, etc., therefore the passage + before may mean "the spirits whose power is over the hand shall loose + their hands from his," etc. "But," concludes Talbot, "I can offer no + decided opinion upon such obscure points of their superstition."(15) + </p> + <p> + In regard to evil spirits, as elsewhere, the number seven had a peculiar + significance, it being held that that number of spirits might enter into a + man together. Talbot has translated(16) a "wild chant" which he names "The + Song of the Seven Spirits." + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1. There are seven! There are seven! + 2. In the depths of the ocean there are seven! + 3. In the heights of the heaven there are seven! + 4. In the ocean stream in a palace they were born. + 5. Male they are not: female they are not! + 6. Wives they have not! Children are not born to them! + 7. Rules they have not! Government they know not! + 8. Prayers they hear not! + 9. There are seven! There are seven! Twice over there are +seven! +</pre> + <p> + The tablets make frequent allusion to these seven spirits. One starts + thus: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1. The god (—-) shall stand by his bedside; + 2. These seven evil spirits he shall root out and shall expel +them from his body, 3. and these seven shall never return to the sick man +again.(17) +</pre> + <p> + Altogether similar are the exorcisms intended to ward off disease. + Professor Sayce has published translations of some of these.(18) Each of + these ends with the same phrase, and they differ only in regard to the + particular maladies from which freedom is desired. One reads: + </p> + <p> + "From wasting, from want of health, from the evil spirit of the ulcer, + from the spreading quinsy of the gullet, from the violent ulcer, from the + noxious ulcer, may the king of heaven preserve, may the king of earth + preserve." + </p> + <p> + Another is phrased thus: + </p> + <p> + "From the cruel spirit of the head, from the strong spirit of the head, + from the head spirit that departs not, from the head spirit that comes not + forth, from the head spirit that will not go, from the noxious head + spirit, may the king of heaven preserve, may the king of earth preserve." + </p> + <p> + As to omens having to do with the affairs of everyday life the number is + legion. For example, Moppert has published, in the Journal Asiatique,(19) + the translation of a tablet which contains on its two sides several scores + of birth-portents, a few of which maybe quoted at random: + </p> + <p> + "When a woman bears a child and it has the ears of a lion, a strong king + is in the country." "When a woman bears a child and it has a bird's beak, + that country is oppressed." "When a woman bears a child and its right hand + is wanting, that country goes to destruction." "When a woman bears a child + and its feet are wanting, the roads of the country are cut; that house is + destroyed." "When a woman bears a child and at the time of its birth its + beard is grown, floods are in the country." "When a woman bears a child + and at the time of its birth its mouth is open and speaks, there is + pestilence in the country, the Air-god inundates the crops of the country, + injury in the country is caused." + </p> + <p> + Some of these portents, it will be observed, are not in much danger of + realization, and it is curious to surmise by what stretch of the + imagination they can have been invented. There is, for example, on the + same tablet just quoted, one reference which assures us that "when a sheep + bears a lion the forces march multitudinously; the king has not a rival." + There are other omens, however, that are so easy of realization as to lead + one to suppose that any Babylonian who regarded all the superstitious + signs must have been in constant terror. Thus a tablet translated by + Professor Sayce(20) gives a long list of omens furnished by dogs, in which + we are assured that: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1. If a yellow dog enters into the palace, exit from that + palace will be baleful. + 2. If a dog to the palace goes, and on a throne lies down, that + palace is burned. + 3. If a black dog into a temple enters, the foundation of that + temple is not stable. + 4. If female dogs one litter bear, destruction to the city. +</pre> + <p> + It is needless to continue these citations, since they but reiterate + endlessly the same story. It is interesting to recall, however, that the + observations of animate nature, which were doubtless superstitious in + their motive, had given the Babylonians some inklings of a knowledge of + classification. Thus, according to Menant,(21) some of the tablets from + Nineveh, which are written, as usual, in both the Sumerian and Assyrian + languages, and which, therefore, like practically all Assyrian books, draw + upon the knowledge of old Babylonia, give lists of animals, making an + attempt at classification. The dog, lion, and wolf are placed in one + category; the ox, sheep, and goat in another; the dog family itself is + divided into various races, as the domestic dog, the coursing dog, the + small dog, the dog of Elan, etc. Similar attempts at classification of + birds are found. Thus, birds of rapid flight, sea-birds, and marsh-birds + are differentiated. Insects are classified according to habit; those that + attack plants, animals, clothing, or wood. Vegetables seem to be + classified according to their usefulness. One tablet enumerates the uses + of wood according to its adaptability for timber-work of palaces, or + construction of vessels, the making of implements of husbandry, or even + furniture. Minerals occupy a long series in these tablets. They are + classed according to their qualities, gold and silver occupying a division + apart; precious stones forming another series. Our Babylonians, then, must + be credited with the development of a rudimentary science of natural + history. + </p> + <p> + BABYLONIAN MEDICINE + </p> + <p> + We have just seen that medical practice in the Babylonian world was + strangely under the cloud of superstition. But it should be understood + that our estimate, through lack of correct data, probably does much less + than justice to the attainments of the physician of the time. As already + noted, the existing tablets chance not to throw much light on the subject. + It is known, however, that the practitioner of medicine occupied a + position of some, authority and responsibility. The proof of this is found + in the clauses relating to the legal status of the physician which are + contained in the now famous code(22) of the Babylonian King Khamurabi, who + reigned about 2300 years before our era. These clauses, though throwing no + light on the scientific attainments of the physician of the period, are + too curious to be omitted. They are clauses 215 to 227 of the celebrated + code, and are as follows: + </p> + <p> + 215. If a doctor has treated a man for a severe wound with a lancet of + bronze and has cured the man, or has opened a tumor with a bronze lancet + and has cured the man's eye, he shall receive ten shekels of silver. + </p> + <p> + 216. If it was a freedman, he shall receive five shekels of silver. + </p> + <p> + 217. If it was a man's slave, the owner of the slave shall give the doctor + two shekels of silver. + </p> + <p> + 218. If a physician has treated a free-born man for a severe wound with a + lancet of bronze and has caused the man to die, or has opened a tumor of + the man with a lancet of bronze and has destroyed his eye, his hands one + shall cut off. + </p> + <p> + 219. If the doctor has treated the slave of a freedman for a severe wound + with a bronze lancet and has caused him to die, he shall give back slave + for slave. + </p> + <p> + 220. If he has opened his tumor with a bronze lancet and has ruined his + eye, he shall pay the half of his price in money. + </p> + <p> + 221. If a doctor has cured the broken limb of a man, or has healed his + sick body, the patient shall pay the doctor five shekels of silver. + </p> + <p> + 222. If it was a freedman, he shall give three shekels of silver. + </p> + <p> + 223. If it was a man's slave, the owner of the slave shall give two + shekels of silver to the doctor. + </p> + <p> + 224. If the doctor of oxen and asses has treated an ox or an ass for a + grave wound and has cured it, the owner of the ox or the ass shall give to + the doctor as his pay one-sixth of a shekel of silver. + </p> + <p> + 225. If he has treated an ox or an ass for a severe wound and has caused + its death, he shall pay one-fourth of its price to the owner of the ox or + the ass. + </p> + <p> + 226. If a barber-surgeon, without consent of the owner of a slave, has + branded the slave with an indelible mark, one shall cut off the hands of + that barber. + </p> + <p> + 227. If any one deceive the surgeon-barber and make him brand a slave with + an indelible mark, one shall kill that man and bury him in his house. The + barber shall swear, "I did not mark him wittingly," and he shall be + guiltless. + </p> + <p> + ESTIMATES OF BABYLONIAN SCIENCE + </p> + <p> + Before turning from the Oriental world it is perhaps worth while to + attempt to estimate somewhat specifically the world-influence of the name, + Babylonian science. Perhaps we cannot better gain an idea as to the + estimate put upon that science by the classical world than through a + somewhat extended quotation from a classical author. Diodorus Siculus, + who, as already noted, lived at about the time of Augustus, and who, + therefore, scanned in perspective the entire sweep of classical Greek + history, has left us a striking summary which is doubly valuable because + of its comparisons of Babylonian with Greek influence. Having viewed the + science of Babylonia in the light of the interpretations made possible by + the recent study of original documents, we are prepared to draw our own + conclusions from the statements of the Greek historian. Here is his + estimate in the words of the quaint translation made by Philemon Holland + in the year 1700:(23) + </p> + <p> + "They being the most ancient Babylonians, hold the same station and + dignity in the Common-wealth as the Egyptian Priests do in Egypt: For + being deputed to Divine Offices, they spend all their Time in the study of + Philosophy, and are especially famous for the Art of Astrology. They are + mightily given to Divination, and foretel future Events, and imploy + themselves either by Purifications, Sacrifices, or other Inchantments to + avert Evils, or procure good Fortune and Success. They are skilful + likewise in the Art of Divination, by the flying of Birds, and + interpreting of Dreams and Prodigies: And are reputed as true Oracles (in + declaring what will come to pass) by their exact and diligent viewing the + Intrals of the Sacrifices. But they attain not to this Knowledge in the + same manner as the Grecians do; for the Chaldeans learn it by Tradition + from their Ancestors, the Son from the Father, who are all in the mean + time free from all other publick Offices and Attendances; and because + their Parents are their Tutors, they both learn every thing without Envy, + and rely with more confidence upon the truth of what is taught them; and + being train'd up in this Learning, from their very Childhood, they become + most famous Philosophers, (that Age being most capable of Learning, + wherein they spend much of their time). But the Grecians for the most part + come raw to this study, unfitted and unprepar'd, and are long before they + attain to the Knowledge of this Philosophy: And after they have spent some + small time in this Study, they are many times call'd off and forc'd to + leave it, in order to get a Livelihood and Subsistence. And although some, + few do industriously apply themselves to Philosophy, yet for the sake of + Gain, these very Men are opinionative, and ever and anon starting new and + high Points, and never fix in the steps of their Ancestors. But the + Barbarians keeping constantly close to the same thing, attain to a perfect + and distinct Knowledge in every particular. + </p> + <p> + "But the Grecians, cunningly catching at all Opportunities of Gain, make + new Sects and Parties, and by their contrary Opinions wrangling and + quarelling concerning the chiefest Points, lead their Scholars into a + Maze; and being uncertain and doubtful what to pitch upon for certain + truth, their Minds are fluctuating and in suspence all the days of their + Lives, and unable to give a certain assent unto any thing. For if any Man + will but examine the most eminent Sects of the Philosophers, he shall find + them much differing among themselves, and even opposing one another in the + most weighty parts of their Philosophy. But to return to the Chaldeans, + they hold that the World is eternal, which had neither any certain + Beginning, nor shall have any End; but all agree, that all things are + order'd, and this beautiful Fabrick is supported by a Divine Providence, + and that the Motions of the Heavens are not perform'd by chance and of + their own accord, but by a certain and determinate Will and Appointment of + the Gods. + </p> + <p> + "Therefore from a long observation of the Stars, and an exact Knowledge of + the motions and influences of every one of them, wherein they excel all + others, they fortel many things that are to come to pass. + </p> + <p> + "They say that the Five Stars which some call Planets, but they + Interpreters, are most worthy of Consideration, both for their motions and + their remarkable influences, especially that which the Grecians call + Saturn. The brightest of them all, and which often portends many and great + Events, they call Sol, the other Four they name Mars, Venus, Mercury, and + Jupiter, with our own Country Astrologers. They give the Name of + Interpreters to these Stars, because these only by a peculiar Motion do + portend things to come, and instead of Jupiters, do declare to Men + before-hand the good-will of the Gods; whereas the other Stars (not being + of the number of the Planets) have a constant ordinary motion. Future + Events (they say) are pointed at sometimes by their Rising, and sometimes + by their Setting, and at other times by their Colour, as may be + experienc'd by those that will diligently observe it; sometimes + foreshewing Hurricanes, at other times Tempestuous Rains, and then again + exceeding Droughts. By these, they say, are often portended the appearance + of Comets, Eclipses of the Sun and Moon, Earthquakes and all other the + various Changes and remarkable effects in the Air, boding good and bad, + not only to Nations in general, but to Kings and Private Persons in + particular. Under the course of these Planets, they say are Thirty Stars, + which they call Counselling Gods, half of whom observe what is done under + the Earth, and the other half take notice of the actions of Men upon the + Earth, and what is transacted in the Heavens. Once every Ten Days space + (they say) one of the highest Order of these Stars descends to them that + are of the lowest, like a Messenger sent from them above; and then again + another ascends from those below to them above, and that this is their + constant natural motion to continue for ever. The chief of these Gods, + they say, are Twelve in number, to each of which they attribute a Month, + and one Sign of the Twelve in the Zodiack. + </p> + <p> + "Through these Twelve Signs the Sun, Moon, and the other Five Planets run + their Course. The Sun in a Years time, and the Moon in the space of a + Month. To every one of the Planets they assign their own proper Courses, + which are perform'd variously in lesser or shorter time according as their + several motions are quicker or slower. These Stars, they say, have a great + influence both as to good and bad in Mens Nativities; and from the + consideration of their several Natures, may be foreknown what will befal + Men afterwards. As they foretold things to come to other Kings formerly, + so they did to Alexander who conquer'd Darius, and to his Successors + Antigonus and Seleucus Nicator; and accordingly things fell out as they + declar'd; which we shall relate particularly hereafter in a more + convenient time. They tell likewise private Men their Fortunes so + certainly, that those who have found the thing true by Experience, have + esteem'd it a Miracle, and above the reach of man to perform. Out of the + Circle of the Zodiack they describe Four and Twenty Stars, Twelve towards + the North Pole, and as many to the South. + </p> + <p> + "Those which we see, they assign to the living; and the other that do not + appear, they conceive are Constellations for the Dead; and they term them + Judges of all things. The Moon, they say, is in the lowest Orb; and being + therefore next to the Earth (because she is so small), she finishes her + Course in a little time, not through the swiftness of her Motion, but the + shortness of her Sphear. In that which they affirm (that she has but a + borrow'd light, and that when she is eclips'd, it's caus'd by the + interposition of the shadow of the Earth) they agree with the Grecians. + </p> + <p> + "Their Rules and Notions concerning the Eclipses of the Sun are but weak + and mean, which they dare not positively foretel, nor fix a certain time + for them. They have likewise Opinions concerning the Earth peculiar to + themselves, affirming it to resemble a Boat, and to be hollow, to prove + which, and other things relating to the frame of the World, they abound in + Arguments; but to give a particular Account of 'em, we conceive would be a + thing foreign to our History. But this any Man may justly and truly say, + That the Chaldeans far exceed all other Men in the Knowledge of Astrology, + and have study'd it most of any other Art or Science: But the number of + years during which the Chaldeans say, those of their Profession have given + themselves to the study of this natural Philosophy, is incredible; for + when Alexander was in Asia, they reckon'd up Four Hundred and Seventy + Thousand Years since they first began to observe the Motions of the + Stars." + </p> + <p> + Let us now supplement this estimate of Babylonian influence with another + estimate written in our own day, and quoted by one of the most recent + historians of Babylonia and Assyria.(24) The estimate in question is that + of Canon Rawlinson in his Great Oriental Monarchies.(25) Of Babylonia he + says: + </p> + <p> + "Hers was apparently the genius which excogitated an alphabet; worked out + the simpler problems of arithmetic; invented implements for measuring the + lapse of time; conceived the idea of raising enormous structures with the + poorest of all materials, clay; discovered the art of polishing, boring, + and engraving gems; reproduced with truthfulness the outlines of human and + animal forms; attained to high perfection in textile fabrics; studied with + success the motions of the heavenly bodies; conceived of grammar as a + science; elaborated a system of law; saw the value of an exact chronology—in + almost every branch of science made a beginning, thus rendering it + comparatively easy for other nations to proceed with the + superstructure.... It was from the East, not from Egypt, that Greece + derived her architecture, her sculpture, her science, her philosophy, her + mathematical knowledge—in a word, her intellectual life. And Babylon + was the source to which the entire stream of Eastern civilization may be + traced. It is scarcely too much to say that, but for Babylon, real + civilization might not yet have dawned upon the earth." + </p> + <p> + Considering that a period of almost two thousand years separates the times + of writing of these two estimates, the estimates themselves are singularly + in unison. They show that the greatest of Oriental nations has not + suffered in reputation at the hands of posterity. It is indeed almost + impossible to contemplate the monuments of Babylonian and Assyrian + civilization that are now preserved in the European and American museums + without becoming enthusiastic. That certainly was a wonderful civilization + which has left us the tablets on which are inscribed the laws of a + Khamurabi on the one hand, and the art treasures of the palace of an + Asshurbanipal on the other. Yet a candid consideration of the scientific + attainments of the Babylonians and Assyrians can scarcely arouse us to a + like enthusiasm. In considering the subject we have seen that, so far as + pure science is concerned, the efforts of the Babylonians and Assyrians + chiefly centred about the subjects of astrology and magic. With the + records of their ghost-haunted science fresh in mind, one might be + forgiven for a momentary desire to take issue with Canon Rawlinson's + words. We are assured that the scientific attainments of Europe are almost + solely to be credited to Babylonia and not to Egypt, but we should not + forget that Plato, the greatest of the Greek thinkers, went to Egypt and + not to Babylonia to pursue his studies when he wished to penetrate the + secrets of Oriental science and philosophy. Clearly, then, classical + Greece did not consider Babylonia as having a monopoly of scientific + knowledge, and we of to-day, when we attempt to weigh the new evidence + that has come to us in recent generations with the Babylonian records + themselves, find that some, at least, of the heritages for which Babylonia + has been praised are of more than doubtful value. Babylonia, for example, + gave us our seven-day week and our system of computing by twelves. But + surely the world could have got on as well without that magic number + seven; and after some hundreds of generations we are coming to feel that + the decimal system of the Egyptians has advantages over the duodecimal + system of the Babylonians. Again, the Babylonians did not invent the + alphabet; they did not even accept it when all the rest of the world had + recognized its value. In grammar and arithmetic, as with astronomy, they + seemed not to have advanced greatly, if at all, upon the Egyptians. One + field in which they stand out in startling pre-eminence is the field of + astrology; but this, in the estimate of modern thought, is the very + negation of science. Babylonia impressed her superstitions on the Western + world, and when we consider the baleful influence of these superstitions, + we may almost question whether we might not reverse Canon Rawlinson's + estimate and say that perhaps but for Babylonia real civilization, based + on the application of true science, might have dawned upon the earth a + score of centuries before it did. Yet, after all, perhaps this estimate is + unjust. Society, like an individual organism, must creep before it can + walk, and perhaps the Babylonian experiments in astrology and magic, which + European civilization was destined to copy for some three or four thousand + years, must have been made a part of the necessary evolution of our race + in one place or in another. That thought, however, need not blind us to + the essential fact, which the historian of science must needs admit, that + for the Babylonian, despite his boasted culture, science spelled + superstition. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0006" id="link2H_4_0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + IV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ALPHABET + </h2> + <p> + Before we turn specifically to the new world of the west, it remains to + take note of what may perhaps be regarded as the very greatest achievement + of ancient science. This was the analysis of speech sounds, and the + resulting development of a system of alphabetical writing. To comprehend + the series of scientific inductions which led to this result, we must go + back in imagination and trace briefly the development of the methods of + recording thought by means of graphic symbols. In other words, we must + trace the evolution of the art of writing. In doing so we cannot hold to + national lines as we have done in the preceding two chapters, though the + efforts of the two great scientific nations just considered will enter + prominently into the story. + </p> + <p> + The familiar Greek legend assures us that a Phoenician named Kadmus was + the first to bring a knowledge of letters into Europe. An elaboration of + the story, current throughout classical times, offered the further + explanation that the Phoenicians had in turn acquired the art of writing + from the Egyptians or Babylonians. Knowledge as to the true origin and + development of the art of writing did not extend in antiquity beyond such + vagaries as these. Nineteenth-century studies gave the first real clews to + an understanding of the subject. These studies tended to authenticate the + essential fact on which the legend of Kadmus was founded; to the extent, + at least, of making it probable that the later Grecian alphabet was + introduced from Phoenicia—though not, of course, by any individual + named Kadmus, the latter being, indeed, a name of purely Greek origin. + Further studies of the past generation tended to corroborate the ancient + belief as to the original source of the Phoenician alphabet, but divided + scholars between two opinions: the one contending that the Egyptian + hieroglyphics were the source upon which the Phoenicians drew; and the + other contending with equal fervor that the Babylonian wedge character + must be conceded that honor. + </p> + <p> + But, as has often happened in other fields after years of acrimonious + controversy, a new discovery or two may suffice to show that neither + contestant was right. After the Egyptologists of the school of De Rouge(1) + thought they had demonstrated that the familiar symbols of the Phoenician + alphabet had been copied from that modified form of Egyptian hieroglyphics + known as the hieratic writing, the Assyriologists came forward to prove + that certain characters of the Babylonian syllabary also show a likeness + to the alphabetical characters that seemingly could not be due to chance. + And then, when a settlement of the dispute seemed almost hopeless, it was + shown through the Egyptian excavations that characters even more closely + resembling those in dispute had been in use all about the shores of the + Mediterranean, quite independently of either Egyptian or Assyrian + writings, from periods so ancient as to be virtually prehistoric. + </p> + <p> + Coupled with this disconcerting discovery are the revelations brought to + light by the excavations at the sites of Knossos and other long-buried + cities of the island of Crete.(2) These excavations, which are still in + progress, show that the art of writing was known and practised + independently in Crete before that cataclysmic overthrow of the early + Greek civilization which archaeologists are accustomed to ascribe to the + hypothetical invasion of the Dorians. The significance of this is that the + art of writing was known in Europe long before the advent of the mythical + Kadmus. But since the early Cretan scripts are not to be identified with + the scripts used in Greece in historical times, whereas the latter are + undoubtedly of lineal descent from the Phoenician alphabet, the validity + of the Kadmus legend, in a modified form, must still be admitted. + </p> + <p> + As has just been suggested, the new knowledge, particularly that which + related to the great antiquity of characters similar to the Phoenician + alphabetical signs, is somewhat disconcerting. Its general trend, however, + is quite in the same direction with most of the new archaeological + knowledge of recent decades—-that is to say, it tends to emphasize + the idea that human civilization in most of its important elaborations is + vastly older than has hitherto been supposed. It may be added, however, + that no definite clews are as yet available that enable us to fix even an + approximate date for the origin of the Phoenician alphabet. The signs, to + which reference has been made, may well have been in existence for + thousands of years, utilized merely as property marks, symbols for + counting and the like, before the idea of setting them aside as phonetic + symbols was ever conceived. Nothing is more certain, in the judgment of + the present-day investigator, than that man learned to write by slow and + painful stages. It is probable that the conception of such an analysis of + speech sounds as would make the idea of an alphabet possible came at a + very late stage of social evolution, and as the culminating achievement of + a long series of improvements in the art of writing. The precise steps + that marked this path of intellectual development can for the most part be + known only by inference; yet it is probable that the main chapters of the + story may be reproduced with essential accuracy. + </p> + <p> + FIRST STEPS + </p> + <p> + For the very first chapters of the story we must go back in imagination to + the prehistoric period. Even barbaric man feels the need of + self-expression, and strives to make his ideas manifest to other men by + pictorial signs. The cave-dwellers scratched pictures of men and animals + on the surface of a reindeer horn or mammoth tusk as mementos of his + prowess. The American Indian does essentially the same thing to-day, + making pictures that crudely record his successes in war and the chase. + The Northern Indian had got no farther than this when the white man + discovered America; but the Aztecs of the Southwest and the Maya people of + Yucatan had carried their picture-making to a much higher state of + elaboration.(3) They had developed systems of pictographs or hieroglyphics + that would doubtless in the course of generations have been elaborated + into alphabetical systems, had not the Europeans cut off the civilization + of which they were the highest exponents. + </p> + <p> + What the Aztec and Maya were striving towards in the sixteenth century + A.D., various Oriental nations had attained at least five or six thousand + years earlier. In Egypt at the time of the pyramid-builders, and in + Babylonia at the same epoch, the people had developed systems of writing + that enabled them not merely to present a limited range of ideas + pictorially, but to express in full elaboration and with finer shades of + meaning all the ideas that pertain to highly cultured existence. The man + of that time made records of military achievements, recorded the + transactions of every-day business life, and gave expression to his moral + and spiritual aspirations in a way strangely comparable to the manner of + our own time. He had perfected highly elaborate systems of writing. + </p> + <p> + EGYPTIAN WRITING + </p> + <p> + Of the two ancient systems of writing just referred to as being in vogue + at the so-called dawnings of history, the more picturesque and suggestive + was the hieroglyphic system of the Egyptians. This is a curiously + conglomerate system of writing, made up in part of symbols reminiscent of + the crudest stages of picture-writing, in part of symbols having the + phonetic value of syllables, and in part of true alphabetical letters. In + a word, the Egyptian writing represents in itself the elements of the + various stages through which the art of writing has developed.(4) We must + conceive that new features were from time to time added to it, while the + old features, curiously enough, were not given up. + </p> + <p> + Here, for example, in the midst of unintelligible lines and pot-hooks, are + various pictures that are instantly recognizable as representations of + hawks, lions, ibises, and the like. It can hardly be questioned that when + these pictures were first used calligraphically they were meant to + represent the idea of a bird or animal. In other words, the first stage of + picture-writing did not go beyond the mere representation of an eagle by + the picture of an eagle. But this, obviously, would confine the + presentation of ideas within very narrow limits. In due course some + inventive genius conceived the thought of symbolizing a picture. To him + the outline of an eagle might represent not merely an actual bird, but the + thought of strength, of courage, or of swift progress. Such a use of + symbols obviously extends the range of utility of a nascent art of + writing. Then in due course some wonderful psychologist—or perhaps + the joint efforts of many generations of psychologists—made the + astounding discovery that the human voice, which seems to flow on in an + unbroken stream of endlessly varied modulations and intonations, may + really be analyzed into a comparatively limited number of component sounds—into + a few hundreds of syllables. That wonderful idea conceived, it was only a + matter of time until it would occur to some other enterprising genius that + by selecting an arbitrary symbol to represent each one of these elementary + sounds it would be possible to make a written record of the words of human + speech which could be reproduced—rephonated—by some one who + had never heard the words and did not know in advance what this written + record contained. This, of course, is what every child learns to do now in + the primer class, but we may feel assured that such an idea never occurred + to any human being until the peculiar forms of pictographic writing just + referred to had been practised for many centuries. Yet, as we have said, + some genius of prehistoric Egypt conceived the idea and put it into + practical execution, and the hieroglyphic writing of which the Egyptians + were in full possession at the very beginning of what we term the + historical period made use of this phonetic system along with the + ideographic system already described. + </p> + <p> + So fond were the Egyptians of their pictorial symbols used ideographically + that they clung to them persistently throughout the entire period of + Egyptian history. They used symbols as phonetic equivalents very + frequently, but they never learned to depend upon them exclusively. The + scribe always interspersed his phonetic signs with some other signs + intended as graphic aids. After spelling a word out in full, he added a + picture, sometimes even two or three pictures, representative of the + individual thing, or at least of the type of thing to which the word + belongs. Two or three illustrations will make this clear. + </p> + <p> + Thus qeften, monkey, is spelled out in full, but the picture of a monkey + is added as a determinative; second, qenu, cavalry, after being spelled, + is made unequivocal by the introduction of a picture of a horse; third, + temati, wings, though spelled elaborately, has pictures of wings added; + and fourth, tatu, quadrupeds, after being spelled, has a picture of a + quadruped, and then the picture of a hide, which is the usual + determinative of a quadruped, followed by three dashes to indicate the + plural number. + </p> + <p> + It must not be supposed, however, that it was a mere whim which led the + Egyptians to the use of this system of determinatives. There was sound + reason back of it. It amounted to no more than the expedient we adopt when + we spell "to," "two," or "too," in indication of a single sound with three + different meanings. The Egyptian language abounds in words having more + than one meaning, and in writing these it is obvious that some means of + distinction is desirable. The same thing occurs even more frequently in + the Chinese language, which is monosyllabic. The Chinese adopt a more + clumsy expedient, supplying a different symbol for each of the meanings of + a syllable; so that while the actual word-sounds of their speech are only + a few hundreds in number, the characters of their written language mount + high into the thousands. + </p> + <p> + BABYLONIAN WRITING + </p> + <p> + While the civilization of the Nile Valley was developing this + extraordinary system of hieroglyphics, the inhabitants of Babylonia were + practising the art of writing along somewhat different lines. It is + certain that they began with picture-making, and that in due course they + advanced to the development of the syllabary; but, unlike their Egyptian + cousins, the men of Babylonia saw fit to discard the old system when they + had perfected a better one.(5) So at a very early day their writing—as + revealed to us now through the recent excavations—had ceased to have + that pictorial aspect which distinguishes the Egyptian script. What had + originally been pictures of objects—fish, houses, and the like—had + come to be represented by mere aggregations of wedge-shaped marks. As the + writing of the Babvlonians was chiefly inscribed on soft clay, the + adaptation of this wedge-shaped mark in lieu of an ordinary line was + probably a mere matter of convenience, since the sharp-cornered implement + used in making the inscription naturally made a wedge-shaped impression in + the clay. That, however, is a detail. The essential thing is that the + Babylonian had so fully analyzed the speech-sounds that he felt entire + confidence in them, and having selected a sufficient number of + conventional characters—each made up of wedge-shaped lines—to + represent all the phonetic sounds of his language, spelled the words out + in syllables and to some extent dispensed with the determinative signs + which, as we have seen, played so prominent a part in the Egyptian + writing. His cousins the Assyrians used habitually a system of writing the + foundation of which was an elaborate phonetic syllabary; a system, + therefore, far removed from the old crude pictograph, and in some respects + much more developed than the complicated Egyptian method; yet, after all, + a system that stopped short of perfection by the wide gap that separates + the syllabary from the true alphabet. + </p> + <p> + A brief analysis of speech sounds will aid us in understanding the real + nature of the syllabary. Let us take for consideration the consonantal + sound represented by the letter b. A moment's consideration will make it + clear that this sound enters into a large number of syllables. There are, + for example, at least twenty vowel sounds in the English language, not to + speak of certain digraphs; that is to say, each of the important vowels + has from two to six sounds. Each of these vowel sounds may enter into + combination with the b sound alone to form three syllables; as ba, ab, + bal, be, eb, bel, etc. Thus there are at least sixty b-sound syllables. + But this is not the end, for other consonantal sounds may be associated in + the syllables in such combinations as bad, bed, bar, bark, cab, etc. As + each of the other twenty odd consonantal sounds may enter into similar + combinations, it is obvious that there are several hundreds of fundamental + syllables to be taken into account in any syllabic system of writing. For + each of these syllables a symbol must be set aside and held in reserve as + the representative of that particular sound. A perfect syllabary, then, + would require some hundred or more of symbols to represent b sounds alone; + and since the sounds for c, d, f, and the rest are equally varied, the + entire syllabary would run into thousands of characters, almost rivalling + in complexity the Chinese system. But in practice the most perfect + syllabary, Such as that of the Babylonians, fell short of this degree of + precision through ignoring the minor shades of sound; just as our own + alphabet is content to represent some thirty vowel sounds by five letters, + ignoring the fact that a, for example, has really half a dozen distinct + phonetic values. By such slurring of sounds the syllabary is reduced far + below its ideal limits; yet even so it retains three or four hundred + characters. + </p> + <p> + In point of fact, such a work as Professor Delitzsch's Assyrian Grammar(6) + presents signs for three hundred and thirty-four syllables, together with + sundry alternative signs and determinatives to tax the memory of the + would-be reader of Assyrian. Let us take for example a few of the b + sounds. It has been explained that the basis of the Assyrian written + character is a simple wedge-shaped or arrow-head mark. Variously repeated + and grouped, these marks make up the syllabic characters. + </p> + <p> + To learn some four hundred such signs as these was the task set, as an + equivalent of learning the a b c's, to any primer class in old Assyria in + the long generations when that land was the culture Centre of the world. + Nor was the task confined to the natives of Babylonia and Assyria alone. + About the fifteenth century B.C., and probably for a long time before and + after that period, the exceedingly complex syllabary of the Babylonians + was the official means of communication throughout western Asia and + between Asia and Egypt, as we know from the chance discovery of a + collection of letters belonging to the Egyptian king Khun-aten, preserved + at Tel-el-Amarna. In the time of Ramses the Great the Babylonian writing + was in all probability considered by a majority of the most highly + civilized people in the world to be the most perfect script practicable. + Doubtless the average scribe of the time did not in the least realize the + waste of energy involved in his labors, or ever suspect that there could + be any better way of writing. + </p> + <p> + Yet the analysis of any one of these hundreds of syllables into its + component phonetic elements—had any one been genius enough to make + such analysis—would have given the key to simpler and better things. + But such an analysis was very hard to make, as the sequel shows. Nor is + the utility of such an analysis self-evident, as the experience of the + Egyptians proved. The vowel sound is so intimately linked with the + consonant—the con-sonant, implying this intimate relation in its + very name—that it seemed extremely difficult to give it individual + recognition. To set off the mere labial beginning of the sound by itself, + and to recognize it as an all-essential element of phonation, was the feat + at which human intelligence so long balked. The germ of great things lay + in that analysis. It was a process of simplification, and all art + development is from the complex to the simple. Unfortunately, however, it + did not seem a simplification, but rather quite the reverse. We may well + suppose that the idea of wresting from the syllabary its secret of + consonants and vowels, and giving to each consonantal sound a distinct + sign, seemed a most cumbersome and embarrassing complication to the + ancient scholars—that is to say, after the time arrived when any one + gave such an idea expression. We can imagine them saying: "You will oblige + us to use four signs instead of one to write such an elementary syllable + as 'bard,' for example. Out upon such endless perplexity!" Nor is such a + suggestion purely gratuitous, for it is an historical fact that the old + syllabary continued to be used in Babylon hundreds of years after the + alphabetical system had been introduced.(7) Custom is everything in + establishing our prejudices. The Japanese to-day rebel against the + introduction of an alphabet, thinking it ambiguous. + </p> + <p> + Yet, in the end, conservatism always yields, and so it was with opposition + to the alphabet. Once the idea of the consonant had been firmly grasped, + the old syllabary was doomed, though generations of time might be required + to complete the obsequies—generations of time and the influence of a + new nation. We have now to inquire how and by whom this advance was made. + </p> + <p> + THE ALPHABET ACHIEVED + </p> + <p> + We cannot believe that any nation could have vaulted to the final stage of + the simple alphabetical writing without tracing the devious and difficult + way of the pictograph and the syllabary. It is possible, however, for a + cultivated nation to build upon the shoulders of its neighbors, and, + profiting by the experience of others, to make sudden leaps upward and + onward. And this is seemingly what happened in the final development of + the art of writing. For while the Babylonians and Assyrians rested content + with their elaborate syllabary, a nation on either side of them, + geographically speaking, solved the problem, which they perhaps did not + even recognize as a problem; wrested from their syllabary its secret of + consonants and vowels, and by adopting an arbitrary sign for each + consonantal sound, produced that most wonderful of human inventions, the + alphabet. + </p> + <p> + The two nations credited with this wonderful achievement are the + Phoenicians and the Persians. But it is not usually conceded that the two + are entitled to anything like equal credit. The Persians, probably in the + time of Cyrus the Great, used certain characters of the Babylonian script + for the construction of an alphabet; but at this time the Phoenician + alphabet had undoubtedly been in use for some centuries, and it is more + than probable that the Persian borrowed his idea of an alphabet from a + Phoenician source. And that, of course, makes all the difference. Granted + the idea of an alphabet, it requires no great reach of constructive genius + to supply a set of alphabetical characters; though even here, it may be + added parenthetically, a study of the development of alphabets will show + that mankind has all along had a characteristic propensity to copy rather + than to invent. + </p> + <p> + Regarding the Persian alphabet-maker, then, as a copyist rather than a + true inventor, it remains to turn attention to the Phoenician source + whence, as is commonly believed, the original alphabet which became "the + mother of all existing alphabets" came into being. It must be admitted at + the outset that evidence for the Phoenician origin of this alphabet is + traditional rather than demonstrative. The Phoenicians were the great + traders of antiquity; undoubtedly they were largely responsible for the + transmission of the alphabet from one part of the world to another, once + it had been invented. Too much credit cannot be given them for this; and + as the world always honors him who makes an idea fertile rather than the + originator of the idea, there can be little injustice in continuing to + speak of the Phoenicians as the inventors of the alphabet. But the actual + facts of the case will probably never be known. For aught we know, it may + have been some dreamy-eyed Israelite, some Babylonian philosopher, some + Egyptian mystic, perhaps even some obscure Cretan, who gave to the + hard-headed Phoenician trader this conception of a dismembered syllable + with its all-essential, elemental, wonder-working consonant. But it is + futile now to attempt even to surmise on such unfathomable details as + these. Suffice it that the analysis was made; that one sign and no more + was adopted for each consonantal sound of the Semitic tongue, and that the + entire cumbersome mechanism of the Egyptian and Babylonian writing systems + was rendered obsolescent. These systems did not yield at once, to be sure; + all human experience would have been set at naught had they done so. They + held their own, and much more than held their own, for many centuries. + After the Phoenicians as a nation had ceased to have importance; after + their original script had been endlessly modified by many alien nations; + after the original alphabet had made the conquest of all civilized Europe + and of far outlying portions of the Orient—the Egyptian and + Babylonian scribes continued to indite their missives in the same old + pictographs and syllables. + </p> + <p> + The inventive thinker must have been struck with amazement when, after + making the fullest analysis of speech-sounds of which he was capable, he + found himself supplied with only a score or so of symbols. Yet as regards + the consonantal sounds he had exhausted the resources of the Semitic + tongue. As to vowels, he scarcely considered them at all. It seemed to him + sufficient to use one symbol for each consonantal sound. This reduced the + hitherto complex mechanism of writing to so simple a system that the + inventor must have regarded it with sheer delight. On the other hand, the + conservative scholar doubtless thought it distinctly ambiguous. In truth, + it must be admitted that the system was imperfect. It was a vast + improvement on the old syllabary, but it had its drawbacks. Perhaps it had + been made a bit too simple; certainly it should have had symbols for the + vowel sounds as well as for the consonants. Nevertheless, the + vowel-lacking alphabet seems to have taken the popular fancy, and to this + day Semitic people have never supplied its deficiencies save with certain + dots and points. + </p> + <p> + Peoples using the Aryan speech soon saw the defect, and the Greeks + supplied symbols for several new sounds at a very early day.(8) But there + the matter rested, and the alphabet has remained imperfect. For the + purposes of the English language there should certainly have been added a + dozen or more new characters. It is clear, for example, that, in the + interest of explicitness, we should have a separate symbol for the vowel + sound in each of the following syllables: bar, bay, bann, ball, to cite a + single illustration. + </p> + <p> + There is, to be sure, a seemingly valid reason for not extending our + alphabet, in the fact that in multiplying syllables it would be difficult + to select characters at once easy to make and unambiguous. Moreover, the + conservatives might point out, with telling effect, that the present + alphabet has proved admirably effective for about three thousand years. + Yet the fact that our dictionaries supply diacritical marks for some + thirty vowels sounds to indicate the pronunciation of the words of our + every-day speech, shows how we let memory and guessing do the work that + might reasonably be demanded of a really complete alphabet. But, whatever + its defects, the existing alphabet is a marvellous piece of mechanism, the + result of thousands of years of intellectual effort. It is, perhaps + without exception, the most stupendous invention of the human intellect + within historical times—an achievement taking rank with such great + prehistoric discoveries as the use of articulate speech, the making of a + fire, and the invention of stone implements, of the wheel and axle, and of + picture-writing. It made possible for the first time that education of the + masses upon which all later progress of civilization was so largely to + depend. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0007" id="link2H_4_0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + V. THE BEGINNINGS OF GREEK SCIENCE + </h2> + <p> + Herodotus, the Father of History, tells us that once upon a time—which + time, as the modern computator shows us, was about the year 590 B.C.—a + war had risen between the Lydians and the Medes and continued five years. + "In these years the Medes often discomfited the Lydians and the Lydians + often discomfited the Medes (and among other things they fought a battle + by night); and yet they still carried on the war with equally balanced + fortitude. In the sixth year a battle took place in which it happened, + when the fight had begun, that suddenly the day became night. And this + change of the day Thales, the Milesian, had foretold to the Ionians, + laying down as a limit this very year in which the change took place. The + Lydians, however, and the Medes, when they saw that it had become night + instead of day, ceased from their fighting and were much more eager, both + of them, that peace should be made between them." + </p> + <p> + This memorable incident occurred while Alyattus, father of Croesus, was + king of the Lydians. The modern astronomer, reckoning backward, estimates + this eclipse as occurring probably May 25th, 585 B.C. The date is + important as fixing a mile-stone in the chronology of ancient history, but + it is doubly memorable because it is the first recorded instance of a + predicted eclipse. Herodotus, who tells the story, was not born until + about one hundred years after the incident occurred, but time had not + dimmed the fame of the man who had performed the necromantic feat of + prophecy. Thales, the Milesian, thanks in part at least to this + accomplishment, had been known in life as first on the list of the Seven + Wise Men of Greece, and had passed into history as the father of Greek + philosophy. We may add that he had even found wider popular fame through + being named by Hippolytus, and then by Father aesop, as the philosopher + who, intent on studying the heavens, fell into a well; "whereupon," says + Hippolytus, "a maid-servant named Thratta laughed at him and said, 'In his + search for things in the sky he does not see what is at his feet.'" + </p> + <p> + Such citations as these serve to bring vividly to mind the fact that we + are entering a new epoch of thought. Hitherto our studies have been + impersonal. Among Egyptians and Babylonians alike we have had to deal with + classes of scientific records, but we have scarcely come across a single + name. Now, however, we shall begin to find records of the work of + individual investigators. In general, from now on, we shall be able to + trace each great idea, if not to its originator, at least to some one man + of genius who was prominent in bringing it before the world. The first of + these vitalizers of thought, who stands out at the beginnings of Greek + history, is this same Thales, of Miletus. His is not a very sharply + defined personality as we look back upon it, and we can by no means be + certain that all the discoveries which are ascribed to him are + specifically his. Of his individuality as a man we know very little. It is + not even quite certain as to where he was born; Miletus is usually + accepted as his birthplace, but one tradition makes him by birth a + Phenician. It is not at all in question, however, that by blood he was at + least in part an Ionian Greek. It will be recalled that in the seventh + century B.C., when Thales was born—and for a long time thereafter—the + eastern shores of the aegean Sea were quite as prominently the centre of + Greek influence as was the peninsula of Greece itself. Not merely Thales, + but his followers and disciples, Anaximander and Anaximenes, were born + there. So also was Herodotas, the Father of History, not to extend the + list. There is nothing anomalous, then, in the fact that Thales, the + father of Greek thought, was born and passed his life on soil that was not + geographically a part of Greece; but the fact has an important + significance of another kind. Thanks to his environment, Thales was + necessarily brought more or less in contact with Oriental ideas. There was + close commercial contact between the land of his nativity and the great + Babylonian capital off to the east, as also with Egypt. Doubtless this + association was of influence in shaping the development of Thales's mind. + Indeed, it was an accepted tradition throughout classical times that the + Milesian philosopher had travelled in Egypt, and had there gained at least + the rudiments of his knowledge of geometry. In the fullest sense, then, + Thales may be regarded as representing a link in the chain of thought + connecting the learning of the old Orient with the nascent scholarship of + the new Occident. Occupying this position, it is fitting that the + personality of Thales should partake somewhat of mystery; that the scene + may not be shifted too suddenly from the vague, impersonal East to the + individualism of Europe. + </p> + <p> + All of this, however, must not be taken as casting any doubt upon the + existence of Thales as a real person. Even the dates of his life—640 + to 546 B.C.—may be accepted as at least approximately trustworthy; + and the specific discoveries ascribed to him illustrate equally well the + stage of development of Greek thought, whether Thales himself or one of + his immediate disciples were the discoverer. We have already mentioned the + feat which was said to have given Thales his great reputation. That Thales + was universally credited with having predicted the famous eclipse is + beyond question. That he actually did predict it in any precise sense of + the word is open to doubt. At all events, his prediction was not based + upon any such precise knowledge as that of the modern astronomer. There + is, indeed, only one way in which he could have foretold the eclipse, and + that is through knowledge of the regular succession of preceding eclipses. + But that knowledge implies access on the part of some one to long series + of records of practical observations of the heavens. Such records, as we + have seen, existed in Egypt and even more notably in Babylonia. That these + records were the source of the information which established the + reputation of Thales is an unavoidable inference. In other words, the + magical prevision of the father of Greek thought was but a reflex of + Oriental wisdom. Nevertheless, it sufficed to establish Thales as the + father of Greek astronomy. In point of fact, his actual astronomical + attainments would appear to have been meagre enough. There is nothing to + show that he gained an inkling of the true character of the solar system. + He did not even recognize the sphericity of the earth, but held, still + following the Oriental authorities, that the world is a flat disk. Even + his famous cosmogonic guess, according to which water is the essence of + all things and the primordial element out of which the earth was + developed, is but an elaboration of the Babylonian conception. + </p> + <p> + When we turn to the other field of thought with which the name of Thales + is associated—namely, geometry—we again find evidence of the + Oriental influence. The science of geometry, Herodotus assures us, was + invented in Egypt. It was there an eminently practical science, being + applied, as the name literally suggests, to the measurement of the earth's + surface. Herodotus tells us that the Egyptians were obliged to cultivate + the science because the periodical inundations washed away the + boundary-lines between their farms. The primitive geometer, then, was a + surveyor. The Egyptian records, as now revealed to us, show that the + science had not been carried far in the land of its birth. The Egyptian + geometer was able to measure irregular pieces of land only approximately. + He never fully grasped the idea of the perpendicular as the true index of + measurement for the triangle, but based his calculations upon measurements + of the actual side of that figure. Nevertheless, he had learned to square + the circle with a close approximation to the truth, and, in general, his + measurement sufficed for all his practical needs. Just how much of the + geometrical knowledge which added to the fame of Thales was borrowed + directly from the Egyptians, and how much he actually created we cannot be + sure. Nor is the question raised in disparagement of his genius. + Receptivity is the first prerequisite to progressive thinking, and that + Thales reached out after and imbibed portions of Oriental wisdom argues in + itself for the creative character of his genius. Whether borrower of + originator, however, Thales is credited with the expression of the + following geometrical truths: + </p> + <p> + 1. That the circle is bisected by its diameter. + </p> + <p> + 2. That the angles at the base of an isosceles triangle are equal. + </p> + <p> + 3. That when two straight lines cut each other the vertical opposite + angles are equal. + </p> + <p> + 4. That the angle in a semicircle is a right angle. + </p> + <p> + 5. That one side and one acute angle of a right-angle triangle determine + the other sides of the triangle. + </p> + <p> + It was by the application of the last of these principles that Thales is + said to have performed the really notable feat of measuring the distance + of a ship from the shore, his method being precisely the same in principle + as that by which the guns are sighted on a modern man-of-war. Another + practical demonstration which Thales was credited with making, and to + which also his geometrical studies led him, was the measurement of any + tall object, such as a pyramid or building or tree, by means of its + shadow. The method, though simple enough, was ingenious. It consisted + merely in observing the moment of the day when a perpendicular stick casts + a shadow equal to its own length. Obviously the tree or monument would + also cast a shadow equal to its own height at the same moment. It remains + then but to measure the length of this shadow to determine the height of + the object. Such feats as this evidence the practicality of the genius of + Thales. They suggest that Greek science, guided by imagination, was + starting on the high-road of observation. We are told that Thales + conceived for the first time the geometry of lines, and that this, indeed, + constituted his real advance upon the Egyptians. We are told also that he + conceived the eclipse of the sun as a purely natural phenomenon, and that + herein lay his advance upon the Chaldean point of view. But if this be + true Thales was greatly in advance of his time, for it will be recalled + that fully two hundred years later the Greeks under Nicias before Syracuse + were so disconcerted by the appearance of an eclipse, which was + interpreted as a direct omen and warning, that Nicias threw away the last + opportunity to rescue his army. Thucydides, it is true, in recording this + fact speaks disparagingly of the superstitious bent of the mind of Nicias, + but Thucydides also was a man far in advance of his time. + </p> + <p> + All that we know of the psychology of Thales is summed up in the famous + maxim, "Know thyself," a maxim which, taken in connection with the proven + receptivity of the philosopher's mind, suggests to us a marvellously + rounded personality. + </p> + <p> + The disciples or successors of Thales, Anaximander and Anaximenes, were + credited with advancing knowledge through the invention or introduction of + the sundial. We may be sure, however, that the gnomon, which is the + rudimentary sundial, had been known and used from remote periods in the + Orient, and the most that is probable is that Anaximander may have + elaborated some special design, possibly the bowl-shaped sundial, through + which the shadow of the gnomon would indicate the time. The same + philosopher is said to have made the first sketch of a geographical map, + but this again is a statement which modern researches have shown to be + fallacious, since a Babylonian attempt at depicting the geography of the + world is still preserved to us on a clay tablet. Anaximander may, however, + have been the first Greek to make an attempt of this kind. Here again the + influence of Babylonian science upon the germinating Western thought is + suggested. + </p> + <p> + It is said that Anaximander departed from Thales's conception of the + earth, and, it may be added, from the Babylonian conception also, in that + he conceived it as a cylinder, or rather as a truncated cone, the upper + end of which is the habitable portion. This conception is perhaps the + first of these guesses through which the Greek mind attempted to explain + the apparent fixity of the earth. To ask what supports the earth in space + is most natural, but the answer given by Anaximander, like that more + familiar Greek solution which transformed the cone, or cylinder, into the + giant Atlas, is but another illustration of that substitution of + unwarranted inference for scientific induction which we have already so + often pointed out as characteristic of the primitive stages of thought. + </p> + <p> + Anaximander held at least one theory which, as vouched for by various + copyists and commentators, entitles him to be considered perhaps the first + teacher of the idea of organic evolution. According to this idea, man + developed from a fishlike ancestor, "growing up as sharks do until able to + help himself and then coming forth on dry land."(1) The thought here + expressed finds its germ, perhaps, in the Babylonian conception that + everything came forth from a chaos of waters. Yet the fact that the + thought of Anaximander has come down to posterity through such various + channels suggests that the Greek thinker had got far enough away from the + Oriental conception to make his view seem to his contemporaries a novel + and individual one. Indeed, nothing we know of the Oriental line of + thought conveys any suggestion of the idea of transformation of species, + whereas that idea is distinctly formulated in the traditional views of + Anaximander. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0008" id="link2H_4_0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + VI. THE EARLY GREEK PHILOSOPHERS IN ITALY + </h2> + <p> + Diogenes Laertius tells a story about a youth who, clad in a purple toga, + entered the arena at the Olympian games and asked to compete with the + other youths in boxing. He was derisively denied admission, presumably + because he was beyond the legitimate age for juvenile contestants. Nothing + daunted, the youth entered the lists of men, and turned the laugh on his + critics by coming off victor. The youth who performed this feat was named + Pythagoras. He was the same man, if we may credit the story, who + afterwards migrated to Italy and became the founder of the famous + Crotonian School of Philosophy; the man who developed the religion of the + Orphic mysteries; who conceived the idea of the music of the spheres; who + promulgated the doctrine of metempsychosis; who first, perhaps, of all men + clearly conceived the notion that this world on which we live is a ball + which moves in space and which may be habitable on every side. + </p> + <p> + A strange development that for a stripling pugilist. But we must not + forget that in the Greek world athletics held a peculiar place. The chief + winner of Olympian games gave his name to an epoch (the ensuing Olympiad + of four years), and was honored almost before all others in the land. A + sound mind in a sound body was the motto of the day. To excel in feats of + strength and dexterity was an accomplishment that even a philosopher need + not scorn. It will be recalled that aeschylus distinguished himself at the + battle of Marathon; that Thucydides, the greatest of Greek historians, was + a general in the Peloponnesian War; that Xenophon, the pupil and + biographer of Socrates, was chiefly famed for having led the Ten Thousand + in the memorable campaign of Cyrus the Younger; that Plato himself was + credited with having shown great aptitude in early life as a wrestler. If, + then, Pythagoras the philosopher was really the Pythagoras who won the + boxing contest, we may suppose that in looking back upon this athletic + feat from the heights of his priesthood—for he came to be almost + deified—he regarded it not as an indiscretion of his youth, but as + one of the greatest achievements of his life. Not unlikely he recalled + with pride that he was credited with being no less an innovator in + athletics than in philosophy. At all events, tradition credits him with + the invention of "scientific" boxing. Was it he, perhaps, who taught the + Greeks to strike a rising and swinging blow from the hip, as depicted in + the famous metopes of the Parthenon? If so, the innovation of Pythagoras + was as little heeded in this regard in a subsequent age as was his theory + of the motion of the earth; for to strike a swinging blow from the hip, + rather than from the shoulder, is a trick which the pugilist learned anew + in our own day. + </p> + <p> + But enough of pugilism and of what, at best, is a doubtful tradition. Our + concern is with another "science" than that of the arena. We must follow + the purple-robed victor to Italy—if, indeed, we be not + over-credulous in accepting the tradition—and learn of triumphs of a + different kind that have placed the name of Pythagoras high on the list of + the fathers of Grecian thought. To Italy? Yes, to the western limits of + the Greek world. Here it was, beyond the confines of actual Greek + territory, that Hellenic thought found its second home, its first home + being, as we have seen, in Asia Minor. Pythagoras, indeed, to whom we have + just been introduced, was born on the island of Samos, which lies near the + coast of Asia Minor, but he probably migrated at an early day to Crotona, + in Italy. There he lived, taught, and developed his philosophy until + rather late in life, when, having incurred the displeasure of his + fellow-citizens, he suffered the not unusual penalty of banishment. + </p> + <p> + Of the three other great Italic leaders of thought of the early period, + Xenophanes came rather late in life to Elea and founded the famous Eleatic + School, of which Parmenides became the most distinguished ornament. These + two were Ionians, and they lived in the sixth century before our era. + Empedocles, the Sicilian, was of Doric origin. He lived about the middle + of the fifth century B.C., at a time, therefore, when Athens had attained + a position of chief glory among the Greek states; but there is no evidence + that Empedocles ever visited that city, though it was rumored that he + returned to the Peloponnesus to die. The other great Italic philosophers + just named, living, as we have seen, in the previous century, can scarcely + have thought of Athens as a centre of Greek thought. Indeed, the very fact + that these men lived in Italy made that peninsula, rather than the + mother-land of Greece, the centre of Hellenic influence. But all these + men, it must constantly be borne in mind, were Greeks by birth and + language, fully recognized as such in their own time and by posterity. Yet + the fact that they lived in a land which was at no time a part of the + geographical territory of Greece must not be forgotten. They, or their + ancestors of recent generations, had been pioneers among those venturesome + colonists who reached out into distant portions of the world, and made + homes for themselves in much the same spirit in which colonists from + Europe began to populate America some two thousand years later. In + general, colonists from the different parts of Greece localized themselves + somewhat definitely in their new homes; yet there must naturally have been + a good deal of commingling among the various families of pioneers, and, to + a certain extent, a mingling also with the earlier inhabitants of the + country. This racial mingling, combined with the well-known vitalizing + influence of the pioneer life, led, we may suppose, to a more rapid and + more varied development than occurred among the home-staying Greeks. In + proof of this, witness the remarkable schools of philosophy which, as we + have seen, were thus developed at the confines of the Greek world, and + which were presently to invade and, as it were, take by storm the + mother-country itself. + </p> + <p> + As to the personality of these pioneer philosophers of the West, our + knowledge is for the most part more or less traditional. What has been + said of Thales may be repeated, in the main, regarding Pythagoras, + Parmenides, and Empedocles. That they were real persons is not at all in + question, but much that is merely traditional has come to be associated + with their names. Pythagoras was the senior, and doubtless his ideas may + have influenced the others more or less, though each is usually spoken of + as the founder of an independent school. Much confusion has all along + existed, however, as to the precise ideas which were to be ascribed to + each of the leaders. Numberless commentators, indeed, have endeavored to + pick out from among the traditions of antiquity, aided by such fragments, + of the writing of the philosophers as have come down to us, the particular + ideas that characterized each thinker, and to weave these ideas into + systems. But such efforts, notwithstanding the mental energy that has been + expended upon them, were, of necessity, futile, since, in the first place, + the ancient philosophers themselves did not specialize and systematize + their ideas according to modern notions, and, in the second place, the + records of their individual teachings have been too scantily preserved to + serve for the purpose of classification. It is freely admitted that fable + has woven an impenetrable mesh of contradictions about the personalities + of these ancient thinkers, and it would be folly to hope that this same + artificer had been less busy with their beliefs and theories. When one + reads that Pythagoras advocated an exclusively vegetable diet, yet that he + was the first to train athletes on meat diet; that he sacrificed only + inanimate things, yet that he offered up a hundred oxen in honor of his + great discovery regarding the sides of a triangle, and such like + inconsistencies in the same biography, one gains a realizing sense of the + extent to which diverse traditions enter into the story as it has come + down to us. And yet we must reflect that most men change their opinions in + the course of a long lifetime, and that the antagonistic reports may both + be true. + </p> + <p> + True or false, these fables have an abiding interest, since they prove the + unique and extraordinary character of the personality about which they are + woven. The alleged witticisms of a Whistler, in our own day, were + doubtless, for the most part, quite unknown to Whistler himself, yet they + never would have been ascribed to him were they not akin to witticisms + that he did originate—were they not, in short, typical expressions + of his personality. And so of the heroes of the past. "It is no ordinary + man," said George Henry Lewes, speaking of Pythagoras, "whom fable exalts + into the poetic region. Whenever you find romantic or miraculous deeds + attributed, be certain that the hero was great enough to maintain the + weight of the crown of this fabulous glory."(1) We may not doubt, then, + that Pythagoras, Parmenides, and Empedocles, with whose names fable was so + busy throughout antiquity, were men of extraordinary personality. We are + here chiefly concerned, however, neither with the personality of the man + nor yet with the precise doctrines which each one of them taught. A + knowledge of the latter would be interesting were it attainable, but in + the confused state of the reports that have come down to us we cannot hope + to be able to ascribe each idea with precision to its proper source. At + best we can merely outline, even here not too precisely, the scientific + doctrines which the Italic philosophers as a whole seem to have advocated. + </p> + <p> + First and foremost, there is the doctrine that the earth is a sphere. + Pythagoras is said to have been the first advocate of this theory; but, + unfortunately, it is reported also that Parmenides was its author. This + rivalship for the discovery of an important truth we shall see repeated + over and over in more recent times. Could we know the whole truth, it + would perhaps appear that the idea of the sphericity of the earth was + originated long before the time of the Greek philosophers. But it must be + admitted that there is no record of any sort to give tangible support to + such an assumption. So far as we can ascertain, no Egyptian or Babylonian + astronomer ever grasped the wonderful conception that the earth is round. + That the Italic Greeks should have conceived that idea was perhaps not so + much because they were astronomers as because they were practical + geographers and geometers. Pythagoras, as we have noted, was born at + Samos, and, therefore, made a relatively long sea voyage in passing to + Italy. Now, as every one knows, the most simple and tangible demonstration + of the convexity of the earth's surface is furnished by observation of an + approaching ship at sea. On a clear day a keen eye may discern the mast + and sails rising gradually above the horizon, to be followed in due course + by the hull. Similarly, on approaching the shore, high objects become + visible before those that lie nearer the water. It is at least a plausible + supposition that Pythagoras may have made such observations as these + during the voyage in question, and that therein may lie the germ of that + wonderful conception of the world as a sphere. + </p> + <p> + To what extent further proof, based on the fact that the earth's shadow + when the moon is eclipsed is always convex, may have been known to + Pythagoras we cannot say. There is no proof that any of the Italic + philosophers made extensive records of astronomical observations as did + the Egyptians and Babylonians; but we must constantly recall that the + writings of classical antiquity have been almost altogether destroyed. The + absence of astronomical records is, therefore, no proof that such records + never existed. Pythagoras, it should be said, is reported to have + travelled in Egypt, and he must there have gained an inkling of + astronomical methods. Indeed, he speaks of himself specifically, in a + letter quoted by Diogenes, as one who is accustomed to study astronomy. + Yet a later sentence of the letter, which asserts that the philosopher is + not always occupied about speculations of his own fancy, suggesting, as it + does, the dreamer rather than the observer, gives us probably a truer + glimpse into the philosopher's mind. There is, indeed, reason to suppose + that the doctrine of the sphericity of the earth appealed to Pythagoras + chiefly because it accorded with his conception that the sphere is the + most perfect solid, just as the circle is the most perfect plane surface. + Be that as it may, the fact remains that we have here, as far as we can + trace its origin, the first expression of the scientific theory that the + earth is round. Had the Italic philosophers accomplished nothing more than + this, their accomplishment would none the less mark an epoch in the + progress of thought. + </p> + <p> + That Pythagoras was an observer of the heavens is further evidenced by the + statement made by Diogenes, on the authority of Parmenides, that + Pythagoras was the first person who discovered or asserted the identity of + Hesperus and Lucifer—that is to say, of the morning and the evening + star. This was really a remarkable discovery, and one that was no doubt + instrumental later on in determining that theory of the mechanics of the + heavens which we shall see elaborated presently. To have made such a + discovery argues again for the practicality of the mind of Pythagoras. + His, indeed, would seem to have been a mind in which practical + common-sense was strangely blended with the capacity for wide and + imaginative generalization. As further evidence of his practicality, it is + asserted that he was the first person who introduced measures and weights + among the Greeks, this assertion being made on the authority of + Aristoxenus. It will be observed that he is said to have introduced, not + to have invented, weights and measures, a statement which suggests a + knowledge on the part of the Greeks that weights and measures were + previously employed in Egypt and Babylonia. + </p> + <p> + The mind that could conceive the world as a sphere and that interested + itself in weights and measures was, obviously, a mind of the visualizing + type. It is characteristic of this type of mind to be interested in the + tangibilities of geometry, hence it is not surprising to be told that + Pythagoras "carried that science to perfection." The most famous discovery + of Pythagoras in this field was that the square of the hypotenuse of a + right-angled triangle is equal to the squares of the other sides of the + triangle. We have already noted the fable that his enthusiasm over this + discovery led him to sacrifice a hecatomb. Doubtless the story is + apocryphal, but doubtless, also, it expresses the truth as to the fervid + joy with which the philosopher must have contemplated the results of his + creative imagination. + </p> + <p> + No line alleged to have been written by Pythagoras has come down to us. We + are told that he refrained from publishing his doctrines, except by word + of mouth. "The Lucanians and the Peucetians, and the Messapians and the + Romans," we are assured, "flocked around him, coming with eagerness to + hear his discourses; no fewer than six hundred came to him every night; + and if any one of them had ever been permitted to see the master, they + wrote of it to their friends as if they had gained some great advantage." + Nevertheless, we are assured that until the time of Philolaus no doctrines + of Pythagoras were ever published, to which statement it is added that + "when the three celebrated books were published, Plato wrote to have them + purchased for him for a hundred minas."(2) But if such books existed, they + are lost to the modern world, and we are obliged to accept the assertions + of relatively late writers as to the theories of the great Crotonian. + </p> + <p> + Perhaps we cannot do better than quote at length from an important summary + of the remaining doctrines of Pythagoras, which Diogenes himself quoted + from the work of a predecessor.(3) Despite its somewhat inchoate + character, this summary is a most remarkable one, as a brief analysis of + its contents will show. It should be explained that Alexander (whose work + is now lost) is said to have found these dogmas set down in the + commentaries of Pythagoras. If this assertion be accepted, we are brought + one step nearer the philosopher himself. The summary is as follows: + </p> + <p> + "That the monad was the beginning of everything. From the monad proceeds + an indefinite duad, which is subordinate to the monad as to its cause. + That from the monad and the indefinite duad proceed numbers. And from + numbers signs. And from these last, lines of which plane figures consist. + And from plane figures are derived solid bodies. And from solid bodies + sensible bodies, of which last there are four elements—fire, water, + earth, and air. And that the world, which is indued with life and + intellect, and which is of a spherical figure, having the earth, which is + also spherical, and inhabited all over in its centre,(4) results from a + combination of these elements, and derives its motion from them; and also + that there are antipodes, and that what is below, as respects us, is above + in respect of them. + </p> + <p> + "He also taught that light and darkness, and cold and heat, and dryness + and moisture, were equally divided in the world; and that while heat was + predominant it was summer; while cold had the mastery, it was winter; when + dryness prevailed, it was spring; and when moisture preponderated, winter. + And while all these qualities were on a level, then was the loveliest + season of the year; of which the flourishing spring was the wholesome + period, and the season of autumn the most pernicious one. Of the day, he + said that the flourishing period was the morning, and the fading one the + evening; on which account that also was the least healthy time. + </p> + <p> + "Another of his theories was that the air around the earth was immovable + and pregnant with disease, and that everything in it was mortal; but that + the upper air was in perpetual motion, and pure and salubrious, and that + everything in that was immortal, and on that account divine. And that the + sun and the moon and the stars were all gods; for in them the warm + principle predominates which is the cause of life. And that the moon + derives its light from the sun. And that there is a relationship between + men and the gods, because men partake of the divine principle; on which + account, also, God exercises his providence for our advantage. Also, that + Fate is the cause of the arrangement of the world both generally and + particularly. Moreover, that a ray from the sun penetrated both the cold + aether and the dense aether; and they call the air the cold aether, and + the sea and moisture they call the dense aether. And this ray descends + into the depths, and in this way vivifies everything. And everything which + partakes of the principle of heat lives, on which account, also, plants + are animated beings; but that all living things have not necessarily + souls. And that the soul is a something tom off from the aether, both warm + and cold, from its partaking of the cold aether. And that the soul is + something different from life. Also, that it is immortal, because that + from which it has been detached is immortal. + </p> + <p> + "Also, that animals are born from one another by seeds, and that it is + impossible for there to be any spontaneous production by the earth. And + that seed is a drop from the brain which contains in itself a warm vapor; + and that when this is applied to the womb it transmits virtue and moisture + and blood from the brain, from which flesh and sinews and bones and hair + and the whole body are produced. And from the vapor is produced the soul, + and also sensation. And that the infant first becomes a solid body at the + end of forty days; but, according to the principles of harmony, it is not + perfect till seven, or perhaps nine, or at most ten months, and then it is + brought forth. And that it contains in itself all the principles of life, + which are all connected together, and by their union and combination form + a harmonious whole, each of them developing itself at the appointed time. + </p> + <p> + "The senses in general, and especially the sight, are a vapor of excessive + warmth, and on this account a man is said to see through air and through + water. For the hot principle is opposed by the cold one; since, if the + vapor in the eyes were cold, it would have the same temperature as the + air, and so would be dissipated. As it is, in some passages he calls the + eyes the gates of the sun; and he speaks in a similar manner of hearing + and of the other senses. + </p> + <p> + "He also says that the soul of man is divided into three parts: into + intuition and reason and mind, and that the first and last divisions are + found also in other animals, but that the middle one, reason, is only + found in man. And that the chief abode of the soul is in those parts of + the body which are between the heart and the brain. And that that portion + of it which is in the heart is the mind; but that deliberation and reason + reside in the brain. + </p> + <p> + "Moreover, that the senses are drops from them; and that the reasoning + sense is immortal, but the others are mortal. And that the soul is + nourished by the blood; and that reasons are the winds of the soul. That + it is invisible, and so are its reasons, since the aether itself is + invisible. That the links of the soul are the veins and the arteries and + the nerves. But that when it is vigorous, and is by itself in a quiescent + state, then its links are words and actions. That when it is cast forth + upon the earth it wanders about, resembling the body. Moreover, that + Mercury is the steward of the souls, and that on this account he has the + name of Conductor, and Commercial, and Infernal, since it is he who + conducts the souls from their bodies, and from earth and sea; and that he + conducts the pure souls to the highest region, and that he does not allow + the impure ones to approach them, nor to come near one another, but + commits them to be bound in indissoluble fetters by the Furies. The + Pythagoreans also assert that the whole air is full of souls, and that + these are those which are accounted daemons and heroes. Also, that it is + by them that dreams are sent among men, and also the tokens of disease and + health; these last, too, being sent not only to men, but to sheep also, + and other cattle. Also that it is they who are concerned with + purifications and expiations and all kinds of divination and oracular + predictions, and things of that kind."(5) + </p> + <p> + A brief consideration of this summary of the doctrines of Pythagoras will + show that it at least outlines a most extraordinary variety of scientific + ideas. (1) There is suggested a theory of monads and the conception of the + development from simple to more complex bodies, passing through the stages + of lines, plain figures, and solids to sensible bodies. (2) The doctrine + of the four elements—fire, water, earth, and air—as the basis + of all organisms is put forward. (3) The idea, not merely of the + sphericity of the earth, but an explicit conception of the antipodes, is + expressed. (4) A conception of the sanitary influence of the air is + clearly expressed. (5) An idea of the problems of generation and heredity + is shown, together with a distinct disavowal of the doctrine of + spontaneous generation—a doctrine which, it may be added, remained + in vogue, nevertheless, for some twenty-four hundred years after the time + of Pythagoras. (6) A remarkable analysis of mind is made, and a + distinction between animal minds and the human mind is based on this + analysis. The physiological doctrine that the heart is the organ of one + department of mind is offset by the clear statement that the remaining + factors of mind reside in the brain. This early recognition of brain as + the organ of mind must not be forgotten in our later studies. It should be + recalled, however, that a Crotonian physician, Alemaean, a younger + contemporary of Pythagoras, is also credited with the same theory. (7) A + knowledge of anatomy is at least vaguely foreshadowed in the assertion + that veins, arteries, and nerves are the links of the soul. In this + connection it should be recalled that Pythagoras was a practical + physician. + </p> + <p> + As against these scientific doctrines, however, some of them being at + least remarkable guesses at the truth, attention must be called to the + concluding paragraph of our quotation, in which the old familiar + daemonology is outlined, quite after the Oriental fashion. We shall have + occasion to say more as to this phase of the subject later on. Meantime, + before leaving Pythagoras, let us note that his practical studies of + humanity led him to assert the doctrine that "the property of friends is + common, and that friendship is equality." His disciples, we are told, used + to put all their possessions together in one store and use them in common. + Here, then, seemingly, is the doctrine of communism put to the test of + experiment at this early day. If it seem that reference to this carries us + beyond the bounds of science, it may be replied that questions such as + this will not lie beyond the bounds of the science of the near future. + </p> + <p> + XENOPHANES AND PARMENIDES + </p> + <p> + There is a whimsical tale about Pythagoras, according to which the + philosopher was wont to declare that in an earlier state he had visited + Hades, and had there seen Homer and Hesiod tortured because of the absurd + things they had said about the gods. Apocrypbal or otherwise, the tale + suggests that Pythagoras was an agnostic as regards the current Greek + religion of his time. The same thing is perhaps true of most of the great + thinkers of this earliest period. But one among them was remembered in + later times as having had a peculiar aversion to the anthropomorphic + conceptions of his fellows. This was Xenophanes, who was born at Colophon + probably about the year 580 B.C., and who, after a life of wandering, + settled finally in Italy and became the founder of the so-called Eleatic + School. + </p> + <p> + A few fragments of the philosophical poem in which Xenophanes expressed + his views have come down to us, and these fragments include a tolerably + definite avowal of his faith. "God is one supreme among gods and men, and + not like mortals in body or in mind," says Xenophanes. Again he asserts + that "mortals suppose that the gods are born (as they themselves are), + that they wear man's clothing and have human voice and body; but," he + continues, "if cattle or lions had hands so as to paint with their hands + and produce works of art as men do, they would paint their gods and give + them bodies in form like their own—horses like horses, cattle like + cattle." Elsewhere he says, with great acumen: "There has not been a man, + nor will there be, who knows distinctly what I say about the gods or in + regard to all things. For even if one chance for the most part to say what + is true, still he would not know; but every one thinks that he knows."(6) + </p> + <p> + In the same spirit Xenophanes speaks of the battles of Titans, of giants, + and of centaurs as "fictions of former ages." All this tells of the + questioning spirit which distinguishes the scientific investigator. + Precisely whither this spirit led him we do not know, but the writers of a + later time have preserved a tradition regarding a belief of Xenophanes + that perhaps entitles him to be considered the father of geology. Thus + Hippolytus records that Xenophanes studied the fossils to be found in + quarries, and drew from their observation remarkable conclusions. His + words are as follows: "Xenophanes believes that once the earth was mingled + with the sea, but in the course of time it became freed from moisture; and + his proofs are such as these: that shells are found in the midst of the + land and among the mountains, that in the quarries of Syracuse the + imprints of a fish and of seals had been found, and in Paros the imprint + of an anchovy at some depth in the stone, and in Melite shallow + impressions of all sorts of sea products. He says that these imprints were + made when everything long ago was covered with mud, and then the imprint + dried in the mud. Further, he says that all men will be destroyed when the + earth sinks into the sea and becomes mud, and that the race will begin + anew from the beginning; and this transformation takes place for all + worlds."(7) Here, then, we see this earliest of paleontologists studying + the fossil-bearing strata of the earth, and drawing from his observations + a marvellously scientific induction. Almost two thousand years later + another famous citizen of Italy, Leonardo da Vinci, was independently to + think out similar conclusions from like observations. But not until the + nineteenth century of our era, some twenty-four hundred years after the + time of Xenophanes, was the old Greek's doctrine to be accepted by the + scientific world. The ideas of Xenophanes were known to his contemporaries + and, as we see, quoted for a few centuries by his successors, then they + were ignored or quite forgotten; and if any philosopher of an ensuing age + before the time of Leonardo championed a like rational explanation of the + fossils, we have no record of the fact. The geological doctrine of + Xenophanes, then, must be listed among those remarkable Greek + anticipations of nineteenth-century science which suffered almost total + eclipse in the intervening centuries. + </p> + <p> + Among the pupils of Xenophanes was Parmenides, the thinker who was + destined to carry on the work of his master along the same scientific + lines, though at the same time mingling his scientific conceptions with + the mysticism of the poet. We have already had occasion to mention that + Parmenides championed the idea that the earth is round; noting also that + doubts exist as to whether he or Pythagoras originated this doctrine. No + explicit answer to this question can possibly be hoped for. It seems + clear, however, that for a long time the Italic School, to which both + these philosophers belonged, had a monopoly of the belief in question. + Parmenides, like Pythagoras, is credited with having believed in the + motion of the earth, though the evidence furnished by the writings of the + philosopher himself is not as demonstrative as one could wish. + Unfortunately, the copyists of a later age were more concerned with + metaphysical speculations than with more tangible things. But as far as + the fragmentary references to the ideas of Parmenides may be accepted, + they do not support the idea of the earth's motion. Indeed, Parmenides is + made to say explicitly, in preserved fragments, that "the world is + immovable, limited, and spheroidal in form."(8) + </p> + <p> + Nevertheless, some modern interpreters have found an opposite meaning in + Parmenides. Thus Ritter interprets him as supposing "that the earth is in + the centre spherical, and maintained in rotary motion by its + equiponderance; around it lie certain rings, the highest composed of the + rare element fire, the next lower a compound of light and darkness, and + lowest of all one wholly of night, which probably indicated to his mind + the surface of the earth, the centre of which again he probably considered + to be fire."(9) But this, like too many interpretations of ancient + thought, appears to read into the fragments ideas which the words + themselves do not warrant. There seems no reason to doubt, however, that + Parmenides actually held the doctrine of the earth's sphericity. Another + glimpse of his astronomical doctrines is furnished us by a fragment which + tells us that he conceived the morning and the evening stars to be the + same, a doctrine which, as we have seen, was ascribed also to Pythagoras. + Indeed, we may repeat that it is quite impossible to distinguish between + the astronomical doctrines of these two philosophers. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +The poem of Parmenides in which the cosmogonic speculations occur +treats also of the origin of man. The author seems to have had a clear +conception that intelligence depends on bodily organism, and that the +more elaborately developed the organism the higher the intelligence. +But in the interpretation of this thought we are hampered by the +characteristic vagueness of expression, which may best be evidenced by +putting before the reader two English translations of the same stanza. +Here is Ritter's rendering, as made into English by his translator, +Morrison: + + "For exactly as each has the state of his limbs many-jointed, +So invariably stands it with men in their mind and their reason; For the +system of limbs is that which thinketh in mankind Alike in all and in +each: for thought is the fulness."(10) +</pre> + <p> + The same stanza is given thus by George Henry Lewes: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Such as to each man is the nature of his many-jointed limbs, +Such also is the intelligence of each man; for it is The nature of limbs +(organization) which thinketh in men, Both in one and in all; for the +highest degree of organization gives the highest degree of thought."(11) +</pre> + <p> + Here it will be observed that there is virtual agreement between the + translators except as to the last clause, but that clause is most + essential. The Greek phrase is (gr to gar pleon esti nohma). Ritter, it + will be observed, renders this, "for thought is the fulness." Lewes + paraphrases it, "for the highest degree of organization gives the highest + degree of thought." The difference is intentional, since Lewes himself + criticises the translation of Ritter. Ritter's translation is certainly + the more literal, but the fact that such diversity is possible suggests + one of the chief elements of uncertainty that hamper our interpretation of + the thought of antiquity. Unfortunately, the mind of the commentator has + usually been directed towards such subtleties, rather than towards the + expression of precise knowledge. Hence it is that the philosophers of + Greece are usually thought of as mere dreamers, and that their true status + as scientific discoverers is so often overlooked. With these + intangibilities we have no present concern beyond this bare mention; for + us it suffices to gain as clear an idea as we may of the really scientific + conceptions of these thinkers, leaving the subtleties of their deductive + reasoning for the most part untouched. + </p> + <p> + EMPEDOCLES + </p> + <p> + The latest of the important pre-Socratic philosophers of the Italic school + was Empedocles, who was born about 494 B.C. and lived to the age of sixty. + These dates make Empedocles strictly contemporary with Anaxagoras, a fact + which we shall do well to bear in mind when we come to consider the + latter's philosophy in the succeeding chapter. Like Pythagoras, Empedocles + is an imposing figure. Indeed, there is much of similarity between the + personalities, as between the doctrines, of the two men. Empedocles, like + Pythagoras, was a physician; like him also he was the founder of a cult. + As statesman, prophet, physicist, physician, reformer, and poet he showed + a versatility that, coupled with profundity, marks the highest genius. In + point of versatility we shall perhaps hardly find his equal at a later day—unless, + indeed, an exception be made of Eratosthenes. The myths that have grown + about the name of Empedocles show that he was a remarkable personality. He + is said to have been an awe-inspiring figure, clothing himself in Oriental + splendor and moving among mankind as a superior being. Tradition has it + that he threw himself into the crater of a volcano that his otherwise + unexplained disappearance might lead his disciples to believe that he had + been miraculously translated; but tradition goes on to say that one of the + brazen slippers of the philosopher was thrown up by the volcano, thus + revealing his subterfuge. Another tradition of far more credible aspect + asserts that Empedocles retreated from Italy, returning to the home of his + fathers in Peloponnesus to die there obscurely. It seems odd that the + facts regarding the death of so great a man, at so comparatively late a + period, should be obscure; but this, perhaps, is in keeping with the + personality of the man himself. His disciples would hesitate to ascribe a + merely natural death to so inspired a prophet. + </p> + <p> + Empedocles appears to have been at once an observer and a dreamer. He is + credited with noting that the pressure of air will sustain the weight of + water in an inverted tube; with divining, without the possibility of + proof, that light has actual motion in space; and with asserting that + centrifugal motion must keep the heavens from falling. He is credited with + a great sanitary feat in the draining of a marsh, and his knowledge of + medicine was held to be supernatural. Fortunately, some fragments of the + writings of Empedocles have come down to us, enabling us to judge at first + hand as to part of his doctrines; while still more is known through the + references made to him by Plato, Aristotle, and other commentators. + Empedocles was a poet whose verses stood the test of criticism. In this + regard he is in a like position with Parmenides; but in neither case are + the preserved fragments sufficient to enable us fully to estimate their + author's scientific attainments. Philosophical writings are obscure enough + at the best, and they perforce become doubly so when expressed in verse. + Yet there are certain passages of Empedocles that are unequivocal and full + of interest. Perhaps the most important conception which the works of + Empedocles reveal to us is the denial of anthropomorphism as applied to + deity. We have seen how early the anthropomorphic conception was developed + and how closely it was all along clung to; to shake the mind free from it + then was a remarkable feat, in accomplishing which Empedocles took a long + step in the direction of rationalism. His conception is paralleled by that + of another physician, Alcmaeon, of Proton, who contended that man's ideas + of the gods amounted to mere suppositions at the very most. A + rationalistic or sceptical tendency has been the accompaniment of medical + training in all ages. + </p> + <p> + The words in which Empedocles expresses his conception of deity have been + preserved and are well worth quoting: "It is not impossible," he says, "to + draw near (to god) even with the eyes or to take hold of him with our + hands, which in truth is the best highway of persuasion in the mind of + man; for he has no human head fitted to a body, nor do two shoots branch + out from the trunk, nor has he feet, nor swift legs, nor hairy parts, but + he is sacred and ineffable mind alone, darting through the whole world + with swift thoughts."(8) + </p> + <p> + How far Empedocles carried his denial of anthropomorphism is illustrated + by a reference of Aristotle, who asserts "that Empedocles regards god as + most lacking in the power of perception; for he alone does not know one of + the elements, Strife (hence), of perishable things." It is difficult to + avoid the feeling that Empedocles here approaches the modern philosophical + conception that God, however postulated as immutable, must also be + postulated as unconscious, since intelligence, as we know it, is dependent + upon the transmutations of matter. But to urge this thought would be to + yield to that philosophizing tendency which has been the bane of + interpretation as applied to the ancient thinkers. + </p> + <p> + Considering for a moment the more tangible accomplishments of Empedocles, + we find it alleged that one of his "miracles" consisted of the + preservation of a dead body without putrefaction for some weeks after + death. We may assume from this that he had gained in some way a knowledge + of embalming. As he was notoriously fond of experiment, and as the body in + question (assuming for the moment the authenticity of the legend) must + have been preserved without disfigurement, it is conceivable even that he + had hit upon the idea of injecting the arteries. This, of course, is pure + conjecture; yet it finds a certain warrant, both in the fact that the + words of Pythagoras lead us to believe that the arteries were known and + studied, and in the fact that Empedocles' own words reveal him also as a + student of the vascular system. Thus Plutarch cites Empedocles as + believing "that the ruling part is not in the head or in the breast, but + in the blood; wherefore in whatever part of the body the more of this is + spread in that part men excel."(13) And Empedocles' own words, as + preserved by Stobaeus, assert "(the heart) lies in seas of blood which + dart in opposite directions, and there most of all intelligence centres + for men; for blood about the heart is intelligence in the case of man." + All this implies a really remarkable appreciation of the dependence of + vital activities upon the blood. + </p> + <p> + This correct physiological conception, however, was by no means the most + remarkable of the ideas to which Empedoeles was led by his anatomical + studies. His greatest accomplishment was to have conceived and clearly + expressed an idea which the modern evolutionist connotes when he speaks of + homologous parts—an idea which found a famous modern expositor in + Goethe, as we shall see when we come to deal with eighteenth-century + science. Empedocles expresses the idea in these words: "Hair, and leaves, + and thick feathers of birds, are the same thing in origin, and reptile + scales too on strong limbs. But on hedgehogs sharp-pointed hair bristles + on their backs."(14) That the idea of transmutation of parts, as well as + of mere homology, was in mind is evidenced by a very remarkable sentence + in which Aristotle asserts, "Empedocles says that fingernails rise from + sinew from hardening." Nor is this quite all, for surely we find the germ + of the Lamarckian conception of evolution through the transmission of + acquired characters in the assertion that "many characteristics appear in + animals because it happened to be thus in their birth, as that they have + such a spine because they happen to be descended from one that bent itself + backward."(15) Aristotle, in quoting this remark, asserts, with the + dogmatism which characterizes the philosophical commentators of every age, + that "Empedocles is wrong," in making this assertion; but Lamarck, who + lived twenty-three hundred years after Empedocles, is famous in the + history of the doctrine of evolution for elaborating this very idea. + </p> + <p> + It is fair to add, however, that the dreamings of Empedocles regarding the + origin of living organisms led him to some conceptions that were much less + luminous. On occasion, Empedocles the poet got the better of Empedocles + the scientist, and we are presented with a conception of creation as + grotesque as that which delighted the readers of Paradise Lost at a later + day. Empedocles assures us that "many heads grow up without necks, and + arms were wandering about, necks bereft of shoulders, and eyes roamed + about alone with no foreheads."(16) This chaotic condition, so the poet + dreamed, led to the union of many incongruous parts, producing "creatures + with double faces, offspring of oxen with human faces, and children of men + with oxen heads." But out of this chaos came, finally, we are led to + infer, a harmonious aggregation of parts, producing ultimately the + perfected organisms that we see. Unfortunately the preserved portions of + the writings of Empedocles do not enlighten us as to the precise way in + which final evolution was supposed to be effected; although the idea of + endless experimentation until natural selection resulted in survival of + the fittest seems not far afield from certain of the poetical assertions. + Thus: "As divinity was mingled yet more with divinity, these things (the + various members) kept coming together in whatever way each might chance." + Again: "At one time all the limbs which form the body united into one by + love grew vigorously in the prime of life; but yet at another time, + separated by evil Strife, they wander each in different directions along + the breakers of the sea of life. Just so is it with plants, and with + fishes dwelling in watery halls, and beasts whose lair is in the + mountains, and birds borne on wings."(17) + </p> + <p> + All this is poetry rather than science, yet such imaginings could come + only to one who was groping towards what we moderns should term an + evolutionary conception of the origins of organic life; and however + grotesque some of these expressions may appear, it must be admitted that + the morphological ideas of Empedocles, as above quoted, give the Sicilian + philosopher a secure place among the anticipators of the modern + evolutionist. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0009" id="link2H_4_0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + VII. GREEK SCIENCE IN THE EARLY ATTIC PERIOD + </h2> + <p> + We have travelled rather far in our study of Greek science, and yet we + have not until now come to Greece itself. And even now, the men whose + names we are to consider were, for the most part, born in out-lying + portions of the empire; they differed from the others we have considered + only in the fact that they were drawn presently to the capital. The change + is due to a most interesting sequence of historical events. In the day + when Thales and his immediate successors taught in Miletus, when the great + men of the Italic school were in their prime, there was no single + undisputed Centre of Greek influence. The Greeks were a disorganized + company of petty nations, welded together chiefly by unity of speech; but + now, early in the fifth century B.C., occurred that famous attack upon the + Western world by the Persians under Darius and his son and successor + Xerxes. A few months of battling determined the fate of the Western world. + The Orientals were hurled back; the glorious memories of Marathon, + Salamis, and Plataea stimulated the patriotism and enthusiasm of all + children of the Greek race. The Greeks, for the first time, occupied the + centre of the historical stage; for the brief interval of about half a + century the different Grecian principalities lived together in relative + harmony. One city was recognized as the metropolis of the loosely bound + empire; one city became the home of culture and the Mecca towards which + all eyes turned; that city, of course, was Athens. For a brief time all + roads led to Athens, as, at a later date, they all led to Rome. The + waterways which alone bound the widely scattered parts of Hellas into a + united whole led out from Athens and back to Athens, as the spokes of a + wheel to its hub. Athens was the commercial centre, and, largely for that + reason, it became the centre of culture and intellectual influence also. + The wise men from the colonies visited the metropolis, and the wise + Athenians went out to the colonies. Whoever aspired to become a leader in + politics, in art, in literature, or in philosophy, made his way to the + capital, and so, with almost bewildering suddenness, there blossomed the + civilization of the age of Pericles; the civilization which produced + aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, Herodotus, and Thucydides; the + civilization which made possible the building of the Parthenon. + </p> + <p> + ANAXAGORAS + </p> + <p> + Sometime during the early part of this golden age there came to Athens a + middle-aged man from Clazomenae, who, from our present stand-point, was a + more interesting personality than perhaps any other in the great galaxy of + remarkable men assembled there. The name of this new-comer was Anaxagoras. + It was said in after-time, we know not with what degree of truth, that he + had been a pupil of Anaximenes. If so, he was a pupil who departed far + from the teachings of his master. What we know for certain is that + Anaxagoras was a truly original thinker, and that he became a close friend—in + a sense the teacher—of Pericles and of Euripides. Just how long he + remained at Athens is not certain; but the time came when he had made + himself in some way objectionable to the Athenian populace through his + teachings. Filled with the spirit of the investigator, he could not accept + the current conceptions as to the gods. He was a sceptic, an innovator. + Such men are never welcome; they are the chief factors in the progress of + thought, but they must look always to posterity for recognition of their + worth; from their contemporaries they receive, not thanks, but + persecution. Sometimes this persecution takes one form, sometimes another; + to the credit of the Greeks be it said, that with them it usually led to + nothing more severe than banishment. In the case of Anaxagoras, it is + alleged that the sentence pronounced was death; but that, thanks to the + influence of Pericles, this sentence was commuted to banishment. In any + event, the aged philosopher was sent away from the city of his adoption. + He retired to Lampsacus. "It is not I that have lost the Athenians," he + said; "it is the Athenians that have lost me." + </p> + <p> + The exact position which Anaxagoras had among his contemporaries, and his + exact place in the development of philosophy, have always been somewhat in + dispute. It is not known, of a certainty, that he even held an open school + at Athens. Ritter thinks it doubtful that he did. It was his fate to be + misunderstood, or underestimated, by Aristotle; that in itself would have + sufficed greatly to dim his fame—might, indeed, have led to his + almost entire neglect had he not been a truly remarkable thinker. With + most of the questions that have exercised the commentators we have but + scant concern. Following Aristotle, most historians of philosophy have + been metaphysicians; they have concerned themselves far less with what the + ancient thinkers really knew than with what they thought. A chance using + of a verbal quibble, an esoteric phrase, the expression of a vague + mysticism—these would suffice to call forth reams of exposition. It + has been the favorite pastime of historians to weave their own + anachronistic theories upon the scanty woof of the half-remembered + thoughts of the ancient philosophers. To make such cloth of the + imagination as this is an alluring pastime, but one that must not divert + us here. Our point of view reverses that of the philosophers. We are + chiefly concerned, not with some vague saying of Anaxagoras, but with what + he really knew regarding the phenomena of nature; with what he observed, + and with the comprehensible deductions that he derived from his + observations. In attempting to answer these inquiries, we are obliged, in + part, to take our evidence at second-hand; but, fortunately, some + fragments of writings of Anaxagoras have come down to us. We are told that + he wrote only a single book. It was said even (by Diogenes) that he was + the first man that ever wrote a work in prose. The latter statement would + not bear too close an examination, yet it is true that no extensive prose + compositions of an earlier day than this have been preserved, though + numerous others are known by their fragments. Herodotus, "the father of + prose," was a slightly younger contemporary of the Clazomenaean + philosopher; not unlikely the two men may have met at Athens. + </p> + <p> + Notwithstanding the loss of the greater part of the writings of + Anaxagoras, however, a tolerably precise account of his scientific + doctrines is accessible. Diogenes Laertius expresses some of them in very + clear and precise terms. We have already pointed out the uncertainty that + attaches to such evidence as this, but it is as valid for Anaxagoras as + for another. If we reject such evidence, we shall often have almost + nothing left; in accepting it we may at least feel certain that we are + viewing the thinker as his contemporaries and immediate successors viewed + him. Following Diogenes, then, we shall find some remarkable scientific + opinions ascribed to Anaxagoras. "He asserted," we are told, "that the sun + was a mass of burning iron, greater than Peloponnesus, and that the moon + contained houses and also hills and ravines." In corroboration of this, + Plato represents him as having conjectured the right explanation of the + moon's light, and of the solar and lunar eclipses. He had other + astronomical theories that were more fanciful; thus "he said that the + stars originally moved about in irregular confusion, so that at first the + pole-star, which is continually visible, always appeared in the zenith, + but that afterwards it acquired a certain declination, and that the Milky + Way was a reflection of the light of the sun when the stars did not + appear. The comets he considered to be a concourse of planets emitting + rays, and the shooting-stars he thought were sparks, as it were, leaping + from the firmament." + </p> + <p> + Much of this is far enough from the truth, as we now know it, yet all of + it shows an earnest endeavor to explain the observed phenomena of the + heavens on rational principles. To have predicated the sun as a great + molten mass of iron was indeed a wonderful anticipation of the results of + the modern spectroscope. Nor can it be said that this hypothesis of + Anaxagoras was a purely visionary guess. It was in all probability a + scientific deduction from the observed character of meteoric stones. + Reference has already been made to the alleged prediction of the fall of + the famous meteor at aegespotomi by Anaxagoras. The assertion that he + actually predicted this fall in any proper sense of the word would be + obviously absurd. Yet the fact that his name is associated with it + suggests that he had studied similar meteorites, or else that he studied + this particular one, since it is not quite clear whether it was before or + after this fall that he made the famous assertion that space is full of + falling stones. We should stretch the probabilities were we to assert that + Anaxagoras knew that shooting-stars and meteors were the same, yet there + is an interesting suggestiveness in his likening the shooting-stars to + sparks leaping from the firmament, taken in connection with his + observation on meteorites. Be this as it may, the fact that something + which falls from heaven as a blazing light turns out to be an iron-like + mass may very well have suggested to the most rational of thinkers that + the great blazing light called the sun has the same composition. This idea + grasped, it was a not unnatural extension to conceive the other heavenly + bodies as having the same composition. + </p> + <p> + This led to a truly startling thought. Since the heavenly bodies are of + the same composition as the earth, and since they are observed to be + whirling about the earth in space, may we not suppose that they were once + a part of the earth itself, and that they have been thrown off by the + force of a whirling motion? Such was the conclusion which Anaxagoras + reached; such his explanation of the origin of the heavenly bodies. It was + a marvellous guess. Deduct from it all that recent science has shown to be + untrue; bear in mind that the stars are suns, compared with which the + earth is a mere speck of dust; recall that the sun is parent, not + daughter, of the earth, and despite all these deductions, the cosmogonic + guess of Anaxagoras remains, as it seems to us, one of the most marvellous + feats of human intelligence. It was the first explanation of the cosmic + bodies that could be called, in any sense, an anticipation of what the + science of our own day accepts as a true explanation of cosmic origins. + Moreover, let us urge again that this was no mere accidental flight of the + imagination; it was a scientific induction based on the only data + available; perhaps it is not too much to say that it was the only + scientific induction which these data would fairly sustain. Of course it + is not for a moment to be inferred that Anaxagoras understood, in the + modern sense, the character of that whirling force which we call + centrifugal. About two thousand years were yet to elapse before that force + was explained as elementary inertia; and even that explanation, let us not + forget, merely sufficed to push back the barriers of mystery by one other + stage; for even in our day inertia is a statement of fact rather than an + explanation. + </p> + <p> + But however little Anaxagoras could explain the centrifugal force on + mechanical principles, the practical powers of that force were + sufficiently open to his observation. The mere experiment of throwing a + stone from a sling would, to an observing mind, be full of suggestiveness. + It would be obvious that by whirling the sling about, the stone which it + held would be sustained in its circling path about the hand in seeming + defiance of the earth's pull, and after the stone had left the sling, it + could fly away from the earth to a distance which the most casual + observation would prove to be proportionate to the speed of its flight. + Extremely rapid motion, then, might project bodies from the earth's + surface off into space; a sufficiently rapid whirl would keep them there. + Anaxagoras conceived that this was precisely what had occurred. His + imagination even carried him a step farther—to a conception of a + slackening of speed, through which the heavenly bodies would lose their + centrifugal force, and, responding to the perpetual pull of gravitation, + would fall back to the earth, just as the great stone at aegespotomi had + been observed to do. + </p> + <p> + Here we would seem to have a clear conception of the idea of universal + gravitation, and Anaxagoras stands before us as the anticipator of Newton. + Were it not for one scientific maxim, we might exalt the old Greek above + the greatest of modern natural philosophers; but that maxim bids us pause. + It is phrased thus, "He discovers who proves." Anaxagoras could not prove; + his argument was at best suggestive, not demonstrative. He did not even + know the laws which govern falling bodies; much less could he apply such + laws, even had he known them, to sidereal bodies at whose size and + distance he could only guess in the vaguest terms. Still his cosmogonic + speculation remains as perhaps the most remarkable one of antiquity. How + widely his speculation found currency among his immediate successors is + instanced in a passage from Plato, where Socrates is represented as + scornfully answering a calumniator in these terms: "He asserts that I say + the sun is a stone and the moon an earth. Do you think of accusing + Anaxagoras, Miletas, and have you so low an opinion of these men, and + think them so unskilled in laws, as not to know that the books of + Anaxagoras the Clazomenaean are full of these doctrines. And forsooth the + young men are learning these matters from me which sometimes they can buy + from the orchestra for a drachma, at the most, and laugh at Socrates if he + pretends they are his-particularly seeing they are so strange." + </p> + <p> + The element of error contained in these cosmogonic speculations of + Anaxagoras has led critics to do them something less than justice. But + there is one other astronomical speculation for which the Clazomenaean + philosopher has received full credit. It is generally admitted that it was + he who first found out the explanation of the phases of the moon; a + knowledge that that body shines only by reflected light, and that its + visible forms, waxing and waning month by month from crescent to disk and + from disk to crescent, merely represent our shifting view of its + sun-illumined face. It is difficult to put ourselves in the place of the + ancient observer and realize how little the appearances suggest the actual + fact. That a body of the same structure as the earth should shine with the + radiance of the moon merely because sunlight is reflected from it, is in + itself a supposition seemingly contradicted by ordinary experience. It + required the mind of a philosopher, sustained, perhaps, by some + experimental observations, to conceive the idea that what seems so + obviously bright may be in reality dark. The germ of the conception of + what the philosopher speaks of as the noumena, or actualities, back of + phenomena or appearances, had perhaps this crude beginning. Anaxagoras + could surely point to the moon in support of his seeming paradox that + snow, being really composed of water, which is dark, is in reality black + and not white—a contention to which we shall refer more at length in + a moment. + </p> + <p> + But there is yet another striking thought connected with this new + explanation of the phases of the moon. The explanation implies not merely + the reflection of light by a dark body, but by a dark body of a particular + form. Granted that reflections are in question, no body but a spherical + one could give an appearance which the moon presents. The moon, then, is + not merely a mass of earth, it is a spherical mass of earth. Here there + were no flaws in the reasoning of Anaxagoras. By scientific induction he + passed from observation to explanation. A new and most important element + was added to the science of astronomy. + </p> + <p> + Looking back from the latter-day stand-point, it would seem as if the mind + of the philosopher must have taken one other step: the mind that had + conceived sun, moon, stars, and earth to be of one substance might + naturally, we should think, have reached out to the further induction + that, since the moon is a sphere, the other cosmic bodies, including the + earth, must be spheres also. But generalizer as he was, Anaxagoras was too + rigidly scientific a thinker to make this assumption. The data at his + command did not, as he analyzed them, seem to point to this conclusion. We + have seen that Pythagoras probably, and Parmenides surely, out there in + Italy had conceived the idea of the earth's rotundity, but the Pythagorean + doctrines were not rapidly taken up in the mother-country, and Parmenides, + it must be recalled, was a strict contemporary of Anaxagoras himself. It + is no reproach, therefore, to the Clazomenaean philosopher that he should + have held to the old idea that the earth is flat, or at most a convex disk—the + latter being the Babylonian conception which probably dominated that + Milesian school to which Anaxagoras harked back. + </p> + <p> + Anaxagoras may never have seen an eclipse of the moon, and even if he had + he might have reflected that, from certain directions, a disk may throw + precisely the same shadow as a sphere. Moreover, in reference to the + shadow cast by the earth, there was, so Anaxagoras believed, an + observation open to him nightly which, we may well suppose, was not + without influence in suggesting to his mind the probable shape of the + earth. The Milky Way, which doubtless had puzzled astronomers from the + beginnings of history and which was to continue to puzzle them for many + centuries after the day of Anaxagoras, was explained by the Clazomenaean + philosopher on a theory obviously suggested by the theory of the moon's + phases. Since the earth-like moon shines by reflected light at night, and + since the stars seem obviously brighter on dark nights, Anaxagoras was but + following up a perfectly logical induction when he propounded the theory + that the stars in the Milky Way seem more numerous and brighter than those + of any other part of the heavens, merely because the Milky Way marks the + shadow of the earth. Of course the inference was wrong, so far as the + shadow of the earth is concerned; yet it contained a part truth, the force + of which was never fully recognized until the time of Galileo. This + consists in the assertion that the brightness of the Milky Way is merely + due to the glow of many stars. The shadow-theory of Anaxagoras would + naturally cease to have validity so soon as the sphericity of the earth + was proved, and with it, seemingly, fell for the time the companion theory + that the Milky Way is made up of a multitude of stars. + </p> + <p> + It has been said by a modern critic(1) that the shadow-theory was childish + in that it failed to note that the Milky Way does not follow the course of + the ecliptic. But this criticism only holds good so long as we reflect on + the true character of the earth as a symmetrical body poised in space. It + is quite possible to conceive a body occupying the position of the earth + with reference to the sun which would cast a shadow having such a tenuous + form as the Milky Way presents. Such a body obviously would not be a + globe, but a long-drawn-out, attenuated figure. There is, to be sure, no + direct evidence preserved to show that Anaxagoras conceived the world to + present such a figure as this, but what we know of that philosopher's + close-reasoning, logical mind gives some warrant to the assumption—gratuitous + though in a sense it be—that the author of the theory of the moon's + phases had not failed to ask himself what must be the form of that + terrestrial body which could cast the tenuous shadow of the Milky Way. + Moreover, we must recall that the habitable earth, as known to the Greeks + of that day, was a relatively narrow band of territory, stretching far to + the east and to the west. + </p> + <p> + Anaxagoras as Meteorologist + </p> + <p> + The man who had studied the meteorite of aegospotami, and been put by it + on the track of such remarkable inductions, was, naturally, not oblivious + to the other phenomena of the atmosphere. Indeed, such a mind as that of + Anaxagoras was sure to investigate all manner of natural phenomena, and + almost equally sure to throw new light on any subject that it + investigated. Hence it is not surprising to find Anaxagoras credited with + explaining the winds as due to the rarefactions of the atmosphere produced + by the sun. This explanation gives Anaxagoras full right to be called "the + father of meteorology," a title which, it may be, no one has thought of + applying to him, chiefly because the science of meteorology did not make + its real beginnings until some twenty-four hundred years after the death + of its first great votary. Not content with explaining the winds, this + prototype of Franklin turned his attention even to the tipper atmosphere. + "Thunder," he is reputed to have said, "was produced by the collision of + the clouds, and lightning by the rubbing together of the clouds." We dare + not go so far as to suggest that this implies an association in the mind + of Anaxagoras between the friction of the clouds and the observed + electrical effects generated by the friction of such a substance as amber. + To make such a suggestion doubtless would be to fall victim to the old + familiar propensity to read into Homer things that Homer never knew. Yet + the significant fact remains that Anaxagoras ascribed to thunder and to + lightning their true position as strictly natural phenomena. For him it + was no god that menaced humanity with thundering voice and the flash of + his divine fires from the clouds. Little wonder that the thinker whose + science carried him to such scepticism as this should have felt the wrath + of the superstitious Athenians. + </p> + <p> + Biological Speculations + </p> + <p> + Passing from the phenomena of the air to those of the earth itself, we + learn that Anaxagoras explained an earthquake as being produced by the + returning of air into the earth. We cannot be sure as to the exact meaning + here, though the idea that gases are imprisoned in the substance of the + earth seems not far afield. But a far more remarkable insight than this + would imply was shown by Anaxagoras when he asserted that a certain amount + of air is contained in water, and that fishes breathe this air. The + passage of Aristotle in which this opinion is ascribed to Anaxagoras is of + sufficient interest to be quoted at length: + </p> + <p> + "Democritus, of Abdera," says Aristotle, "and some others, that have + spoken concerning respiration, have determined nothing concerning other + animals, but seem to have supposed that all animals respire. But + Anaxagoras and Diogenes (Apolloniates), who say that all animals respire, + have also endeavored to explain how fishes, and all those animals that + have a hard, rough shell, such as oysters, mussels, etc., respire. And + Anaxagoras, indeed, says that fishes, when they emit water through their + gills, attract air from the mouth to the vacuum in the viscera from the + water which surrounds the mouth; as if air was inherent in the water."(2) + </p> + <p> + It should be recalled that of the three philosophers thus mentioned as + contending that all animals respire, Anaxagoras was the elder; he, + therefore, was presumably the originator of the idea. It will be observed, + too, that Anaxagoras alone is held responsible for the idea that fishes + respire air through their gills, "attracting" it from the water. This + certainly was one of the shrewdest physiological guesses of any age, if it + be regarded as a mere guess. With greater justice we might refer to it as + a profound deduction from the principle of the uniformity of nature. + </p> + <p> + In making such a deduction, Anaxagoras was far in advance of his time as + illustrated by the fact that Aristotle makes the citation we have just + quoted merely to add that "such things are impossible," and to refute + these "impossible" ideas by means of metaphysical reasonings that seemed + demonstrative not merely to himself, but to many generations of his + followers. + </p> + <p> + We are told that Anaxagoras alleged that all animals were originally + generated out of moisture, heat, and earth particles. Just what opinion he + held concerning man's development we are not informed. Yet there is one of + his phrases which suggests—without, perhaps, quite proving—that + he was an evolutionist. This phrase asserts, with insight that is fairly + startling, that man is the most intelligent of animals because he has + hands. The man who could make that assertion must, it would seem, have had + in mind the idea of the development of intelligence through the use of + hands—an idea the full force of which was not evident to subsequent + generations of thinkers until the time of Darwin. + </p> + <p> + Physical Speculations + </p> + <p> + Anaxagoras is cited by Aristotle as believing that "plants are animals and + feel pleasure and pain, inferring this because they shed their leaves and + let them grow again." The idea is fanciful, yet it suggests again a truly + philosophical conception of the unity of nature. The man who could + conceive that idea was but little hampered by traditional conceptions. He + was exercising a rare combination of the rigidly scientific spirit with + the poetical imagination. He who possesses these gifts is sure not to stop + in his questionings of nature until he has found some thinkable + explanation of the character of matter itself. Anaxagoras found such an + explanation, and, as good luck would have it, that explanation has been + preserved. Let us examine his reasoning in some detail. We have already + referred to the claim alleged to have been made by Anaxagoras that snow is + not really white, but black. The philosopher explained his paradox, we are + told, by asserting that snow is really water, and that water is dark, when + viewed under proper conditions—as at the bottom of a well. That idea + contains the germ of the Clazomenaean philosopher's conception of the + nature of matter. Indeed, it is not unlikely that this theory of matter + grew out of his observation of the changing forms of water. He seems + clearly to have grasped the idea that snow on the one hand, and vapor on + the other, are of the same intimate substance as the water from which they + are derived and into which they may be again transformed. The fact that + steam and snow can be changed back into water, and by simple manipulation + cannot be changed into any other substance, finds, as we now believe, its + true explanation in the fact that the molecular structure, as we phrase it—that + is to say, the ultimate particle of which water is composed, is not + changed, and this is precisely the explanation which Anaxagoras gave of + the same phenomena. For him the unit particle of water constituted an + elementary body, uncreated, unchangeable, indestructible. This particle, + in association with like particles, constitutes the substance which we + call water. The same particle in association with particles unlike itself, + might produce totally different substances—as, for example, when + water is taken up by the roots of a plant and becomes, seemingly, a part + of the substance of the plant. But whatever the changed association, so + Anaxagoras reasoned, the ultimate particle of water remains a particle of + water still. And what was true of water was true also, so he conceived, of + every other substance. Gold, silver, iron, earth, and the various + vegetables and animal tissues—in short, each and every one of all + the different substances with which experience makes us familiar, is made + up of unit particles which maintain their integrity in whatever + combination they may be associated. This implies, obviously, a multitude + of primordial particles, each one having an individuality of its own; each + one, like the particle of water already cited, uncreated, unchangeable, + and indestructible. + </p> + <p> + Fortunately, we have the philosopher's own words to guide us as to his + speculations here. The fragments of his writings that have come down to us + (chiefly through the quotations of Simplicius) deal almost exclusively + with these ultimate conceptions of his imagination. In ascribing to him, + then, this conception of diverse, uncreated, primordial elements, which + can never be changed, but can only be mixed together to form substances of + the material world, we are not reading back post-Daltonian knowledge into + the system of Anaxagoras. Here are his words: "The Greeks do not rightly + use the terms 'coming into being' and 'perishing.' For nothing comes into + being, nor, yet, does anything perish; but there is mixture and separation + of things that are. So they would do right in calling 'coming into being' + 'mixture' and 'perishing' 'separation.' For how could hair come from what + is not hair? Or flesh from what is not flesh?" + </p> + <p> + Elsewhere he tells us that (at one stage of the world's development) "the + dense, the moist, the cold, the dark, collected there where now is earth; + the rare, the warm, the dry, the bright, departed towards the further part + of the aether. The earth is condensed out of these things that are + separated, for water is separated from the clouds, and earth from the + water; and from the earth stones are condensed by the cold, and these are + separated farther from the water." Here again the influence of heat and + cold in determining physical qualities is kept pre-eminently in mind. The + dense, the moist, the cold, the dark are contrasted with the rare, the + warm, the dry, and bright; and the formation of stones is spoken of as a + specific condensation due to the influence of cold. Here, then, we have + nearly all the elements of the Daltonian theory of atoms on the one hand, + and the nebular hypothesis of Laplace on the other. But this is not quite + all. In addition to such diverse elementary particles as those of gold, + water, and the rest, Anaxagoras conceived a species of particles differing + from all the others, not merely as they differ from one another, but + constituting a class by themselves; particles infinitely smaller than the + others; particles that are described as infinite, self-powerful, mixed + with nothing, but existing alone. That is to say (interpreting the theory + in the only way that seems plausible), these most minute particles do not + mix with the other primordial particles to form material substances in the + same way in which these mixed with one another. But, on the other hand, + these "infinite, self-powerful, and unmixed" particles commingle + everywhere and in every substance whatever with the mixed particles that + go to make up the substances. + </p> + <p> + There is a distinction here, it will be observed, which at once suggests + the modern distinction between physical processes and chemical processes, + or, putting it otherwise, between molecular processes and atomic + processes; but the reader must be guarded against supposing that + Anaxagoras had any such thought as this in mind. His ultimate mixable + particles can be compared only with the Daltonian atom, not with the + molecule of the modern physicist, and his "infinite, self-powerful, and + unmixable" particles are not comparable with anything but the ether of the + modern physicist, with which hypothetical substance they have many points + of resemblance. But the "infinite, self-powerful, and unmixed" particles + constituting thus an ether-like plenum which permeates all material + structures, have also, in the mind of Anaxagoras, a function which carries + them perhaps a stage beyond the province of the modern ether. For these + "infinite, self powerful, and unmixed" particles are imbued with, and, + indeed, themselves constitute, what Anaxagoras terms nous, a word which + the modern translator has usually paraphrased as "mind." Neither that word + nor any other available one probably conveys an accurate idea of what + Anaxagoras meant to imply by the word nous. For him the word meant not + merely "mind" in the sense of receptive and comprehending intelligence, + but directive and creative intelligence as well. Again let Anaxagoras + speak for himself: "Other things include a portion of everything, but nous + is infinite, and self-powerful, and mixed with nothing, but it exists + alone, itself by itself. For if it were not by itself, but were mixed with + anything else, it would include parts of all things, if it were mixed with + anything; for a portion of everything exists in every thing, as has been + said by me before, and things mingled with it would prevent it from having + power over anything in the same way that it does now that it is alone by + itself. For it is the most rarefied of all things and the purest, and it + has all knowledge in regard to everything and the greatest power; over all + that has life, both greater and less, nous rules. And nous ruled the + rotation of the whole, so that it set it in rotation in the beginning. + First it began the rotation from a small beginning, then more and more was + included in the motion, and yet more will be included. Both the mixed and + the separated and distinct, all things nous recognized. And whatever + things were to be, and whatever things were, as many as are now, and + whatever things shall be, all these nous arranged in order; and it + arranged that rotation, according to which now rotate stars and sun and + moon and air and aether, now that they are separated. Rotation itself + caused the separation, and the dense is separated from the rare, the warm + from the cold, the bright from the dark, the dry from the moist. And when + nous began to set things in motion, there was separation from everything + that was in motion, all this was made distinct. The rotation of the things + that were moved and made distinct caused them to be yet more distinct."(3) + </p> + <p> + Nous, then, as Anaxagoras conceives it, is "the most rarefied of all + things, and the purest, and it has knowledge in regard to everything and + the greatest power; over all that has life, both greater and less, it + rules." But these are postulants of omnipresence and omniscience. In other + words, nous is nothing less than the omnipotent artificer of the material + universe. It lacks nothing of the power of deity, save only that we are + not assured that it created the primordial particles. The creation of + these particles was a conception that for Anaxagoras, as for the modern + Spencer, lay beyond the range of imagination. Nous is the artificer, + working with "uncreated" particles. Back of nous and the particles lies, + for an Anaxagoras as for a Spencer, the Unknowable. But nous itself is the + equivalent of that universal energy of motion which science recognizes as + operating between the particles of matter, and which the theologist + personifies as Deity. It is Pantheistic deity as Anaxagoras conceives it; + his may be called the first scientific conception of a non-anthropomorphic + god. In elaborating this conception Anaxagoras proved himself one of the + most remarkable scientific dreamers of antiquity. To have substituted for + the Greek Pantheon of anthropomorphic deities the conception of a + non-anthropomorphic immaterial and ethereal entity, of all things in the + world "the most rarefied and the purest," is to have performed a feat + which, considering the age and the environment in which it was + accomplished, staggers the imagination. As a strictly scientific + accomplishment the great thinker's conception of primordial elements + contained a germ of the truth which was to lie dormant for 2200 years, but + which then, as modified and vitalized by the genius of Dalton, was to + dominate the new chemical science of the nineteenth century. If there are + intimations that the primordial element of Anaxagoras and of Dalton may + turn out in the near future to be itself a compound, there will still + remain the yet finer particles of the nous of Anaxagoras to baffle the + most subtle analysis of which to-day's science gives us any pre-vision. + All in all, then, the work of Anaxagoras must stand as that of perhaps the + most far-seeing scientific imagination of pre-Socratic antiquity. + </p> + <p> + LEUCIPPUS AND DEMOCRITUS + </p> + <p> + But we must not leave this alluring field of speculation as to the nature + of matter without referring to another scientific guess, which soon + followed that of Anaxagoras and was destined to gain even wider fame, and + which in modern times has been somewhat unjustly held to eclipse the glory + of the other achievement. We mean, of course, the atomic theory of + Leucippus and Democritus. This theory reduced all matter to primordial + elements, called atoms (gr atoma) because they are by hypothesis incapable + of further division. These atoms, making up the entire material universe, + are in this theory conceived as qualitatively identical, differing from + one another only in size and perhaps in shape. The union of + different-sized atoms in endless combinations produces the diverse + substances with which our senses make us familiar. + </p> + <p> + Before we pass to a consideration of this alluring theory, and + particularly to a comparison of it with the theory of Anaxagoras, we must + catch a glimpse of the personality of the men to whom the theory owes its + origin. One of these, Leucippus, presents so uncertain a figure as to be + almost mythical. Indeed, it was long questioned whether such a man had + actually lived, or whether he were not really an invention of his alleged + disciple, Democritus. Latterday scholarship, however, accepts him as a + real personage, though knowing scarcely more of him than that he was the + author of the famous theory with which his name was associated. It is + suggested that he was a wanderer, like most philosophers of his time, and + that later in life he came to Abdera, in Thrace, and through this + circumstance became the teacher of Democritus. This fable answers as well + as another. What we really know is that Democritus himself, through whose + writings and teachings the atomic theory gained vogue, was born in Abdera, + about the year 460 B.C.—that is to say, just about the time when his + great precursor, Anaxagoras, was migrating to Athens. Democritus, like + most others of the early Greek thinkers, lives in tradition as a + picturesque figure. It is vaguely reported that he travelled for a time, + perhaps in the East and in Egypt, and that then he settled down to spend + the remainder of his life in Abdera. Whether or not he visited Athens in + the course of his wanderings we do not know. At Abdera he was revered as a + sage, but his influence upon the practical civilization of the time was + not marked. He was pre-eminently a dreamer and a writer. Like his + confreres of the epoch, he entered all fields of thought. He wrote + voluminously, but, unfortunately, his writings have, for the most part, + perished. The fables and traditions of a later day asserted that + Democritus had voluntarily put out his own eyes that he might turn his + thoughts inward with more concentration. Doubtless this is fiction, yet, + as usual with such fictions, it contains a germ of truth; for we may well + suppose that the promulgator of the atomic theory was a man whose mind was + attracted by the subtleties of thought rather than by the tangibilities of + observation. Yet the term "laughing philosopher," which seems to have been + universally applied to Democritus, suggests a mind not altogether + withdrawn from the world of practicalities. + </p> + <p> + So much for Democritus the man. Let us return now to his theory of atoms. + This theory, it must be confessed, made no very great impression upon his + contemporaries. It found an expositor, a little later, in the philosopher + Epicurus, and later still the poet Lucretius gave it popular expression. + But it seemed scarcely more than the dream of a philosopher or the vagary + of a poet until the day when modern science began to penetrate the + mysteries of matter. When, finally, the researches of Dalton and his + followers had placed the atomic theory on a surer footing as the + foundation of modern chemistry, the ideas of the old laughing philosopher + of Abdera, which all along had been half derisively remembered, were + recalled with a new interest. Now it appeared that these ideas had + curiously foreshadowed nineteenth-century knowledge. It appeared that away + back in the fifth century B.C. a man had dreamed out a conception of the + ultimate nature of matter which had waited all these centuries for + corroboration. And now the historians of philosophy became more than + anxious to do justice to the memory of Democritus. + </p> + <p> + It is possible that this effort at poetical restitution has carried the + enthusiast too far. There is, indeed, a curious suggestiveness in the + theory of Democritus; there is philosophical allurement in his reduction + of all matter to a single element; it contains, it may be, not merely a + germ of the science of the nineteenth-century chemistry, but perhaps the + germs also of the yet undeveloped chemistry of the twentieth century. Yet + we dare suggest that in their enthusiasm for the atomic theory of + Democritus the historians of our generation have done something less than + justice to that philosopher's precursor, Anaxagoras. And one suspects that + the mere accident of a name has been instrumental in producing this + result. Democritus called his primordial element an atom; Anaxagoras, too, + conceived a primordial element, but he called it merely a seed or thing; + he failed to christen it distinctively. Modern science adopted the word + atom and gave it universal vogue. It owed a debt of gratitude to + Democritus for supplying it the word, but it somewhat overpaid the debt in + too closely linking the new meaning of the word with its old original one. + For, let it be clearly understood, the Daltonian atom is not precisely + comparable with the atom of Democritus. The atom, as Democritus conceived + it, was monistic; all atoms, according to this hypothesis, are of the same + substance; one atom differs from another merely in size and shape, but not + at all in quality. But the Daltonian hypothesis conceived, and nearly all + the experimental efforts of the nineteenth century seemed to prove, that + there are numerous classes of atoms, each differing in its very essence + from the others. + </p> + <p> + As the case stands to-day the chemist deals with seventy-odd substances, + which he calls elements. Each one of these substances is, as he conceives + it, made up of elementary atoms having a unique personality, each + differing in quality from all the others. As far as experiment has thus + far safely carried us, the atom of gold is a primordial element which + remains an atom of gold and nothing else, no matter with what other atoms + it is associated. So, too, of the atom of silver, or zinc, or sodium—in + short, of each and every one of the seventy-odd elements. There are, + indeed, as we shall see, experiments that suggest the dissolution of the + atom—that suggest, in short, that the Daltonian atom is misnamed, + being a structure that may, under certain conditions, be broken asunder. + But these experiments have, as yet, the warrant rather of philosophy than + of pure science, and to-day we demand that the philosophy of science shall + be the handmaid of experiment. + </p> + <p> + When experiment shall have demonstrated that the Daltonian atom is a + compound, and that in truth there is but a single true atom, which, + combining with its fellows perhaps in varying numbers and in different + special relations, produces the Daltonian atoms, then the philosophical + theory of monism will have the experimental warrant which to-day it lacks; + then we shall be a step nearer to the atom of Democritus in one direction, + a step farther away in the other. We shall be nearer, in that the + conception of Democritus was, in a sense, monistic; farther away, in that + all the atoms of Democritus, large and small alike, were considered as + permanently fixed in size. Democritus postulated all his atoms as of the + same substance, differing not at all in quality; yet he was obliged to + conceive that the varying size of the atoms gave to them varying functions + which amounted to qualitative differences. He might claim for his largest + atom the same quality of substance as for his smallest, but so long as he + conceived that the large atoms, when adjusted together to form a tangible + substance, formed a substance different in quality from the substance + which the small atoms would make up when similarly grouped, this + concession amounts to the predication of difference of quality between the + atoms themselves. The entire question reduces itself virtually to a + quibble over the word quality, So long as one atom conceived to be + primordial and indivisible is conceded to be of such a nature as + necessarily to produce a different impression on our senses, when grouped + with its fellows, from the impression produced by other atoms when + similarly grouped, such primordial atoms do differ among themselves in + precisely the same way for all practical purposes as do the primordial + elements of Anaxagoras. + </p> + <p> + The monistic conception towards which twentieth-century chemistry seems to + be carrying us may perhaps show that all the so-called atoms are + compounded of a single element. All the true atoms making up that element + may then properly be said to have the same quality, but none the less will + it remain true that the combinations of that element that go to make up + the different Daltonian atoms differ from one another in quality in + precisely the same sense in which such tangible substances as gold, and + oxygen, and mercury, and diamonds differ from one another. In the last + analysis of the monistic philosophy, there is but one substance and one + quality in the universe. In the widest view of that philosophy, gold and + oxygen and mercury and diamonds are one substance, and, if you please, one + quality. But such refinements of analysis as this are for the + transcendental philosopher, and not for the scientist. Whatever the + allurement of such reasoning, we must for the purpose of science let words + have a specific meaning, nor must we let a mere word-jugglery blind us to + the evidence of facts. That was the rock on which Greek science foundered; + it is the rock which the modern helmsman sometimes finds it difficult to + avoid. And if we mistake not, this case of the atom of Democritus is + precisely a case in point. Because Democritus said that his atoms did not + differ in quality, the modern philosopher has seen in his theory the + essentials of monism; has discovered in it not merely a forecast of the + chemistry of the nineteenth century, but a forecast of the hypothetical + chemistry of the future. And, on the other hand, because Anaxagoras + predicted a different quality for his primordial elements, the philosopher + of our day has discredited the primordial element of Anaxagoras. + </p> + <p> + Yet if our analysis does not lead us astray, the theory of Democritus was + not truly monistic; his indestructible atoms, differing from one another + in size and shape, utterly incapable of being changed from the form which + they had maintained from the beginning, were in reality as truly and + primordially different as are the primordial elements of Anaxagoras. In + other words, the atom of Democritus is nothing less than the primordial + seed of Anaxagoras, a little more tangibly visualized and given a + distinctive name. Anaxagoras explicitly conceived his elements as + invisibly small, as infinite in number, and as made up of an indefinite + number of kinds—one for each distinctive substance in the world. But + precisely the same postulates are made of the atom of Democritus. These + also are invisibly small; these also are infinite in number; these also + are made up of an indefinite number of kinds, corresponding with the + observed difference of substances in the world. "Primitive seeds," or + "atoms," were alike conceived to be primordial, un-changeable, and + indestructible. Wherein then lies the difference? We answer, chiefly in a + name; almost solely in the fact that Anaxagoras did not attempt to + postulate the physical properties of the elements beyond stating that each + has a distinctive personality, while Democritus did attempt to postulate + these properties. He, too, admitted that each kind of element has its + distinctive personality, and he attempted to visualize and describe the + characteristics of the personality. + </p> + <p> + Thus while Anaxagoras tells us nothing of his elements except that they + differ from one another, Democritus postulates a difference in size, + imagines some elements as heavier and some as lighter, and conceives even + that the elements may be provided with projecting hooks, with the aid of + which they link themselves one with another. No one to-day takes these + crude visualizings seriously as to their details. The sole element of + truth which these dreamings contain, as distinguishing them from the + dreamings of Anaxagoras, is in the conception that the various atoms + differ in size and weight. Here, indeed, is a vague fore-shadowing of that + chemistry of form which began to come into prominence towards the close of + the nineteenth century. To have forecast even dimly this newest phase of + chemical knowledge, across the abyss of centuries, is indeed a feat to put + Democritus in the front rank of thinkers. But this estimate should not + blind us to the fact that the pre-vision of Democritus was but a slight + elaboration of a theory which had its origin with another thinker. The + association between Anaxagoras and Democritus cannot be directly traced, + but it is an association which the historian of ideas should never for a + moment forget. If we are not to be misled by mere word-jugglery, we shall + recognize the founder of the atomic theory of matter in Anaxagoras; its + expositors along slightly different lines in Leucippus and Democritus; its + re-discoverer of the nineteenth century in Dalton. All in all, then, just + as Anaxagoras preceded Democritus in time, so must he take precedence over + him also as an inductive thinker, who carried the use of the scientific + imagination to its farthest reach. + </p> + <p> + An analysis of the theories of the two men leads to somewhat the same + conclusion that might be reached from a comparison of their lives. + Anaxagoras was a sceptical, experimental scientist, gifted also with the + prophetic imagination. He reasoned always from the particular to the + general, after the manner of true induction, and he scarcely took a step + beyond the confines of secure induction. True scientist that he was, he + could content himself with postulating different qualities for his + elements, without pretending to know how these qualities could be defined. + His elements were by hypothesis invisible, hence he would not attempt to + visualize them. Democritus, on the other hand, refused to recognize this + barrier. Where he could not know, he still did not hesitate to guess. Just + as he conceived his atom of a definite form with a definite structure, + even so he conceived that the atmosphere about him was full of invisible + spirits; he accepted the current superstitions of his time. Like the + average Greeks of his day, he even believed in such omens as those + furnished by inspecting the entrails of a fowl. These chance bits of + biography are weather-vanes of the mind of Democritus. They tend to + substantiate our conviction that Democritus must rank below Anaxagoras as + a devotee of pure science. But, after all, such comparisons and estimates + as this are utterly futile. The essential fact for us is that here, in the + fifth century before our era, we find put forward the most penetrating + guess as to the constitution of matter that the history of ancient thought + has to present to us. In one direction, the avenue of progress is barred; + there will be no farther step that way till we come down the centuries to + the time of Dalton. + </p> + <p> + HIPPOCRATES AND GREEK MEDICINE + </p> + <p> + These studies of the constitution of matter have carried us to the limits + of the field of scientific imagination in antiquity; let us now turn + sharply and consider a department of science in which theory joins hands + with practicality. Let us witness the beginnings of scientific + therapeutics. + </p> + <p> + Medicine among the early Greeks, before the time of Hippocrates, was a + crude mixture of religion, necromancy, and mysticism. Temples were erected + to the god of medicine, aesculapius, and sick persons made their way, or + were carried, to these temples, where they sought to gain the favor of the + god by suitable offerings, and learn the way to regain their health + through remedies or methods revealed to them in dreams by the god. When + the patient had been thus cured, he placed a tablet in the temple + describing his sickness, and telling by what method the god had cured him. + He again made suitable offerings at the temple, which were sometimes in + the form of gold or silver representations of the diseased organ—a + gold or silver model of a heart, hand, foot, etc. + </p> + <p> + Nevertheless, despite this belief in the supernatural, many drugs and + healing lotions were employed, and the Greek physicians possessed + considerable skill in dressing wounds and bandaging. But they did not + depend upon these surgical dressings alone, using with them certain + appropriate prayers and incantations, recited over the injured member at + the time of applying the dressings. + </p> + <p> + Even the very early Greeks had learned something of anatomy. The daily + contact with wounds and broken bones must of necessity lead to a crude + understanding of anatomy in general. The first Greek anatomist, however, + who is recognized as such, is said to have been Alcmaeon. He is said to + have made extensive dissections of the lower animals, and to have + described many hitherto unknown structures, such as the optic nerve and + the Eustachian canal—the small tube leading into the throat from the + ear. He is credited with many unique explanations of natural phenomena, + such as, for example, the explanation that "hearing is produced by the + hollow bone behind the ear; for all hollow things are sonorous." He was a + rationalist, and he taught that the brain is the organ of mind. The + sources of our information about his work, however, are unreliable. + </p> + <p> + Democedes, who lived in the sixth century B.C., is the first physician of + whom we have any trustworthy history. We learn from Herodotus that he came + from Croton to aegina, where, in recognition of his skill, he was + appointed medical officer of the city. From aegina he was called to Athens + at an increased salary, and later was in charge of medical affairs in + several other Greek cities. He was finally called to Samos by the tyrant + Polycrates, who reigned there from about 536 to 522 B.C. But on the death + of Polycrates, who was murdered by the Persians, Democedes became a slave. + His fame as a physician, however, had reached the ears of the Persian + monarch, and shortly after his capture he was permitted to show his skill + upon King Darius himself. The Persian monarch was suffering from a + sprained ankle, which his Egyptian surgeons had been unable to cure. + Democedes not only cured the injured member but used his influence in + saving the lives of his Egyptian rivals, who had been condemned to death + by the king. + </p> + <p> + At another time he showed his skill by curing the queen, who was suffering + from a chronic abscess of long standing. This so pleased the monarch that + he offered him as a reward anything he might desire, except his liberty. + But the costly gifts of Darius did not satisfy him so long as he remained + a slave; and determined to secure his freedom at any cost, he volunteered + to lead some Persian spies into his native country, promising to use his + influence in converting some of the leading men of his nation to the + Persian cause. Laden with the wealth that had been heaped upon him by + Darius, he set forth upon his mission, but upon reaching his native city + of Croton he threw off his mask, renounced his Persian mission, and became + once more a free Greek. + </p> + <p> + While the story of Democedes throws little light upon the medical + practices of the time, it shows that paid city medical officers existed in + Greece as early as the fifth and sixth centuries B.C. Even then there were + different "schools" of medicine, whose disciples disagreed radically in + their methods of treating diseases; and there were also specialists in + certain diseases, quacks, and charlatans. Some physicians depended + entirely upon external lotions for healing all disorders; others were + "hydrotherapeutists" or "bath-physicians"; while there were a host of + physicians who administered a great variety of herbs and drugs. There were + also magicians who pretended to heal by sorcery, and great numbers of + bone-setters, oculists, and dentists. + </p> + <p> + Many of the wealthy physicians had hospitals, or clinics, where patients + were operated upon and treated. They were not hospitals in our modern + understanding of the term, but were more like dispensaries, where patients + were treated temporarily, but were not allowed to remain for any length of + time. Certain communities established and supported these dispensaries for + the care of the poor. + </p> + <p> + But anything approaching a rational system of medicine was not + established, until Hippocrates of Cos, the "father of medicine," came upon + the scene. In an age that produced Phidias, Lysias, Herodotus, Sophocles, + and Pericles, it seems but natural that the medical art should find an + exponent who would rise above superstitious dogmas and lay the foundation + for a medical science. His rejection of the supernatural alone stamps the + greatness of his genius. But, besides this, he introduced more detailed + observation of diseases, and demonstrated the importance that attaches to + prognosis. + </p> + <p> + Hippocrates was born at Cos, about 460 B.C., but spent most of his life at + Larissa, in Thessaly. He was educated as a physician by his father, and + travelled extensively as an itinerant practitioner for several years. His + travels in different climates and among many different people undoubtedly + tended to sharpen his keen sense of observation. He was a practical + physician as well as a theorist, and, withal, a clear and concise writer. + "Life is short," he says, "opportunity fleeting, judgment difficult, + treatment easy, but treatment after thought is proper and profitable." + </p> + <p> + His knowledge of anatomy was necessarily very imperfect, and was gained + largely from his predecessors, to whom he gave full credit. Dissections of + the human body were forbidden him, and he was obliged to confine his + experimental researches to operations on the lower animals. His knowledge + of the structure and arrangement of the bones, however, was fairly + accurate, but the anatomy of the softer tissues, as he conceived it, was a + queer jumbling together of blood-vessels, muscles, and tendons. He does + refer to "nerves," to be sure, but apparently the structures referred to + are the tendons and ligaments, rather than the nerves themselves. He was + better acquainted with the principal organs in the cavities of the body, + and knew, for example, that the heart is divided into four cavities, two + of which he supposed to contain blood, and the other two air. + </p> + <p> + His most revolutionary step was his divorcing of the supernatural from the + natural, and establishing the fact that disease is due to natural causes + and should be treated accordingly. The effect of such an attitude can + hardly be over-estimated. The establishment of such a theory was naturally + followed by a close observation as to the course of diseases and the + effects of treatment. To facilitate this, he introduced the custom of + writing down his observations as he made them—the "clinical history" + of the case. Such clinical records are in use all over the world to-day, + and their importance is so obvious that it is almost incomprehensible that + they should have fallen into disuse shortly after the time of Hippocrates, + and not brought into general use again until almost two thousand years + later. + </p> + <p> + But scarcely less important than his recognition of disease as a natural + phenomenon was the importance he attributed to prognosis. Prognosis, in + the sense of prophecy, was common before the time of Hippocrates. But + prognosis, as he practised it and as we understand it to-day, is prophecy + based on careful observation of the course of diseases—something + more than superstitious conjecture. + </p> + <p> + Although Hippocratic medicine rested on the belief in natural causes, + nevertheless, dogma and theory held an important place. The humoral theory + of disease was an all-important one, and so fully was this theory accepted + that it influenced the science of medicine all through succeeding + centuries. According to this celebrated theory there are four humors in + the body—blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile. When these + humors are mixed in exact proportions they constitute health; but any + deviations from these proportions produce disease. In treating diseases + the aim of the physician was to discover which of these humors were out of + proportion and to restore them to their natural equilibrium. It was in the + methods employed in this restitution, rather than a disagreement about the + humors themselves, that resulted in the various "schools" of medicine. + </p> + <p> + In many ways the surgery of Hippocrates showed a better understanding of + the structure of the organs than of their functions. Some of the surgical + procedures as described by him are followed, with slight modifications, + to-day. Many of his methods were entirely lost sight of until modern + times, and one, the treatment of dislocation of the outer end of the + collar-bone, was not revived until some time in the eighteenth century. + </p> + <p> + Hippocrates, it seems, like modern physicians, sometimes suffered from the + ingratitude of his patients. "The physician visits a patient suffering + from fever or a wound, and prescribes for him," he says; "on the next day, + if the patient feels worse the blame is laid upon the physician; if, on + the other hand, he feels better, nature is extolled, and the physician + reaps no praise." The essence of this has been repeated in rhyme and prose + by writers in every age and country, but the "father of medicine" cautions + physicians against allowing it to influence their attitude towards their + profession. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0010" id="link2H_4_0010"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + VIII. POST-SOCRATIC SCIENCE AT ATHENS—PLATO, ARISTOTLE, AND + THEOPHRASTUS + </h2> + <p> + Doubtless it has been noticed that our earlier scientists were as far + removed as possible from the limitations of specialism. In point of fact, + in this early day, knowledge had not been classified as it came to be + later on. The philosopher was, as his name implied, a lover of knowledge, + and he did not find it beyond the reach of his capacity to apply himself + to all departments of the field of human investigation. It is nothing + strange to discover that Anaximander and the Pythagoreans and Anaxagoras + have propounded theories regarding the structure of the cosmos, the origin + and development of animals and man, and the nature of matter itself. + Nowadays, so enormously involved has become the mass of mere facts + regarding each of these departments of knowledge that no one man has the + temerity to attempt to master them all. But it was different in those days + of beginnings. Then the methods of observation were still crude, and it + was quite the custom for a thinker of forceful personality to find an + eager following among disciples who never thought of putting his theories + to the test of experiment. The great lesson that true science in the last + resort depends upon observation and measurement, upon compass and balance, + had not yet been learned, though here and there a thinker like Anaxagoras + had gained an inkling of it. + </p> + <p> + For the moment, indeed, there in Attica, which was now, thanks to that + outburst of Periclean culture, the centre of the world's civilization, the + trend of thought was to take quite another direction. The very year which + saw the birth of Democritus at Abdera, and of Hippocrates, marked also the + birth, at Athens, of another remarkable man, whose influence it would + scarcely be possible to over-estimate. This man was Socrates. The main + facts of his history are familiar to every one. It will be recalled that + Socrates spent his entire life in Athens, mingling everywhere with the + populace; haranguing, so the tradition goes, every one who would listen; + inculcating moral lessons, and finally incurring the disapprobation of at + least a voting majority of his fellow-citizens. He gathered about him a + company of remarkable men with Plato at their head, but this could not + save him from the disapprobation of the multitudes, at whose hands he + suffered death, legally administered after a public trial. The facts at + command as to certain customs of the Greeks at this period make it + possible to raise a question as to whether the alleged "corruption of + youth," with which Socrates was charged, may not have had a different + implication from what posterity has preferred to ascribe to it. But this + thought, almost shocking to the modern mind and seeming altogether + sacrilegious to most students of Greek philosophy, need not here detain + us; neither have we much concern in the present connection with any part + of the teaching of the martyred philosopher. For the historian of + metaphysics, Socrates marks an epoch, but for the historian of science he + is a much less consequential figure. + </p> + <p> + Similarly regarding Plato, the aristocratic Athenian who sat at the feet + of Socrates, and through whose writings the teachings of the master found + widest currency. Some students of philosophy find in Plato "the greatest + thinker and writer of all time."(1) The student of science must recognize + in him a thinker whose point of view was essentially non-scientific; one + who tended always to reason from the general to the particular rather than + from the particular to the general. Plato's writings covered almost the + entire field of thought, and his ideas were presented with such literary + charm that successive generations of readers turned to them with + unflagging interest, and gave them wide currency through copies that + finally preserved them to our own time. Thus we are not obliged in his + case, as we are in the case of every other Greek philosopher, to estimate + his teachings largely from hearsay evidence. Plato himself speaks to us + directly. It is true, the literary form which he always adopted, namely, + the dialogue, does not give quite the same certainty as to when he is + expressing his own opinions that a more direct narrative would have given; + yet, in the main, there is little doubt as to the tenor of his own + opinions—except, indeed, such doubt as always attaches to the + philosophical reasoning of the abstract thinker. + </p> + <p> + What is chiefly significant from our present standpoint is that the great + ethical teacher had no significant message to give the world regarding the + physical sciences. He apparently had no sharply defined opinions as to the + mechanism of the universe; no clear conception as to the origin or + development of organic beings; no tangible ideas as to the problems of + physics; no favorite dreams as to the nature of matter. Virtually his back + was turned on this entire field of thought. He was under the sway of those + innate ideas which, as we have urged, were among the earliest inductions + of science. But he never for a moment suspected such an origin for these + ideas. He supposed his conceptions of being, his standards of ethics, to + lie back of all experience; for him they were the most fundamental and + most dependable of facts. He criticised Anaxagoras for having tended to + deduce general laws from observation. As we moderns see it, such criticism + is the highest possible praise. It is a criticism that marks the + distinction between the scientist who is also a philosopher and the + philosopher who has but a vague notion of physical science. Plato seemed, + indeed, to realize the value of scientific investigation; he referred to + the astronomical studies of the Egyptians and Chaldeans, and spoke + hopefully of the results that might accrue were such studies to be taken + up by that Greek mind which, as he justly conceived, had the power to + vitalize and enrich all that it touched. But he told here of what he would + have others do, not of what he himself thought of doing. His voice was + prophetic, but it stimulated no worker of his own time. + </p> + <p> + Plato himself had travelled widely. It is a familiar legend that he lived + for years in Egypt, endeavoring there to penetrate the mysteries of + Egyptian science. It is said even that the rudiments of geometry which he + acquired there influenced all his later teachings. But be that as it may, + the historian of science must recognize in the founder of the Academy a + moral teacher and metaphysical dreamer and sociologist, but not, in the + modern acceptance of the term, a scientist. Those wider phases of + biological science which find their expression in metaphysics, in ethics, + in political economy, lie without our present scope; and for the + development of those subjects with which we are more directly concerned, + Plato, like his master, has a negative significance. + </p> + <p> + ARISTOTLE (384-322 B.C.) + </p> + <p> + When we pass to that third great Athenian teacher, Aristotle, the case is + far different. Here was a man whose name was to be received as almost a + synonym for Greek science for more than a thousand years after his death. + All through the Middle Ages his writings were to be accepted as virtually + the last word regarding the problems of nature. We shall see that his + followers actually preferred his mandate to the testimony of their own + senses. We shall see, further, that modern science progressed somewhat in + proportion as it overthrew the Aristotelian dogmas. But the traditions of + seventeen or eighteen centuries are not easily set aside, and it is + perhaps not too much to say that the name of Aristotle stands, even in our + own time, as vaguely representative in the popular mind of all that was + highest and best in the science of antiquity. Yet, perhaps, it would not + be going too far to assert that something like a reversal of this judgment + would be nearer the truth. Aristotle did, indeed, bring together a great + mass of facts regarding animals in his work on natural history, which, + being preserved, has been deemed to entitle its author to be called the + "father of zoology." But there is no reason to suppose that any + considerable portion of this work contained matter that was novel, or + recorded observations that were original with Aristotle; and the + classifications there outlined are at best but a vague foreshadowing of + the elaboration of the science. Such as it is, however, the natural + history stands to the credit of the Stagirite. He must be credited, too, + with a clear enunciation of one most important scientific doctrine—namely, + the doctrine of the spherical figure of the earth. We have already seen + that this theory originated with the Pythagorean philosophers out in + Italy. We have seen, too, that the doctrine had not made its way in Attica + in the time of Anaxagoras. But in the intervening century it had gained + wide currency, else so essentially conservative a thinker as Aristotle + would scarcely have accepted it. He did accept it, however, and gave the + doctrine clearest and most precise expression. Here are his words:(2) + </p> + <p> + "As to the figure of the earth it must necessarily be spherical.... If it + were not so, the eclipses of the moon would not have such sections as they + have. For in the configurations in the course of a month the deficient + part takes all different shapes; it is straight, and concave, and convex; + but in eclipses it always has the line of divisions convex; wherefore, + since the moon is eclipsed in consequence of the interposition of the + earth, the periphery of the earth must be the cause of this by having a + spherical form. And again, from the appearance of the stars it is clear, + not only that the earth is round, but that its size is not very large; for + when we make a small removal to the south or the north, the circle of the + horizon becomes palpably different, so that the stars overhead undergo a + great change, and are not the same to those that travel in the north and + to the south. For some stars are seen in Egypt or at Cyprus, but are not + seen in the countries to the north of these; and the stars that in the + north are visible while they make a complete circuit, there undergo a + setting. So that from this it is manifest, not only that the form of the + earth is round, but also that it is a part of a not very large sphere; for + otherwise the difference would not be so obvious to persons making so + small a change of place. Wherefore we may judge that those persons who + connect the region in the neighborhood of the pillars of Hercules with + that towards India, and who assert that in this way the sea is one, do not + assert things very improbable. They confirm this conjecture moreover by + the elephants, which are said to be of the same species towards each + extreme; as if this circumstance was a consequence of the conjunction of + the extremes. The mathematicians who try to calculate the measure of the + circumference, make it amount to four hundred thousand stadia; whence we + collect that the earth is not only spherical, but is not large compared + with the magnitude of the other stars." + </p> + <p> + But in giving full meed of praise to Aristotle for the promulgation of + this doctrine of the sphericity of the earth, it must unfortunately be + added that the conservative philosopher paused without taking one other + important step. He could not accept, but, on the contrary, he expressly + repudiated, the doctrine of the earth's motion. We have seen that this + idea also was a part of the Pythagorean doctrine, and we shall have + occasion to dwell more at length on this point in a succeeding chapter. It + has even been contended by some critics that it was the adverse conviction + of the Peripatetic philosopher which, more than any other single + influence, tended to retard the progress of the true doctrine regarding + the mechanism of the heavens. Aristotle accepted the sphericity of the + earth, and that doctrine became a commonplace of scientific knowledge, and + so continued throughout classical antiquity. But Aristotle rejected the + doctrine of the earth's motion, and that doctrine, though promulgated + actively by a few contemporaries and immediate successors of the + Stagirite, was then doomed to sink out of view for more than a thousand + years. If it be a correct assumption that the influence of Aristotle was, + in a large measure, responsible for this result, then we shall perhaps not + be far astray in assuming that the great founder of the Peripatetic school + was, on the whole, more instrumental in retarding the progress of + astronomical science that any other one man that ever lived. + </p> + <p> + The field of science in which Aristotle was pre-eminently a pathfinder is + zoology. His writings on natural history have largely been preserved, and + they constitute by far the most important contribution to the subject that + has come down to us from antiquity. They show us that Aristotle had gained + possession of the widest range of facts regarding the animal kingdom, and, + what is far more important, had attempted to classify these facts. In so + doing he became the founder of systematic zoology. Aristotle's + classification of the animal kingdom was known and studied throughout the + Middle Ages, and, in fact, remained in vogue until superseded by that of + Cuvier in the nineteenth century. It is not to be supposed that all the + terms of Aristotle's classification originated with him. Some of the + divisions are too patent to have escaped the observation of his + predecessors. Thus, for example, the distinction between birds and fishes + as separate classes of animals is so obvious that it must appeal to a + child or to a savage. But the efforts of Aristotle extended, as we shall + see, to less patent generalizations. At the very outset, his grand + division of the animal kingdom into blood-bearing and bloodless animals + implies a very broad and philosophical conception of the entire animal + kingdom. The modern physiologist does not accept the classification, + inasmuch as it is now known that colorless fluids perform the functions of + blood for all the lower organisms. But the fact remains that Aristotle's + grand divisions correspond to the grand divisions of the Lamarckian system—vertebrates + and invertebrates—which every one now accepts. Aristotle, as we have + said, based his classification upon observation of the blood; Lamarck was + guided by a study of the skeleton. The fact that such diverse points of + view could direct the observer towards the same result gives, + inferentially, a suggestive lesson in what the modern physiologist calls + the homologies of parts of the organism. + </p> + <p> + Aristotle divides his so-called blood-bearing animals into five classes: + (1) Four-footed animals that bring forth their young alive; (2) birds; (3) + egg-laying four-footed animals (including what modern naturalists call + reptiles and amphibians); (4) whales and their allies; (5) fishes. This + classification, as will be observed, is not so very far afield from the + modern divisions into mammals, birds, reptiles, amphibians, and fishes. + That Aristotle should have recognized the fundamental distinction between + fishes and the fish-like whales, dolphins, and porpoises proves the far + from superficial character of his studies. Aristotle knew that these + animals breathe by means of lungs and that they produce living young. He + recognized, therefore, their affinity with his first class of animals, + even if he did not, like the modern naturalist, consider these affinities + close enough to justify bringing the two types together into a single + class. + </p> + <p> + The bloodless animals were also divided by Aristotle into five classes—namely: + (1) Cephalopoda (the octopus, cuttle-fish, etc.); (2) weak-shelled animals + (crabs, etc.); (3) insects and their allies (including various forms, such + as spiders and centipedes, which the modern classifier prefers to place by + themselves); (4) hard-shelled animals (clams, oysters, snails, etc.); (5) + a conglomerate group of marine forms, including star-fish, sea-urchins, + and various anomalous forms that were regarded as linking the animal to + the vegetable worlds. This classification of the lower forms of animal + life continued in vogue until Cuvier substituted for it his famous + grouping into articulates, mollusks, and radiates; which grouping in turn + was in part superseded later in the nineteenth century. + </p> + <p> + What Aristotle did for the animal kingdom his pupil, Theophrastus, did in + some measure for the vegetable kingdom. Theophrastus, however, was much + less a classifier than his master, and his work on botany, called The + Natural History of Development, pays comparatively slight attention to + theoretical questions. It deals largely with such practicalities as the + making of charcoal, of pitch, and of resin, and the effects of various + plants on the animal organism when taken as foods or as medicines. In this + regard the work of Theophrastus, is more nearly akin to the natural + history of the famous Roman compiler, Pliny. It remained, however, + throughout antiquity as the most important work on its subject, and it + entitles Theophrastus to be called the "father of botany." Theophrastus + deals also with the mineral kingdom after much the same fashion, and here + again his work is the most notable that was produced in antiquity. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0011" id="link2H_4_0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + IX. GREEK SCIENCE OF THE ALEXANDRIAN OR HELLENISTIC PERIOD + </h2> + <p> + We are entering now upon the most important scientific epoch of antiquity. + When Aristotle and Theophrastus passed from the scene, Athens ceased to be + in any sense the scientific centre of the world. That city still retained + its reminiscent glory, and cannot be ignored in the history of culture, + but no great scientific leader was ever again to be born or to take up his + permanent abode within the confines of Greece proper. With almost + cataclysmic suddenness, a new intellectual centre appeared on the south + shore of the Mediterranean. This was the city of Alexandria, a city which + Alexander the Great had founded during his brief visit to Egypt, and which + became the capital of Ptolemy Soter when he chose Egypt as his portion of + the dismembered empire of the great Macedonian. Ptolemy had been with his + master in the East, and was with him in Babylonia when he died. He had + therefore come personally in contact with Babylonian civilization, and we + cannot doubt that this had a most important influence upon his life, and + through him upon the new civilization of the West. In point of culture, + Alexandria must be regarded as the successor of Babylon, scarcely less + directly than of Greece. Following the Babylonian model, Ptolemy erected a + great museum and began collecting a library. Before his death it was said + that he had collected no fewer than two hundred thousand manuscripts. He + had gathered also a company of great teachers and founded a school of + science which, as has just been said, made Alexandria the culture-centre + of the world. + </p> + <p> + Athens in the day of her prime had known nothing quite like this. Such + private citizens as Aristotle are known to have had libraries, but there + were no great public collections of books in Athens, or in any other part + of the Greek domain, until Ptolemy founded his famous library. As is well + known, such libraries had existed in Babylonia for thousands of years. The + character which the Ptolemaic epoch took on was no doubt due to Babylonian + influence, but quite as much to the personal experience of Ptolemy himself + as an explorer in the Far East. The marvellous conquering journey of + Alexander had enormously widened the horizon of the Greek geographer, and + stimulated the imagination of all ranks of the people, It was but natural, + then, that geography and its parent science astronomy should occupy the + attention of the best minds in this succeeding epoch. In point of fact, + such a company of star-gazers and earth-measurers came upon the scene in + this third century B.C. as had never before existed anywhere in the world. + The whole trend of the time was towards mechanics. It was as if the + greatest thinkers had squarely faced about from the attitude of the + mystical philosophers of the preceding century, and had set themselves the + task of solving all the mechanical riddles of the universe, They no longer + troubled themselves about problems of "being" and "becoming"; they gave + but little heed to metaphysical subtleties; they demanded that their + thoughts should be gauged by objective realities. Hence there arose a + succession of great geometers, and their conceptions were applied to the + construction of new mechanical contrivances on the one hand, and to the + elaboration of theories of sidereal mechanics on the other. + </p> + <p> + The wonderful company of men who performed the feats that are about to be + recorded did not all find their home in Alexandria, to be sure; but they + all came more or less under the Alexandrian influence. We shall see that + there are two other important centres; one out in Sicily, almost at the + confines of the Greek territory in the west; the other in Asia Minor, + notably on the island of Samos—the island which, it will be + recalled, was at an earlier day the birthplace of Pythagoras. But whereas + in the previous century colonists from the confines of the civilized world + came to Athens, now all eyes turned towards Alexandria, and so improved + were the facilities for communication that no doubt the discoveries of one + coterie of workers were known to all the others much more quickly than had + ever been possible before. We learn, for example, that the studies of + Aristarchus of Samos were definitely known to Archimedes of Syracuse, out + in Sicily. Indeed, as we shall see, it is through a chance reference + preserved in one of the writings of Archimedes that one of the most + important speculations of Aristarchus is made known to us. This + illustrates sufficiently the intercommunication through which the thought + of the Alexandrian epoch was brought into a single channel. We no longer, + as in the day of the earlier schools of Greek philosophy, have isolated + groups of thinkers. The scientific drama is now played out upon a single + stage; and if we pass, as we shall in the present chapter, from Alexandria + to Syracuse and from Syracuse to Samos, the shift of scenes does no + violence to the dramatic unities. + </p> + <p> + Notwithstanding the number of great workers who were not properly + Alexandrians, none the less the epoch is with propriety termed + Alexandrian. Not merely in the third century B.C., but throughout the + lapse of at least four succeeding centuries, the city of Alexander and the + Ptolemies continued to hold its place as the undisputed culture-centre of + the world. During that period Rome rose to its pinnacle of glory and began + to decline, without ever challenging the intellectual supremacy of the + Egyptian city. We shall see, in a later chapter, that the Alexandrian + influences were passed on to the Mohammedan conquerors, and every one is + aware that when Alexandria was finally overthrown its place was taken by + another Greek city, Byzantium or Constantinople. But that transfer did not + occur until Alexandria had enjoyed a longer period of supremacy as an + intellectual centre than had perhaps ever before been granted to any city, + with the possible exception of Babylon. + </p> + <p> + EUCLID (ABOUT 300 B.C.) + </p> + <p> + Our present concern is with that first wonderful development of scientific + activity which began under the first Ptolemy, and which presents, in the + course of the first century of Alexandrian influence, the most remarkable + coterie of scientific workers and thinkers that antiquity produced. The + earliest group of these new leaders in science had at its head a man whose + name has been a household word ever since. This was Euclid, the father of + systematic geometry. Tradition has preserved to us but little of the + personality of this remarkable teacher; but, on the other hand, his most + important work has come down to us in its entirety. The Elements of + Geometry, with which the name of Euclid is associated in the mind of every + school-boy, presented the chief propositions of its subject in so simple + and logical a form that the work remained a textbook everywhere for more + than two thousand years. Indeed it is only now beginning to be superseded. + It is not twenty years since English mathematicians could deplore the fact + that, despite certain rather obvious defects of the work of Euclid, no + better textbook than this was available. Euclid's work, of course, gives + expression to much knowledge that did not originate with him. We have + already seen that several important propositions of geometry had been + developed by Thales, and one by Pythagoras, and that the rudiments of the + subject were at least as old as Egyptian civilization. Precisely how much + Euclid added through his own investigations cannot be ascertained. It + seems probable that he was a diffuser of knowledge rather than an + originator, but as a great teacher his fame is secure. He is credited with + an epigram which in itself might insure him perpetuity of fame: "There is + no royal road to geometry," was his answer to Ptolemy when that ruler had + questioned whether the Elements might not be simplified. Doubtless this, + like most similar good sayings, is apocryphal; but whoever invented it has + made the world his debtor. + </p> + <p> + HEROPHILUS AND ERASISTRATUS + </p> + <p> + The catholicity of Ptolemy's tastes led him, naturally enough, to + cultivate the biological no less than the physical sciences. In particular + his influence permitted an epochal advance in the field of medicine. Two + anatomists became famous through the investigations they were permitted to + make under the patronage of the enlightened ruler. These earliest of + really scientific investigators of the mechanism of the human body were + named Herophilus and Erasistratus. These two anatomists gained their + knowledge by the dissection of human bodies (theirs are the first records + that we have of such practices), and King Ptolemy himself is said to have + been present at some of these dissections. They were the first to discover + that the nerve-trunks have their origin in the brain and spinal cord, and + they are credited also with the discovery that these nerve-trunks are of + two different kinds—one to convey motor, and the other sensory + impulses. They discovered, described, and named the coverings of the + brain. The name of Herophilus is still applied by anatomists, in honor of + the discoverer, to one of the sinuses or large canals that convey the + venous blood from the head. Herophilus also noticed and described four + cavities or ventricles in the brain, and reached the conclusion that one + of these ventricles was the seat of the soul—a belief shared until + comparatively recent times by many physiologists. He made also a careful + and fairly accurate study of the anatomy of the eye, a greatly improved + the old operation for cataract. + </p> + <p> + With the increased knowledge of anatomy came also corresponding advances + in surgery, and many experimental operations are said to have been + performed upon condemned criminals who were handed over to the surgeons by + the Ptolemies. While many modern writers have attempted to discredit these + assertions, it is not improbable that such operations were performed. In + an age when human life was held so cheap, and among a people accustomed to + torturing condemned prisoners for comparatively slight offences, it is not + unlikely that the surgeons were allowed to inflict perhaps less painful + tortures in the cause of science. Furthermore, we know that condemned + criminals were sometimes handed over to the medical profession to be + "operated upon and killed in whatever way they thought best" even as late + as the sixteenth century. Tertullian(1) probably exaggerates, however, + when he puts the number of such victims in Alexandria at six hundred. + </p> + <p> + Had Herophilus and Erasistratus been as happy in their deductions as to + the functions of the organs as they were in their knowledge of anatomy, + the science of medicine would have been placed upon a very high plane even + in their time. Unfortunately, however, they not only drew erroneous + inferences as to the functions of the organs, but also disagreed radically + as to what functions certain organs performed, and how diseases should be + treated, even when agreeing perfectly on the subject of anatomy itself. + Their contribution to the knowledge of the scientific treatment of + diseases holds no such place, therefore, as their anatomical + investigations. + </p> + <p> + Half a century after the time of Herophilus there appeared a Greek + physician, Heraclides, whose reputation in the use of drugs far surpasses + that of the anatomists of the Alexandrian school. His reputation has been + handed down through the centuries as that of a physician, rather than a + surgeon, although in his own time he was considered one of the great + surgeons of the period. Heraclides belonged to the "Empiric" school, which + rejected anatomy as useless, depending entirely on the use of drugs. He is + thought to have been the first physician to point out the value of opium + in certain painful diseases. His prescription of this drug for certain + cases of "sleeplessness, spasm, cholera, and colic," shows that his use of + it was not unlike that of the modern physician in certain cases; and his + treatment of fevers, by keeping the patient's head cool and facilitating + the secretions of the body, is still recognized as "good practice." He + advocated a free use of liquids in quenching the fever patient's thirst—a + recognized therapeutic measure to-day, but one that was widely condemned a + century ago. + </p> + <p> + ARCHIMEDES OF SYRACUSE AND THE FOUNDATION OF MECHANICS + </p> + <p> + We do not know just when Euclid died, but as he was at the height of his + fame in the time of Ptolemy I., whose reign ended in the year 285 B.C., it + is hardly probable that he was still living when a young man named + Archimedes came to Alexandria to study. Archimedes was born in the Greek + colony of Syracuse, on the island of Sicily, in the year 287 B.C. When he + visited Alexandria he probably found Apollonius of Perga, the pupil of + Euclid, at the head of the mathematical school there. Just how long + Archimedes remained at Alexandria is not known. When he had satisfied his + curiosity or completed his studies, he returned to Syracuse and spent his + life there, chiefly under the patronage of King Hiero, who seems fully to + have appreciated his abilities. + </p> + <p> + Archimedes was primarily a mathematician. Left to his own devices, he + would probably have devoted his entire time to the study of geometrical + problems. But King Hiero had discovered that his protege had wonderful + mechanical ingenuity, and he made good use of this discovery. Under stress + of the king's urgings, the philosopher was led to invent a great variety + of mechanical contrivances, some of them most curious ones. Antiquity + credited him with the invention of more than forty machines, and it is + these, rather than his purely mathematical discoveries, that gave his name + popular vogue both among his contemporaries and with posterity. Every one + has heard of the screw of Archimedes, through which the paradoxical effect + was produced of making water seem to flow up hill. The best idea of this + curious mechanism is obtained if one will take in hand an ordinary + corkscrew, and imagine this instrument to be changed into a hollow tube, + retaining precisely the same shape but increased to some feet in length + and to a proportionate diameter. If one will hold the corkscrew in a + slanting direction and turn it slowly to the right, supposing that the + point dips up a portion of water each time it revolves, one can in + imagination follow the flow of that portion of water from spiral to + spiral, the water always running downward, of course, yet paradoxically + being lifted higher and higher towards the base of the corkscrew, until + finally it pours out (in the actual Archimedes' tube) at the top. There is + another form of the screw in which a revolving spiral blade operates + within a cylinder, but the principle is precisely the same. With either + form water may be lifted, by the mere turning of the screw, to any desired + height. The ingenious mechanism excited the wonder of the contemporaries + of Archimedes, as well it might. More efficient devices have superseded it + in modern times, but it still excites the admiration of all who examine + it, and its effects seem as paradoxical as ever. + </p> + <p> + Some other of the mechanisms of Archimedes have been made known to + successive generations of readers through the pages of Polybius and + Plutarch. These are the devices through which Archimedes aided King Hiero + to ward off the attacks of the Roman general Marcellus, who in the course + of the second Punic war laid siege to Syracuse. + </p> + <p> + Plutarch, in his life of Marcellus, describes the Roman's attack and + Archimedes' defence in much detail. Incidentally he tells us also how + Archimedes came to make the devices that rendered the siege so famous: + </p> + <p> + "Marcellus himself, with threescore galleys of five rowers at every bank, + well armed and full of all sorts of artillery and fireworks, did assault + by sea, and rowed hard to the wall, having made a great engine and device + of battery, upon eight galleys chained together, to batter the wall: + trusting in the great multitude of his engines of battery, and to all such + other necessary provision as he had for wars, as also in his own + reputation. But Archimedes made light account of all his devices, as + indeed they were nothing comparable to the engines himself had invented. + This inventive art to frame instruments and engines (which are called + mechanical, or organical, so highly commended and esteemed of all sorts of + people) was first set forth by Architas, and by Eudoxus: partly to + beautify a little the science of geometry by this fineness, and partly to + prove and confirm by material examples and sensible instruments, certain + geometrical conclusions, where of a man cannot find out the conceivable + demonstrations by enforced reasons and proofs. As that conclusion which + instructeth one to search out two lines mean proportional, which cannot be + proved by reason demonstrative, and yet notwithstanding is a principle and + an accepted ground for many things which are contained in the art of + portraiture. Both of them have fashioned it to the workmanship of certain + instruments, called mesolabes or mesographs, which serve to find these + mean lines proportional, by drawing certain curve lines, and overthwart + and oblique sections. But after that Plato was offended with them, and + maintained against them, that they did utterly corrupt and disgrace, the + worthiness and excellence of geometry, making it to descend from things + not comprehensible and without body, unto things sensible and material, + and to bring it to a palpable substance, where the vile and base handiwork + of man is to be employed: since that time, I say, handicraft, or the art + of engines, came to be separated from geometry, and being long time + despised by the philosophers, it came to be one of the warlike arts. + </p> + <p> + "But Archimedes having told King Hiero, his kinsman and friend, that it + was possible to remove as great a weight as he would, with as little + strength as he listed to put to it: and boasting himself thus (as they + report of him) and trusting to the force of his reasons, wherewith he + proved this conclusion, that if there were another globe of earth, he was + able to remove this of ours, and pass it over to the other: King Hiero + wondering to hear him, required him to put his device in execution, and to + make him see by experience, some great or heavy weight removed, by little + force. So Archimedes caught hold with a book of one of the greatest + carects, or hulks of the king (that to draw it to the shore out of the + water required a marvellous number of people to go about it, and was + hardly to be done so) and put a great number of men more into her, than + her ordinary burden: and he himself sitting alone at his ease far off, + without any straining at all, drawing the end of an engine with many + wheels and pulleys, fair and softly with his hand, made it come as gently + and smoothly to him, as it had floated in the sea. The king wondering to + see the sight, and knowing by proof the greatness of his art; be prayed + him to make him some engines, both to assault and defend, in all manner of + sieges and assaults. So Archimedes made him many engines, but King Hiero + never occupied any of them, because he reigned the most part of his time + in peace without any wars. But this provision and munition of engines, + served the Syracusan's turn marvellously at that time: and not only the + provision of the engines ready made, but also the engineer and work-master + himself, that had invented them. + </p> + <p> + "Now the Syracusans, seeing themselves assaulted by the Romans, both by + sea and by land, were marvellously perplexed, and could not tell what to + say, they were so afraid: imagining it was impossible for them to + withstand so great an army. But when Archimedes fell to handling his + engines, and to set them at liberty, there flew in the air infinite kinds + of shot, and marvellous great stones, with an incredible noise and force + on the sudden, upon the footmen that came to assault the city by land, + bearing down, and tearing in pieces all those which came against them, or + in what place soever they lighted, no earthly body being able to resist + the violence of so heavy a weight: so that all their ranks were + marvellously disordered. And as for the galleys that gave assault by sea, + some were sunk with long pieces of timber like unto the yards of ships, + whereto they fasten their sails, which were suddenly blown over the walls + with force of their engines into their galleys, and so sunk them by their + over great weight." + </p> + <p> + Polybius describes what was perhaps the most important of these + contrivances, which was, he tells us, "a band of iron, hanging by a chain + from the beak of a machine, which was used in the following manner. The + person who, like a pilot, guided the beak, having let fall the hand, and + catched hold of the prow of any vessel, drew down the opposite end of the + machine that was on the inside of the walls. And when the vessel was thus + raised erect upon its stem, the machine itself was held immovable; but, + the chain being suddenly loosened from the beak by the means of pulleys, + some of the vessels were thrown upon their sides, others turned with the + bottom upwards; and the greatest part, as the prows were plunged from a + considerable height into the sea, were filled with water, and all that + were on board thrown into tumult and disorder. + </p> + <p> + "Marcellus was in no small degree embarrassed," Polybius continues, "when + he found himself encountered in every attempt by such resistance. He + perceived that all his efforts were defeated with loss; and were even + derided by the enemy. But, amidst all the anxiety that he suffered, he + could not help jesting upon the inventions of Archimedes. This man, said + he, employs our ships as buckets to draw water: and boxing about our + sackbuts, as if they were unworthy to be associated with him, drives them + from his company with disgrace. Such was the success of the siege on the + side of the sea." + </p> + <p> + Subsequently, however, Marcellus took the city by strategy, and Archimedes + was killed, contrary, it is said, to the express orders of Marcellus. + "Syracuse being taken," says Plutarch, "nothing grieved Marcellus more + than the loss of Archimedes. Who, being in his study when the city was + taken, busily seeking out by himself the demonstration of some geometrical + proposition which he had drawn in figure, and so earnestly occupied + therein, as he neither saw nor heard any noise of enemies that ran up and + down the city, and much less knew it was taken: he wondered when he saw a + soldier by him, that bade him go with him to Marcellus. Notwithstanding, + he spake to the soldier, and bade him tarry until he had done his + conclusion, and brought it to demonstration: but the soldier being angry + with his answer, drew out his sword and killed him. Others say, that the + Roman soldier when he came, offered the sword's point to him, to kill him: + and that Archimedes when he saw him, prayed him to hold his hand a little, + that he might not leave the matter he looked for imperfect, without + demonstration. But the soldier making no reckoning of his speculation, + killed him presently. It is reported a third way also, saying that certain + soldiers met him in the streets going to Marcellus, carrying certain + mathematical instruments in a little pretty coffer, as dials for the sun, + spheres, and angles, wherewith they measure the greatness of the body of + the sun by view: and they supposing he had carried some gold or silver, or + other precious jewels in that little coffer, slew him for it. But it is + most certain that Marcellus was marvellously sorry for his death, and ever + after hated the villain that slew him, as a cursed and execrable person: + and how he had made also marvellous much afterwards of Archimedes' kinsmen + for his sake." + </p> + <p> + We are further indebted to Plutarch for a summary of the character and + influence of Archimedes, and for an interesting suggestion as to the + estimate which the great philosopher put upon the relative importance of + his own discoveries. "Notwithstanding Archimedes had such a great mind, + and was so profoundly learned, having hidden in him the only treasure and + secrets of geometrical inventions: as he would never set forth any book + how to make all these warlike engines, which won him at that time the fame + and glory, not of man's knowledge, but rather of divine wisdom. But he + esteeming all kind of handicraft and invention to make engines, and + generally all manner of sciences bringing common commodity by the use of + them, to be but vile, beggarly, and mercenary dross: employed his wit and + study only to write things, the beauty and subtlety whereof were not + mingled anything at all with necessity. For all that he hath written, are + geometrical propositions, which are without comparison of any other + writings whatsoever: because the subject where of they treat, doth appear + by demonstration, the maker gives them the grace and the greatness, and + the demonstration proving it so exquisitely, with wonderful reason and + facility, as it is not repugnable. For in all geometry are not to be found + more profound and difficult matters written, in more plain and simple + terms, and by more easy principles, than those which he hath invented. Now + some do impute this, to the sharpness of his wit and understanding, which + was a natural gift in him: others do refer it to the extreme pains he + took, which made these things come so easily from him, that they seemed as + if they had been no trouble to him at all. For no man living of himself + can devise the demonstration of his propositions, what pains soever he + take to seek it: and yet straight so soon as he cometh to declare and open + it, every man then imagineth with himself he could have found it out well + enough, he can then so plainly make demonstration of the thing he meaneth + to show. And therefore that methinks is likely to be true, which they + write of him: that he was so ravished and drunk with the sweet enticements + of this siren, which as it were lay continually with him, as he forgot his + meat and drink, and was careless otherwise of himself, that oftentimes his + servants got him against his will to the baths to wash and anoint him: and + yet being there, he would ever be drawing out of the geometrical figures, + even in the very imbers of the chimney. And while they were anointing of + him with oils and sweet savours, with his finger he did draw lines upon + his naked body: so far was he taken from himself, and brought into an + ecstasy or trance, with the delight he had in the study of geometry, and + truly ravished with the love of the Muses. But amongst many notable things + he devised, it appeareth, that he most esteemed the demonstration of the + proportion between the cylinder (to wit, the round column) and the sphere + or globe contained in the same: for he prayed his kinsmen and friends, + that after his death they would put a cylinder upon his tomb, containing a + massy sphere, with an inscription of the proportion, whereof the continent + exceedeth the thing contained."(2) + </p> + <p> + It should be observed that neither Polybius nor Plutarch mentions the use + of burning-glasses in connection with the siege of Syracuse, nor indeed + are these referred to by any other ancient writer of authority. + Nevertheless, a story gained credence down to a late day to the effect + that Archimedes had set fire to the fleet of the enemy with the aid of + concave mirrors. An experiment was made by Sir Isaac Newton to show the + possibility of a phenomenon so well in accord with the genius of + Archimedes, but the silence of all the early authorities makes it more + than doubtful whether any such expedient was really adopted. + </p> + <p> + It will be observed that the chief principle involved in all these + mechanisms was a capacity to transmit great power through levers and + pulleys, and this brings us to the most important field of the Syracusan + philosopher's activity. It was as a student of the lever and the pulley + that Archimedes was led to some of his greatest mechanical discoveries. He + is even credited with being the discoverer of the compound pulley. More + likely he was its developer only, since the principle of the pulley was + known to the old Babylonians, as their sculptures testify. But there is no + reason to doubt the general outlines of the story that Archimedes + astounded King Hiero by proving that, with the aid of multiple pulleys, + the strength of one man could suffice to drag the largest ship from its + moorings. + </p> + <p> + The property of the lever, from its fundamental principle, was studied by + him, beginning with the self-evident fact that "equal bodies at the ends + of the equal arms of a rod, supported on its middle point, will balance + each other"; or, what amounts to the same thing stated in another way, a + regular cylinder of uniform matter will balance at its middle point. From + this starting-point he elaborated the subject on such clear and + satisfactory principles that they stand to-day practically unchanged and + with few additions. From all his studies and experiments he finally + formulated the principle that "bodies will be in equilibrio when their + distance from the fulcrum or point of support is inversely as their + weight." He is credited with having summed up his estimate of the + capabilities of the lever with the well-known expression, "Give me a + fulcrum on which to rest or a place on which to stand, and I will move the + earth." + </p> + <p> + But perhaps the feat of all others that most appealed to the imagination + of his contemporaries, and possibly also the one that had the greatest + bearing upon the position of Archimedes as a scientific discoverer, was + the one made familiar through the tale of the crown of Hiero. This crown, + so the story goes, was supposed to be made of solid gold, but King Hiero + for some reason suspected the honesty of the jeweller, and desired to know + if Archimedes could devise a way of testing the question without injuring + the crown. Greek imagination seldom spoiled a story in the telling, and in + this case the tale was allowed to take on the most picturesque of phases. + The philosopher, we are assured, pondered the problem for a long time + without succeeding, but one day as he stepped into a bath, his attention + was attracted by the overflow of water. A new train of ideas was started + in his ever-receptive brain. Wild with enthusiasm he sprang from the bath, + and, forgetting his robe, dashed along the streets of Syracuse, shouting: + "Eureka! Eureka!" (I have found it!) The thought that had come into his + mind was this: That any heavy substance must have a bulk proportionate to + its weight; that gold and silver differ in weight, bulk for bulk, and that + the way to test the bulk of such an irregular object as a crown was to + immerse it in water. The experiment was made. A lump of pure gold of the + weight of the crown was immersed in a certain receptacle filled with + water, and the overflow noted. Then a lump of pure silver of the same + weight was similarly immersed; lastly the crown itself was immersed, and + of course—for the story must not lack its dramatic sequel—was + found bulkier than its weight of pure gold. Thus the genius that could + balk warriors and armies could also foil the wiles of the silversmith. + </p> + <p> + Whatever the truth of this picturesque narrative, the fact remains that + some, such experiments as these must have paved the way for perhaps the + greatest of all the studies of Archimedes—those that relate to the + buoyancy of water. Leaving the field of fable, we must now examine these + with some precision. Fortunately, the writings of Archimedes himself are + still extant, in which the results of his remarkable experiments are + related, so we may present the results in the words of the discoverer. + </p> + <p> + Here they are: "First: The surface of every coherent liquid in a state of + rest is spherical, and the centre of the sphere coincides with the centre + of the earth. Second: A solid body which, bulk for bulk, is of the same + weight as a liquid, if immersed in the liquid will sink so that the + surface of the body is even with the surface of the liquid, but will not + sink deeper. Third: Any solid body which is lighter, bulk for bulk, than a + liquid, if placed in the liquid will sink so deep as to displace the mass + of liquid equal in weight to another body. Fourth: If a body which is + lighter than a liquid is forcibly immersed in the liquid, it will be + pressed upward with a force corresponding to the weight of a like volume + of water, less the weight of the body itself. Fifth: Solid bodies which, + bulk for bulk, are heavier than a liquid, when immersed in the liquid sink + to the bottom, but become in the liquid as much lighter as the weight of + the displaced water itself differs from the weight of the solid." These + propositions are not difficult to demonstrate, once they are conceived, + but their discovery, combined with the discovery of the laws of statics + already referred to, may justly be considered as proving Archimedes the + most inventive experimenter of antiquity. + </p> + <p> + Curiously enough, the discovery which Archimedes himself is said to have + considered the most important of all his innovations is one that seems + much less striking. It is the answer to the question, What is the relation + in bulk between a sphere and its circumscribing cylinder? Archimedes finds + that the ratio is simply two to three. We are not informed as to how he + reached his conclusion, but an obvious method would be to immerse a ball + in a cylindrical cup. The experiment is one which any one can make for + himself, with approximate accuracy, with the aid of a tumbler and a solid + rubber ball or a billiard-ball of just the right size. Another geometrical + problem which Archimedes solved was the problem as to the size of a + triangle which has equal area with a circle; the answer being, a triangle + having for its base the circumference of the circle and for its altitude + the radius. Archimedes solved also the problem of the relation of the + diameter of the circle to its circumference; his answer being a close + approximation to the familiar 3.1416, which every tyro in geometry will + recall as the equivalent of pi. + </p> + <p> + Numerous other of the studies of Archimedes having reference to conic + sections, properties of curves and spirals, and the like, are too + technical to be detailed here. The extent of his mathematical knowledge, + however, is suggested by the fact that he computed in great detail the + number of grains of sand that would be required to cover the sphere of the + sun's orbit, making certain hypothetical assumptions as to the size of the + earth and the distance of the sun for the purposes of argument. + Mathematicians find his computation peculiarly interesting because it + evidences a crude conception of the idea of logarithms. From our present + stand-point, the paper in which this calculation is contained has + considerable interest because of its assumptions as to celestial + mechanics. Thus Archimedes starts out with the preliminary assumption that + the circumference of the earth is less than three million stadia. It must + be understood that this assumption is purely for the sake of argument. + Archimedes expressly states that he takes this number because it is "ten + times as large as the earth has been supposed to be by certain + investigators." Here, perhaps, the reference is to Eratosthenes, whose + measurement of the earth we shall have occasion to revert to in a moment. + Continuing, Archimedes asserts that the sun is larger than the earth, and + the earth larger than the moon. In this assumption, he says, he is + following the opinion of the majority of astronomers. In the third place, + Archimedes assumes that the diameter of the sun is not more than thirty + times greater than that of the moon. Here he is probably basing his + argument upon another set of measurements of Aristarchus, to which, also, + we shall presently refer more at length. In reality, his assumption is + very far from the truth, since the actual diameter of the sun, as we now + know, is something like four hundred times that of the moon. Fourth, the + circumference of the sun is greater than one side of the thousand-faced + figure inscribed in its orbit. The measurement, it is expressly stated, is + based on the measurements of Aristarchus, who makes the diameter of the + sun 1/170 of its orbit. Archimedes adds, however, that he himself has + measured the angle and that it appears to him to be less than 1/164, and + greater than 1/200 part of the orbit. That is to say, reduced to modern + terminology, he places the limit of the sun's apparent size between + thirty-three minutes and twenty-seven minutes of arc. As the real diameter + is thirty-two minutes, this calculation is surprisingly exact, considering + the implements then at command. But the honor of first making it must be + given to Aristarchus and not to Archimedes. + </p> + <p> + We need not follow Archimedes to the limits of his incomprehensible + numbers of sand-grains. The calculation is chiefly remarkable because it + was made before the introduction of the so-called Arabic numerals had + simplified mathematical calculations. It will be recalled that the Greeks + used letters for numerals, and, having no cipher, they soon found + themselves in difficulties when large numbers were involved. The Roman + system of numerals simplified the matter somewhat, but the beautiful + simplicity of the decimal system did not come into vogue until the Middle + Ages, as we shall see. Notwithstanding the difficulties, however, + Archimedes followed out his calculations to the piling up of bewildering + numbers, which the modern mathematician finds to be the consistent outcome + of the problem he had set himself. + </p> + <p> + But it remains to notice the most interesting feature of this document in + which the calculation of the sand-grains is contained. "It was known to + me," says Archimedes, "that most astronomers understand by the expression + 'world' (universe) a ball of which the centre is the middle point of the + earth, and of which the radius is a straight line between the centre of + the earth and the sun." Archimedes himself appears to accept this opinion + of the majority,—it at least serves as well as the contrary + hypothesis for the purpose of his calculation,—but he goes on to + say: "Aristarchus of Samos, in his writing against the astronomers, seeks + to establish the fact that the world is really very different from this. + He holds the opinion that the fixed stars and the sun are immovable and + that the earth revolves in a circular line about the sun, the sun being at + the centre of this circle." This remarkable bit of testimony establishes + beyond question the position of Aristarchus of Samos as the Copernicus of + antiquity. We must make further inquiry as to the teachings of the man who + had gained such a remarkable insight into the true system of the heavens. + </p> + <p> + ARISTARCHUS OF SAMOS, THE COPERNICUS OF ANTIQUITY + </p> + <p> + It appears that Aristarchus was a contemporary of Archimedes, but the + exact dates of his life are not known. He was actively engaged in making + astronomical observations in Samos somewhat before the middle of the third + century B.C.; in other words, just at the time when the activities of the + Alexandrian school were at their height. Hipparchus, at a later day, was + enabled to compare his own observations with those made by Aristarchus, + and, as we have just seen, his work was well known to so distant a + contemporary as Archimedes. Yet the facts of his life are almost a blank + for us, and of his writings only a single one has been preserved. That + one, however, is a most important and interesting paper on the + measurements of the sun and the moon. Unfortunately, this paper gives us + no direct clew as to the opinions of Aristarchus concerning the relative + positions of the earth and sun. But the testimony of Archimedes as to this + is unequivocal, and this testimony is supported by other rumors in + themselves less authoritative. + </p> + <p> + In contemplating this astronomer of Samos, then, we are in the presence of + a man who had solved in its essentials the problem of the mechanism of the + solar system. It appears from the words of Archimedes that Aristarchus; + had propounded his theory in explicit writings. Unquestionably, then, he + held to it as a positive doctrine, not as a mere vague guess. We shall + show, in a moment, on what grounds he based his opinion. Had his teaching + found vogue, the story of science would be very different from what it is. + We should then have no tale to tell of a Copernicus coming upon the scene + fully seventeen hundred years later with the revolutionary doctrine that + our world is not the centre of the universe. We should not have to tell of + the persecution of a Bruno or of a Galileo for teaching this doctrine in + the seventeenth century of an era which did not begin till two hundred + years after the death of Aristarchus. But, as we know, the teaching of the + astronomer of Samos did not win its way. The old conservative geocentric + doctrine, seemingly so much more in accordance with the every-day + observations of mankind, supported by the majority of astronomers with the + Peripatetic philosophers at their head, held its place. It found fresh + supporters presently among the later Alexandrians, and so fully eclipsed + the heliocentric view that we should scarcely know that view had even + found an advocate were it not for here and there such a chance record as + the phrases we have just quoted from Archimedes. Yet, as we now see, the + heliocentric doctrine, which we know to be true, had been thought out and + advocated as the correct theory of celestial mechanics by at least one + worker of the third century B.C. Such an idea, we may be sure, did not + spring into the mind of its originator except as the culmination of a long + series of observations and inferences. The precise character of the + evolution we perhaps cannot trace, but its broader outlines are open to + our observation, and we may not leave so important a topic without at + least briefly noting them. + </p> + <p> + Fully to understand the theory of Aristarchus, we must go back a century + or two and recall that as long ago as the time of that other great native + of Samos, Pythagoras, the conception had been reached that the earth is in + motion. We saw, in dealing with Pythagoras, that we could not be sure as + to precisely what he himself taught, but there is no question that the + idea of the world's motion became from an early day a so-called + Pythagorean doctrine. While all the other philosophers, so far as we know, + still believed that the world was flat, the Pythagoreans out in Italy + taught that the world is a sphere and that the apparent motions of the + heavenly bodies are really due to the actual motion of the earth itself. + They did not, however, vault to the conclusion that this true motion of + the earth takes place in the form of a circuit about the sun. Instead of + that, they conceived the central body of the universe to be a great fire, + invisible from the earth, because the inhabited side of the terrestrial + ball was turned away from it. The sun, it was held, is but a great mirror, + which reflects the light from the central fire. Sun and earth alike + revolve about this great fire, each in its own orbit. Between the earth + and the central fire there was, curiously enough, supposed to be an + invisible earthlike body which was given the name of Anticthon, or + counter-earth. This body, itself revolving about the central fire, was + supposed to shut off the central light now and again from the sun or from + the moon, and thus to account for certain eclipses for which the shadow of + the earth did not seem responsible. It was, perhaps, largely to account + for such eclipses that the counter-earth was invented. But it is supposed + that there was another reason. The Pythagoreans held that there is a + peculiar sacredness in the number ten. Just as the Babylonians of the + early day and the Hegelian philosophers of a more recent epoch saw a + sacred connection between the number seven and the number of planetary + bodies, so the Pythagoreans thought that the universe must be arranged in + accordance with the number ten. Their count of the heavenly bodies, + including the sphere of the fixed stars, seemed to show nine, and the + counter-earth supplied the missing body. + </p> + <p> + The precise genesis and development of this idea cannot now be followed, + but that it was prevalent about the fifth century B.C. as a Pythagorean + doctrine cannot be questioned. Anaxagoras also is said to have taken + account of the hypothetical counter-earth in his explanation of eclipses; + though, as we have seen, he probably did not accept that part of the + doctrine which held the earth to be a sphere. The names of Philolaus and + Heraclides have been linked with certain of these Pythagorean doctrines. + Eudoxus, too, who, like the others, lived in Asia Minor in the fourth + century B.C., was held to have made special studies of the heavenly + spheres and perhaps to have taught that the earth moves. So, too, Nicetas + must be named among those whom rumor credited with having taught that the + world is in motion. In a word, the evidence, so far as we can garner it + from the remaining fragments, tends to show that all along, from the time + of the early Pythagoreans, there had been an undercurrent of opinion in + the philosophical world which questioned the fixity of the earth; and it + would seem that the school of thinkers who tended to accept the + revolutionary view centred in Asia Minor, not far from the early home of + the founder of the Pythagorean doctrines. It was not strange, then, that + the man who was finally to carry these new opinions to their logical + conclusion should hail from Samos. + </p> + <p> + But what was the support which observation could give to this new, strange + conception that the heavenly bodies do not in reality move as they seem to + move, but that their apparent motion is due to the actual revolution of + the earth? It is extremely difficult for any one nowadays to put himself + in a mental position to answer this question. We are so accustomed to + conceive the solar system as we know it to be, that we are wont to forget + how very different it is from what it seems. Yet one needs but to glance + up at the sky, and then to glance about one at the solid earth, to grant, + on a moment's reflection, that the geocentric idea is of all others the + most natural; and that to conceive the sun as the actual Centre of the + solar system is an idea which must look for support to some other evidence + than that which ordinary observation can give. Such was the view of most + of the ancient philosophers, and such continued to be the opinion of the + majority of mankind long after the time of Copernicus. We must not forget + that even so great an observing astronomer as Tycho Brahe, so late as the + seventeenth century, declined to accept the heliocentric theory, though + admitting that all the planets except the earth revolve about the sun. We + shall see that before the Alexandrian school lost its influence a + geocentric scheme had been evolved which fully explained all the apparent + motions of the heavenly bodies. All this, then, makes us but wonder the + more that the genius of an Aristarchus could give precedence to scientific + induction as against the seemingly clear evidence of the senses. + </p> + <p> + What, then, was the line of scientific induction that led Aristarchus to + this wonderful goal? Fortunately, we are able to answer that query, at + least in part. Aristarchus gained his evidence through some wonderful + measurements. First, he measured the disks of the sun and the moon. This, + of course, could in itself give him no clew to the distance of these + bodies, and therefore no clew as to their relative size; but in attempting + to obtain such a clew he hit upon a wonderful yet altogether simple + experiment. It occurred to him that when the moon is precisely + dichotomized—that is to say, precisely at the half-the line of + vision from the earth to the moon must be precisely at right angles with + the line of light passing from the sun to the moon. At this moment, then, + the imaginary lines joining the sun, the moon, and the earth, make a right + angle triangle. But the properties of the right-angle triangle had long + been studied and were well under stood. One acute angle of such a triangle + determines the figure of the triangle itself. We have already seen that + Thales, the very earliest of the Greek philosophers, measured the distance + of a ship at sea by the application of this principle. Now Aristarchus + sights the sun in place of Thales' ship, and, sighting the moon at the + same time, measures the angle and establishes the shape of his right-angle + triangle. This does not tell him the distance of the sun, to be sure, for + he does not know the length of his base-line—that is to say, of the + line between the moon and the earth. But it does establish the relation of + that base-line to the other lines of the triangle; in other words, it + tells him the distance of the sun in terms of the moon's distance. As + Aristarchus strikes the angle, it shows that the sun is eighteen times as + distant as the moon. Now, by comparing the apparent size of the sun with + the apparent size of the moon—which, as we have seen, Aristarchus + has already measured—he is able to tell us that, the sun is "more + than 5832 times, and less than 8000" times larger than the moon; though + his measurements, taken by themselves, give no clew to the actual bulk of + either body. These conclusions, be it understood, are absolutely valid + inferences—nay, demonstrations—from the measurements involved, + provided only that these measurements have been correct. Unfortunately, + the angle of the triangle we have just seen measured is exceedingly + difficult to determine with accuracy, while at the same time, as a + moment's reflection will show, it is so large an angle that a very slight + deviation from the truth will greatly affect the distance at which its + line joins the other side of the triangle. Then again, it is virtually + impossible to tell the precise moment when the moon is at half, as the + line it gives is not so sharp that we can fix it with absolute accuracy. + There is, moreover, another element of error due to the refraction of + light by the earth's atmosphere. The experiment was probably made when the + sun was near the horizon, at which time, as we now know, but as + Aristarchus probably did not suspect, the apparent displacement of the + sun's position is considerable; and this displacement, it will be + observed, is in the direction to lessen the angle in question. + </p> + <p> + In point of fact, Aristarchus estimated the angle at eighty-seven degrees. + Had his instrument been more precise, and had he been able to take account + of all the elements of error, he would have found it eighty-seven degrees + and fifty-two minutes. The difference of measurement seems slight; but it + sufficed to make the computations differ absurdly from the truth. The sun + is really not merely eighteen times but more than two hundred times the + distance of the moon, as Wendelein discovered on repeating the experiment + of Aristarchus about two thousand years later. Yet this discrepancy does + not in the least take away from the validity of the method which + Aristarchus employed. Moreover, his conclusion, stated in general terms, + was perfectly correct: the sun is many times more distant than the moon + and vastly larger than that body. Granted, then, that the moon is, as + Aristarchus correctly believed, considerably less in size than the earth, + the sun must be enormously larger than the earth; and this is the vital + inference which, more than any other, must have seemed to Aristarchus to + confirm the suspicion that the sun and not the earth is the centre of the + planetary system. It seemed to him inherently improbable that an + enormously large body like the sun should revolve about a small one such + as the earth. And again, it seemed inconceivable that a body so distant as + the sun should whirl through space so rapidly as to make the circuit of + its orbit in twenty-four hours. But, on the other hand, that a small body + like the earth should revolve about the gigantic sun seemed inherently + probable. This proposition granted, the rotation of the earth on its axis + follows as a necessary consequence in explanation of the seeming motion of + the stars. Here, then, was the heliocentric doctrine reduced to a virtual + demonstration by Aristarchus of Samos, somewhere about the middle of the + third century B.C. + </p> + <p> + It must be understood that in following out the steps of reasoning by + which we suppose Aristarchus to have reached so remarkable a conclusion, + we have to some extent guessed at the processes of thought-development; + for no line of explication written by the astronomer himself on this + particular point has come down to us. There does exist, however, as we + have already stated, a very remarkable treatise by Aristarchus on the Size + and Distance of the Sun and the Moon, which so clearly suggests the + methods of reasoning of the great astronomer, and so explicitly cites the + results of his measurements, that we cannot well pass it by without + quoting from it at some length. It is certainly one of the most remarkable + scientific documents of antiquity. As already noted, the heliocentric + doctrine is not expressly stated here. It seems to be tacitly implied + throughout, but it is not a necessary consequence of any of the + propositions expressly stated. These propositions have to do with certain + observations and measurements and what Aristarchus believes to be + inevitable deductions from them, and he perhaps did not wish to have these + deductions challenged through associating them with a theory which his + contemporaries did not accept. In a word, the paper of Aristarchus is a + rigidly scientific document unvitiated by association with any theorizings + that are not directly germane to its central theme. The treatise opens + with certain hypotheses as follows: + </p> + <p> + "First. The moon receives its light from the sun. + </p> + <p> + "Second. The earth may be considered as a point and as the centre of the + orbit of the moon. + </p> + <p> + "Third. When the moon appears to us dichotomized it offers to our view a + great circle (or actual meridian) of its circumference which divides the + illuminated part from the dark part. + </p> + <p> + "Fourth. When the moon appears dichotomized its distance from the sun is + less than a quarter of the circumference (of its orbit) by a thirtieth + part of that quarter." + </p> + <p> + That is to say, in modern terminology, the moon at this time lacks three + degrees (one thirtieth of ninety degrees) of being at right angles with + the line of the sun as viewed from the earth; or, stated otherwise, the + angular distance of the moon from the sun as viewed from the earth is at + this time eighty-seven degrees—this being, as we have already + observed, the fundamental measurement upon which so much depends. We may + fairly suppose that some previous paper of Aristarchus's has detailed the + measurement which here is taken for granted, yet which of course could + depend solely on observation. + </p> + <p> + "Fifth. The diameter of the shadow (cast by the earth at the point where + the moon's orbit cuts that shadow when the moon is eclipsed) is double the + diameter of the moon." + </p> + <p> + Here again a knowledge of previously established measurements is taken for + granted; but, indeed, this is the case throughout the treatise. + </p> + <p> + "Sixth. The arc subtended in the sky by the moon is a fifteenth part of a + sign" of the zodiac; that is to say, since there are twenty-four, signs in + the zodiac, one-fifteenth of one twenty-fourth, or in modern terminology, + one degree of arc. This is Aristarchus's measurement of the moon to which + we have already referred when speaking of the measurements of Archimedes. + </p> + <p> + "If we admit these six hypotheses," Aristarchus continues, "it follows + that the sun is more than eighteen times more distant from the earth than + is the moon, and that it is less than twenty times more distant, and that + the diameter of the sun bears a corresponding relation to the diameter of + the moon; which is proved by the position of the moon when dichotomized. + But the ratio of the diameter of the sun to that of the earth is greater + than nineteen to three and less than forty-three to six. This is + demonstrated by the relation of the distances, by the position (of the + moon) in relation to the earth's shadow, and by the fact that the arc + subtended by the moon is a fifteenth part of a sign." + </p> + <p> + Aristarchus follows with nineteen propositions intended to elucidate his + hypotheses and to demonstrate his various contentions. These show a + singularly clear grasp of geometrical problems and an altogether correct + conception of the general relations as to size and position of the earth, + the moon, and the sun. His reasoning has to do largely with the shadow + cast by the earth and by the moon, and it presupposes a considerable + knowledge of the phenomena of eclipses. His first proposition is that "two + equal spheres may always be circumscribed in a cylinder; two unequal + spheres in a cone of which the apex is found on the side of the smaller + sphere; and a straight line joining the centres of these spheres is + perpendicular to each of the two circles made by the contact of the + surface of the cylinder or of the cone with the spheres." + </p> + <p> + It will be observed that Aristarchus has in mind here the moon, the earth, + and the sun as spheres to be circumscribed within a cone, which cone is + made tangible and measurable by the shadows cast by the non-luminous + bodies; since, continuing, he clearly states in proposition nine, that + "when the sun is totally eclipsed, an observer on the earth's surface is + at an apex of a cone comprising the moon and the sun." Various + propositions deal with other relations of the shadows which need not + detain us since they are not fundamentally important, and we may pass to + the final conclusions of Aristarchus, as reached in his propositions ten + to nineteen. + </p> + <p> + Now, since (proposition ten) "the diameter of the sun is more than + eighteen times and less than twenty times greater than that of the moon," + it follows (proposition eleven) "that the bulk of the sun is to that of + the moon in ratio, greater than 5832 to 1, and less than 8000 to 1." + </p> + <p> + "Proposition sixteen. The diameter of the sun is to the diameter of the + earth in greater proportion than nineteen to three, and less than + forty-three to six. + </p> + <p> + "Proposition seventeen. The bulk of the sun is to that of the earth in + greater proportion than 6859 to 27, and less than 79,507 to 216. + </p> + <p> + "Proposition eighteen. The diameter of the earth is to the diameter of the + moon in greater proportion than 108 to 43 and less than 60 to 19. + </p> + <p> + "Proposition nineteen. The bulk of the earth is to that of the moon in + greater proportion than 1,259,712 to 79,507 and less than 20,000 to 6859." + </p> + <p> + Such then are the more important conclusions of this very remarkable paper—a + paper which seems to have interest to the successors of Aristarchus + generation after generation, since this alone of all the writings of the + great astronomer has been preserved. How widely the exact results of the + measurements of Aristarchus, differ from the truth, we have pointed out as + we progressed. But let it be repeated that this detracts little from the + credit of the astronomer who had such clear and correct conceptions of the + relations of the heavenly bodies and who invented such correct methods of + measurement. Let it be particularly observed, however, that all the + conclusions of Aristarchus are stated in relative terms. He nowhere + attempts to estimate the precise size of the earth, of the moon, or of the + sun, or the actual distance of one of these bodies from another. The + obvious reason for this is that no data were at hand from which to make + such precise measurements. Had Aristarchus known the size of any one of + the bodies in question, he might readily, of course, have determined the + size of the others by the mere application of his relative scale; but he + had no means of determining the size of the earth, and to this extent his + system of measurements remained imperfect. Where Aristarchus halted, + however, another worker of the same period took the task in hand and by an + altogether wonderful measurement determined the size of the earth, and + thus brought the scientific theories of cosmology to their climax. This + worthy supplementor of the work of Aristarchus was Eratosthenes of + Alexandria. + </p> + <p> + ERATOSTHENES, "THE SURVEYOR OF THE WORLD" + </p> + <p> + An altogether remarkable man was this native of Cyrene, who came to + Alexandria from Athens to be the chief librarian of Ptolemy Euergetes. He + was not merely an astronomer and a geographer, but a poet and grammarian + as well. His contemporaries jestingly called him Beta the Second, because + he was said through the universality of his attainments to be "a second + Plato" in philosophy, "a second Thales" in astronomy, and so on throughout + the list. He was also called the "surveyor of the world," in recognition + of his services to geography. Hipparchus said of him, perhaps half + jestingly, that he had studied astronomy as a geographer and geography as + an astronomer. It is not quite clear whether the epigram was meant as + compliment or as criticism. Similar phrases have been turned against men + of versatile talent in every age. Be that as it may, Eratosthenes passed + into history as the father of scientific geography and of scientific + chronology; as the astronomer who first measured the obliquity of the + ecliptic; and as the inventive genius who performed the astounding feat of + measuring the size of the globe on which we live at a time when only a + relatively small portion of that globe's surface was known to civilized + man. It is no discredit to approach astronomy as a geographer and + geography as an astronomer if the results are such as these. What + Eratosthenes really did was to approach both astronomy and geography from + two seemingly divergent points of attack—namely, from the + stand-point of the geometer and also from that of the poet. Perhaps no man + in any age has brought a better combination of observing and imaginative + faculties to the aid of science. + </p> + <p> + Nearly all the discoveries of Eratosthenes are associated with + observations of the shadows cast by the sun. We have seen that, in the + study of the heavenly bodies, much depends on the measurement of angles. + Now the easiest way in which angles can be measured, when solar angles are + in question, is to pay attention, not to the sun itself, but to the shadow + that it casts. We saw that Thales made some remarkable measurements with + the aid of shadows, and we have more than once referred to the gnomon, + which is the most primitive, but which long remained the most important, + of astronomical instruments. It is believed that Eratosthenes invented an + important modification of the gnomon which was elaborated afterwards by + Hipparchus and called an armillary sphere. This consists essentially of a + small gnomon, or perpendicular post, attached to a plane representing the + earth's equator and a hemisphere in imitation of the earth's surface. With + the aid of this, the shadow cast by the sun could be very accurately + measured. It involves no new principle. Every perpendicular post or object + of any kind placed in the sunlight casts a shadow from which the angles + now in question could be roughly measured. The province of the armillary + sphere was to make these measurements extremely accurate. + </p> + <p> + With the aid of this implement, Eratosthenes carefully noted the longest + and the shortest shadows cast by the gnomon—that is to say, the + shadows cast on the days of the solstices. He found that the distance + between the tropics thus measured represented 47 degrees 42' 39" of arc. + One-half of this, or 23 degrees 5,' 19.5", represented the obliquity of + the ecliptic—that is to say, the angle by which the earth's axis + dipped from the perpendicular with reference to its orbit. This was a most + important observation, and because of its accuracy it has served modern + astronomers well for comparison in measuring the trifling change due to + our earth's slow, swinging wobble. For the earth, be it understood, like a + great top spinning through space, holds its position with relative but not + quite absolute fixity. It must not be supposed, however, that the + experiment in question was quite new with Eratosthenes. His merit consists + rather in the accuracy with which he made his observation than in the + novelty of the conception; for it is recorded that Eudoxus, a full century + earlier, had remarked the obliquity of the ecliptic. That observer had + said that the obliquity corresponded to the side of a pentadecagon, or + fifteen-sided figure, which is equivalent in modern phraseology to + twenty-four degrees of arc. But so little is known regarding the way in + which Eudoxus reached his estimate that the measurement of Eratosthenes is + usually spoken of as if it were the first effort of the kind. + </p> + <p> + Much more striking, at least in its appeal to the popular imagination, was + that other great feat which Eratosthenes performed with the aid of his + perfected gnomon—the measurement of the earth itself. When we + reflect that at this period the portion of the earth open to observation + extended only from the Straits of Gibraltar on the west to India on the + east, and from the North Sea to Upper Egypt, it certainly seems + enigmatical—at first thought almost miraculous—that an + observer should have been able to measure the entire globe. That he should + have accomplished this through observation of nothing more than a tiny bit + of Egyptian territory and a glimpse of the sun's shadow makes it seem but + the more wonderful. Yet the method of Eratosthenes, like many another + enigma, seems simple enough once it is explained. It required but the + application of a very elementary knowledge of the geometry of circles, + combined with the use of a fact or two from local geography—which + detracts nothing from the genius of the man who could reason from such + simple premises to so wonderful a conclusion. + </p> + <p> + Stated in a few words, the experiment of Eratosthenes was this. His + geographical studies had taught him that the town of Syene lay directly + south of Alexandria, or, as we should say, on the same meridian of + latitude. He had learned, further, that Syene lay directly under the + tropic, since it was reported that at noon on the day of the summer + solstice the gnomon there cast no shadow, while a deep well was illumined + to the bottom by the sun. A third item of knowledge, supplied by the + surveyors of Ptolemy, made the distance between Syene and Alexandria five + thousand stadia. These, then, were the preliminary data required by + Eratosthenes. Their significance consists in the fact that here is a + measured bit of the earth's arc five thousand stadia in length. If we + could find out what angle that bit of arc subtends, a mere matter of + multiplication would give us the size of the earth. But how determine this + all-important number? The answer came through reflection on the relations + of concentric circles. If you draw any number of circles, of whatever + size, about a given centre, a pair of radii drawn from that centre will + cut arcs of the same relative size from all the circles. One circle may be + so small that the actual arc subtended by the radii in a given case may be + but an inch in length, while another circle is so large that its + corresponding are is measured in millions of miles; but in each case the + same number of so-called degrees will represent the relation of each arc + to its circumference. Now, Eratosthenes knew, as just stated, that the + sun, when on the meridian on the day of the summer solstice, was directly + over the town of Syene. This meant that at that moment a radius of the + earth projected from Syene would point directly towards the sun. + Meanwhile, of course, the zenith would represent the projection of the + radius of the earth passing through Alexandria. All that was required, + then, was to measure, at Alexandria, the angular distance of the sun from + the zenith at noon on the day of the solstice to secure an approximate + measurement of the arc of the sun's circumference, corresponding to the + arc of the earth's surface represented by the measured distance between + Alexandria and Syene. + </p> + <p> + The reader will observe that the measurement could not be absolutely + accurate, because it is made from the surface of the earth, and not from + the earth's centre, but the size of the earth is so insignificant in + comparison with the distance of the sun that this slight discrepancy could + be disregarded. + </p> + <p> + The way in which Eratosthenes measured this angle was very simple. He + merely measured the angle of the shadow which his perpendicular gnomon at + Alexandria cast at mid-day on the day of the solstice, when, as already + noted, the sun was directly perpendicular at Syene. Now a glance at the + diagram will make it clear that the measurement of this angle of the + shadow is merely a convenient means of determining the precisely equal + opposite angle subtending an arc of an imaginary circle passing through + the sun; the are which, as already explained, corresponds with the arc of + the earth's surface represented by the distance between Alexandria and + Syene. He found this angle to represent 7 degrees 12', or one-fiftieth of + the circle. Five thousand stadia, then, represent one-fiftieth of the + earth's circumference; the entire circumference being, therefore, 250,000 + stadia. Unfortunately, we do not know which one of the various + measurements used in antiquity is represented by the stadia of + Eratosthenes. According to the researches of Lepsius, however, the stadium + in question represented 180 meters, and this would make the earth, + according to the measurement of Eratosthenes, about twenty-eight thousand + miles in circumference, an answer sufficiently exact to justify the wonder + which the experiment excited in antiquity, and the admiration with which + it has ever since been regarded. + </p> + <p> + {illustration caption = DIAGRAM TO ILLUSTRATE ERATOSTHENES' MEASUREMENT OF + THE GLOBE + </p> + <p> + FIG. 1. AF is a gnomon at Alexandria; SB a gnomon at Svene; IS and JK + represent the sun's rays. The angle actually measured by Eratosthenes is + KFA, as determined by the shadow cast by the gnomon AF. This angle is + equal to the opposite angle JFL, which measures the sun's distance from + the zenith; and which is also equal to the angle AES—to determine + the Size of which is the real object of the entire measurement. + </p> + <p> + FIG. 2 shows the form of the gnomon actually employed in antiquity. The + hemisphere KA being marked with a scale, it is obvious that in actual + practice Eratosthenes required only to set his gnomon in the sunlight at + the proper moment, and read off the answer to his problem at a glance. The + simplicity of the method makes the result seem all the more wonderful.} + </p> + <p> + Of course it is the method, and not its details or its exact results, that + excites our interest. And beyond question the method was an admirable one. + Its result, however, could not have been absolutely accurate, because, + while correct in principle, its data were defective. In point of fact + Syene did not lie precisely on the same meridian as Alexandria, neither + did it lie exactly on the tropic. Here, then, are two elements of + inaccuracy. Moreover, it is doubtful whether Eratosthenes made allowance, + as he should have done, for the semi-diameter of the sun in measuring the + angle of the shadow. But these are mere details, scarcely worthy of + mention from our present stand-point. What perhaps is deserving of more + attention is the fact that this epoch-making measurement of Eratosthenes + may not have been the first one to be made. A passage of Aristotle records + that the size of the earth was said to be 400,000 stadia. Some + commentators have thought that Aristotle merely referred to the area of + the inhabited portion of the earth and not to the circumference of the + earth itself, but his words seem doubtfully susceptible of this + interpretation; and if he meant, as his words seem to imply, that + philosophers of his day had a tolerably precise idea of the globe, we must + assume that this idea was based upon some sort of measurement. The + recorded size, 400,000 stadia, is a sufficient approximation to the truth + to suggest something more than a mere unsupported guess. Now, since + Aristotle died more than fifty years before Eratosthenes was born, his + report as to the alleged size of the earth certainly has a suggestiveness + that cannot be overlooked; but it arouses speculations without giving an + inkling as to their solution. If Eratosthenes had a precursor as an + earth-measurer, no hint or rumor has come down to us that would enable us + to guess who that precursor may have been. His personality is as deeply + enveloped in the mists of the past as are the personalities of the great + prehistoric discoverers. For the purpose of the historian, Eratosthenes + must stand as the inventor of the method with which his name is + associated, and as the first man of whom we can say with certainty that he + measured the size of the earth. Right worthily, then, had the Alexandrian + philosopher won his proud title of "surveyor of the world." + </p> + <p> + HIPPARCHUS, "THE LOVER OF TRUTH" + </p> + <p> + Eratosthenes outlived most of his great contemporaries. He saw the turning + of that first and greatest century of Alexandrian science, the third + century before our era. He died in the year 196 B.C., having, it is said, + starved himself to death to escape the miseries of blindness;—to the + measurer of shadows, life without light seemed not worth the living. + Eratosthenes left no immediate successor. A generation later, however, + another great figure appeared in the astronomical world in the person of + Hipparchus, a man who, as a technical observer, had perhaps no peer in the + ancient world: one who set so high a value upon accuracy of observation as + to earn the title of "the lover of truth." Hipparchus was born at Nicaea, + in Bithynia, in the year 160 B.C. His life, all too short for the + interests of science, ended in the year 125 B.C. The observations of the + great astronomer were made chiefly, perhaps entirely, at Rhodes. A + misinterpretation of Ptolemy's writings led to the idea that Hipparchus, + performed his chief labors in Alexandria, but it is now admitted that + there is no evidence for this. Delambre doubted, and most subsequent + writers follow him here, whether Hipparchus ever so much as visited + Alexandria. In any event there seems to be no question that Rhodes may + claim the honor of being the chief site of his activities. + </p> + <p> + It was Hipparchus whose somewhat equivocal comment on the work of + Eratosthenes we have already noted. No counter-charge in kind could be + made against the critic himself; he was an astronomer pure and simple. His + gift was the gift of accurate observation rather than the gift of + imagination. No scientific progress is possible without scientific + guessing, but Hipparchus belonged to that class of observers with whom + hypothesis is held rigidly subservient to fact. It was not to be expected + that his mind would be attracted by the heliocentric theory of + Aristarchus. He used the facts and observations gathered by his great + predecessor of Samos, but he declined to accept his theories. For him the + world was central; his problem was to explain, if he could, the + irregularities of motion which sun, moon, and planets showed in their + seeming circuits about the earth. Hipparchus had the gnomon of + Eratosthenes—doubtless in a perfected form—to aid him, and he + soon proved himself a master in its use. For him, as we have said, + accuracy was everything; this was the one element that led to all his + great successes. + </p> + <p> + Perhaps his greatest feat was to demonstrate the eccentricity of the sun's + seeming orbit. We of to-day, thanks to Keppler and his followers, know + that the earth and the other planetary bodies in their circuit about the + sun describe an ellipse and not a circle. But in the day of Hipparchus, + though the ellipse was recognized as a geometrical figure (it had been + described and named along with the parabola and hyperbola by Apollonius of + Perga, the pupil of Euclid), yet it would have been the rankest heresy to + suggest an elliptical course for any heavenly body. A metaphysical theory, + as propounded perhaps by the Pythagoreans but ardently supported by + Aristotle, declared that the circle is the perfect figure, and pronounced + it inconceivable that the motions of the spheres should be other than + circular. This thought dominated the mind of Hipparchus, and so when his + careful measurements led him to the discovery that the northward and + southward journeyings of the sun did not divide the year into four equal + parts, there was nothing open to him but to either assume that the earth + does not lie precisely at the centre of the sun's circular orbit or to + find some alternative hypothesis. + </p> + <p> + In point of fact, the sun (reversing the point of view in accordance with + modern discoveries) does lie at one focus of the earth's elliptical orbit, + and therefore away from the physical centre of that orbit; in other words, + the observations of Hipparchus were absolutely accurate. He was quite + correct in finding that the sun spends more time on one side of the + equator than on the other. When, therefore, he estimated the relative + distance of the earth from the geometrical centre of the sun's supposed + circular orbit, and spoke of this as the measure of the sun's + eccentricity, he propounded a theory in which true data of observation + were curiously mingled with a positively inverted theory. That the theory + of Hipparchus was absolutely consistent with all the facts of this + particular observation is the best evidence that could be given of the + difficulties that stood in the way of a true explanation of the mechanism + of the heavens. + </p> + <p> + But it is not merely the sun which was observed to vary in the speed of + its orbital progress; the moon and the planets also show curious + accelerations and retardations of motion. The moon in particular received + most careful attention from Hipparchus. Dominated by his conception of the + perfect spheres, he could find but one explanation of the anomalous + motions which he observed, and this was to assume that the various + heavenly bodies do not fly on in an unvarying arc in their circuit about + the earth, but describe minor circles as they go which can be likened to + nothing so tangibly as to a light attached to the rim of a wagon-wheel in + motion. If such an invisible wheel be imagined as carrying the sun, for + example, on its rim, while its invisible hub follows unswervingly the + circle of the sun's mean orbit (this wheel, be it understood, lying in the + plane of the orbit, not at right-angles to it), then it must be obvious + that while the hub remains always at the same distance from the earth, the + circling rim will carry the sun nearer the earth, then farther away, and + that while it is traversing that portion of the are which brings it + towards the earth, the actual forward progress of the sun will be retarded + notwithstanding the uniform motion of the hub, just as it will be + accelerated in the opposite arc. Now, if we suppose our sun-bearing wheel + to turn so slowly that the sun revolves but once about its imaginary hub + while the wheel itself is making the entire circuit of the orbit, we shall + have accounted for the observed fact that the sun passes more quickly + through one-half of the orbit than through the other. Moreover, if we can + visualize the process and imagine the sun to have left a visible line of + fire behind him throughout the course, we shall see that in reality the + two circular motions involved have really resulted in producing an + elliptical orbit. + </p> + <p> + The idea is perhaps made clearer if we picture the actual progress of the + lantern attached to the rim of an ordinary cart-wheel. When the cart is + drawn forward the lantern is made to revolve in a circle as regards the + hub of the wheel, but since that hub is constantly going forward, the + actual path described by the lantern is not a circle at all but a waving + line. It is precisely the same with the imagined course of the sun in its + orbit, only that we view these lines just as we should view the lantern on + the wheel if we looked at it from directly above and not from the side. + The proof that the sun is describing this waving line, and therefore must + be considered as attached to an imaginary wheel, is furnished, as it + seemed to Hipparchus, by the observed fact of the sun's varying speed. + </p> + <p> + That is one way of looking at the matter. It is an hypothesis that + explains the observed facts—after a fashion, and indeed a very + remarkable fashion. The idea of such an explanation did not originate with + Hipparchus. The germs of the thought were as old as the Pythagorean + doctrine that the earth revolves about a centre that we cannot see. + Eudoxus gave the conception greater tangibility, and may be considered as + the father of this doctrine of wheels—epicycles, as they came to be + called. Two centuries before the time of Hipparchus he conceived a + doctrine of spheres which Aristotle found most interesting, and which + served to explain, along the lines we have just followed, the observed + motions of the heavenly bodies. Calippus, the reformer of the calendar, is + said to have carried an account of this theory to Aristotle. As new + irregularities of motion of the sun, moon, and planetary bodies were + pointed out, new epicycles were invented. There is no limit to the number + of imaginary circles that may be inscribed about an imaginary centre, and + if we conceive each one of these circles to have a proper motion of its + own, and each one to carry the sun in the line of that motion, except as + it is diverted by the other motions—if we can visualize this complex + mingling of wheels—we shall certainly be able to imagine the + heavenly body which lies at the juncture of all the rims, as being carried + forward in as erratic and wobbly a manner as could be desired. In other + words, the theory of epicycles will account for all the facts of the + observed motions of all the heavenly bodies, but in so doing it fills the + universe with a most bewildering network of intersecting circles. Even in + the time of Calippus fifty-five of these spheres were computed. + </p> + <p> + We may well believe that the clear-seeing Aristarchus would look askance + at such a complex system of imaginary machinery. But Hipparchus, + pre-eminently an observer rather than a theorizer, seems to have been + content to accept the theory of epicycles as he found it, though his + studies added to its complexities; and Hipparchus was the dominant + scientific personality of his century. What he believed became as a law to + his immediate successors. His tenets were accepted as final by their great + popularizer, Ptolemy, three centuries later; and so the heliocentric + theory of Aristarchus passed under a cloud almost at the hour of its + dawning, there to remain obscured and forgotten for the long lapse of + centuries. A thousand pities that the greatest observing astronomer of + antiquity could not, like one of his great precursors, have approached + astronomy from the stand-point of geography and poetry. Had he done so, + perhaps he might have reflected, like Aristarchus before him, that it + seems absurd for our earth to hold the giant sun in thraldom; then perhaps + his imagination would have reached out to the heliocentric doctrine, and + the cobweb hypothesis of epicycles, with that yet more intangible figment + of the perfect circle, might have been wiped away. + </p> + <p> + But it was not to be. With Aristarchus the scientific imagination had + reached its highest flight; but with Hipparchus it was beginning to settle + back into regions of foggier atmosphere and narrower horizons. For what, + after all, does it matter that Hipparchus should go on to measure the + precise length of the year and the apparent size of the moon's disk; that + he should make a chart of the heavens showing the place of 1080 stars; + even that he should discover the precession of the equinox;—what, + after all, is the significance of these details as against the + all-essential fact that the greatest scientific authority of his century—the + one truly heroic scientific figure of his epoch—should have lent all + the forces of his commanding influence to the old, false theory of + cosmology, when the true theory had been propounded and when he, perhaps, + was the only man in the world who might have substantiated and vitalized + that theory? It is easy to overestimate the influence of any single man, + and, contrariwise, to underestimate the power of the Zeitgeist. But when + we reflect that the doctrines of Hipparchus, as promulgated by Ptolemy, + became, as it were, the last word of astronomical science for both the + Eastern and Western worlds, and so continued after a thousand years, it is + perhaps not too much to say that Hipparchus, "the lover of truth," missed + one of the greatest opportunities for the promulgation of truth ever + vouchsafed to a devotee of pure science. + </p> + <p> + But all this, of course, detracts nothing from the merits of Hipparchus as + an observing astronomer. A few words more must be said as to his specific + discoveries in this field. According to his measurement, the tropic year + consists of 365 days, 5 hours, and 49 minutes, varying thus only 12 + seconds from the true year, as the modern astronomer estimates it. Yet + more remarkable, because of the greater difficulties involved, was + Hipparchus's attempt to measure the actual distance of the moon. + Aristarchus had made a similar attempt before him. Hipparchus based his + computations on studies of the moon in eclipse, and he reached the + conclusion that the distance of the moon is equal to 59 radii of the earth + (in reality it is 60.27 radii). Here, then, was the measure of the + base-line of that famous triangle with which Aristarchus had measured the + distance of the sun. Hipparchus must have known of that measurement, since + he quotes the work of Aristarchus in other fields. Had he now but repeated + the experiment of Aristarchus, with his perfected instruments and his + perhaps greater observational skill, he was in position to compute the + actual distance of the sun in terms not merely of the moon's distance but + of the earth's radius. And now there was the experiment of Eratosthenes to + give the length of that radius in precise terms. In other words, + Hipparchus might have measured the distance of the sun in stadia. But if + he had made the attempt—and, indeed, it is more than likely that he + did so—the elements of error in his measurements would still have + kept him wide of the true figures. + </p> + <p> + The chief studies of Hipparchus were directed, as we have seen, towards + the sun and the moon, but a phenomenon that occurred in the year 134 B.C. + led him for a time to give more particular attention to the fixed stars. + The phenomenon in question was the sudden outburst of a new star; a + phenomenon which has been repeated now and again, but which is + sufficiently rare and sufficiently mysterious to have excited the unusual + attention of astronomers in all generations. Modern science offers an + explanation of the phenomenon, as we shall see in due course. We do not + know that Hipparchus attempted to explain it, but he was led to make a + chart of the heavens, probably with the idea of guiding future observers + in the observation of new stars. Here again Hipparchus was not altogether + an innovator, since a chart showing the brightest stars had been made by + Eratosthenes; but the new charts were much elaborated. + </p> + <p> + The studies of Hipparchus led him to observe the stars chiefly with + reference to the meridian rather than with reference to their rising, as + had hitherto been the custom. In making these studies of the relative + position of the stars, Hipparchus was led to compare his observations with + those of the Babylonians, which, it was said, Alexander had caused to be + transmitted to Greece. He made use also of the observations of Aristarchus + and others of his Greek precursors. The result of his comparisons proved + that the sphere of the fixed stars had apparently shifted its position in + reference to the plane of the sun's orbit—that is to say, the plane + of the ecliptic no longer seemed to cut the sphere of the fixed stars at + precisely the point where the two coincided in former centuries. The plane + of the ecliptic must therefore be conceived as slowly revolving in such a + way as gradually to circumnavigate the heavens. This important phenomenon + is described as the precession of the equinoxes. + </p> + <p> + It is much in question whether this phenomenon was not known to the + ancient Egyptian astronomers; but in any event, Hipparchus is to be + credited with demonstrating the fact and making it known to the Western + world. A further service was rendered theoretical astronomy by Hipparchus + through his invention of the planosphere, an instrument for the + representation of the mechanism of the heavens. His computations of the + properties of the spheres led him also to what was virtually a discovery + of the method of trigonometry, giving him, therefore, a high position in + the field of mathematics. All in all, then, Hipparchus is a most heroic + figure. He may well be considered the greatest star-gazer of antiquity, + though he cannot, without injustice to his great precursors, be allowed + the title which is sometimes given him of "father of systematic + astronomy." + </p> + <p> + CTESIBIUS AND HERO: MAGICIANS OF ALEXANDRIA + </p> + <p> + Just about the time when Hipparchus was working out at Rhodes his puzzles + of celestial mechanics, there was a man in Alexandria who was exercising a + strangely inventive genius over mechanical problems of another sort; a man + who, following the example set by Archimedes a century before, was + studying the problems of matter and putting his studies to practical + application through the invention of weird devices. The man's name was + Ctesibius. We know scarcely more of him than that he lived in Alexandria, + probably in the first half of the second century B.C. His antecedents, the + place and exact time of his birth and death, are quite unknown. Neither + are we quite certain as to the precise range of his studies or the exact + number of his discoveries. It appears that he had a pupil named Hero, + whose personality, unfortunately, is scarcely less obscure than that of + his master, but who wrote a book through which the record of the master's + inventions was preserved to posterity. Hero, indeed, wrote several books, + though only one of them has been preserved. The ones that are lost bear + the following suggestive titles: On the Construction of Slings; On the + Construction of Missiles; On the Automaton; On the Method of Lifting Heavy + Bodies; On the Dioptric or Spying-tube. The work that remains is called + Pneumatics, and so interesting a work it is as to make us doubly regret + the loss of its companion volumes. Had these other books been preserved we + should doubtless have a clearer insight than is now possible into some at + least of the mechanical problems that exercised the minds of the ancient + philosophers. The book that remains is chiefly concerned, as its name + implies, with the study of gases, or, rather, with the study of a single + gas, this being, of course, the air. But it tells us also of certain + studies in the dynamics of water that are most interesting, and for the + historian of science most important. + </p> + <p> + Unfortunately, the pupil of Ctesibius, whatever his ingenuity, was a man + with a deficient sense of the ethics of science. He tells us in his + preface that the object of his book is to record some ingenious + discoveries of others, together with additional discoveries of his own, + but nowhere in the book itself does he give us the, slightest clew as to + where the line is drawn between the old and the new. Once, in discussing + the weight of water, he mentions the law of Archimedes regarding a + floating body, but this is the only case in which a scientific principle + is traced to its source or in which credit is given to any one for a + discovery. This is the more to be regretted because Hero has discussed at + some length the theories involved in the treatment of his subject. This + reticence on the part of Hero, combined with the fact that such somewhat + later writers as Pliny and Vitruvius do not mention Hero's name, while + they frequently mention the name of his master, Ctesibius, has led modern + critics to a somewhat sceptical attitude regarding the position of Hero as + an actual discoverer. + </p> + <p> + The man who would coolly appropriate some discoveries of others under + cloak of a mere prefatorial reference was perhaps an expounder rather than + an innovator, and had, it is shrewdly suspected, not much of his own to + offer. Meanwhile, it is tolerably certain that Ctesibius was the + discoverer of the principle of the siphon, of the forcing-pump, and of a + pneumatic organ. An examination of Hero's book will show that these are + really the chief principles involved in most of the various interesting + mechanisms which he describes. We are constrained, then, to believe that + the inventive genius who was really responsible for the mechanisms we are + about to describe was Ctesibius, the master. Yet we owe a debt of + gratitude to Hero, the pupil, for having given wider vogue to these + discoveries, and in particular for the discussion of the principles of + hydrostatics and pneumatics contained in the introduction to his book. + This discussion furnishes us almost our only knowledge as to the progress + of Greek philosophers in the field of mechanics since the time of + Archimedes. + </p> + <p> + The main purpose of Hero in his preliminary thesis has to do with the + nature of matter, and recalls, therefore, the studies of Anaxagoras and + Democritus. Hero, however, approaches his subject from a purely material + or practical stand-point. He is an explicit champion of what we nowadays + call the molecular theory of matter. "Every body," he tells us, "is + composed of minute particles, between which are empty spaces less than + these particles of the body. It is, therefore, erroneous to say that there + is no vacuum except by the application of force, and that every space is + full either of air or water or some other substance. But in proportion as + any one of these particles recedes, some other follows it and fills the + vacant space; therefore there is no continuous vacuum, except by the + application of some force (like suction)—that is to say, an absolute + vacuum is never found, except as it is produced artificially." Hero brings + forward some thoroughly convincing proofs of the thesis he is maintaining. + "If there were no void places between the particles of water," he says, + "the rays of light could not penetrate the water; moreover, another + liquid, such as wine, could not spread itself through the water, as it is + observed to do, were the particles of water absolutely continuous." The + latter illustration is one the validity of which appeals as forcibly to + the physicists of to-day as it did to Hero. The same is true of the + argument drawn from the compressibility of gases. Hero has evidently made + a careful study of this subject. He knows that an inverted tube full of + air may be immersed in water without becoming wet on the inside, proving + that air is a physical substance; but he knows also that this same air may + be caused to expand to a much greater bulk by the application of heat, or + may, on the other hand, be condensed by pressure, in which case, as he is + well aware, the air exerts force in the attempt to regain its normal bulk. + But, he argues, surely we are not to believe that the particles of air + expand to fill all the space when the bulk of air as a whole expands under + the influence of heat; nor can we conceive that the particles of normal + air are in actual contact, else we should not be able to compress the air. + Hence his conclusion, which, as we have seen, he makes general in its + application to all matter, that there are spaces, or, as he calls them, + vacua, between the particles that go to make up all substances, whether + liquid, solid, or gaseous. + </p> + <p> + Here, clearly enough, was the idea of the "atomic" nature of matter + accepted as a fundamental notion. The argumentative attitude assumed by + Hero shows that the doctrine could not be expected to go unchallenged. + But, on the other hand, there is nothing in his phrasing to suggest an + intention to claim originality for any phase of the doctrine. We may infer + that in the three hundred years that had elapsed since the time of + Anaxagoras, that philosopher's idea of the molecular nature of matter had + gained fairly wide currency. As to the expansive power of gas, which Hero + describes at some length without giving us a clew to his authorities, we + may assume that Ctesibius was an original worker, yet the general facts + involved were doubtless much older than his day. Hero, for example, tells + us of the cupping-glass used by physicians, which he says is made into a + vacuum by burning up the air in it; but this apparatus had probably been + long in use, and Hero mentions it not in order to describe the ordinary + cupping-glass which is referred to, but a modification of it. He refers to + the old form as if it were something familiar to all. + </p> + <p> + Again, we know that Empedocles studied the pressure of the air in the + fifth century B.C., and discovered that it would support a column of water + in a closed tube, so this phase of the subject is not new. But there is no + hint anywhere before this work of Hero of a clear understanding that the + expansive properties of the air when compressed, or when heated, may be + made available as a motor power. Hero, however, has the clearest notions + on the subject and puts them to the practical test of experiment. Thus he + constructs numerous mechanisms in which the expansive power of air under + pressure is made to do work, and others in which the same end is + accomplished through the expansive power of heated air. For example, the + doors of a temple are made to swing open automatically when a fire is + lighted on a distant altar, closing again when the fire dies out—effects + which must have filled the minds of the pious observers with bewilderment + and wonder, serving a most useful purpose for the priests, who alone, we + may assume, were in the secret. There were two methods by which this + apparatus was worked. In one the heated air pressed on the water in a + close retort connected with the altar, forcing water out of the retort + into a bucket, which by its weight applied a force through pulleys and + ropes that turned the standards on which the temple doors revolved. When + the fire died down the air contracted, the water was siphoned back from + the bucket, which, being thus lightened, let the doors close again through + the action of an ordinary weight. The other method was a slight + modification, in which the retort of water was dispensed with and a + leather sack like a large football substitued. The ropes and pulleys were + connected with this sack, which exerted a pull when the hot air expanded, + and which collapsed and thus relaxed its strain when the air cooled. A + glance at the illustrations taken from Hero's book will make the details + clear. + </p> + <p> + Other mechanisms utilized a somewhat different combination of weights, + pulleys, and siphons, operated by the expansive power of air, unheated but + under pressure, such pressure being applied with a force-pump, or by the + weight of water running into a closed receptacle. One such mechanism gives + us a constant jet of water or perpetual fountain. Another curious + application of the principle furnishes us with an elaborate toy, + consisting of a group of birds which alternately whistle or are silent, + while an owl seated on a neighboring perch turns towards the birds when + their song begins and away from them when it ends. The "singing" of the + birds, it must be explained, is produced by the expulsion of air through + tiny tubes passing up through their throats from a tank below. The owl is + made to turn by a mechanism similar to that which manipulates the temple + doors. The pressure is supplied merely by a stream of running water, and + the periodical silence of the birds is due to the fact that this pressure + is relieved through the automatic siphoning off of the water when it + reaches a certain height. The action of the siphon, it may be added, is + correctly explained by Hero as due to the greater weight of the water in + the longer arm of the bent tube. As before mentioned, the siphon is + repeatedly used in these mechanisms of Hero. The diagram will make clear + the exact application of it in the present most ingenious mechanism. We + may add that the principle of the whistle was a favorite one of Hero. By + the aid of a similar mechanism he brought about the blowing of trumpets + when the temple doors were opened, a phenomenon which must greatly have + enhanced the mystification. It is possible that this principle was + utilized also in connection with statues to produce seemingly supernatural + effects. This may be the explanation of the tradition of the speaking + statue in the temple of Ammon at Thebes. + </p> + <p> + {illustration caption = DEVICE FOR CAUSING THE DOORS OF THE TEMPLE TO OPEN + WHEN THE FIRE ON THE ALTAR IS LIGHTED (Air heated in the altar F drives + water from the closed receptacle H through the tube KL into the bucket M, + which descends through gravity, thus opening the doors. When the altar + cools, the air contracts, the water is sucked from the bucket, and the + weight and pulley close the doors.)} + </p> + <p> + {illustration caption = THE STEAM-ENGINE OF HERO (The steam generated in + the receptacle AB passes through the tube EF into the globe, and escapes + through the bent tubes H and K, causing the globe to rotate on the axis + LG.)} + </p> + <p> + The utilization of the properties of compressed air was not confined, + however, exclusively to mere toys, or to produce miraculous effects. The + same principle was applied to a practical fire-engine, worked by levers + and force-pumps; an apparatus, in short, altogether similar to that still + in use in rural districts. A slightly different application of the motive + power of expanding air is furnished in a very curious toy called "the + dancing figures." In this, air heated in a retort like a miniature altar + is allowed to escape through the sides of two pairs of revolving arms + precisely like those of the ordinary revolving fountain with which we are + accustomed to water our lawns, the revolving arms being attached to a + plane on which several pairs of statuettes representing dancers are + placed, An even more interesting application of this principle of setting + a wheel in motion is furnished in a mechanism which must be considered the + earliest of steam-engines. Here, as the name implies, the gas supplying + the motive power is actually steam. The apparatus made to revolve is a + globe connected with the steam-retort by a tube which serves as one of its + axes, the steam escaping from the globe through two bent tubes placed at + either end of an equatorial diameter. It does not appear that Hero had any + thought of making practical use of this steam-engine. It was merely a + curious toy—nothing more. Yet had not the age that succeeded that of + Hero been one in which inventive genius was dormant, some one must soon + have hit upon the idea that this steam-engine might be improved and made + to serve a useful purpose. As the case stands, however, there was no + advance made upon the steam motor of Hero for almost two thousand years. + And, indeed, when the practical application of steam was made, towards the + close of the eighteenth century, it was made probably quite without + reference to the experiment of Hero, though knowledge of his toy may + perhaps have given a clew to Watt or his predecessors. + </p> + <p> + {illustration caption = THE SLOT-MACHINE OF HERO (The coin introduced at A + falls on the lever R, and by its weight opens the valve S, permitting the + liquid to escape through the invisible tube LM. As the lever tips, the + coin slides off and the valve closes. The liquid in tank must of course be + kept above F.)} + </p> + <p> + In recent times there has been a tendency to give to this steam-engine of + Hero something more than full meed of appreciation. To be sure, it marked + a most important principle in the conception that steam might be used as a + motive power, but, except in the demonstration of this principle, the + mechanism of Hero was much too primitive to be of any importance. But + there is one mechanism described by Hero which was a most explicit + anticipation of a device, which presumably soon went out of use, and which + was not reinvented until towards the close of the nineteenth century. This + was a device which has become familiar in recent times as the + penny-in-the-slot machine. When towards the close of the nineteenth + century some inventive craftsman hit upon the idea of an automatic machine + to supply candy, a box of cigarettes, or a whiff of perfumery, he may or + may not have borrowed his idea from the slot-machine of Hero; but in any + event, instead of being an innovator he was really two thousand years + behind the times, for the slot-machine of Hero is the precise prototype of + these modern ones. + </p> + <p> + The particular function which the mechanism of Hero was destined to fulfil + was the distribution of a jet of water, presumably used for sacramental + purposes, which was given out automatically when a five-drachma coin was + dropped into the slot at the top of the machine. The internal mechanism of + the machine was simple enough, consisting merely of a lever operating a + valve which was opened by the weight of the coin dropping on the little + shelf at the end of the lever, and which closed again when the coin slid + off the shelf. The illustration will show how simple this mechanism was. + Yet to the worshippers, who probably had entered the temple through doors + miraculously opened, and who now witnessed this seemingly intelligent + response of a machine, the result must have seemed mystifying enough; and, + indeed, for us also, when we consider how relatively crude was the + mechanical knowledge of the time, this must seem nothing less than + marvellous. As in imagination we walk up to the sacred tank, drop our + drachma in the slot, and hold our hand for the spurt of holy-water, can we + realize that this is the land of the Pharaohs, not England or America; + that the kingdom of the Ptolemies is still at its height; that the + republic of Rome is mistress of the world; that all Europe north of the + Alps is inhabited solely by barbarians; that Cleopatra and Julius Caesar + are yet unborn; that the Christian era has not yet begun? Truly, it seems + as if there could be no new thing under the sun. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0012" id="link2H_4_0012"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + X. SCIENCE OF THE ROMAN PERIOD + </h2> + <p> + We have seen that the third century B.C. was a time when Alexandrian + science was at its height, but that the second century produced also in + Hipparchus at least one investigator of the very first rank; though, to be + sure, Hipparchus can be called an Alexandrian only by courtesy. In the + ensuing generations the Greek capital at the mouth of the Nile continued + to hold its place as the centre of scientific and philosophical thought. + The kingdom of the Ptolemies still flourished with at least the outward + appearances of its old-time glory, and a company of grammarians and + commentators of no small merit could always be found in the service of the + famous museum and library; but the whole aspect of world-history was + rapidly changing. Greece, after her brief day of political supremacy, was + sinking rapidly into desuetude, and the hard-headed Roman in the West was + making himself master everywhere. While Hipparchus of Rhodes was in his + prime, Corinth, the last stronghold of the main-land of Greece, had fallen + before the prowess of the Roman, and the kingdom of the Ptolemies, though + still nominally free, had begun to come within the sphere of Roman + influence. + </p> + <p> + Just what share these political changes had in changing the aspect of + Greek thought is a question regarding which difference of opinion might + easily prevail; but there can be no question that, for one reason or + another, the Alexandrian school as a creative centre went into a rapid + decline at about the time of the Roman rise to world-power. There are some + distinguished names, but, as a general rule, the spirit of the times is + reminiscent rather than creative; the workers tend to collate the + researches of their predecessors rather than to make new and original + researches for themselves. Eratosthenes, the inventive world-measurer, was + succeeded by Strabo, the industrious collator of facts; Aristarchus and + Hipparchus, the originators of new astronomical methods, were succeeded by + Ptolemy, the perfecter of their methods and the systematizer of their + knowledge. Meanwhile, in the West, Rome never became a true + culture-centre. The great genius of the Roman was political; the Augustan + Age produced a few great historians and poets, but not a single great + philosopher or creative devotee of science. Cicero, Lucian, Seneca, Marcus + Aurelius, give us at best a reflection of Greek philosophy. Pliny, the one + world-famous name in the scientific annals of Rome, can lay claim to no + higher credit than that of a marvellously industrious collector of facts—the + compiler of an encyclopaedia which contains not one creative touch. + </p> + <p> + All in all, then, this epoch of Roman domination is one that need detain + the historian of science but a brief moment. With the culmination of Greek + effort in the so-called Hellenistic period we have seen ancient science at + its climax. The Roman period is but a time of transition, marking, as it + were, a plateau on the slope between those earlier heights and the deep, + dark valleys of the Middle Ages. Yet we cannot quite disregard the efforts + of such workers as those we have just named. Let us take a more specific + glance at their accomplishments. + </p> + <p> + STRABO THE GEOGRAPHER + </p> + <p> + The earliest of these workers in point of time is Strabo. This most famous + of ancient geographers was born in Amasia, Pontus, about 63 B.C., and + lived to the year 24 A.D., living, therefore, in the age of Caesar and + Augustus, during which the final transformation in the political position + of the kingdom of Egypt was effected. The name of Strabo in a modified + form has become popularized through a curious circumstance. The + geographer, it appears, was afflicted with a peculiar squint of the eyes, + hence the name strabismus, which the modern oculist applies to that + particular infirmity. + </p> + <p> + Fortunately, the great geographer has not been forced to depend upon + hearsay evidence for recognition. His comprehensive work on geography has + been preserved in its entirety, being one of the few expansive classical + writings of which this is true. The other writings of Strabo, however, + including certain histories of which reports have come down to us, are + entirely lost. The geography is in many ways a remarkable book. It is not, + however, a work in which any important new principles are involved. Rather + is it typical of its age in that it is an elaborate compilation and a + critical review of the labors of Strabo's predecessors. Doubtless it + contains a vast deal of new information as to the details of geography—precise + areas and distance, questions of geographical locations as to latitude and + zones, and the like. But however important these details may have been + from a contemporary stand-point, they, of course, can have nothing more + than historical interest to posterity. The value of the work from our + present stand-point is chiefly due to the criticisms which Strabo passes + upon his forerunners, and to the incidental historical and scientific + references with which his work abounds. Being written in this closing + period of ancient progress, and summarizing, as it does, in full detail + the geographical knowledge of the time, it serves as an important + guide-mark for the student of the progress of scientific thought. We + cannot do better than briefly to follow Strabo in his estimates and + criticisms of the work of his predecessors, taking note thus of the point + of view from which he himself looked out upon the world. We shall thus + gain a clear idea as to the state of scientific geography towards the + close of the classical epoch. + </p> + <p> + "If the scientific investigation of any subject be the proper avocation of + the philosopher," says Strabo, "geography, the science of which we propose + to treat, is certainly entitled to a high place; and this is evident from + many considerations. They who first undertook to handle the matter were + distinguished men. Homer, Anaximander the Milesian, and Hecaeus (his + fellow-citizen according to Eratosthenes), Democritus, Eudoxus, + Dicaearchus, and Ephorus, with many others, and after these, Eratosthenes, + Polybius, and Posidonius, all of them philosophers. Nor is the great + learning through which alone this subject can be approached possessed by + any but a person acquainted with both human and divine things, and these + attainments constitute what is called philosophy. In addition to its vast + importance in regard to social life and the art of government, geography + unfolds to us a celestial phenomena, acquaints us with the occupants of + the land and ocean, and the vegetation, fruits, and peculiarities of the + various quarters of the earth, a knowledge of which marks him who + cultivates it as a man earnest in the great problem of life and + happiness." + </p> + <p> + Strabo goes on to say that in common with other critics, including + Hipparchus, he regards Homer as the first great geographer. He has much to + say on the geographical knowledge of the bard, but this need not detain + us. We are chiefly concerned with his comment upon his more recent + predecessors, beginning with Eratosthenes. The constant reference to this + worker shows the important position which he held. Strabo appears neither + as detractor nor as partisan, but as one who earnestly desires the truth. + Sometimes he seems captious in his criticisms regarding some detail, nor + is he always correct in his emendations of the labors of others; but, on + the whole, his work is marked by an evident attempt at fairness. In + reading his book, however, one is forced to the conclusion that Strabo is + an investigator of details, not an original thinker. He seems more + concerned with precise measurements than with questionings as to the open + problems of his science. Whatever he accepts, then, may be taken as + virtually the stock doctrine of the period. + </p> + <p> + "As the size of the earth," he says, "has been demonstrated by other + writers, we shall here take for granted and receive as accurate what they + have advanced. We shall also assume that the earth is spheroidal, that its + surface is likewise spheroidal and, above all, that bodies have a tendency + towards its centre, which latter point is clear to the perception of the + most average understanding. However, we may show summarily that the earth + is spheroidal, from the consideration that all things, however distant, + tend to its centre, and that every body is attracted towards its centre by + gravity. This is more distinctly proved from observations of the sea and + sky, for here the evidence of the senses and common observation is alone + requisite. The convexity of the sea is a further proof of this to those + who have sailed, for they cannot perceive lights at a distance when placed + at the same level as their eyes, and if raised on high they at once become + perceptible to vision though at the same time farther removed. So when the + eye is raised it sees what before was utterly imperceptible. Homer speaks + of this when he says: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "'Lifted up on the vast wave he quickly beheld afar.' +</pre> + <p> + "Sailors as they approach their destination behold the shore continually + raising itself to their view, and objects which had at first seemed low + begin to lift themselves. Our gnomons, also, are, among other things, + evidence of the revolution of the heavenly bodies, and common-sense at + once shows us that if the depth of the earth were infinite such a + revolution could not take place."(1) + </p> + <p> + Elsewhere Strabo criticises Eratosthenes for having entered into a long + discussion as to the form of the earth. This matter, Strabo thinks, + "should have been disposed of in the compass of a few words." Obviously + this doctrine of the globe's sphericity had, in the course of 600 years, + become so firmly established among the Greek thinkers as to seem almost + axiomatic. We shall see later on how the Western world made a curious + recession from this seemingly secure position under stimulus of an + Oriental misconception. As to the size of the globe, Strabo is disposed to + accept without particular comment the measurements of Eratosthenes. He + speaks, however, of "more recent measurements," referring in particular to + that adopted by Posidonius, according to which the circumference is only + about one hundred and eighty thousand stadia. Posidonius, we may note in + passing, was a contemporary and friend of Cicero, and hence lived shortly + before the time of Strabo. His measurement of the earth was based on + observations of a star which barely rose above the southern horizon at + Rhodes as compared with the height of the same star when observed at + Alexandria. This measurement of Posidonius, together with the even more + famous measurement of Eratosthenes, appears to have been practically the + sole guide as to the size of the earth throughout the later periods of + antiquity, and, indeed, until the later Middle Ages. + </p> + <p> + As becomes a writer who is primarily geographer and historian rather than + astronomer, Strabo shows a much keener interest in the habitable portions + of the globe than in the globe as a whole. He assures us that this + habitable portion of the earth is a great island, "since wherever men have + approached the termination of the land, the sea, which we designate ocean, + has been met with, and reason assures us of the similarity of this place + which our senses have not been tempted to survey." He points out that + whereas sailors have not circumnavigated the globe, that they had not been + prevented from doing so by any continent, and it seems to him altogether + unlikely that the Atlantic Ocean is divided into two seas by narrow + isthmuses so placed as to prevent circumnavigation. "How much more + probable that it is confluent and uninterrupted. This theory," he adds, + "goes better with the ebb and flow of the ocean. Moreover (and here his + reasoning becomes more fanciful), the greater the amount of moisture + surrounding the earth, the easier would the heavenly bodies be supplied + with vapor from thence." Yet he is disposed to believe, following Plato, + that the tradition "concerning the island of Atlantos might be received as + something more than idle fiction, it having been related by Solon, on the + authority of the Egyptian priests, that this island, almost as large as a + continent, was formerly in existence although now it had disappeared."(2) + </p> + <p> + In a word, then, Strabo entertains no doubt whatever that it would be + possible to sail around the globe from Spain to India. Indeed, so + matter-of-fact an inference was this that the feat of Columbus would have + seemed less surprising in the first century of our era than it did when + actually performed in the fifteenth century. The terrors of the great + ocean held the mariner back, rather than any doubt as to where he would + arrive at the end of the voyage. + </p> + <p> + Coupled with the idea that the habitable portion of the earth is an + island, there was linked a tolerably definite notion as to the shape of + this island. This shape Strabo likens to a military cloak. The comparison + does not seem peculiarly apt when we are told presently that the length of + the habitable earth is more than twice its breadth. This idea, Strabo + assures us, accords with the most accurate observations "both ancient and + modern." These observations seemed to show that it is not possible to live + in the region close to the equator, and that, on the other hand, the cold + temperature sharply limits the habitability of the globe towards the + north. All the civilization of antiquity clustered about the + Mediterranean, or extended off towards the east at about the same + latitude. Hence geographers came to think of the habitable globe as having + the somewhat lenticular shape which a crude map of these regions suggests. + We have already had occasion to see that at an earlier day Anaxagoras was + perhaps influenced in his conception of the shape of the earth by this + idea, and the constant references of Strabo impress upon us the thought + that this long, relatively narrow area of the earth's surface is the only + one which can be conceived of as habitable. + </p> + <p> + Strabo had much to tell us concerning zones, which, following Posidonius, + he believes to have been first described by Parmenides. We may note, + however, that other traditions assert that both Thales and Pythagoras had + divided the earth into zones. The number of zones accepted by Strabo is + five, and he criticises Polybius for making the number six. The five zones + accepted by Strabo are as follows: the uninhabitable torrid zone lying in + the region of the equator; a zone on either side of this extending to the + tropic; and then the temperate zones extending in either direction from + the tropic to the arctic regions. There seems to have been a good deal of + dispute among the scholars of the time as to the exact arrangement of + these zones, but the general idea that the north-temperate zone is the + part of the earth with which the geographer deals seemed clearly + established. That the south-temperate zone would also present a habitable + area is an idea that is sometimes suggested, though seldom or never + distinctly expressed. It is probable that different opinions were held as + to this, and no direct evidence being available, a cautiously scientific + geographer like Strabo would naturally avoid the expression of an opinion + regarding it. Indeed, his own words leave us somewhat in doubt as to the + precise character of his notion regarding the zones. Perhaps we shall do + best to quote them: + </p> + <p> + "Let the earth be supposed to consist of five zones. (1) The equatorial + circle described around it. (2) Another parallel to this, and defining the + frigid zone of the northern hemisphere. (3) A circle passing through the + poles and cutting the two preceding circles at right-angles. The northern + hemisphere contains two quarters of the earth, which are bounded by the + equator and circle passing through the poles. Each of these quarters + should be supposed to contain a four-sided district, its northern side + being of one-half of the parallel next the pole, its southern by the half + of the equator, and its remaining sides by two segments of the circle + drawn through the poles, opposite to each other, and equal in length. In + one of these (which of them is of no consequence) the earth which we + inhabit is situated, surrounded by a sea and similar to an island. This, + as we said before, is evident both to our senses and to our reason. But + let any one doubt this, it makes no difference so far as geography is + concerned whether you believe the portion of the earth which we inhabit to + be an island or only admit what we know from experience—namely, that + whether you start from the east or the west you may sail all around it. + Certain intermediate spaces may have been left (unexplored), but these are + as likely to be occupied by sea as uninhabited land. The object of the + geographer is to describe known countries. Those which are unknown he + passes over equally with those beyond the limits of the inhabited earth. + It will, therefore, be sufficient for describing the contour of the island + we have been speaking of, if we join by a right line the outmost points + which, up to this time, have been explored by voyagers along the coast on + either side."(3) + </p> + <p> + We may pass over the specific criticisms of Strabo upon various + explorations that seem to have been of great interest to his + contemporaries, including an alleged trip of one Eudoxus out into the + Atlantic, and the journeyings of Pytheas in the far north. It is Pytheas, + we may add, who was cited by Hipparchus as having made the mistaken + observation that the length of the shadow of the gnomon is the same at + Marseilles and Byzantium, hence that these two places are on the same + parallel. Modern commentators have defended Pytheas as regards this + observation, claiming that it was Hipparchus and not Pytheas who made the + second observation from which the faulty induction was drawn. The point is + of no great significance, however, except as showing that a correct method + of determining the problems of latitude had thus early been suggested. + That faulty observations and faulty application of the correct principle + should have been made is not surprising. Neither need we concern ourselves + with the details as to the geographical distances, which Strabo found so + worthy of criticism and controversy. But in leaving the great geographer + we may emphasize his point of view and that of his contemporaries by + quoting three fundamental principles which he reiterates as being among + the "facts established by natural philosophers." He tells us that "(1) The + earth and heavens are spheroidal. (2) The tendency of all bodies having + weight is towards a centre. (3) Further, the earth being spheroidal and + having the same centre as the heavens, is motionless, as well as the axis + that passes through both it and the heavens. The heavens turn round both + the earth and its axis, from east to west. The fixed stars turn round with + it at the same rate as the whole. These fixed stars follow in their course + parallel circles, the principal of which are the equator, two tropics, and + the arctic circles; while the planets, the sun, and the moon describe + certain circles comprehended within the zodiac."(4) + </p> + <p> + Here, then, is a curious mingling of truth and error. The Pythagorean + doctrine that the earth is round had become a commonplace, but it would + appear that the theory of Aristarchus, according to which the earth is in + motion, has been almost absolutely forgotten. Strabo does not so much as + refer to it; neither, as we shall see, is it treated with greater respect + by the other writers of the period. + </p> + <p> + TWO FAMOUS EXPOSITORS—PLINY AND PTOLEMY + </p> + <p> + While Strabo was pursuing his geographical studies at Alexandria, a young + man came to Rome who was destined to make his name more widely known in + scientific annals than that of any other Latin writer of antiquity. This + man was Plinius Secundus, who, to distinguish him from his nephew, a + famous writer in another field, is usually spoken of as Pliny the Elder. + There is a famous story to the effect that the great Roman historian Livy + on one occasion addressed a casual associate in the amphitheatre at Rome, + and on learning that the stranger hailed from the outlying Spanish + province of the empire, remarked to him, "Yet you have doubtless heard of + my writings even there." "Then," replied the stranger, "you must be either + Livy or Pliny." + </p> + <p> + The anecdote illustrates the wide fame which the Roman naturalist achieved + in his own day. And the records of the Middle Ages show that this + popularity did not abate in succeeding times. Indeed, the Natural History + of Pliny is one of the comparatively few bulky writings of antiquity that + the efforts of copyists have preserved to us almost entire. It is, indeed, + a remarkable work and eminently typical of its time; but its author was an + industrious compiler, not a creative genius. As a monument of industry it + has seldom been equalled, and in this regard it seems the more remarkable + inasmuch as Pliny was a practical man of affairs who occupied most of his + life as a soldier fighting the battles of the empire. He compiled his book + in the leisure hours stolen from sleep, often writing by the light of the + camp-fire. Yet he cites or quotes from about four thousand works, most of + which are known to us only by his references. Doubtless Pliny added much + through his own observations. We know how keen was his desire to + investigate, since he lost his life through attempting to approach the + crater of Vesuvius on the occasion of that memorable eruption which buried + the cities of Herculaneum and Pompeii. + </p> + <p> + Doubtless the wandering life of the soldier had given Pliny abundant + opportunity for personal observation in his favorite fields of botany and + zoology. But the records of his own observations are so intermingled with + knowledge drawn from books that it is difficult to distinguish the one + from the other. Nor does this greatly matter, for whether as + closet-student or field-naturalist, Pliny's trait of mind is essentially + that of the compiler. He was no philosophical thinker, no generalizer, no + path-maker in science. He lived at the close of a great progressive epoch + of thought; in one of those static periods when numberless observers piled + up an immense mass of details which might advantageously be sorted into a + kind of encyclopaedia. Such an encyclopaedia is the so-called Natural + History of Pliny. It is a vast jumble of more or less uncritical + statements regarding almost every field of contemporary knowledge. The + descriptions of animals and plants predominate, but the work as a whole + would have been immensely improved had the compiler shown a more critical + spirit. As it is, he seems rather disposed to quote any interesting + citation that he comes across in his omnivorous readings, shielding + himself behind an equivocal "it is said," or "so and so alleges." A single + illustration will suffice to show what manner of thing is thought worthy + of repetition. + </p> + <p> + "It is asserted," he says, "that if the fish called a sea-star is smeared + with the fox's blood and then nailed to the upper lintel of the door, or + to the door itself, with a copper nail, no noxious spell will be able to + obtain admittance, or, at all events, be productive of any ill effects." + </p> + <p> + It is easily comprehensible that a work fortified with such practical + details as this should have gained wide popularity. Doubtless the natural + histories of our own day would find readier sale were they to pander to + various superstitions not altogether different from that here suggested. + The man, for example, who believes that to have a black cat cross his path + is a lucky omen would naturally find himself attracted by a book which + took account of this and similar important details of natural history. + Perhaps, therefore, it was its inclusion of absurdities, quite as much as + its legitimate value, that gave vogue to the celebrated work of Pliny. But + be that as it may, the most famous scientist of Rome must be remembered as + a popular writer rather than as an experimental worker. In the history of + the promulgation of scientific knowledge his work is important; in the + history of scientific principles it may virtually be disregarded. + </p> + <p> + PTOLEMY, THE LAST GREAT ASTRONOMER OF ANTIQUITY + </p> + <p> + Almost the same thing may be said of Ptolemy, an even more celebrated + writer, who was born not very long after the death of Pliny. The exact + dates of Ptolemy's life are not known, but his recorded observations + extend to the year 151 A.D. He was a working astronomer, and he made at + least one original discovery of some significance—namely, the + observation of a hitherto unrecorded irregularity of the moon's motion, + which came to be spoken of as the moon's evection. This consists of + periodical aberrations from the moon's regular motion in its orbit, which, + as we now know, are due to the gravitation pull of the sun, but which + remained unexplained until the time of Newton. Ptolemy also made original + observations as to the motions of the planets. He is, therefore, entitled + to a respectable place as an observing astronomer; but his chief fame + rests on his writings. + </p> + <p> + His great works have to do with geography and astronomy. In the former + field he makes an advance upon Strabo, citing the latitude of no fewer + than five thousand places. In the field of astronomy, his great service + was to have made known to the world the labors of Hipparchus. Ptolemy has + been accused of taking the star-chart of his great predecessor without due + credit, and indeed it seems difficult to clear him of this charge. Yet it + is at least open to doubt whether he intended any impropriety, inasmuch as + he all along is sedulous in his references to his predecessor. Indeed, his + work might almost be called an exposition of the astronomical doctrines of + Hipparchus. No one pretends that Ptolemy is to be compared with the + Rhodesian observer as an original investigator, but as a popular expounder + his superiority is evidenced in the fact that the writings of Ptolemy + became practically the sole astronomical text-book of the Middle Ages both + in the East and in the West, while the writings of Hipparchus were allowed + to perish. + </p> + <p> + The most noted of all the writings of Ptolemy is the work which became + famous under the Arabic name of Almagest. This word is curiously derived + from the Greek title (gr h megisth suntazis), "the greatest construction," + a name given the book to distinguish it from a work on astrology in four + books by the same author. For convenience of reference it came to be + spoken of merely as (gr h megisth), from which the Arabs form the title + Tabair al Magisthi, under which title the book was published in the year + 827. From this it derived the word Almagest, by which Ptolemy's work + continued to be known among the Arabs, and subsequently among Europeans + when the book again became known in the West. Ptolemy's book, as has been + said, is virtually an elaboration of the doctrines of Hipparchus. It + assumes that the earth is the fixed centre of the solar system, and that + the stars and planets revolve about it in twenty-four hours, the earth + being, of course, spherical. It was not to be expected that Ptolemy should + have adopted the heliocentric idea of Aristarchus. Yet it is much to be + regretted that he failed to do so, since the deference which was accorded + his authority throughout the Middle Ages would doubtless have been + extended in some measure at least to this theory as well, had he + championed it. Contrariwise, his unqualified acceptance of the geocentric + doctrine sufficed to place that doctrine beyond the range of challenge. + </p> + <p> + The Almagest treats of all manner of astronomical problems, but the + feature of it which gained it widest celebrity was perhaps that which has + to do with eccentrics and epicycles. This theory was, of course, but an + elaboration of the ideas of Hipparchus; but, owing to the celebrity of the + expositor, it has come to be spoken of as the theory of Ptolemy. We have + sufficiently detailed the theory in speaking of Hipparchus. It should be + explained, however, that, with both Hipparchus and Ptolemy, the theory of + epicycles would appear to have been held rather as a working hypothesis + than as a certainty, so far as the actuality of the minor spheres or + epicycles is concerned. That is to say, these astronomers probably did not + conceive either the epicycles or the greater spheres as constituting + actual solid substances. Subsequent generations, however, put this + interpretation upon the theory, conceiving the various spheres as actual + crystalline bodies. It is difficult to imagine just how the various + epicycles were supposed to revolve without interfering with the major + spheres, but perhaps this is no greater difficulty than is presented by + the alleged properties of the ether, which physicists of to-day accept as + at least a working hypothesis. We shall see later on how firmly the + conception of concentric crystalline spheres was held to, and that no real + challenge was ever given that theory until the discovery was made that + comets have an orbit that must necessarily intersect the spheres of the + various planets. + </p> + <p> + Ptolemy's system of geography in eight books, founded on that of Marinus + of Tyre, was scarcely less celebrated throughout the Middle Ages than the + Almagest. It contained little, however, that need concern us here, being + rather an elaboration of the doctrines to which we have already + sufficiently referred. None of Ptolemy's original manuscripts has come + down to us, but there is an alleged fifth-century manuscript attributed to + Agathadamon of Alexandria which has peculiar interest because it contains + a series of twenty-seven elaborately colored maps that are supposed to be + derived from maps drawn up by Ptolemy himself. In these maps the sea is + colored green, the mountains red or dark yellow, and the land white. + Ptolemy assumed that a degree at the equator was 500 stadia instead of 604 + stadia in length. We are not informed as to the grounds on which this + assumption was made, but it has been suggested that the error was at least + partially instrumental in leading to one very curious result. "Taking the + parallel of Rhodes," says Donaldson,(5) "he calculated the longitudes from + the Fortunate Islands to Cattigara or the west coast of Borneo at 180 + degrees, conceiving this to be one-half the circumference of the globe. + The real distance is only 125 degrees or 127 degrees, so that his + measurement is wrong by one third of the whole, one-sixth for the error in + the measurement of a degree and one-sixth for the errors in measuring the + distance geometrically. These errors, owing to the authority attributed to + the geography of Ptolemy in the Middle Ages, produced a consequence of the + greatest importance. They really led to the discovery of America. For the + design of Columbus to sail from the west of Europe to the east of Asia was + founded on the supposition that the distance was less by one third than it + really was." This view is perhaps a trifle fanciful, since there is + nothing to suggest that the courage of Columbus would have balked at the + greater distance, and since the protests of the sailors, which nearly + thwarted his efforts, were made long before the distance as estimated by + Ptolemy had been covered; nevertheless it is interesting to recall that + the great geographical doctrines, upon which Columbus must chiefly have + based his arguments, had been before the world in an authoritative form + practically unheeded for more than twelve hundred years, awaiting a + champion with courage enough to put them to the test. + </p> + <p> + GALEN—THE LAST GREAT ALEXANDRIAN + </p> + <p> + There is one other field of scientific investigation to which we must give + brief attention before leaving the antique world. This is the field of + physiology and medicine. In considering it we shall have to do with the + very last great scientist of the Alexandrian school. This was Claudius + Galenus, commonly known as Galen, a man whose fame was destined to eclipse + that of all other physicians of antiquity except Hippocrates, and whose + doctrines were to have the same force in their field throughout the Middle + Ages that the doctrines of Aristotle had for physical science. But before + we take up Galen's specific labors, it will be well to inquire briefly as + to the state of medical art and science in the Roman world at the time + when the last great physician of antiquity came upon the scene. + </p> + <p> + The Romans, it would appear, had done little in the way of scientific + discoveries in the field of medicine, but, nevertheless, with their + practicality of mind, they had turned to better account many more of the + scientific discoveries of the Greeks than did the discoverers themselves. + The practising physicians in early Rome were mostly men of Greek origin, + who came to the capital after the overthrow of the Greeks by the Romans. + Many of them were slaves, as earning money by either bodily or mental + labor was considered beneath the dignity of a Roman citizen. The wealthy + Romans, who owned large estates and numerous slaves, were in the habit of + purchasing some of these slave doctors, and thus saving medical fees by + having them attend to the health of their families. + </p> + <p> + By the beginning of the Christian era medicine as a profession had sadly + degenerated, and in place of a class of physicians who practised medicine + along rational or legitimate lines, in the footsteps of the great + Hippocrates, there appeared great numbers of "specialists," most of them + charlatans, who pretended to possess supernatural insight in the methods + of treating certain forms of disease. These physicians rightly earned the + contempt of the better class of Romans, and were made the object of many + attacks by the satirists of the time. Such specialists travelled about + from place to place in much the same manner as the itinerant "Indian + doctors" and "lightning tooth-extractors" do to-day. Eye-doctors seem to + have been particularly numerous, and these were divided into two classes, + eye-surgeons and eye-doctors proper. The eye-surgeon performed such + operations as cauterizing for ingrowing eyelashes and operating upon + growths about the eyes; while the eye-doctors depended entirely upon + salves and lotions. These eye-salves were frequently stamped with the seal + of the physician who compounded them, something like two hundred of these + seals being still in existence. There were besides these quacks, however, + reputable eye-doctors who must have possessed considerable skill in the + treatment of certain ophthalmias. Among some Roman surgical instruments + discovered at Rheims were found also some drugs employed by ophthalmic + surgeons, and an analysis of these show that they contained, among other + ingredients, some that are still employed in the treatment of certain + affections of the eye. + </p> + <p> + One of the first steps taken in recognition of the services of physicians + was by Julius Caesar, who granted citizenship to all physicians practising + in Rome. This was about fifty years before the Christian era, and from + that time on there was a gradual improvement in the attitude of the Romans + towards the members of the medical profession. As the Romans degenerated + from a race of sturdy warriors and became more and more depraved + physically, the necessity for physicians made itself more evident. Court + physicians, and physicians-in-ordinary, were created by the emperors, as + were also city and district physicians. In the year 133 A.D. Hadrian + granted immunity from taxes and military service to physicians in + recognition of their public services. + </p> + <p> + The city and district physicians, known as the archiatri populaires, + treated and cared for the poor without remuneration, having a position and + salary fixed by law and paid them semi-annually. These were honorable + positions, and the archiatri were obliged to give instruction in medicine, + without pay, to the poor students. They were allowed to receive fees and + donations from their patients, but not, however, until the danger from the + malady was past. Special laws were enacted to protect them, and any person + subjecting them to an insult was liable to a fine "not exceeding one + thousand pounds." + </p> + <p> + An example of Roman practicality is shown in the method of treating + hemorrhage, as described by Aulus Cornelius Celsus (53 B.C. to 7 A.D.). + Hippocrates and Hippocratic writers treated hemorrhage by application of + cold, pressure, styptics, and sometimes by actual cauterizing; but they + knew nothing of the simple method of stopping a hemorrhage by a ligature + tied around the bleeding vessel. Celsus not only recommended tying the end + of the injured vessel, but describes the method of applying two ligatures + before the artery is divided by the surgeon—a common practice among + surgeons at the present time. The cut is made between these two, and thus + hemorrhage is avoided from either end of the divided vessel. + </p> + <p> + Another Roman surgeon, Heliodorus, not only describes the use of the + ligature in stopping hemorrhage, but also the practice of torsion—twisting + smaller vessels, which causes their lining membrane to contract in a + manner that produces coagulation and stops hemorrhage. It is remarkable + that so simple and practical a method as the use of the ligature in + stopping hemorrhage could have gone out of use, once it had been + discovered; but during the Middle Ages it was almost entirely lost sight + of, and was not reintroduced until the time of Ambroise Pare, in the + sixteenth century. + </p> + <p> + Even at a very early period the Romans recognized the advantage of + surgical methods on the field of battle. Each soldier was supplied with + bandages, and was probably instructed in applying them, something in the + same manner as is done now in all modern armies. The Romans also made use + of military hospitals and had established a rude but very practical + field-ambulance service. "In every troop or bandon of two or four hundred + men, eight or ten stout fellows were deputed to ride immediately behind + the fighting-line to pick up and rescue the wounded, for which purpose + their saddles had two stirrups on the left side, while they themselves + were provided with water-flasks, and perhaps applied temporary bandages. + They were encouraged by a reward of a piece of gold for each man they + rescued. 'Noscomi' were male nurses attached to the military hospitals, + but not inscribed 'on strength' of the legions, and were probably for the + most part of the servile class."(6) + </p> + <p> + From the time of the early Alexandrians, Herophilus and Erasistratus, + whose work we have already examined, there had been various anatomists of + some importance in the Alexandrian school, though none quite equal to + these earlier workers. The best-known names are those of Celsus (of whom + we have already spoken), who continued the work of anatomical + investigation, and Marinus, who lived during the reign of Nero, and Rufus + of Ephesus. Probably all of these would have been better remembered by + succeeding generations had their efforts not been eclipsed by those of + Galen. This greatest of ancient anatomists was born at Pergamus of Greek + parents. His father, Nicon, was an architect and a man of considerable + ability. Until his fifteenth year the youthful Galen was instructed at + home, chiefly by his father; but after that time he was placed under + suitable teachers for instruction in the philosophical systems in vogue at + that period. Shortly after this, however, the superstitious Nicon, + following the interpretations of a dream, decided that his son should take + up the study of medicine, and placed him under the instruction of several + learned physicians. + </p> + <p> + Galen was a tireless worker, making long tours into Asia Minor and + Palestine to improve himself in pharmacology, and studying anatomy for + some time at Alexandria. He appears to have been full of the superstitions + of the age, however, and early in his career made an extended tour into + western Asia in search of the chimerical "jet-stone"—a stone + possessing the peculiar qualities of "burning with a bituminous odor and + supposed to possess great potency in curing such diseases as epilepsy, + hysteria, and gout." + </p> + <p> + By the time he had reached his twenty-eighth year he had perfected his + education in medicine and returned to his home in Pergamus. Even at that + time he had acquired considerable fame as a surgeon, and his + fellow-citizens showed their confidence in his ability by choosing him as + surgeon to the wounded gladiators shortly after his return to his native + city. In these duties his knowledge of anatomy aided him greatly, and he + is said to have healed certain kinds of wounds that had previously baffled + the surgeons. + </p> + <p> + In the time of Galen dissections of the human body were forbidden by law, + and he was obliged to confine himself to dissections of the lower animals. + He had the advantage, however, of the anatomical works of Herophilus and + Erasistratus, and he must have depended upon them in perfecting his + comparison between the anatomy of men and the lower animals. It is + possible that he did make human dissections surreptitiously, but of this + we have no proof. + </p> + <p> + He was familiar with the complicated structure of the bones of the + cranium. He described the vertebrae clearly, divided them into groups, and + named them after the manner of anatomists of to-day. He was less accurate + in his description of the muscles, although a large number of these were + described by him. Like all anatomists before the time of Harvey, he had a + very erroneous conception of the circulation, although he understood that + the heart was an organ for the propulsion of blood, and he showed that the + arteries of the living animals did not contain air alone, as was taught by + many anatomists. He knew, also, that the heart was made up of layers of + fibres that ran in certain fixed directions—that is, longitudinal, + transverse, and oblique; but he did not recognize the heart as a muscular + organ. In proof of this he pointed out that all muscles require rest, and + as the heart did not rest it could not be composed of muscular tissue. + </p> + <p> + Many of his physiological experiments were conducted upon scientific + principles. Thus he proved that certain muscles were under the control of + definite sets of nerves by cutting these nerves in living animals, and + observing that the muscles supplied by them were rendered useless. He + pointed out also that nerves have no power in themselves, but merely + conduct impulses to and from the brain and spinal-cord. He turned this + peculiar knowledge to account in the case of a celebrated sophist, + Pausanias, who had been under the treatment of various physicians for a + numbness in the fourth and fifth fingers of his left hand. These + physicians had been treating this condition by applications of poultices + to the hand itself. Galen, being called in consultation, pointed out that + the injury was probably not in the hand itself, but in the ulner nerve, + which controls sensation in the fourth and fifth fingers. Surmising that + the nerve must have been injured in some way, he made careful inquiries of + the patient, who recalled that he had been thrown from his chariot some + time before, striking and injuring his back. Acting upon this information, + Galen applied stimulating remedies to the source of the nerve itself—that + is, to the bundle of nerve-trunks known as the brachial plexus, in the + shoulder. To the surprise and confusion of his fellow-physicians, this + method of treatment proved effective and the patient recovered completely + in a short time. + </p> + <p> + Although the functions of the organs in the chest were not well understood + by Galen, he was well acquainted with their anatomy. He knew that the + lungs were covered by thin membrane, and that the heart was surrounded by + a sac of very similar tissue. He made constant comparisons also between + these organs in different animals, as his dissections were performed upon + beasts ranging in size from a mouse to an elephant. The minuteness of his + observations is shown by the fact that he had noted and described the ring + of bone found in the hearts of certain animals, such as the horse, + although not found in the human heart or in most animals. + </p> + <p> + His description of the abdominal organs was in general accurate. He had + noted that the abdominal cavity was lined with a peculiar saclike + membrane, the peritoneum, which also surrounded most of the organs + contained in the cavity, and he made special note that this membrane also + enveloped the liver in a peculiar manner. The exactness of the last + observation seems the more wonderful when we reflect that even to-day the + medical, student finds a correct understanding of the position of the + folds of the peritoneum one of the most difficult subjects in anatomy. + </p> + <p> + As a practical physician he was held in the highest esteem by the Romans. + The Emperor Marcus Aurelius called him to Rome and appointed him + physician-inordinary to his son Commodus, and on special occasions Marcus + Aurelius himself called in Galen as his medical adviser. On one occasion, + the three army surgeons in attendance upon the emperor declared that he + was about to be attacked by a fever. Galen relates how "on special command + I felt his pulse, and finding it quite normal, considering his age and the + time of day, I declared it was no fever but a digestive disorder, due to + the food he had eaten, which must be converted into phlegm before being + excreted. Then the emperor repeated three times, 'That's the very thing,' + and asked what was to be done. I answered that I usually gave a glass of + wine with pepper sprinkled on it, but for you kings we only use the safest + remedies, and it will suffice to apply wool soaked in hot nard ointment + locally. The emperor ordered the wool, wine, etc., to be brought, and I + left the room. His feet were warmed by rubbing with hot hands, and after + drinking the peppered wine, he said to Pitholaus (his son's tutor), 'We + have only one doctor, and that an honest one,' and went on to describe me + as the first of physicians and the only philosopher, for he had tried many + before who were not only lovers of money, but also contentious, ambitious, + envious, and malignant."(7) + </p> + <p> + It will be seen from this that Galen had a full appreciation of his own + abilities as a physician, but inasmuch as succeeding generations for a + thousand years concurred in the alleged statement made by Marcus Aurelius + as to his ability, he is perhaps excusable for his open avowal of his + belief in his powers. His faith in his accuracy in diagnosis and prognosis + was shown when a colleague once said to him, "I have used the prognostics + of Hippocrates as well as you. Why can I not prognosticate as well as + you?" To this Galen replied, "By God's help I have never been deceived in + my prognosis."(8) It is probable that this statement was made in the heat + of argument, and it is hardly to be supposed that he meant it literally. + </p> + <p> + His systems of treatment were far in advance of his theories regarding the + functions of organs, causes of disease, etc., and some of them are still + first principles with physicians. Like Hippocrates, he laid great stress + on correct diet, exercise, and reliance upon nature. "Nature is the + overseer by whom health is supplied to the sick," he says. "Nature lends + her aid on all sides, she decides and cures diseases. No one can be saved + unless nature conquers the disease, and no one dies unless nature + succumbs." + </p> + <p> + From the picture thus drawn of Galen as an anatomist and physician, one + might infer that he should rank very high as a scientific exponent of + medicine, even in comparison with modern physicians. There is, however, + another side to the picture. His knowledge of anatomy was certainly very + considerable, but many of his deductions and theories as to the functions + of organs, the cause of diseases, and his methods of treating them, would + be recognized as absurd by a modern school-boy of average intelligence. + His greatness must be judged in comparison with ancient, not with modern, + scientists. He maintained, for example, that respiration and the + pulse-beat were for one and the same purpose—that of the reception + of air into the arteries of the body. To him the act of breathing was for + the purpose of admitting air into the lungs, whence it found its way into + the heart, and from there was distributed throughout the body by means of + the arteries. The skin also played an important part in supplying the body + with air, the pores absorbing the air and distributing it through the + arteries. But, as we know that he was aware of the fact that the arteries + also contained blood, he must have believed that these vessels contained a + mixture of the two. + </p> + <p> + Modern anatomists know that the heart is divided into two approximately + equal parts by an impermeable septum of tough fibres. Yet, Galen, who + dissected the hearts of a vast number of the lower animals according to + his own account, maintained that this septum was permeable, and that the + air, entering one side of the heart from the lungs, passed through it into + the opposite side and was then transferred to the arteries. + </p> + <p> + He was equally at fault, although perhaps more excusably so, in his + explanation of the action of the nerves. He had rightly pointed out that + nerves were merely connections between the brain and spinal-cord and + distant muscles and organs, and had recognized that there were two kinds + of nerves, but his explanation of the action of these nerves was that + "nervous spirits" were carried to the cavities of the brain by + blood-vessels, and from there transmitted through the body along the + nerve-trunks. + </p> + <p> + In the human skull, overlying the nasal cavity, there are two thin plates + of bone perforated with numerous small apertures. These apertures allow + the passage of numerous nerve-filaments which extend from a group of cells + in the brain to the delicate membranes in the nasal cavity. These + perforations in the bone, therefore, are simply to allow the passage of + the nerves. But Galen gave a very different explanation. He believed that + impure "animal spirits" were carried to the cavities of the brain by the + arteries in the neck and from there were sifted out through these + perforated bones, and so expelled from the body. + </p> + <p> + He had observed that the skin played an important part in cooling the + body, but he seems to have believed that the heart was equally active in + overheating it. The skin, therefore, absorbed air for the purpose of + "cooling the heart," and this cooling process was aided by the brain, + whose secretions aided also in the cooling process. The heart itself was + the seat of courage; the brain the seat of the rational soul; and the + liver the seat of love. + </p> + <p> + The greatness of Galen's teachings lay in his knowledge of anatomy of the + organs; his weakness was in his interpretations of their functions. + Unfortunately, succeeding generations of physicians for something like a + thousand years rejected the former but clung to the latter, so that the + advances he had made were completely overshadowed by the mistakes of his + teachings. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0013" id="link2H_4_0013"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XI. A RETROSPECTIVE GLANCE AT CLASSICAL SCIENCE + </h2> + <p> + It is a favorite tenet of the modern historian that history is a + continuous stream. The contention has fullest warrant. Sharp lines of + demarcation are an evidence of man's analytical propensity rather than the + work of nature. Nevertheless it would be absurd to deny that the stream of + history presents an ever-varying current. There are times when it seems to + rush rapidly on; times when it spreads out into a broad—seemingly + static—current; times when its catastrophic changes remind us of + nothing but a gigantic cataract. Rapids and whirlpools, broad estuaries + and tumultuous cataracts are indeed part of the same stream, but they are + parts that vary one from another in their salient features in such a way + as to force the mind to classify them as things apart and give them + individual names. + </p> + <p> + So it is with the stream of history; however strongly we insist on its + continuity we are none the less forced to recognize its periodicity. It + may not be desirable to fix on specific dates as turning-points to the + extent that our predecessors were wont to do. We may not, for example, be + disposed to admit that the Roman Empire came to any such cataclysmic + finish as the year 476 A.D., when cited in connection with the overthrow + of the last Roman Empire of the West, might seem to indicate. But, on the + other hand, no student of the period can fail to realize that a great + change came over the aspect of the historical stream towards the close of + the Roman epoch. + </p> + <p> + The span from Thales to Galen has compassed about eight hundred years—let + us say thirty generations. Throughout this period there is scarcely a + generation that has not produced great scientific thinkers—men who + have put their mark upon the progress of civilization; but we shall see, + as we look forward for a corresponding period, that the ensuing thirty + generations produced scarcely a single scientific thinker of the first + rank. Eight hundred years of intellectual activity—thirty + generations of greatness; then eight hundred years of stasis—thirty + generations of mediocrity; such seems to be the record as viewed in + perspective. Doubtless it seemed far different to the contemporary + observer; it is only in reasonable perspective that any scene can be + viewed fairly. But for us, looking back without prejudice across the stage + of years, it seems indisputable that a great epoch came to a close at + about the time when the barbarian nations of Europe began to sweep down + into Greece and Italy. We are forced to feel that we have reached the + limits of progress of what historians are pleased to call the ancient + world. For about eight hundred years Greek thought has been dominant, but + in the ensuing period it is to play a quite subordinate part, except in so + far as it influences the thought of an alien race. As we leave this + classical epoch, then, we may well recapitulate in brief its triumphs. A + few words will suffice to summarize a story the details of which have made + up our recent chapters. + </p> + <p> + In the field of cosmology, Greek genius has demonstrated that the earth is + spheroidal, that the moon is earthlike in structure and much smaller than + our globe, and that the sun is vastly larger and many times more distant + than the moon. The actual size of the earth and the angle of its axis with + the ecliptic have been measured with approximate accuracy. It has been + shown that the sun and moon present inequalities of motion which may be + theoretically explained by supposing that the earth is not situated + precisely at the centre of their orbits. A system of eccentrics and + epicycles has been elaborated which serves to explain the apparent motions + of the heavenly bodies in a manner that may be called scientific even + though it is based, as we now know, upon a false hypothesis. The true + hypothesis, which places the sun at the centre of the planetary system and + postulates the orbital and axial motions of our earth in explanation of + the motions of the heavenly bodies, has been put forward and ardently + championed, but, unfortunately, is not accepted by the dominant thinkers + at the close of our epoch. In this regard, therefore, a vast revolutionary + work remains for the thinkers of a later period. Moreover, such + observations as the precession of the equinoxes and the moon's evection + are as yet unexplained, and measurements of the earth's size, and of the + sun's size and distance, are so crude and imperfect as to be in one case + only an approximation, and in the other an absurdly inadequate suggestion. + But with all these defects, the total achievement of the Greek astronomers + is stupendous. To have clearly grasped the idea that the earth is round is + in itself an achievement that marks off the classical from the Oriental + period as by a great gulf. + </p> + <p> + In the physical sciences we have seen at least the beginnings of great + things. Dynamics and hydrostatics may now, for the first time, claim a + place among the sciences. Geometry has been perfected and trigonometry has + made a sure beginning. The conception that there are four elementary + substances, earth, water, air, and fire, may not appear a secure + foundation for chemistry, yet it marks at least an attempt in the right + direction. Similarly, the conception that all matter is made up of + indivisible particles and that these have adjusted themselves and are + perhaps held in place by a whirling motion, while it is scarcely more than + a scientific dream, is, after all, a dream of marvellous insight. + </p> + <p> + In the field of biological science progress has not been so marked, yet + the elaborate garnering of facts regarding anatomy, physiology, and the + zoological sciences is at least a valuable preparation for the + generalizations of a later time. + </p> + <p> + If with a map before us we glance at the portion of the globe which was + known to the workers of the period now in question, bearing in mind at the + same time what we have learned as to the seat of labors of the various + great scientific thinkers from Thales to Galen, we cannot fail to be + struck with a rather startling fact, intimations of which have been given + from time to time—the fact, namely, that most of the great Greek + thinkers did not live in Greece itself. As our eye falls upon Asia Minor + and its outlying islands, we reflect that here were born such men as + Thales, Anaximander, Anaximenes, Heraclitus, Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, + Socrates, Aristarchus, Hipparchus, Eudoxus, Philolaus, and Galen. From the + northern shores of the aegean came Lucippus, Democritus, and Aristotle. + Italy, off to the west, is the home of Pythagoras and Xenophanes in their + later years, and of Parmenides and Empedocles, Zeno, and Archimedes. + Northern Africa can claim, by birth or by adoption, such names as Euclid, + Apollonius of Perga, Herophilus, Erasistratus, Aristippus, Eratosthenes, + Ctesibius, Hero, Strabo, and Ptolemy. This is but running over the list of + great men whose discoveries have claimed our attention. Were we to extend + the list to include a host of workers of the second rank, we should but + emphasize the same fact. + </p> + <p> + All along we are speaking of Greeks, or, as they call themselves, + Hellenes, and we mean by these words the people whose home was a small + jagged peninsula jutting into the Mediterranean at the southeastern + extremity of Europe. We think of this peninsula as the home of Greek + culture, yet of all the great thinkers we have just named, not one was + born on this peninsula, and perhaps not one in five ever set foot upon it. + In point of fact, one Greek thinker of the very first rank, and one only, + was born in Greece proper; that one, however, was Plato, perhaps the + greatest of them all. With this one brilliant exception (and even he was + born of parents who came from the provinces), all the great thinkers of + Greece had their origin at the circumference rather than the centre of the + empire. And if we reflect that this circumference of the Greek world was + in the nature of the case the widely circling region in which the Greek + came in contact with other nations, we shall see at once that there could + be no more striking illustration in all history than that furnished us + here of the value of racial mingling as a stimulus to intellectual + progress. + </p> + <p> + But there is one other feature of the matter that must not be overlooked. + Racial mingling gives vitality, but to produce the best effect the + mingling must be that of races all of which are at a relatively high plane + of civilization. In Asia Minor the Greek mingled with the Semite, who had + the heritage of centuries of culture; and in Italy with the Umbrians, + Oscans, and Etruscans, who, little as we know of their antecedents, have + left us monuments to testify to their high development. The chief reason + why the racial mingling of a later day did not avail at once to give new + life to Roman thought was that the races which swept down from the north + were barbarians. It was no more possible that they should spring to the + heights of classical culture than it would, for example, be possible in + two or three generations to produce a racer from a stock of draught + horses. Evolution does not proceed by such vaults as this would imply. + Celt, Goth, Hun, and Slav must undergo progressive development for many + generations before the population of northern Europe can catch step with + the classical Greek and prepare to march forward. That, perhaps, is one + reason why we come to a period of stasis or retrogression when the time of + classical activity is over. But, at best, it is only one reason of + several. + </p> + <p> + The influence of the barbarian nations will claim further attention as we + proceed. But now, for the moment, we must turn our eyes in the other + direction and give attention to certain phases of Greek and of Oriental + thought which were destined to play a most important part in the + development of the Western mind—a more important part, indeed, in + the early mediaeval period than that played by those important inductions + of science which have chiefly claimed our attention in recent chapters. + The subject in question is the old familiar one of false inductions or + pseudoscience. In dealing with the early development of thought and with + Oriental science, we had occasion to emphasize the fact that such false + inductions led everywhere to the prevalence of superstition. In dealing + with Greek science, we have largely ignored this subject, confining + attention chiefly to the progressive phases of thought; but it must not be + inferred from this that Greek science, with all its secure inductions, was + entirely free from superstition. On the contrary, the most casual + acquaintance with Greek literature would suffice to show the incorrectness + of such a supposition. True, the great thinkers of Greece were probably + freer from this thraldom of false inductions than any of their + predecessors. Even at a very early day such men as Xenophanes, Empedocles, + Anaxagoras, and Plato attained to a singularly rationalistic conception of + the universe. + </p> + <p> + We saw that "the father of medicine," Hippocrates, banished demonology and + conceived disease as due to natural causes. At a slightly later day the + sophists challenged all knowledge, and Pyrrhonism became a synonym for + scepticism in recognition of the leadership of a master doubter. The + entire school of Alexandrians must have been relatively free from + superstition, else they could not have reasoned with such effective + logicality from their observations of nature. It is almost inconceivable + that men like Euclid and Archimedes, and Aristarchus and Eratosthenes, and + Hipparchus and Hero, could have been the victims of such illusions + regarding occult forces of nature as were constantly postulated by + Oriental science. Herophilus and Erasistratus and Galen would hardly have + pursued their anatomical studies with equanimity had they believed that + ghostly apparitions watched over living and dead alike, and exercised at + will a malign influence. + </p> + <p> + Doubtless the Egyptian of the period considered the work, of the Ptolemaic + anatomists an unspeakable profanation, and, indeed, it was nothing less + than revolutionary—so revolutionary that it could not be sustained + in subsequent generations. We have seen that the great Galen, at Rome, + five centuries after the time of Herophilus, was prohibited from + dissecting the human subject. The fact speaks volumes for the attitude of + the Roman mind towards science. Vast audiences made up of every stratum of + society thronged the amphitheatre, and watched exultingly while man slew + his fellow-man in single or in multiple combat. Shouts of frenzied joy + burst from a hundred thousand throats when the death-stroke was given to a + new victim. The bodies of the slain, by scores, even by hundreds, were + dragged ruthlessly from the arena and hurled into a ditch as + contemptuously as if pity were yet unborn and human life the merest + bauble. Yet the same eyes that witnessed these scenes with ecstatic + approval would have been averted in pious horror had an anatomist dared to + approach one of the mutilated bodies with the scalpel of science. It was + sport to see the blade of the gladiator enter the quivering, living flesh + of his fellow-gladiator; it was joy to see the warm blood spurt forth from + the writhing victim while he still lived; but it were sacrilegious to + approach that body with the knife of the anatomist, once it had ceased to + pulsate with life. Life itself was held utterly in contempt, but about the + realm of death hovered the threatening ghosts of superstition. And such, + be it understood, was the attitude of the Roman populace in the early and + the most brilliant epoch of the empire, before the Western world came + under the influence of that Oriental philosophy which was presently to + encompass it. + </p> + <p> + In this regard the Alexandrian world was, as just intimated, far more + advanced than the Roman, yet even there we must suppose that the leaders + of thought were widely at variance with the popular conceptions. A few + illustrations, drawn from Greek literature at various ages, will suggest + the popular attitude. In the first instance, consider the poems of Homer + and of Hesiod. For these writers, and doubtless for the vast majority of + their readers, not merely of their own but of many subsequent generations, + the world is peopled with a multitude of invisible apparitions, which, + under title of gods, are held to dominate the affairs of man. It is + sometimes difficult to discriminate as to where the Greek imagination drew + the line between fact and allegory; nor need we attempt to analyse the + early poetic narratives to this end. It will better serve our present + purpose to cite three or four instances which illustrate the tangibility + of beliefs based upon pseudo-scientific inductions. + </p> + <p> + Let us cite, for example, the account which Herodotus gives us of the + actions of the Greeks at Plataea, when their army confronted the remnant + of the army of Xerxes, in the year 479 B.C. Here we see each side + hesitating to attack the other, merely because the oracle had declared + that whichever side struck the first blow would lose the conflict. Even + after the Persian soldiers, who seemingly were a jot less superstitious or + a shade more impatient than their opponents, had begun the attack, we are + told that the Greeks dared not respond at first, though they were falling + before the javelins of the enemy, because, forsooth, the entrails of a + fowl did not present an auspicious appearance. And these were Greeks of + the same generation with Empedocles and Anaxagoras and aeschylus; of the + same epoch with Pericles and Sophocles and Euripides and Phidias. Such was + the scientific status of the average mind—nay, of the best minds—with + here and there a rare exception, in the golden age of Grecian culture. + </p> + <p> + Were we to follow down the pages of Greek history, we should but repeat + the same story over and over. We should, for example, see Alexander the + Great balked at the banks of the Hyphasis, and forced to turn back because + of inauspicious auguries based as before upon the dissection of a fowl. + Alexander himself, to be sure, would have scorned the augury; had he been + the prey of such petty superstitions he would never have conquered Asia. + We know how he compelled the oracle at Delphi to yield to his wishes; how + he cut the Gordian knot; how he made his dominating personality felt at + the temple of Ammon in Egypt. We know, in a word, that he yielded to + superstitions only in so far as they served his purpose. Left to his own + devices, he would not have consulted an oracle at the banks of the + Hyphasis; or, consulting, would have forced from the oracle a favorable + answer. But his subordinates were mutinous and he had no choice. Suffice + it for our present purpose that the oracle was consulted, and that its + answer turned the conqueror back. + </p> + <p> + One or two instances from Roman history may complete the picture. Passing + over all those mythical narratives which virtually constitute the early + history of Rome, as preserved to us by such historians as Livy and + Dionysius, we find so logical an historian as Tacitus recording a + miraculous achievement of Vespasian without adverse comment. "During the + months when Vespasian was waiting at Alexandria for the periodical season + of the summer winds, and a safe navigation, many miracles occurred by + which the favor of Heaven and a sort of bias in the powers above towards + Vespasian were manifested." Tacitus then describes in detail the cure of + various maladies by the emperor, and relates that the emperor on visiting + a temple was met there, in the spirit, by a prominent Egyptian who was + proved to be at the same time some eighty miles distant from Alexandria. + </p> + <p> + It must be admitted that Tacitus, in relating that Vespasian caused the + blind to see and the lame to walk, qualifies his narrative by asserting + that "persons who are present attest the truth of the transaction when + there is nothing to be gained by falsehood." Nor must we overlook the fact + that a similar belief in the power of royalty has persisted almost to our + own day. But no such savor of scepticism attaches to a narrative which + Dion Cassius gives us of an incident in the life of Marcus Aurelius—an + incident that has become famous as the episode of The Thundering Legion. + Xiphilinus has preserved the account of Dion, adding certain picturesque + interpretations of his own. The original narrative, as cited, asserts that + during one of the northern campaigns of Marcus Aurelius, the emperor and + his army were surrounded by the hostile Quadi, who had every advantage of + position and who presently ceased hostilities in the hope that heat and + thirst would deliver their adversaries into their hands without the + trouble of further fighting. "Now," says Dion, "while the Romans, unable + either to combat or to retreat, and reduced to the last extremity by + wounds, fatigue, heat, and thirst, were standing helplessly at their + posts, clouds suddenly gathered in great number and rain descended in + floods—certainly not without divine intervention, since the Egyptian + Maege Arnulphis, who was with Marcus Antoninus, is said to have invoked + several genii by the aerial mercury by enchantment, and thus through them + had brought down rain." + </p> + <p> + Here, it will be observed, a supernatural explanation is given of a + natural phenomenon. But the narrator does not stop with this. If we are to + accept the account of Xiphilinus, Dion brings forward some striking proofs + of divine interference. Xiphilinus gives these proofs in the following + remarkable paragraph: + </p> + <p> + "Dion adds that when the rain began to fall every soldier lifted his head + towards heaven to receive the water in his mouth; but afterwards others + hold out their shields or their helmets to catch the water for themselves + and for their horses. Being set upon by the barbarians... while occupied + in drinking, they would have been seriously incommoded had not heavy hail + and numerous thunderbolts thrown consternation into the ranks of the + enemy. Fire and water were seen to mingle as they left the heavens. The + fire, however, did not reach the Romans, but if it did by chance touch one + of them it was immediately extinguished, while at the same time the rain, + instead of comforting the barbarians, seemed merely to excite like oil the + fire with which they were being consumed. Some barbarians inflicted wounds + upon themselves as though their blood had power to extinguish flames, + while many rushed over to the side of the Romans, hoping that there water + might save them." + </p> + <p> + We cannot better complete these illustrations of pagan credulity than by + adding the comment of Xiphilinus himself. That writer was a Christian, + living some generations later than Dion. He never thought of questioning + the facts, but he felt that Dion's interpretation of these facts must not + go unchallenged. As he interprets the matter, it was no pagan magician + that wrought the miracle. He even inclines to the belief that Dion himself + was aware that Christian interference, and not that of an Egyptian, saved + the day. "Dion knew," he declares, "that there existed a legion called The + Thundering Legion, which name was given it for no other reason than for + what came to pass in this war," and that this legion was composed of + soldiers from Militene who were all professed Christians. "During the + battle," continues Xiphilinus, "the chief of the Pretonians, had set at + Marcus Antoninus, who was in great perplexity at the turn events were + taking, representing to him that there was nothing the people called + Christians could not obtain by their prayers, and that among his forces + was a troop composed wholly of followers of that religion. Rejoiced at + this news, Marcus Antoninus demanded of these soldiers that they should + pray to their god, who granted their petition on the instant, sent + lightning among the enemy and consoled the Romans with rain. Struck by + this wonderful success, the emperor honored the Christians in an edict and + named their legion The Thundering. It is even asserted that a letter + existed by Marcus Antoninus on this subject. The pagans well knew that the + company was called The Thunderers, having attested the fact themselves, + but they revealed nothing of the occasion on which the leader received the + name."(1) + </p> + <p> + Peculiar interest attaches to this narrative as illustrating both + credulousness as to matters of fact and pseudo-scientific explanation of + alleged facts. The modern interpreter may suppose that a violent + thunderstorm came up during the course of a battle between the Romans and + the so-called barbarians, and that owing to the local character of the + storm, or a chance discharge of lightning, the barbarians suffered more + than their opponents. We may well question whether the philosophical + emperor himself put any other interpretation than this upon the incident. + But, on the other hand, we need not doubt that the major part of his + soldiers would very readily accept such an explanation as that given by + Dion Cassius, just as most readers of a few centuries later would accept + the explanation of Xiphilinus. It is well to bear this thought in mind in + considering the static period of science upon which we are entering. We + shall perhaps best understand this period, and its seeming retrogressions, + if we suppose that the average man of the Middle Ages was no more + credulous, no more superstitious, than the average Roman of an earlier + period or than the average Greek; though the precise complexion of his + credulity had changed under the influence of Oriental ideas, as we have + just seen illustrated by the narrative of Xiphilinus. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPE" id="link2H_APPE"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + APPENDIX + </h2> + <h3> + REFERENCE LIST, NOTES, AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES + </h3> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0001" id="link2HCH0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER I. PREHISTORIC SCIENCE + </h2> + <p> + Length of the Prehistoric Period.—It is of course quite impossible + to reduce the prehistoric period to any definite number of years. There + are, however, numerous bits of evidence that enable an anthropologist to + make rough estimates as to the relative lengths of the different periods + into which prehistoric time is divided. Gabriel de Mortillet, one of the + most industrious students of prehistoric archaeology, ventured to give a + tentative estimate as to the numbers of years involved in each period. He + of course claimed for this nothing more than the value of a scientific + guess. It is, however, a guess based on a very careful study of all data + at present available. Mortillet divides the prehistoric period, as a + whole, into four epochs. The first of these is the preglacial, which he + estimates as comprising seventy-eight thousand years; the second is the + glacial, covering one hundred thousand years; then follows what he terms + the Solutreen, which numbers eleven thousand years; and, finally, the + Magdalenien, comprising thirty-three thousand years. This gives, for the + prehistoric period proper, a term of about two hundred and twenty-two + thousand years. Add to this perhaps twelve thousand years ushering in the + civilization of Egypt, and the six thousand years of stable, sure + chronology of the historical period, and we have something like two + hundred and thirty thousand or two hundred and forty thousand years as the + age of man. + </p> + <p> + "These figures," says Mortillet, "are certainly not exaggerated. It is + even probable that they are below the truth. Constantly new discoveries + are being made that tend to remove farther back the date of man's + appearance." We see, then, according to this estimate, that about a + quarter of a million years have elapsed since man evolved to a state that + could properly be called human. This guess is as good as another, and it + may advantageously be kept in mind, as it will enable us all along to + understand better than we might otherwise be able to do the tremendous + force of certain prejudices and preconceptions which recent man inherited + from his prehistoric ancestor. Ideas which had passed current as + unquestioned truths for one hundred thousand years or so are not easily + cast aside. + </p> + <p> + In going back, in imagination, to the beginning of the prehistoric period, + we must of course reflect, in accordance with modern ideas on the subject, + that there was no year, no millennium even, when it could be said + expressly: "This being was hitherto a primate, he is now a man." The + transition period must have been enormously long, and the changes from + generation to generation, even from century to century, must have been + very slight. In speaking of the extent of the age of man this must be + borne in mind: it must be recalled that, even if the period were not vague + for other reasons, the vagueness of its beginning must make it + indeterminate. + </p> + <p> + Bibliographical Notes.—A great mass of literature has been produced + in recent years dealing with various phases of the history of prehistoric + man. No single work known to the writer deals comprehensively with the + scientific attainments of early man; indeed, the subject is usually + ignored, except where practical phases of the mechanical arts are in + question. But of course any attempt to consider the condition of primitive + man talies into account, by inference at least, his knowledge and + attainments. Therefore, most works on anthropology, ethnology, and + primitive culture may be expected to throw some light on our present + subject. Works dealing with the social and mental conditions of existing + savages are also of importance, since it is now an accepted belief that + the ancestors of civilized races evolved along similar lines and passed + through corresponding stages of nascent culture. Herbert Spencer's + Descriptive Sociology presents an unequalled mass of facts regarding + existing primitive races, but, unfortunately, its inartistic method of + arrangement makes it repellent to the general reader. E. B. Tyler's + Primitive Culture and Anthropology; Lord Avebury's Prehistoric Times, The + Origin of Civilization, and The Primitive Condition of Man; W. Boyd + Dawkin's Cave-Hunting and Early Man in Britain; and Edward Clodd's + Childhood of the World and Story of Primitive Man are deservedly popular. + Paul Topinard's Elements d'Anthropologie Generale is one of the best-known + and most comprehensive French works on the technical phases of + anthropology; but Mortillet's Le Prehistorique has a more popular + interest, owing to its chapters on primitive industries, though this work + also contains much that is rather technical. Among periodicals, the Revue + de l'Ecole d'Anthropologie de Paris, published by the professors, treats + of all phases of anthropology, and the American Anthropologist, edited by + F. W. Hodge for the American Anthropological Association, and intended as + "a medium of communication between students of all branches of + anthropology," contains much that is of interest from the present + stand-point. The last-named journal devotes a good deal of space to Indian + languages. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0002" id="link2HCH0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER II. EGYPTIAN SCIENCE + </h2> + <p> + 1 (p. 34). Sir J. Norman Lockyer, The Dawn of Astronomy; a study of the + temple worship and mythology of the ancient Egyptians, London, 1894. + </p> + <p> + 2 (p. 43). G. Maspero, Histoire Ancie-nne des Peuples de l'Orient + Classique, Paris, 1895. Translated as (1) The Dawn of Civilization, (2) + The Struggle of the Nations, (3) The Passing of the Empires, 3 vols., + London and New York, 1894-1900. Professor Maspero is one of the most + famous of living Orientalists. His most important special studies have to + do with Egyptology, but his writings cover the entire field of Oriental + antiquity. He is a notable stylist, and his works are at once readable and + authoritative. + </p> + <p> + 3 (p. 44). Adolf Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt, London, 1894, p. 352. + (Translated from the original German work entitled Aegypten und + aegyptisches Leben in Alterthum, Tilbigen, 1887.) An altogether admirable + work, full of interest for the general reader, though based on the most + erudite studies. + </p> + <p> + 4 (p. 47). Erman, op. cit., pp. 356, 357. + </p> + <p> + 5 (p. 48). Erman, op. cit., p. 357. The work on Egyptian medicine here + referred to is Georg Ebers' edition of an Egyptian document discovered by + the explorer whose name it bears. It remains the most important source of + our knowledge of Egyptian medicine. As mentioned in the text, this + document dates from the eighteenth dynasty—that is to say, from + about the fifteenth or sixteenth century, B.C., a relatively late period + of Egyptian history. + </p> + <p> + 6 (p. 49). Erman, op. cit., p. 357. + </p> + <p> + 7 (p. 50). The History of Herodotus, pp. 85-90. There are numerous + translations of the famous work of the "father of history," one of the + most recent and authoritative being that of G. C. Macaulay, M.A., in two + volumes, Macmillan & Co., London and New York, 1890. + </p> + <p> + 8 (p. 50). The Historical Library of Diodorus the Sicilian, London, 1700. + This most famous of ancient world histories is difficult to obtain in an + English version. The most recently published translation known to the + writer is that of G. Booth, London, 1814. + </p> + <p> + 9 (p. 51). Erman, op. cit., p. 357. + </p> + <p> + 10 (p. 52). The Papyrus Rhind is a sort of mathematical hand-book of the + ancient Egyptians; it was made in the time of the Hyksos Kings (about 2000 + B.C.), but is a copy of an older book. It is now preserved in the British + Museum. + </p> + <p> + The most accessible recent sources of information as to the social + conditions of the ancient Egyptians are the works of Maspero and Erman, + above mentioned; and the various publications of W. M. Flinders Petrie, + The Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh, London, 1883; Tanis I., London, 1885; + Tanis H., Nebesheh, and Defe-nnel, London, 1887; Ten Years' Diggings, + London, 1892; Syria and Egypt from the Tel-el-Amar-na Letters, London, + 1898, etc. The various works of Professor Petrie, recording his + explorations from year to year, give the fullest available insight into + Egyptian archaeology. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0003" id="link2HCH0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER III. SCIENCE OF BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA + </h2> + <p> + 1 (p. 57). The Medes. Some difference of opinion exists among historians + as to the exact ethnic relations of the conquerors; the precise date of + the fall of Nineveh is also in doubt. + </p> + <p> + 2 (p. 57). Darius. The familiar Hebrew narrative ascribes the first + Persian conquest of Babylon to Darius, but inscriptions of Cyrus and of + Nabonidus, the Babylonian king, make it certain that Cyrus was the real + conqueror. These inscriptions are preserved on cylinders of baked clay, of + the type made familiar by the excavation of the past fifty years, and they + are invaluable historical documents. + </p> + <p> + 3 (p. 58). Berosus. The fragments of Berosus have been translated by L. P. + Cory, and included in his Ancient Fragments of Phenician, Chaldean, + Egyptian, and Other Writers, London, 1826, second edition, 1832. + </p> + <p> + 4 (p. 58). Chaldean learning. Recent writers reserve the name Chaldean for + the later period of Babylonian history—the time when the Greeks came + in contact with the Mesopotamians—in contradistinction to the + earlier periods which are revealed to us by the archaeological records. + </p> + <p> + 5 (p. 59) King Sargon of Agade. The date given for this early king must + not be accepted as absolute; but it is probably approximately correct. + </p> + <p> + 6 (p. 59). Nippur. See the account of the early expeditions as recorded by + the director, Dr. John P. Peters, Nippur, or explorations and adventures, + etc., New York and London, 1897. + </p> + <p> + 7 (p. 62). Fritz Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, Berlin, + 1885. + </p> + <p> + 8 (p. 63). R. Campbell Thompson, Reports of the Magicians and Astrologers + of Nineveh and Babylon, London, 1900, p. xix. + </p> + <p> + 9 (p. 64). George Smith, The Assyrian Canon, p. 21. + </p> + <p> + 10 (p. 64). Thompson, op. cit., p. xix. + </p> + <p> + 11 (p. 65). Thompson, op. cit., p. 2. + </p> + <p> + 12 (p. 67). Thompson, op. cit., p. xvi. + </p> + <p> + 13 (p. 68). Sextus Empiricus, author of Adversus Mathematicos, lived about + 200 A.D. + </p> + <p> + 14 (p. 68). R. Campbell Thompson, op. cit., p. xxiv. + </p> + <p> + 15 (p. 72). Records of the Past (editor, Samuel Birch), Vol. III., p. 139. + </p> + <p> + 16 (p. 72). Ibid., Vol. V., p. 16. + </p> + <p> + 17 (p. 72). Quoted in Records of the Past, Vol. III., p. 143, from the + Translations of the Society of Biblical Archeology, vol. II., p. 58. + </p> + <p> + 18 (p. 73). Records of the Past, vol. L, p. 131. + </p> + <p> + 19 (p. 73). Ibid., vol. V., p. 171. + </p> + <p> + 20 (p. 74). Ibid., vol. V., p. 169. + </p> + <p> + 21 (p. 74). Joachim Menant, La Bibliotheque du Palais de Ninive, Paris, + 1880. + </p> + <p> + 22 (p. 76). Code of Khamurabi. This famous inscription is on a block of + black diorite nearly eight feet in height. It was discovered at Susa by + the French expedition under M. de Morgan, in December, 1902. We quote the + translation given in The Historians' History of the World, edited by Henry + Smith Williams, London and New York, 1904, Vol. I, p. 510. + </p> + <p> + 23 (p. 77). The Historical Library of Diodorus Siculus, p. 519. + </p> + <p> + 24 (p. 82). George S. Goodspeed, Ph.D., History of the Babylonians and + Assyrians, New York, 1902. + </p> + <p> + 25 (p. 82). George Rawlinson, Great Oriental Monarchies, (second edition, + London, 1871), Vol. III., pp. 75 ff. + </p> + <p> + Of the books mentioned above, that of Hommel is particularly full in + reference to culture development; Goodspeed's small volume gives an + excellent condensed account; the original documents as translated in the + various volumes of Records of the Past are full of interest; and Menant's + little book is altogether admirable. The work of excavation is still going + on in old Babylonia, and newly discovered texts add from time to time to + our knowledge, but A. H. Layard's Nineveh and its Remains (London, 1849) + still has importance as a record of the most important early discoveries. + The general histories of Antiquity of Duncker, Lenormant, Maspero, and + Meyer give full treatment of Babylonian and Assyrian development. Special + histories of Babylonia and Assyria, in addition to these named above, are + Tiele's Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte (Zwei Tiele, Gotha, 1886-1888); + Winckler's Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens (Berlin, 1885-1888), and + Rogers' History of Babylonia and Assyria, New York and London, 1900, the + last of which, however, deals almost exclusively with political history. + Certain phases of science, particularly with reference to chronology and + cosmology, are treated by Edward Meyer (Geschichte des Alterthum, Vol. I., + Stuttgart, 1884), and by P. Jensen (Die Kosmologie der Babylonier, + Strassburg, 1890), but no comprehensive specific treatment of the subject + in its entirety has yet been attempted. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0004" id="link2HCH0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER IV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ALPHABET + </h2> + <p> + 1 (p. 87). Vicomte E. de Rouge, Memoire sur l'Origine Egyptienne de + l'Alphabet Phinicien, Paris, 1874. + </p> + <p> + 2 (p. 88). See the various publications of Mr. Arthur Evans. + </p> + <p> + 3 (p. 80). Aztec and Maya writing. These pictographs are still in the main + undecipherable, and opinions differ as to the exact stage of development + which they represent. + </p> + <p> + 4 (p. 90). E. A. Wallace Budge's First Steps in Egyptian, London, 1895, is + an excellent elementary work on the Egyptian writing. Professor Erman's + Egyptian Grammar, London, 1894, is the work of perhaps the foremost living + Egyptologist. + </p> + <p> + 5 (P. 93). Extant examples of Babylonian and Assyrian writing give + opportunity to compare earlier and later systems, so the fact of evolution + from the pictorial to the phonetic system rests on something more than + mere theory. + </p> + <p> + 6 (p. 96). Friedrich Delitzsch, Assyrischc Lesestucke mit grammatischen + Tabellen und vollstdndigem Glossar einfiihrung in die assyrische und + babylonische Keilschrift-litteratur bis hinauf zu Hammurabi, Leipzig, + 1900. + </p> + <p> + 7 (p. 97). It does not appear that the Babylonians thcmselves ever gave up + the old system of writing, so long as they retained political autonomy. + </p> + <p> + 8 (p. 101). See Isaac Taylor's History of the Alphabet; an Account of the + origin and Development of Letters, new edition, 2 vols., London, 1899. + </p> + <p> + For facsimiles of the various scripts, see Henry Smith Williams' History + of the Art Of Writing, 4 vols, New York and London, 1902-1903. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0005" id="link2HCH0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER V. THE BEGINNINGS OF GREEK SCIENCE + </h2> + <p> + 1 (p. III). Anaximander, as recorded by Plutarch, vol. VIII-. See Arthur + Fairbanks'First Philosophers of Greece: an Edition and Translation of the + Remaining Fragments of the Pre-Socratic Philosophers, together with a + Translation of the more Important Accounts of their Opinions Contained in + the Early Epitomcs of their Works, London, 1898. This highly scholarly and + extremely useful book contains the Greek text as well as translations. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0006" id="link2HCH0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER VI. THE EARLY GREEK PHILOSOPHERS IN ITALY + </h2> + <p> + 1 (p. 117). George Henry Lewes, A Biographical History of Philosophy from + its Origin in Greece down to the Present Day, enlarged edition, New York, + 1888, p. 17. + </p> + <p> + 2 (p. 121). Diogenes Laertius, The Lives and Opinions of Eminent + Philosophers, C. D. Yonge's translation, London, 1853, VIII., p. 153. + </p> + <p> + 3 (p. 121). Alexander, Successions of Philosophers. + </p> + <p> + 4 (p. 122). "All over its centre." Presumably this is intended to refer to + the entire equatorial region. + </p> + <p> + 5 (p. 125). Laertius, op. cit., pp. 348-351. + </p> + <p> + 6 (p. 128). Arthur Fairbanks, The First Philosophers of Greece London, + 1898, pp. 67-717. + </p> + <p> + 7 (p. 129). Ibid., p. 838. + </p> + <p> + 8 (p. 130). Ibid., p. 109. + </p> + <p> + 9 (p. 130). Heinrich Ritter, The History of Ancient Philosophy, translated + from the German by A. J. W. Morrison, 4 vols., London, 1838, vol, I., p. + 463. + </p> + <p> + 10 (p. 131). Ibid., p. 465. + </p> + <p> + 11 (p. 132). George Henry Lewes, op. cit., p. 81. + </p> + <p> + 12 (p. 135). Fairbanks, op. cit., p. 201. + </p> + <p> + 13 (p. 136). Ibid., P. 234. + </p> + <p> + 14 (p. 137). Ibid., p. 189. + </p> + <p> + 15 (p. 137). Ibid., P. 220. + </p> + <p> + 16 (p. 138). Ibid., p. 189. + </p> + <p> + 17 (p. 138). Ibid., p. 191. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0007" id="link2HCH0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER VII. GREEK SCIENCE IN THE EARLY ATTIC PERIOD + </h2> + <p> + 1 (p. 150). Theodor Gomperz, Greek Thinkers: a History of Ancient + Philosophy (translated from the German by Laurie Magnes), New York, 190 1, + pp. 220, 221. + </p> + <p> + 2 (p. 153). Aristotle's Treatise on Respiration, ch. ii. + </p> + <p> + 3 (p. 159). Fairbanks' translation of the fragments of Anaxagoras, in The + First Philosophers of Greece, pp. 239-243. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0008" id="link2HCH0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER VIII. POST-SOCRATIC SCIENCE AT ATHENS + </h2> + <p> + 1 (p. 180). Alfred William Bern, The Philosophy of Greece Considered in + Relation to the Character and History of its People, London, 1898, p. 186. + </p> + <p> + 2 (p. 183). Aristotle, quoted in William Whewell's History of the + Inductive Sciences (second edition, London, 1847), Vol. II., p. 161. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0009" id="link2HCH0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER IX. GREEK SCIENCE OF THE ALEXANDRIAN OR HELLENISTIC PERIOD + </h2> + <h3> + 1 (p. 195). Tertullian's Apologeticus. + </h3> + <p> + 2 (p. 205). We quote the quaint old translation of North, printed in 1657. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0010" id="link2HCH0010"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER X. SCIENCE OF THE ROMAN PERIOD + </h2> + <p> + 1 (p. 258). The Geography of Strabo, translated by H. C. Hamilton and W. + Falconer, 3 vols., London, 1857, Vol. I, pp. 19, 20. + </p> + <p> + 2 (p. 260). Ibid., p. 154. + </p> + <p> + 3 (p. 263). Ibid., pp. 169, 170. + </p> + <p> + 4 (p. 264) Ibid., pp. 166, 167. + </p> + <p> + 5 (p. 271). K. 0. Miller and John W. Donaldson, The History of the + Literature of Greece, 3 vols., London, Vol. III., p. 268. + </p> + <p> + 6 (p. 276). E. T. Withington, Medical History fron., the Earliest Times, + London, 1894, p. 118. + </p> + <p> + 7 (p. 281). Ibid. + </p> + <p> + 8 (p. 281). Johann Hermann Bass, History of Medicine, New York, 1889. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0011" id="link2HCH0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER XI. A RETROSPECTIVE GLANCE AT CLASSICAL SCIENCE + </h2> + <p> + (p. 298). Dion Cassius, as preserved by Xiphilinus. Our extract is quoted + from the translation given in The Historians' History of the World (edited + by Henry Smith Williams), 25 vols., London and New York, 1904, Vol. VI., + p. 297 ff. + </p> + <p> + (For further bibliographical notes, the reader is referred to the Appendix + of volume V.) + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <h1> + TABLE OF CONTENTS <br /><br /> FOR THE FIVE VOLUMES + </h1> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1705/1705-h/1705-h.htm#2H_4_0002"> <b>BOOK + I</b> </a> + </p> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto"> + <tr> + <td> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1705/1705-h/1705-h.htm#2H_4_0003"> + I. PREHISTORIC SCIENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1705/1705-h/1705-h.htm#2H_4_0004"> + II. EGYPTIAN SCIENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1705/1705-h/1705-h.htm#2H_4_0005"> + III. SCIENCE OF BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1705/1705-h/1705-h.htm#2H_4_0006"> + IV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ALPHABET </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1705/1705-h/1705-h.htm#2H_4_0007"> + V. THE BEGINNINGS OF GREEK SCIENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1705/1705-h/1705-h.htm#2H_4_0008"> + VI. THE EARLY GREEK PHILOSOPHERS IN ITALY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1705/1705-h/1705-h.htm#2H_4_0009"> + VII. GREEK SCIENCE IN THE EARLY ATTIC PERIOD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1705/1705-h/1705-h.htm#2H_4_0010"> + VIII. POST-SOCRATIC SCIENCE AT ATHENS—PLATO, ARISTOTLE, AND + THEOPHRASTUS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1705/1705-h/1705-h.htm#2H_4_0011"> + IX. GREEK SCIENCE OF THE ALEXANDRIAN OR HELLENISTIC PERIOD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1705/1705-h/1705-h.htm#2H_4_0012"> + X. SCIENCE OF THE ROMAN PERIOD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1705/1705-h/1705-h.htm#2H_4_0013"> + XI. A RETROSPECTIVE GLANCE AT CLASSICAL SCIENCE </a> + </p> + </td> + </tr> + </table> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0002"> <b>BOOK + II. THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN SCIENCE</b> </a> + </p> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto"> + <tr> + <td> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0003"> + I. SCIENCE IN THE DARK AGE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0004"> + II. MEDIAEVAL SCIENCE AMONG THE ARABIANS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0005"> + III. MEDIAEVAL SCIENCE IN THE WEST </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0006"> + IV. THE NEW COSMOLOGY—COPERNICUS TO KEPLER AND GALILEO </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0007"> + V. GALILEO AND THE NEW PHYSICS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0008"> + VI. TWO PSEUDO-SCIENCES—ALCHEMY AND ASTROLOGY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0009"> + VII. FROM PARACELSUS TO HARVEY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0010"> + VIII. MEDICINE IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0011"> + IX. PHILOSOPHER-SCIENTISTS AND NEW INSTITUTIONS OF LEARNING </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0012"> + X. THE SUCCESSORS OF GALILEO IN PHYSICAL SCIENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0013"> + XI. NEWTON AND THE COMPOSITION OF LIGHT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0014"> + XII. NEWTON AND THE LAW OF GRAVITATION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0015"> + XIII. INSTRUMENTS OF PRECISION IN THE AGE OF NEWTON </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0016"> + XIV. PROGRESS IN ELECTRICITY FROM GILBERT AND VON GUERICKE TO + FRANKLIN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1706/1706-h/1706-h.htm#2H_4_0017"> + XV. NATURAL HISTORY TO THE TIME OF LINNAEUS </a> + </p> + </td> + </tr> + </table> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1707/1707-h/1707-h.htm#2H_4_0001"> <b>BOOK + III. MODERN DEVELOPMENT OF THE PHYSICAL SCIENCES</b> </a> + </p> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto"> + <tr> + <td> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1707/1707-h/1707-h.htm#2H_4_0002"> + I. THE SUCCESSORS OF NEWTON IN ASTRONOMY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1707/1707-h/1707-h.htm#2H_4_0003"> + II. THE PROGRESS OF MODERN ASTRONOMY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1707/1707-h/1707-h.htm#2H_4_0004"> + III. THE NEW SCIENCE OF PALEONTOLOGY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1707/1707-h/1707-h.htm#2H_4_0005"> + IV. THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN GEOLOGY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1707/1707-h/1707-h.htm#2H_4_0006"> + V. THE NEW SCIENCE OF METEOROLOGY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1707/1707-h/1707-h.htm#2H_4_0007"> + VI. MODERN THEORIES OF HEAT AND LIGHT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1707/1707-h/1707-h.htm#2H_4_0008"> + VII. THE MODERN DEVELOPMENT OF ELECTRICITY AND MAGNETISM </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1707/1707-h/1707-h.htm#2H_4_0009"> + VIII. THE CONSERVATION OF ENERGY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1707/1707-h/1707-h.htm#2H_4_0010"> + IX. THE ETHER AND PONDERABLE MATTER </a> + </p> + </td> + </tr> + </table> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1708/1708-h/1708-h.htm#2H_4_0001"> <b>BOOK + IV. MODERN DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES</b> </a> + </p> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto"> + <tr> + <td> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1708/1708-h/1708-h.htm#2H_4_0002"> + I. THE PHLOGISTON THEORY IN CHEMISTRY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1708/1708-h/1708-h.htm#2H_4_0003"> + II. THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHEMISTRY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1708/1708-h/1708-h.htm#2H_4_0004"> + III. CHEMISTRY SINCE THE TIME OF DALTON </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1708/1708-h/1708-h.htm#2H_4_0005"> + IV. ANATOMY AND PHYSIOLOGY IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1708/1708-h/1708-h.htm#2H_4_0006"> + V. ANATOMY AND PHYSIOLOGY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1708/1708-h/1708-h.htm#2H_4_0007"> + VI. THEORIES OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1708/1708-h/1708-h.htm#2H_4_0008"> + VII. EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY MEDICINE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1708/1708-h/1708-h.htm#2H_4_0009"> + VIII. NINETEENTH-CENTURY MEDICINE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1708/1708-h/1708-h.htm#2H_4_0010"> + IX. THE NEW SCIENCE OF EXPERIMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1708/1708-h/1708-h.htm#2H_4_0011"> + X. THE NEW SCIENCE OF ORIENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY </a> + </p> + </td> + </tr> + </table> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/30495/30495-h/30495-h.htm#2H_4_0001"> + <b>BOOK V. ASPECTS OF RECENT SCIENCE</b> </a><br /> + </p> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto"> + <tr> + <td> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/30495/30495-h/30495-h.htm#2H_4_0003"> + I. THE BRITISH MUSEUM </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/30495/30495-h/30495-h.htm#2H_4_0004"> + II. THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF LONDON FOR IMPROVING NATURAL KNOWLEDGE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/30495/30495-h/30495-h.htm#2H_4_0005"> + III. THE ROYAL INSTITUTION AND THE LOW-TEMPERATURE RESEARCHES </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/30495/30495-h/30495-h.htm#2H_4_0006"> + IV. SOME PHYSICAL LABORATORIES AND PHYSICAL PROBLEMS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/30495/30495-h/30495-h.htm#2H_4_0007"> + V. THE MARINE BIOLOGICAL LABORATORY AT NAPLES </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/30495/30495-h/30495-h.htm#2H_4_0008"> + VI. ERNST HAECKEL AND THE NEW ZOOLOGY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/30495/30495-h/30495-h.htm#2H_4_0009"> + VII. SOME MEDICAL LABORATORIES AND MEDICAL PROBLEMS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/30495/30495-h/30495-h.htm#2H_4_0010"> + VII. SOME UNSOLVED SCIENTIFIC PROBLEMS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a + href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/30495/30495-h/30495-h.htm#2H_4_0011"> + IX. RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT </a> + </p> + </td> + </tr> + </table> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of Science, Volume 1(of 5), by +Henry Smith Williams + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF SCIENCE, V1 *** + +***** This file should be named 1705-h.htm or 1705-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/1/7/0/1705/ + +Produced by Charles Keller, and David Widger + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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